October 12 2026 Columbus Day/Indigenous People’s Day: the Bifocal Vision of History as Tyranny and Authorized Identity Versus Seizures of Power and Liberation Struggle

History as authorized identity has always been key to the idea of nation and the power of the state. Today we celebrate a unique holiday, a contested ideological ground of revolutionary struggle against divisions of exclusionary otherness which are designed to create a disparity of wealth and power by those who would enslave us, a holiday which forces decision and sets each of us in an arena of competing and mutually exclusive narratives of American identity.

   Myths of colonialism, fictive inventions of national origin, racism and the roots of fascisms of blood, faith, and soil are embedded in our triumphalist narratives of the European Conquest of the Americas celebrated as a national holiday as Columbus Day. The same events are mourned as a national shame and origin of historical legacies of genocide and the theft of a continent as Indigenous People’s Day. We live now in both nations simultaneously, our two souls riven asunder by history and locked in a titanic struggle across generations and centuries as epigenetic trauma.

     What I find most interesting about the dual visions of national identity valorized by these competing narratives is that both were founded as antiracist holidays versus specific intrusive threats to national identity; first as Columbus Day to stop anti Italian and anti-immigration hysteria, in reply to our nation’s most massive lynching and nationalized by Roosevelt in 1934 versus fascist subversion, and in 1977 as Indigenous People’s Day founded at the United Nations as an anti-colonialist counterbalance to valorizing narratives of the European Conquest and white supremacy. What happened in the meanwhile between these two anti-racist holidays was first that Italians were reimagined as white in a process of assimilation common to Catholic European immigrants notably including the Irish and Polish, and here I mean the word as it is used in the Star Trek mythos by the Borg “You will be assimilated; you will service us”, and the eclipse of the ideas of Manifest Destiny or the legitimation of colonialism on the basis of civilizing savages with all of the white supremacist ideology this authorizes, and of Orientalism applied to our indigenous peoples. In this case the unfolding of history has been one of liberation struggle and movement toward diversity and inclusion, though not without savage repression and state terror authorized by the Trump regime and previous Nazis and other white supremacist elites.

      We dwell in two realms which are discontiguous, defined by power asymmetries and the echoes of tragedies and atavisms of instinct which we drag behind us like invisible reptilian tails.

    Monet once said, “Man has two eyes through which he sees the world. One looks outward, but the other looks inward, and it is the juxtaposition of these two images which creates the world we see.” He meant this literally, as metaphysics, and his art was an attempt to demonstrate the processes by which consciousness creates reality, but his primary insight applies equally to the narrative function of identity.

     The great struggle for ownership of ourselves between autonomous individuals and the ideas of other people as authorized identities imposed by state force and control is driven by three principles; each of us must reinvent how to be human, humans create themselves over time, and humans create themselves through other humans.

     We are the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to other people. The question we must ask of any such story is simple; whose story is this?

     As written for National Geographic; By Debra Adams Simmons, Executive Editor, HISTORY; “Today is a federal holiday in the U.S., but what are we celebrating?

     The first national Indigenous Peoples’ Day honors “America’s first inhabitants and the Tribal Nations that continue to thrive today,” President Joe Biden said, highlighting the resilience of native people and recommitting to honor the government’s treaty obligations to Tribal Nations.

     Biden also issued a Columbus Day proclamation acknowledging the contributions of Italian Americans as well as “the painful history of wrongs and atrocities” that resulted from European exploration.”

     The dissonance in the two proclamations is hard to fathom. In recent years there’s been a pivot away from recognizing Columbus Day and toward Indigenous Peoples’ Day (pictured above, an early celebration in 1992 in Berkeley, California). In the move, the origins of Columbus Day at times have been lost. Erin Blakemore writes about how the day came to be:

     “In 1890 anti-Italian sentiment boiled over in New Orleans after police chief David Hennessy, reputed for his arrests of Italian Americans, was murdered. In the aftermath, more than a hundred Sicilian Americans were arrested. When nine were tried and acquitted in March 1891, a furious mob rioted and broke into the city prison, where they beat, shot, and hanged at least 11 Italian American prisoners.

     None of the rioters who lynched the Italian Americans were prosecuted. It remains one of the largest mass lynchings in the nation’s history,” Blakemore writes.

     This soured U.S. diplomatic relations with Italy. In an attempt to appease Italy and acknowledge the contributions of Italian Americans on the 400th anniversary of Columbus’ arrival, President Benjamin Harrison in 1892 proclaimed a nationwide celebration of “Discovery Day,” recognizing Columbus as “the pioneer of progress and enlightenment.” Eventually, the nations mended their relationship and the U.S. paid $25,000 in reparations. In 1934, President Franklin D. Roosevelt designated it a national holiday.

     For many, especially Indigenous people, the Columbus Day holiday is offensive—a celebration of invasion, theft, brutality, and colonization. The arrival celebrated by some as a day of triumphant discovery was the beginning of an incursion onto their homeland.

     Columbus and his crew enabled and perpetrated the kidnapping, enslavement, forced assimilation, rape, and sexual abuse of Native people, including children. The Native American population shrank by about half after European contact.

     Today, 21 states and many cities celebrate Columbus Day. Others, including Columbus, Ohio—the largest city named for the explorer—have shifted to Indigenous Peoples’ Day. It is now a paid state holiday in Alaska, Iowa, Maine, Minnesota, New Mexico, Nevada, North Carolina, Oregon (which celebrates both Columbus Day and Native American Day), South Dakota, Vermont, and Wisconsin.

     “We must never forget the centuries-long campaign of violence, displacement, assimilation, and terror wrought upon Native communities and Tribal Nations throughout our country,” Biden said in his proclamation. “

     As written by Howard Zinnin Jacobin magazine, in an article entitled The Real Christopher Columbus:  There was no heroic adventure, only bloodshed. Columbus Day should not be a celebration. Republished from A People’s History of the United States.”; “Arawak men and women, naked, tawny, and full of wonder, emerged from their villages onto the island’s beaches and swam out to get a closer look at the strange big boat. When Columbus and his sailors came ashore, carrying swords, the Arawaks ran to greet them, brought them food, water, gifts. He later wrote of this in his log:

     They brought us parrots and balls of cotton and spears and many other things, which they exchanged for the glass beads and hawks’ bells. They willingly traded everything they owned. . . They do not bear arms, and do not know them, for I showed them a sword, they took it by the edge and cut themselves out of ignorance. They would make fine servants . . . with fifty men we could subjugate them all and make them do whatever we want.

     These Arawaks of the Bahama Islands were much like Indians on the mainland, who were remarkable (European observers were to say again and again) for their hospitality, their belief in sharing. These traits did not stand out in the Europe of the Renaissance, dominated as it was by the religion of popes, the government of kings, the frenzy for money that marked Western civilization and its first messenger to the Americas, Christopher Columbus.

     The information that Columbus wanted most was: Where is the gold? He had persuaded the king and queen of Spain to finance an expedition to the lands, the wealth, he expected would be on the other side of the Atlantic — the Indies and Asia, gold and spices. For, like other informed people of his time, he knew the world was round and he could sail west in order to get to the Far East.

     Spain was recently unified, one of the new modern nation-states, like France, England, and Portugal. Its population, mostly poor peasants, worked for the nobility, who were 2 percent of the population and owned 95 percent of the land. Like other states of the modern world, Spain sought gold, which was becoming the new mark of wealth, more useful than land because it could buy anything.

     There was gold in Asia, it was thought, and certainly silks and spices, for Marco Polo and others had brought back marvelous things from their overland expeditions centuries before. Now that the Turks had conquered Constantinople and the eastern Mediterranean, and controlled the land routes to Asia, a sea route was needed. Portuguese sailors were working their way around the southern tip of Africa. Spain decided to gamble on a long sail across an unknown ocean.

     In return for bringing back gold and spices, they promised Columbus 10 percent of the profits, governorship over newfound lands, and the fame that would go with a new title: Admiral of the Ocean Sea. He was a merchant’s clerk from the Italian city of Genoa, part-time weaver (the son of a skilled weaver), and expert sailor. He set out with three sailing ships, the largest of which was the Santa Maria, perhaps 100 feet long, and thirty-nine crew members.

     Columbus would never have made it to Asia, which was thousands of miles farther away than he had calculated, imagining a smaller world. He would have been doomed by that great expanse of sea. But he was lucky. One-fourth of the way there he came upon an unknown, uncharted land that lay between Europe and Asia — the Americas. It was early October 1492, and thirty-three days since he and his crew had left the Canary Islands, off the Atlantic coast of Africa. Now they saw branches and sticks floating in the water. They saw flocks of birds.

     These were signs of land. Then, on October 12, a sailor called Rodrigo saw the early morning moon shining on white sands, and cried out. It was an island in the Bahamas, the Caribbean Sea. The first man to sight land was supposed to get a yearly pension of 10,000 maravedis for life, but Rodrigo never got it. Columbus claimed he had seen a light the evening before. He got the reward.

     So, approaching land, they were met by the Arawak Indians, who swam out to greet them. The Arawaks lived in village communes, had a developed agriculture of corn, yams, cassava. They could spin and weave, but they had no horses or work animals. They had no iron, but they wore tiny gold ornaments in their ears.

     This was to have enormous consequences: it led Columbus to take some of them aboard ship as prisoners because he insisted that they guide him to the source of the gold. He then sailed to what is now Cuba, then to Hispaniola (the island which today consists of Haiti and the Dominican Republic). There, bits of visible gold in the rivers, and a gold mask presented to Columbus by a local Indian chief, led to wild visions of gold fields.

     Columbus’s report to the Court in Madrid was extravagant. He insisted he had reached Asia (it was Cuba) and an island off the coast of China (Hispaniola). His descriptions were part fact, part fiction:

     Hispaniola is a miracle. Mountains and hills, plains and pastures, are both fertile and beautiful . . . There are many spices, and great mines of gold and other metals . . .

     The Indians, Columbus reported, “are so naive and so free with their possessions that no one who has not witnessed them would believe it. When you ask for something they have, they never say no. To the contrary, they offer to share with anyone. . .” He concluded his report by asking for a little help from their Majesties, and in return he would bring them from his next voyage “as much gold as they need . . . and as many slaves as they ask.”

     Because of Columbus’s exaggerated report and promises, his second expedition was given seventeen ships and more than twelve hundred men. The aim was clear: slaves and gold. From his base on Haiti, Columbus sent expedition after expedition into the interior. They found no gold fields, but had to fill up the ships returning to Spain with some kind of dividend.

     In the year 1495, they went on a great slave raid, rounded up 1,500 Arawak men, women, and children, put them in pens guarded by Spaniards and dogs, then picked the 500 best specimens to load onto ships. Of those 500, 200 died en route.

     Too many of the slaves died in captivity. And so Columbus, desperate to pay back dividends to those who had invested, had to make good his promise to fill the ships with gold. In the province of Cicao on Haiti, where he and his men imagined huge gold fields to exist, they ordered all persons fourteen years or older to collect a certain quantity of gold every three months. When they brought it, they were given copper tokens to hang around their necks. Indians found without a copper token had their hands cut off and bled to death.

     The Indians had been given an impossible task. The only gold around was bits of dust garnered from the streams. So they fled, were hunted down with dogs, and were killed. When it became clear that there was no gold left, the Indians were taken as slave labor on huge estates, known later as encomiendas. They were worked at a ferocious pace, and died by the thousands. By the year 1515, there were perhaps 50,000 Indians left. By 1550, there were 500. A report of the year 1650 shows none of the original Arawaks or their descendants left on the island.

     The chief source — and, on many matters the only source — of information about what happened on the islands after Columbus came is Bartolome de las Casas, who, as a young priest, participated in the conquest of Cuba. For a time he owned a plantation on which Indian slaves worked, but he gave that up and became a vehement critic of Spanish cruelty. Las Casas transcribed Columbus’s journal and, in his fifties, began a multi-volume History of the Indies.

     In book two of his History of the Indies, Las Casas (who at first urged replacing Indians by black slaves, thinking they were stronger and would survive, but later relented when he saw the effects on blacks) tells about the treatment of the Indians by the Spaniards. After a while, Spaniards refused to walk any distance. They “rode the backs of Indians if they were in a hurry” or were carried on hammocks by Indians running in relays. “In this case they also had Indians carry large leaves to shade them from the sun and others to fan them with goose wings.”

     Total control led to total cruelty. The Spaniards “thought nothing of knifing Indians by tens and twenties and of cutting slices off them to test the sharpness of their blades.” The Indians’ attempts to defend themselves failed. So, Las Casas reports, “they suffered and died in the mines and other labors in desperate silence, knowing not a soul in the world to whom they could turn for help.” He describes their work in the mines:

     . . . mountains are stripped from top to bottom and bottom to top a thousand times; they dig, split rocks, move stones, and carry dirt on their backs to wash it in the rivers, while those who wash gold stay in the water all the time with their backs bent so constantly it breaks them.

     After each six or eight months’ work in the mines, which was the time required of each crew to dig enough gold for melting, up to a third of the men died. While the men were sent many miles away to the mines, the wives remained to work the soil, forced into the excruciating job of digging and making thousands of hills for cassava plants.

     Thus husbands and wives were together only once every eight or ten months and when they met they were so exhausted and depressed on both sides . . . they ceased to procreate. As for the newly born, they died early because their mothers, overworked and famished, had no milk to nurse them . . . Some mothers even drowned their babies from sheer desperation. . . .in this way, husbands died in the mines, wives died at work, and children died from lack of milk. . .and in a short time this land which was so great, so powerful and fertile . . . was depopulated,

     When he arrived on Hispaniola in 1508, Las Casas says, “there were 60,000 people living on this island, including the Indians; so that from 1494 to 1508, over three million people had perished from war, slavery, and the mines. Who in future generations will believe this? I myself writing it as a knowledgeable eyewitness can hardly believe it. . .”

     What Columbus did to the Arawaks of the Bahamas, Cortes did to the Aztecs of Mexico, Pizarro to the Incas of Peru, and the English settlers of Virginia and Massachusetts to the Powhatans and the Pequots. They used the same tactics, and for the same reasons — the frenzy in the early capitalist states of Europe for gold, for slaves, for products of the soil, to pay the bondholders and stockholders of the expeditions, to finance the monarchical bureaucracies rising in Western Europe, to spur the growth of the new money economy rising out of feudalism, to participate in what Karl Marx would later call “the primitive accumulation of capital.” These were the violent beginnings of an intricate system of technology, business, politics, and culture that would dominate the world for the next five centuries.

     How certain are we that what was destroyed was inferior? Who were these people who came out on the beach and swam to bring presents to Columbus and his crew, who watched Cortes and Pizarro ride through their countryside? What did people in Spain get out of all that death and brutality visited on the Indians of the Americas? As Hans Koning sums it up in his book Columbus: His Enterprise:

     For all the gold and silver stolen and shipped to Spain did not make the Spanish people richer. It gave their kings an edge in the balance of power for a time, a chance to hire more mercenary soldiers for their wars. They ended up losing those wars anyway, and all that was left was a deadly inflation, a starving population, the rich richer, the poor poorer, and a ruined peasant class.

     Thus began the history of the European invasion of the Indian settlements in the Americas. That beginning is conquest, slavery, death. When we read the history books given to children in the United States, it all starts with heroic adventure — there is no bloodshed — and Columbus Day is a celebration.”

     As I wrote in my post of November 6 2023, Native American Heritage Month: A Reading List; Freud defined civilization when he wrote; “The first human being who hurled an insult instead of a stone was the founder of civilization.” The idea of civilization as the degree to which we have abandoned the social use of force and a measure of a society’s equality, diversity, and inclusion, expressed by Gene Roddenberry in Star Trek as “infinite diversity in infinite combination”, is central to the American experiment toward creating a true free society of  equals as democracy.

     The consequences of failure to act as each other’s guarantors of our universal human rights can be seen now in the ethnic cleansing of Gaza and the terror and tyranny of Israeli imperial dominion and Occupation of her neighbors, an echo and reflection of the European Conquest of the Americas along with many other conflicts of faith and ethnicity weaponized in service to power throughout history and the world, wherein colonial powers conquer, enslave, and erase in genocidal terror indigenous peoples, and the heroic Resistance of all those who refuse to be subjugated, assimilated, commodified, falsified, and ultimately become nothing, silenced and erased like the lost languages of stolen histories.  

     Both on national and personal levels we ourselves may be measured by our embrace of otherness and our solidarity in resistance to authority and the weaponization of fear in service to power, to divisions of exclusionary otherness and hierarchies of belonging, and to fascisms of blood, faith, and soil. 

     So also are we forged by how we bring a reckoning for the historical legacies and epigenetic multigenerational trauma and harm of inequalities and injustices which we drag around behind ourselves like an invisible reptilian tail, especially those of colonialism and imperialism, racism and patriarchy, and the systems and structures of oppression which still persist.

     But we are also shaped by our seizures of power and the limits of our vision in the reimagination and transformation of ourselves and our civilization; how to be human together and the limitless possibilities of becoming human.

     In the end we are defined by what we do with our fear and how we use our power; do something beautiful with yours.

                Behold the Man; Columbus, a reading list

The Nine Lives of Christopher Columbus, Matthew Restall

Columbus: The Four Voyages, Laurence Bergreen

The Last Voyage of Columbus: Being the Epic Tale of the Great Captain’s Fourth Expedition, Including Accounts of Mutiny, Shipwreck, and Discovery,

Martin Dugard

Christopher Columbus and the Conquest of Paradise, Kirkpatrick Sale

The Real Christopher Columbus, Howard Zinn

https://jacobin.com/2016/10/the-real-christopher-columbus-2?fbclid=IwY2xjawNaFpJleHRuA2FlbQIxMABicmlkETFlcURSN3RyODg3alIxNExxAR7_XSYbTl007oRWicQYG0xwyNO9roPEI5VgXU2g_F9KaMa3pIW5NtPn9hyZpQ_aem_uDjpbpEVwdL4y7OmH4oTjg

1492: A Novel of Christopher Columbus, the Spanish Inquisition and a World at the Turning Point, Newton Frohlich

The Catalogue of Shipwrecked Books: Christopher Columbus, His Son, and the Quest to Build the World’s Greatest Library, Edward Wilson-Lee

                           Native American History

     500 Nations: An Illustrated History of North American Indians, Josephy

     The Conquest of Paradise, Kirkpatrick Sale

      Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee: An Indian History of the American West, American West, Dee Brown

      The Heartbeat of Wounded Knee: Native America from 1890 to the Present, David Treuer

     Native American Testimony: A Chronicle of Indian-White Relations from           Prophecy to the Present, Peter Nabokov (editor)

     The Inconvenient Indian: A Curious Account of Native People in North America, The Truth About Stories: A Native Narrative, Thomas King

     Native American Mythology, Hartley Burr Alexander

     Pocahontas, Paula Gunn Allen

     This Land is Their Land, David J. Silverman

     The Cherokee Nation; a history, Robert J. Conley

     One Vast Winter Count, The Indian World of George Washington, Colin Calloway

     Blood and Thunder, Hampton Sides

     Empire of the Summer Moon, S.C. Gwynne

     The Comanche Empire, Lakota America: a new history of indigenous power, Pekka Hamalainen

     The Killing of Crazy Horse, Thomas Powers

     Crow Dog: Four Generations of Sioux Medicine Men, Leonard Crow Dog

     Ojibwa Warrior: Dennis Banks and the Rise of the American Indian Movement, Richard Erdoes

     The Apache Wars, Paul Andrew Hutton

     The Serpent’s Tongue: Prose, Poetry, and Art of the New Mexico Pueblos, Nancy Wood

     The Trickster: A Study In American Indian Mythology, Paul Radin, Karl Kerényi, C.G. Jung

                    Native American Literature

    Secrets from the Center of the World, How We Become Human: poems 1975-2002, Conflict Resolution for Holy Beings: poems, Soul Talk Song Language: conversations, Crazy Brave, Joy Harjo

     Where White Men Fear to Tread: The Autobiography of Russell Means

     Lakota Woman, Mary Crow Dog

     Black Elk Speaks

     The Man Made of Words: essays, stories, passages, N. Scott Momaday

     Night Flying Woman, Ignatia Broker

     Fool’s Crow, James Welch

     Love Medicine, The Beet Queen, Tracks, The Bingo Palace, Louise Erditch

     Our Stories Remember: history, culture, & values through storytelling, Joseph Bruchac

     Ceremony, Almanac of the Dead, Storyteller, Turquoise Ledger, Leslie Silko

     Blue Highways, William Least-Heat Moon

     Firesticks, Primer of the Obsolete, Stone Heart: A Novel of Sacajawea, The Reason for Crows: A Story of Kateri Tekakwitha, Uprising of Goats, Designs of the Night Sky, The Mask Maker, Stories of the Driven World, American Gypsy: Six Native American Plays, The Dance Partner, The Dream of a Broken Field, Diane Glancy

     The Journey of Crazy Horse, John Marshall III

     Houdini Heart, Ki Longfellow

     You Don’t Have to Say You Love Me, Blasphemy: new and selected stories, Sherman Alexie

     Two Old Women, Bird Girl & the Man Who Followed the Sun, Velma Wallis

     The Voice of Rolling Thunder, Sidian Morning Star Jones

     Spirit and Reason: the Vine Deloria, Jr Reader

     Aurum, Santee Frazier

      Postcolonial Love Poem, Natalie Diaz 

     As I wrote in my post of November 25 2023, History, Identity, Power: On Native American Heritage Day, Falsification, and the Echoes of the Conquest In Our Lives;  The Gordian Knot of history, memory, and identity as a function of narrative has always been a ground of struggle between autonomy and authority, between the masks that others make for us and those we make for ourselves, in which power silences and erases the voices of those it wishes to enslave and uses sophisticated techniques of disinformation and propaganda to falsify the identities of those it claims to represent as well as those it disavows.

     The torturer and his prisoner are both victims of authority, and the instruments of unequal power and divisions of exclusionary otherness with which it sets them against each other in subjugation to an elite hegemony and dominion.

     It only gets worse from there; unless it begins to get better.

     Our story, of America and of humankind, is a lamentation, a howl of loneliness and despair, of unutterable pain, disconnectedness, horror; but also of survival of those horrors, and the roar of defiance against fathoms of darkness and unanswerable force, of the triumph of the unconquerable will to become.

     Who resists becomes Unconquered and free.

     This is the forge of the spirit, this place beyond fear of death or hope of victory, and those who live here are transformed and liberated by our seizure of power over the ownership of ourselves as autonomous and self-created individuals.

     Each of us who refuses to submit to authority and its laws which serve power becomes a living Autonomous Zone.

     And this is why we will make a better future than we have the past; because tyrannies of force and control have no power over us unless we consent to give it to them. Each of us who in resistance is beyond compulsion opens the door to limitless unknowns and possibilities of becoming human, and this no authoritarian regime can survive. For authority must colonize, assimilate, falsify, commodify, and dehumanize us, and if it cannot it has failed.

     This is the great secret of power; its emptiness. Power requires complicity, for it is stolen from those it subjugates and enslaves.

    As to Native American Heritage Day, let us reclaim our stories and our ownership of identity. Thanksgiving is one notable example of lies and illusions designed to serve state power and create a national identity of imperialism; as written in Time by Olivia Waxman, “early days of thanks celebrated the burning of a Pequot village in 1637, and the killing of Wampanoag leader Massasoit’s son”. 

    Such stories are numberless as the stars in the heavens; time to reclaim the truth behind the illusions, and free ourselves from the grip of authorized histories and identities.

    I have often written that we in the sacred pursuit of truth, including those truths written in our flesh and immanent in nature in the discovery and creation of our uniqueness and of truths made for us by others against which we emerge in struggle, often against vast historical and systemic forces and inequalities, confer twin responsibilities and rights upon us all which are both seizures of power and duties of care for others as guarantors of each others universal human rights and our inherent freedom to create ourselves and how we choose to be human together as we ourselves decide to construct human being, meaning, and value; remembrance and reckoning. 

    For only this offers escape from the Wilderness of Mirrors; lies and illusions, rewritten histories, alternate realities, falsification, dehumanization, and theft of the soul whereby those who would enslave us enact our subjugation.

     So for the legacies of our history from which we must emerge; the truths we must keep and those we must escape in liberation struggle, and if we are very lucky they are not always the same.

     Of our many possible futures I can only say this; all is not yet lost, nor is anything past redemption when the will to resist and to become can be found.

     So I leave you with the words of Alan Moore from V for Vendetta; “Since mankind’s dawn, a handful of oppressors have accepted the responsibility over our lives that we should have accepted for ourselves. By doing so, they took our power. By doing nothing, we gave it away. We’ve seen where their way leads, through camps and wars, towards the slaughterhouse.”

      As written by Kisha James, The Lilly, in Popular Resistance, in an article entitled My Grandfather Founded the National Day of Mourning; “ I’m Carrying On His Legacy.

     Every Year, I March To Tell The True History Of The European Conquest Of The United States.

     On Thursday, millions of families across the United States will celebrate Thanksgiving without giving much thought to the truth behind the heavily mythologized and sanitized story taught in schools and promulgated by institutions. According to this myth, 400 years ago, the Pilgrims were warmly welcomed by the “Indians,” and the two groups came together in friendship to break bread. The “Indians” taught the Pilgrims how to live in the “New World,” setting the stage for the eventual establishment of a great land of liberty and opportunity.

     In the usual narrative, no further mention is made of the Native people, as if they all faded away. By sanitizing the English invasion of Wampanoag homelands, the Thanksgiving myth blatantly disregards the true history of the Pilgrims’ arrival in America and the centuries of violence and oppression that Indigenous peoples have endured as a result of the colonization of the Americas.

    I know the Thanksgiving myth well. For my entire life — 22 years — I have gathered annually with hundreds of other Native Americans and supporters in Plymouth, Mass., on the fourth Thursday in November. We gather and march to challenge this myth, to tell the true history of the European conquest of the United States, to speak about the devastating and continuous impacts of colonization on Indigenous peoples. We gather to declare Thanksgiving a National Day of Mourning for Native Americans.

     The protest was founded in 1970 by my grandfather, Wamsutta Frank James, a member of the Wampanoag Tribe of Gay Head (Aquinnah).

     His story of the founding of the National Day of Mourning goes like this: In 1970, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts invited my grandfather to give a speech at a banquet celebrating the 350th anniversary of the arrival of the Pilgrims. However, when state officials saw an advance copy of his speech, they refused to allow him to give it, labeling it as too “inflammatory.” My grandfather had revealed in his speech the truth about the Pilgrims and their treatment of the Wampanoag, the often-unnamed “Indians” in the Thanksgiving myth.

     He described how the English even before 1620 had brought diseases that caused a “Great Dying” — nearly decimating our people — and how they took Wampanoag people captive, selling them as slaves in Europe.

     The meal Thanksgiving dinner is modeled after is misremembered, too. Although there may have been a meal provided largely by the Wampanoag in 1621, it was not a “thanksgiving”; and the Wampanoag people certainly weren’t invited. Rather, the first official “thanksgiving” has its origins in 1637, when White settlers massacred hundreds of Pequot men, women and children on the banks of the Mystic River in Connecticut.

     Within 50-odd years of the arrival of the Pilgrims and other Europeans, the Wampanoag and many other tribes had been nearly wiped out because of warfare and disease, and had been dispossessed of most of their ancestral lands. Those who resisted were killed and their families enslaved.

     State officials offered to rewrite my grandfather’s speech to ensure that it presented a more sanitized version of history, but he refused to have words put into his mouth and was disinvited from the banquet. His suppressed speech was printed in newspapers across the country.

     But that wasn’t enough: My grandfather and other organizers decided that something had to be done in Plymouth to ensure that the truth about the Pilgrims would be loud and clear.

     On Thanksgiving Day in 1970, Wamsutta Frank James, along with other Native activists and allies, gathered on a hill above Plymouth Rock to speak about the true history of Thanksgiving, the violent history of the European settlement of the United States, the lasting impacts of colonization, and the social and political issues faced by Indigenous peoples.

     They declared it a National Day of Mourning for the millions of Indigenous peoples killed as a result of European colonization. United American Indians of New England (UAINE), the organization that my grandfather founded and led for decades, has continued for more than 50 years to organize National Day of Mourning and challenge the mainstream Thanksgiving narrative, as well as highlight the modern-day struggles faced by Indigenous peoples.

     My grandfather was heroic, and I am proud to be his granddaughter and help lead UAINE as we continue our work. But I also have noticed over the years, and especially while going through old newspaper clippings, that for decades the media often focused solely on the men as spokespeople and organizers of National Day of Mourning.

     Women from the Boston Indian Council and other organizations played a key organizing role from 1970 on. My grandmother Priscilla helped write my grandfather’s 1970 speech. A Native activist, Judy Mendes, was attacked by police dogs in 1972 for wearing an upside-down American flag.

     My mother, Mahtowin Munro, has been a major contributor to the National Day of Mourning and a tireless advocate for Indigenous rights. She and my late father, Moonanum James, became the co-leaders of UAINE in 1994. My twin brother and I learned from a young age how to patiently explain to non-Native peers and adults why we did not celebrate the U.S. Thanksgiving holiday. We are not against giving thanks or family gatherings, I’d tell my classmates; in fact, we are taught to give thanks every day. But we will not give thanks for the invasion of the Pilgrims and other Europeans, nor for the ongoing colonialism and genocide that our communities continue to face.

     Now, I am the co-organizer of the National Day of Mourning along with my mother. I feel a great sense of pride in my family’s role in the Indigenous rights movement and in sharing the truth about Thanksgiving, and I look forward to continuing to raise awareness about contemporary front-line Indigenous issues such as climate justice, the preservation and expansion of tribal sovereignty, and the ongoing demand for the return of our ancestral lands.

     In recent years, my mother and I have worked to ensure that women’s voices, as well as those of Two-Spirit and LGBTQ people, are amplified at the National Day of Mourning. When I look at the Line 3 struggle or at the Indigenous people who were on the streets in Glasgow demanding climate justice, I see Indigenous people of all ages, and especially women and Two-Spirit leaders, as part of a continuum of resistance leading into the future.

     Women have long been at the center of Indigenous activism, and are respected and revered within many traditional Indigenous cultures as leaders and culture-bearers — even if they were silenced by settlers. That’s why it’s crucial for our voices to be amplified within modern-day movements, especially because settler-colonial violence continues to disproportionately impact women, as evidenced by the ongoing epidemic of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women in the United States and Canada.

     On this National Day of Mourning, I am honored to walk not only in the footsteps of my grandfather, but also in the footsteps of all the Indigenous women who have led the way for my generation.

     We will not stop telling the truth about the Thanksgiving story and what happened to our ancestors.”

    Here is the speech that turned the tide of history for lies in the service of white power to truth which offers equality, diversity, inclusion, remembrance and possibly hope for a Reckoning:

    “THE SUPPRESSED SPEECH OF WAMSUTTA (FRANK B.) JAMES, WAMPANOAG

     To have been delivered at Plymouth, Massachusetts, 1970

     ABOUT THE DOCUMENT: Three hundred fifty years after the Pilgrims began their invasion of the land of the Wampanoag, their “American” descendants planned an anniversary celebration. Still clinging to the white schoolbook myth of friendly relations between their forefathers and the Wampanoag, the anniversary planners thought it would be nice to have an Indian make an appreciative and complimentary speech at their state dinner. Frank James was asked to speak at the celebration. He accepted. The planners, however, asked to see his speech in advance of the occasion, and it turned out that Frank James’ views — based on history rather than mythology — were not what the Pilgrims’ descendants wanted to hear. Frank James refused to deliver a speech written by a public relations person. Frank James did not speak at the anniversary celebration. If he had spoken, this is what he would have said:

     I speak to you as a man — a Wampanoag Man. I am a proud man, proud of my ancestry, my accomplishments won by a strict parental direction (“You must succeed – your face is a different color in this small Cape Cod community!”). I am a product of poverty and discrimination from these two social and economic diseases. I, and my brothers and sisters, have painfully overcome, and to some extent we have earned the respect of our community. We are Indians first – but we are termed “good citizens.” Sometimes we are arrogant but only because society has pressured us to be so.

     It is with mixed emotion that I stand here to share my thoughts. This is a time of celebration for you – celebrating an anniversary of a beginning for the white man in America. A time of looking back, of reflection. It is with a heavy heart that I look back upon what happened to my People.

     Even before the Pilgrims landed it was common practice for explorers to capture Indians, take them to Europe and sell them as slaves for 220 shillings apiece. The Pilgrims had hardly explored the shores of Cape Cod for four days before they had robbed the graves of my ancestors and stolen their corn and beans. Mourt’s Relation describes a searching party of sixteen men. Mourt goes on to say that this party took as much of the Indians’ winter provisions as they were able to carry.

     Massasoit, the great Sachem of the Wampanoag, knew these facts, yet he and his People welcomed and befriended the settlers of the Plymouth Plantation. Perhaps he did this because his Tribe had been depleted by an epidemic. Or his knowledge of the harsh oncoming winter was the reason for his peaceful acceptance of these acts. This action by Massasoit was perhaps our biggest mistake. We, the Wampanoag, welcomed you, the white man, with open arms, little knowing that it was the beginning of the end; that before 50 years were to pass, the Wampanoag would no longer be a free people.

     What happened in those short 50 years? What has happened in the last 300 years?

     History gives us facts and there were atrocities; there were broken promises – and most of these centered around land ownership. Among ourselves we understood that there were boundaries, but never before had we had to deal with fences and stone walls. But the white man had a need to prove his worth by the amount of land that he owned. Only ten years later, when the Puritans came, they treated the Wampanoag with even less kindness in converting the souls of the so-called “savages.” Although the Puritans were harsh to members of their own society, the Indian was pressed between stone slabs and hanged as quickly as any other “witch.”

     And so down through the years there is record after record of Indian lands taken and, in token, reservations set up for him upon which to live. The Indian, having been stripped of his power, could only stand by and watch while the white man took his land and used it for his personal gain. This the Indian could not understand; for to him, land was survival, to farm, to hunt, to be enjoyed. It was not to be abused. We see incident after incident, where the white man sought to tame the “savage” and convert him to the Christian ways of life. The early Pilgrim settlers led the Indian to believe that if he did not behave, they would dig up the ground and unleash the great epidemic again.

     The white man used the Indian’s nautical skills and abilities. They let him be only a seaman — but never a captain. Time and time again, in the white man’s society, we Indians have been termed “low man on the totem pole.”

     Has the Wampanoag really disappeared? There is still an aura of mystery. We know there was an epidemic that took many Indian lives – some Wampanoags moved west and joined the Cherokee and Cheyenne. They were forced to move. Some even went north to Canada! Many Wampanoag put aside their Indian heritage and accepted the white man’s way for their own survival. There are some Wampanoag who do not wish it known they are Indian for social or economic reasons.

     What happened to those Wampanoags who chose to remain and live among the early settlers? What kind of existence did they live as “civilized” people? True, living was not as complex as life today, but they dealt with the confusion and the change. Honesty, trust, concern, pride, and politics wove themselves in and out of their [the Wampanoags’] daily living. Hence, he was termed crafty, cunning, rapacious, and dirty.

     History wants us to believe that the Indian was a savage, illiterate, uncivilized animal. A history that was written by an organized, disciplined people, to expose us as an unorganized and undisciplined entity. Two distinctly different cultures met. One thought they must control life; the other believed life was to be enjoyed, because nature decreed it. Let us remember, the Indian is and was just as human as the white man. The Indian feels pain, gets hurt, and becomes defensive, has dreams, bears tragedy and failure, suffers from loneliness, needs to cry as well as laugh. He, too, is often misunderstood.

     The white man in the presence of the Indian is still mystified by his uncanny ability to make him feel uncomfortable. This may be the image the white man has created of the Indian; his “savageness” has boomeranged and isn’t a mystery; it is fear; fear of the Indian’s temperament!

     High on a hill, overlooking the famed Plymouth Rock, stands the statue of our great Sachem, Massasoit. Massasoit has stood there many years in silence. We the descendants of this great Sachem have been a silent people. The necessity of making a living in this materialistic society of the white man caused us to be silent. Today, I and many of my people are choosing to face the truth. We ARE Indians!

     Although time has drained our culture, and our language is almost extinct, we the Wampanoags still walk the lands of Massachusetts. We may be fragmented, we may be confused. Many years have passed since we have been a people together. Our lands were invaded. We fought as hard to keep our land as you the whites did to take our land away from us. We were conquered, we became the American prisoners of war in many cases, and wards of the United States Government, until only recently.

     Our spirit refuses to die. Yesterday we walked the woodland paths and sandy trails. Today we must walk the macadam highways and roads. We are uniting We’re standing not in our wigwams but in your concrete tent. We stand tall and proud, and before too many moons pass we’ll right the wrongs we have allowed to happen to us.

     We forfeited our country. Our lands have fallen into the hands of the aggressor. We have allowed the white man to keep us on our knees. What has happened cannot be changed, but today we must work towards a more humane America, a more Indian America, where men and nature once again are important; where the Indian values of honor, truth, and brotherhood prevail.

     You the white man are celebrating an anniversary. We the Wampanoags will help you celebrate in the concept of a beginning. It was the beginning of a new life for the Pilgrims. Now, 350 years later it is a beginning of a new determination for the original American: the American Indian.

     There are some factors concerning the Wampanoags and other Indians across this vast nation. We now have 350 years of experience living amongst the white man. We can now speak his language. We can now think as a white man thinks. We can now compete with him for the top jobs. We’re being heard; we are now being listened to. The important point is that along with these necessities of everyday living, we still have the spirit, we still have the unique culture, we still have the will and, most important of all, the determination to remain as Indians. We are determined, and our presence here this evening is living testimony that this is only the beginning of the American Indian, particularly the Wampanoag, to regain the position in this country that is rightfully ours.

Wamsutta

September 10, 1970”

https://time.com/5725168/thanksgiving-history-lesson

https://popularresistance.org/my-grandfather-founded-the-national-day-of-mourning-to-dispel-the-myth-of-thanksgiving/?fbclid=IwAR3NKhIQCRx2a1jf0p-5qQhh6J4Lv_aLU-eJfKRp2MaYTQvW6i5vK1adID4

http://www.uaine.org/suppressed_speech.htm

https://scoop.upworthy.com/six-native-american-girls-explain-real-history-behind-thanksgiving?fbclid=IwAR2wzyDkBLE9z1SGUEa_uNCmhMaHntTzFGXdeL8A8PSXeHglriRjbHs10Yo

https://www.npr.org/2021/11/25/1059262045/the-mashpee-wampanoag-want-you-to-know-the-full-history-behind-thanksgiving?fbclid=IwAR07Tz4guMmeKrNNEIhm4iK9E4tss6gQhFC_WsaiFYfdwfFp4Mat_5JsQFs

Tribe That Helped Pilgrims Survive First Thanksgiving Regrets It 400 Years Later

https://www.wbur.org/hereandnow/2020/11/25/native-americans-thanksgiving-mourning?fbclid=IwAR1YwfcsntYGqpgGnbxAbyOWWtmDCvqDFB7fLp2cXQimzmSvhVaDHry0YG0

https://popularresistance.org/6-thanksgiving-myths-and-the-wampanoag-side-of-the-story/?fbclid=IwAR08-9JiLkCGyZrcdxPhOh1CONj_58cSqJHMNgggvA8tPxoTOBZWErQKYpc

    And finally, on the principle of Virginia Woolf that “if we cannot tell the truth about ourselves, we cannot tell it about anyone else” here follows my interrogation of my own Native American ancestry; November 2 2023, Native American Heritage Month and the Hidden Costs of Unequal Power in the Falsification and Erasure of History as Authorized Identities: Day of the Dead Part Two, Case of the Phantom Ancestor

      In contemplation of the echoes of our past as multigenerational history and of our ancestors as ghosts who possess us, literally as our DNA and metaphorically as family stories, I find intriguing the effects of falsified and erased history on self-construal and the creation of identity.

     We bear the shape of our stories as a prochronism, a history expressed in out form of how we have made choices in adaptation to change across vast epochs of time, under imposed conditions of struggle.

     How if intrusive forces impose conditions of struggle which interfere with this process as assimilation, silence and erasure, or internalized oppression?

     Here I have a ready example in the case of a phantom Native American ancestor substituted for an erased African one as internalized oppression under conditions of survival and resistance to slavery.

     November is Native American Heritage Month, a subject shaped by vast historical forces of conquest and resistance and the ambiguous and often violent relationships between indigenous peoples and European empires as a ground of struggle which authorizes identity, here I shall begin the questioning of my own historical identity as an example.

     As Virginia Woolf teaches us; “If you do not tell the truth about yourself, you cannot tell it about other people.”

     As I wrote in my post of January 25 2021, The Search for Our Ancestors and a Useful Past: Family Histories as Narrative Constructions of Identity; One of the great riddles of history is untangling the knots of meaning, often shaped by erasures, silences, lies, and misdirections, which arise from the motives of our sources.

     Today is my sister Erin’s birthday; I sent her a greeting which referenced some of the Defining Moments of her personal history as I remember them; “I remember our family’s discovery when you were in seventh grade that you were writing poems and stories in some of Tolkien’s invented languages, had puzzled out his sources and taught yourself a working knowledge of several ancient languages in order to write in them (Old Norse, Old Welsh, Gothic, and Old English), when you gave the Valedictorian Address for the International College at UC Santa Cruz as a graduate in Soviet Foreign Policy and Russian Language,  and then became Pushkin Scholar at Kalinin University near Moscow, when Rolling Stone called your reporting on the Fall of the Soviet Union the best political writing in America, and when we celebrated your six hundredth publication. I have always been glad that in writing and the world of literature you have found your bliss.”

     Among the messages which followed Erin posted a photograph which symbolizes her search for belonging, membership, and connection through the family history of our ancestors, a typically American quest for meaning as many of us share a trauma of historical abandonment and displacement, and  pathologies of identity falsification and disconnectedness from relationships with families and communities, anchorages which in traditional societies nurture wellness and growth. These maladaptive disruptions and obfuscations often result from intentional breaks with the past as liberation on the part of new immigrants who wish to create themselves in no image but their own; but often they are legacies of assimilation, denial, silencing, and erasure by authority as well.

     Our family history claimed Cherokee as the identity of an ancestor who we recently discovered was not a Native American but African, and probably a slave of the Cherokee, the descendants of which the tribe refuses to recognize as tribal members. As the only nonwhite General in the Confederate Army was a Cherokee, this erasure of disturbing history and inconvenient truths is unsurprising; and authorized lies can become truths when there are no counternarratives.

     It is also possible that this ancestor was among the Haitian professional revolutionary soldiers whom an ancestor of mine fought alongside in the War of 1812; an origin which would explain the family faith of my father being Voodoo.

     And an entirely different ancestor of mine became Shawnee by marriage during the American Revolution, making me Shawnee by blood through a many-greats grandmother, this one historically authenticated by the Shawnee tribe though no less complex than my phantom ancestor.

     The truths with which authority is uncomfortable are the ones which are crucial to seizures of power and liberation, and it is to the empty spaces in our narratives of identity, the voices of the silenced and the erased, and to stories which bear the scars of rewritten history, to which we must listen most closely.

     The Four Primary Duties of a Citizen are Question Authority, Mock Authority, Expose Authority, and Challenge Authority.

     Erin has claimed Native American Cherokee as her racial and historical identity since childhood, enthralled with the story of an Indian great grandmother, studied traditional drumming and made pilgrimages to pow wows, learned to the point of obsession what vestiges of Cherokee language and culture she could find, and as an adult went to the tribal archives in search of our ancestor.

     There she hit a wall of silence; no records of such a tribal member exist. Worse, no living speakers of Sa La Gi could be found; when asked where the native language speakers were, the curator of the tribal historical archive pointed to an old vinyl record which held the voices of the last known bearers of an extinct language. All was dust, lost on the Trail of Tears.

     No crime against humanity can be more terrible than the erasure of an entire people and civilization, as the United States of America perpetrated against many indigenous peoples both on our continent and throughout the world as imperial conquest and colonial dominion. Like slavery with which it is interdependent and parallel, colonial imperialism is a central legacy of our history for which we have yet to bring a Reckoning.

     Like many tribes and peoples, the Cherokee had been eaten by our systems of unequal power as human sacrifices, and had no truths or songs of becoming human to offer. Here was an unanswerable tragedy of loss of meaning and belonging, which finds echo in our modern pathology of disconnectedness.

     Or was deliberate obfuscation; what didn’t they want known?

     Like many Americans, Erin pursued our elusive history and ambiguous identity for decades through genealogical research and recently the Pandora’s Box of DNA testing, where she struck gold; her test revealed no discoverable Indian ancestry, but instead an intriguing African heritage. Near her fifth decade of life, suddenly she was no longer Native American and Cherokee, a discovery which must have been a life disruptive event, but one balanced with the gift of an unlooked-for membership and belonging.

    More importantly as regards race and other constructions of identity, who decides? And what happens if those you claim do not in turn claim you?

    Of Non-European DNA; 1.2% sub-Saharan Africa, including: .9% Ghana / Liberia / Ivory Coast / Sierra Leone and .3% Senegambian and Guinean. There is also an Islamic Diaspora component; .7% North Africa, including: .2% Egypt and Levant and .5% broadly West Asia and North Africa, and .5% Central and South Asia including: .2% North India and Pakistan and .3% South India and Sri Lanka. These probably represent two different lines of descent, occurring at between five and eight generations of separation respectively.

     Who were these mysterious and wonderful ancestors, and where was the cherished Native American heritage? Like much of nature, DNA is tricky; each generation is a total randomization of information potential, so you can inherit traits from ancestors anywhere in your history back to the dawn of humankind, in virtually any proportion of traits from any combination thereof.

     On average, you will have a quarter from each grandparent at two generations of separation, and if grandmother only passes on 20%, grandfather must pass on 30%. Sometimes gene sequences are not passed on, so its possible for a known ancestor to be unconfirmable by a DNA test, and for siblings to have differences. I look like our mother, of Austrian family with hazel eyes though sadly I did not inherit her glorious red hair; my sister looks like our father whose black hair fell in tight wringlets around his shoulders.

     At seven generations distance you will probably inherit less than one percent from each of the 128 ancestors in that generation, or be undetectable; the percentages are 12.5 for great grandparents at the third generation from you, 6.25 at the fourth, 3.12 at the fifth, 1.56 at the sixth, and .78 at the seventh.

    DNA tests from cousins can be used with a family tree to triangulate and identify which DNA components came from which ancestors; a female cousin from Jean, one of my father’s two brothers, tests as 70% Northwestern Europe and England/Wales, 19% Ireland and Scotland, 6% Sweden, and 5% Norway. A male cousin from my father’s second brother Dean tests as 1% Benin and Togo and 1% Cameroon, Congo, and Southern Bantu peoples, an approximate match with my sister’s Sub Saharan Africa descent, the remainder being 47% Northwestern Europe and England/Wales, 32% Norway, 11% Ireland & Scotland, and 4% Sweden. My sister’s European DNA tests as 44.7% French & German, and why some of these groups are scientifically identical boggles the imagination, 24.8% British & Irish, 19.5% broadly northwestern European, .2% Scandinavian, and 5.8% southern European, which includes 3.1% Italian and 1.1% Spanish and Portuguese.

    Illustrative of the vagaries of inheritance are the differing proportions among three first cousins, two of whom inherit nothing from a paternal grandmother shared by all three, whose family came from Genoa Italy after the Napoleonic Wars. They were still living in an enormous stilt house in Bayou La Teche built from their ship, guarded by ancient cannon, when my mother visited them in 1962.

     But the best way to discover our origins is through family history, which can be consistent over great epochs of time. So we come to the origin story of the photograph and of my family in America, well documented as Kentucky and Revolutionary War history whose dates can be confirmed precisely by public records, of how a mixed and diverse community of Revolutionary War survivors came to be living in Cape Girardeau, Missouri.

     A direct patrilineal ancestor of mine, Henry, had been captured along with much of his family in the June 21 1780 British assault on Ruddle’s Fort during Bird’s Invasion of Kentucky. One hundred fifty British Regulars of the 8th and 47th Regiments, Detroit Militia, and six cannon of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, with one thousand or more warriors from the Shawnee, Huron, Lenape, and other tribal allies of Britain, compelled the surrender of the fort by cannon fire and a guarantee of status as British prisoners of war offered by Bird, who when the gates were opened broke his word and loosed the native troops to sack the fort and take slaves.

      Over two hundred pioneers were killed in the attack; the remains of twenty of them were later put in iron caskets specially made in Philadelphia and sealed in a cave by a descendant of one of my family’s survivors who had moved back near the site of Ruddle’s Fort, where they remain today. The inscription on the stone archway on a cliff overlooking the Licking River reads, “Please do not disturb the rest of the sleeping dead, A.D. 1845”. I have often wondered what was so terrifying about ones own family that they needed to be entombed in iron and sealed in a cave, and why they are called “the sleeping dead’.

     Near the site of the burial chamber was The Cedars, a stone home rebuilt in 1825 at a cost of $40,000 by Charles Lair, a Ruddles Fort descendant using one of the many variants of our family name. The Cedars burned in 1930; it had fifteen rooms including six bedrooms and two kitchens, a drawing room with a carved mantel, dining room, library, and a hall with a staircase.

     Henry and his brothers George Jr and Peter were listed among the 49 men of the Ruddle’s Fort garrison, and many had their families with them. Survivors were marched with those of other raided forts, four hundred seventy in all, to the heartland of the Shawnee nation in Ohio and to villages of their captors along the way, though Bird still had 300 prisoners with him when he reached his base at Fort Detroit, six hundred miles from Kentucky; some were then sent another 800 miles to Montreal. Britain did not release its prisoners until fifteen years after the war, and many never found their families again.

     Henry was held as a slave and/or prisoner of war until he married into the tribe four years later, making him fully Shawnee under tribal law though he was by modern constructions of race an ethnic European. His story is interwoven with that of his childhood friend and neighbor Daniel Boone, and he was among those with whom Boone discovered a route through the Cumberland Gap and explored Kentucky. I like to imagine Henry as the hero in the film Last of the Mohicans, a fictionalization of the July 14 1776 abduction and subsequent rescue of Boone’s daughter Jemima and two daughters of Colonel Richard Callaway, Elizabeth and Frances, from Chief Hanging Maw of the Overhill Cherokee, leading a mixed band of Cherokee and Shawnee.

    Henry joined George Washington’s army, possibly during the retreat from the Battle of Long Island in the fall of 1776, fought in the Battles of Trenton and Princeton that December, at Brandywine on September 11, 1777, and in the victory at the Second Battle of Saratoga on October 7 1777 which nearly ended the war and brought help from France.

    Among the family members at Ruddle’s Fort were Henry’s two brothers. Peter, who was killed in action, his wife Mary who was captured with their two daughters, of whom Katarina was rescued in 1786 and another is mentioned as married and living in Sandwich Canada in an open letter written by Mary published in the Kentucky Gazette on April 7 1822 to their third child Peter, who vanished after the battle and whose fate is unknown. It reads in part; ”I was taken at Fort Licking commanded by Captain Ruddle, and was brought into upper Canada near Amherstburgh (Fort Malden) where I now live having been 16 years among the Indians. Your eldest sister is now living in Sandwich, but the youngest I could never hear of. Now, my dear son, I would be very glad to see you once more before I die, which I do not think will be long, as I am in a very bad state of health, and have been this great while. I am married to Mr Jacob Miracle (fellow captive from Ruddle’s Fort Jacob Markle) for whom you can enquire.” These are the words of a woman who had been coerced into marrying one of her captors by torture and had a son by him whom she raised with her youngest daughter by a husband who died defending her and their children from capture, two of whom had vanished in the cauldron of war and whose fates she never learned, though her youngest daughter was safe with George Jr’s family.

     Also present were Henry’s second brother George Jr and his wife Margaret, who were captured and later freed, and their children Johnny, George III, Eva, Margaret, and Elizabeth. Johnny, 1776-1853, four years old when captured, was raised with Tecumseh and fought at his side as a British ally through the War of 1812. He married Mary Williams in 1799; they had eight children. Of Margaret we know only that she survived to marry Andrew Sinnolt in 1793. Eva, captured when 14 years old and taken to Canada, ran the gauntlet to win her freedom after six years of enslavement and two years later in 1788 married fellow Ruddles Fort survivor Casper Karsner.

      Elizabeth Lale, 1752-1832, eldest of the children at 28, escaped from the Shawnee capitol city of Piqua on the Great Miami River in Ohio and survived a solo trek of hundreds of miles through the wilderness back to the colonies, then with Washington and Jefferson planned and guided General Clark with 970 soldiers in a raid which liberated many of the other prisoners of war held as slaves at the Battle of Piqua, August 8 1780. With her was Daniel Boone, who had also been held captive at Piqua by Blackfish, Great Chief of the Shawnee, between his capture at the Battle of Blue Licks on February 7, 1778 and his escape six months later in June. In 1783 Elizabeth married John Franks; they had two children.

     And George III, 1773-1853, captured when seven years old, was taken in 1781 to a camp in Cape Girardeau Missouri, base of a Shawnee trade empire from which the entire Mississippi basin could be navigated, becoming the first white pioneer in the region, near the land which in 1793 was granted by Baron Carondelet to the Black Bob Band of the Hathawekela Shawnee.

      Nearby was a Spanish land grant awarded to Andrew Summers for service in the Cape Girardeau Company of the Spanish-American Militia by Governor Lorimier, during a six week campaign in 1803. Andrew Summers had married Elizabeth Ruddle, daughter of Captain George Ruddle and granddaughter of Isaac Ruddle; Andrew and Elizabeth moved with their family to their land in Cape Girardeau after the War of 1812; later her father joined them, as did George Lale III and his wife Louisa Wolff. George and Louisa’s seven children were born there; the old Summers cemetery where George III is buried lies two miles SW of Jackson Missouri.

      Many of my family who survived the Revolutionary War moved to Cape Girardeau where the families of George III Lale and Andrew Summers had established a community of pioneers and former slaves of Indians, apparently both African and European, and the Indians they had fought alongside and against, been captured by and intermarried with. In the end I think they understood each other better than those who had not survived the same collective trauma and shared history.

     Our great grandmother Lilly Summers could claim direct patrilineal descent from the Summers family of Fairfax Virginia, descended from Sir George Summers, who commanded the Sea Venture, one of the ships which brought over the Jamestown colony in 1607, through the first settler in Alexandria, John Summers, who lived from 1687 to 1790 and had at the time of his death four generations of descendants, including some four hundred individuals. Lilly was equally descended from her mother, M.B. Croft who is listed as Dutch which probably means German, and her father John William Summers, of English lineage but designated as Cherokee in family records, which we now know is a fiction describing descent from a probable African slave of the Cherokee.

      It is also possible that this ancestry came into the Summers line from fellow soldiers who served with them during the Battle of New Orleans in the War of 1812, among them free Black militia companies which pre-existed the war, including slaves promised freedom and armed by Andrew Jackson as the first Black company of the American army, a former Spanish colonial Black militia with whom Andrew Summers had served alongside against France, and Major D’Aquin’s Battalion of Free Men of Color from Haiti who were elite professional revolutionaries and soldiers who had once been part of the French army. The origin of this DNA can be no nearer than Lilly’s paternal grandmother, at five generations separation from my sister and I.

    Among the documents of my genealogy and family history research I have a daguerreotype from the 1840’s of Elizabeth Lale, named for her ferocious aunt, daughter of parents from opposing sides of the Revolutionary War, Me Shekin Ta Withe (White Painted Dove) of the Shawnee and Henry Lale.

      Born in 1786, Elizabeth had four sisters and two brothers including my ancestor George Washington Lale, named for the future President with whom Henry crossed the Delaware, and whose battle cry at Trenton in 1776, Victory or Death, Henry adopted as our family motto on our coat of arms.

     My sister and I are the fifth generation from Henry, and sixth from the original immigrant Hans George Lale who arrived with his family in Philadelphia in 1737 on the ship Samuel, sailing from Rotterdam.

     As our family history and myth before coming to America is beyond the subject of my inquiry here, epigenetic trauma and harms of erasure and internalized oppression in the case of a phantom ancestor in the context of relations between indigenous and colonial peoples, I will question this in future essays.

     Here are the generations of our family in America; my parents A.L. Lale and Meta (Austrian), Enoch Abraham Lale and Gertie Noce (Italian), Andrew Jackson Lale 1840-1912 and Lilly Summers, George Washington Lale 1790-1854 and Elizabeth Ross, Henry Lale 1754-1830 and White Painted Dove, and Hans George Lale 1703-1771 and Maria Rudes.

     But its never as simple as that, each of us a link in a chain of being which encompasses the whole span of human history; migrations, wars, and the rise and fall of civilizations. Often our ideas of identity as nationality and ethnicity would have been incomprehensible to the people we claim membership with.

     Take for example my family name; its original form is on Trajan’s Column in Rome, and Cicero wrote his great essay on friendship, Laelius de Amicitia, about an ancestor of mine; Gaius Laelius, whose political and military career as an ally of Scipio Africanus spans the Iberian campaign of 210- 206 BC where he commanded the Roman fleet at New Carthage, the African campaign of 204-202 commanding the cavalry at Zama, enjoyed two terms as praetor of Sicily from 196 and was granted the province of Gaul about 190, and in 160 BC met the historian Polybius in Rome, becoming his eyewitness source for the Second Punic War in The Histories.

     Here I signpost that all of us are connected with the lives of others across vast millennia of history, often in surprising ways. If I accounted my identity and ethnicity as where my ancestors immigrated to America from, I would be German and not Roman, but it would not be the whole truth. We lived in Bavaria for generations until 1586, when we were driven out as werewolves during the start of an eighty year witchburning craze; Martin Luther called us Drachensbraute, Brides of the Dragon. During this time we absorbed many of the pre Christian myths gathered as Grimms Fairytales as family history. And still a half truth, as this tallies only my patrilineal descent, and nothing of the half of myself from my mother, whose stories I will tell another time.

     As events become more remote in time and memory, the boundary between historical and mythopoeic truth becomes ambiguous, interdependent, and co-evolutionary with shared elements which reinforce each other. This is true for narratives of national identity as well as self-construction in the personal and family spheres, in which such processes may be studied in detail. Stories are a way of doing exactly thing; both creating and questioning identity.

     Often with family history we are confronted with discontiguous realms of truth as self-representation and authorized identity, always a ground of struggle as a Rashomon Gate. Such stories are true in the sense that we are their expressions as living myths, but are these narratives we live within and which in turn inhabit us also history?

      Who are we, we Lales?

     Native American, yes, if to a lesser degree and from different sources than we had previously imagined as an authorized identity and historical construction, Shawnee rather than Cherokee and generations more distant. Indian also in the sense of an ancestor from Mughal India over three hundred years ago, great grandmother of Henry the revolutionary, and that complex. Who this grand and mysterious ancestor and source of our Indian and Eqyptian-Levantine DNA was remains an open question, though she claimed to have once been a courtier of the Mughal princess and poet Zeb-un-Nissa which is another story. And in the place of the phantom Cherokee great grandmother, an African voice among the cacophony of multitudes sings of liberation.

      In retrospect, that my father practiced Voodoo as the traditional family faith should have been an enormous clue to his ethnicity, Louisiana Creole of mixed European-African-Native American ancestry. He described himself as Cajun, which means French speaking and is a cultural and historical claim.

     Of my father who is my link to this history of the founding of America as a reborn Rome with all of its shifting ideas of nationality and identity, who in this our Day of the Dead I honor among my ancestors, I say this; he was my high school English, Forensics, and Drama teacher, who taught me fencing and chess and took me to martial arts lessons from the age of nine, gave me a copy of Thus Spake Zarathustra in eighth grade which became a counter text to the Bible for me, and was an underground theatre director who collected luminaries like William S. Burroughs who told fabulous stories after dinner and Edward Albee whose plays he directed while I sat beside them as a child and listened with rapt attention to their conversations. He it was who taught me the principle of action; “Politics is the art of fear”. For one day he was arguably the greatest swordsman in the world, having defeated all the national champions at an international reclassification tournament, and went on to become a coach of  Olympic fencers. He grew up fencing and playing the treasured family Stradivarius, and his favorite story from childhood was how he got his nickname, Gator Bait; grandpa used to tie a rope around his waist and throw him in the swamp to splash about and attract alligators to shoot. One story he never told but his friend Sparrow Hutchins from the Korean War did, was that they had escaped a North Korean POW camp with three others, one of whom died in the breakout, and the four survivors carried the dead soldier all the way back to South Korea. His last years were spent in seclusion flyfishing on a remote wilderness mining claim in Montana.

      Before immigration to America, European and originally Roman, unquestionably; along the way from Gaius Laelius and the conquest of  Carthage to myself, our family once briefly ruled what is now France, Germany, Spain, and the British Isles, in the Gallic Empire of 260-274 A.D. As a university student influenced by classical studies I responded to questions about my historical identity, nationality, and ethnicity in this way; “I am a citizen of the Roman Empire; that it has not existed for fifteen hundred years is irrelevant.”

      I did so once to the wife of a poetry professor, who immediately whipped out a notebook and thereupon began taking notes on our conversations; this was Anne Rice, who based her character of Mael in Queen of the Damned on me as I was in my junior year at university, over forty years ago now, before the summer of 1982 which fixed me on my life course as a hunter of fascists and a member of the Resistance.

      Its always interesting to see ourselves through the eyes of others, and how we are transformed by their different angles of view; such changes and transforms of meaning are the primary field of study in history and literature as songs of identity and a primary ground of revolutionary struggle.

     Anne Rice’s idea of Mael as the caretaker of Those Who Must Be Kept came from a comment of mine about the dead white men whose books created our culture for both good and ill during a discussion of the canon of literature; There are those who must be kept, and those from whom we must escape, and if we are very lucky they are not always the same.

      Who are we, we Americans, we humans? 

      Identity, history, memory, which includes changing constructions of race and nationality; these hinge on questions which often have no objective answers.

     We are as we imagine ourselves to be; the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others, and the groups and historical legacies in which we claim membership, and who claim us in return.

    Family history is always a personal myth of identity, though it may also be history. We bear within us thousands of other lives, in multiple states of time across vast gulfs of history, possessed by the ghosts of our ancestors literally as DNA and metaphorically as stories; we are legion.

    As with all history, as narratives of authorized identities and in struggle against them as seizures of power, autonomy and self-ownership, and self-creation, a Rashomon Gate of relative and ambiguous truths, the most important question to ask of a story is this; whose story is this?

Last of the Mohicans film

https://ok.ru/video/967004064409

Henry Louis Gates Jr on the myth of the Indian ancestor in modern Black culture

https://www.theroot.com/high-cheekbones-and-straight-black-hair-1790878167

The Queen of the Damned, by Anne Rice

            references on the origins of my family

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gaius_Laelius

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gaius_Laelius_Sapiens

Laelius, on Friendship and the Dream of Scipio, by Marcus Tullius Cicero), J.G.F. Powell (Editor)

Gallic Empire: Separatism and Continuity in the North-Western Provinces of the Roman Empire, Ad 260-274

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/15616858-gallic-empire

October 11 2026 Silenced Loki: a Figure and Symbol of Poetic Vision and Creativity as Rebellion Against Authority and Revolutionary Struggle, and Of Those Truths Written In Our Flesh and Created Or Chosen By Ourselves Versus the Falsification of Authorized Identities; On National Coming Out Day

We celebrate Coming Out Day as a national holiday in America, in honor of a courageous marginalized community and in solidarity of liberation struggle with all those who perform their true and best selves on the stage of the world and our history, as exemplars of seizure of power from authorized identities including those of sex and gender and of the grandeur of self ownership and the infinite possibilities of becoming human.

      I am not a member of this queer LGBT community, nor do I speak for them or with the voice of lived experience, though I am formed in part by three personal relationships with those who did so, William S. Burroughs who taught me magic and storytelling as a child, Susan Sontag who during my early university days taught me how to see beauty in art and life, and Jean Genet who set me on my life’s path by swearing me to the Oath of the Resistance during the second of my numberless Last Stands in Beirut 1982 as we were about to be burned alive by the Israeli Army and refused to surrender.

     But I can speak regarding the broader meaning of this holiday, Breaking the Silence.

      The image of Silenced Loki, a totemic ritual statue called the Snaptun Stone which depicts the Trickster god (in Old Norse, a class of beings literally termed “Devourer” and commonly translated as Giants) with his mouth sewn shut as a ritual sacrifice to silence his power to reorder the universe and change, subvert, manipulate, or evade its laws, has become part of our popular culture through the influence of Marvel comics and films, and a subject of discussion.

    What does it mean? Why would a god whose power is imprisoned in his flesh and useless be an object of worship? Why has this part of his myth, so near a parallel to that of Prometheus, become central to Viking culture and assimilated into our own at this moment of history?

     Silence Equals Death, as the AIDS activist movement of decades ago constructed Elie Weisel’s Silence is Complicity. As he teaches us in his Nobel Prize Speech; “I remember: it happened yesterday or eternities ago. A young Jewish boy discovered the kingdom of night. I remember his bewilderment, I remember his anguish. It all happened so fast. The ghetto. The deportation. The sealed cattle car. The fiery altar upon which the history of our people and the future of mankind were meant to be sacrificed.

     I remember: he asked his father: “Can this be true?” This is the twentieth century, not the Middle Ages. Who would allow such crimes to be committed? How could the world remain silent?

     And now the boy is turning to me: “Tell me,” he asks. “What have you done with my future? What have you done with your life?”

     And I tell him that I have tried. That I have tried to keep memory alive, that I have tried to fight those who would forget. Because if we forget, we are guilty, we are accomplices.

     And then I explained to him how naive we were, that the world did know and remain silent. And that is why I swore never to be silent whenever and wherever human beings endure suffering and humiliation. We must always take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented. Sometimes we must interfere. When human lives are endangered, when human dignity is in jeopardy, national borders and sensitivities become irrelevant. Wherever men or women are persecuted because of their race, religion, or political views, that place must – at that moment – become the center of the universe.”

      Primarily I see this in terms of Loki’s role as what Foucault called a truthteller, parrhesia in classical terms, like the Jester of King Lear, as in the Lokasenna when he satirizes and mocks the gods. I call this the Four Primary Duties of a Citizen in a free society of equals; question authority, expose authority, mock authority, and challenge authority. For there is no just authority, and our mission as Bringers of Chaos is to subvert and delegitimize tyrants, be they gods or men who would enslave us.

     Secondarily this relates to Loki’s role as a source of poetic vision and inspiration, here in the context of his grand trick, the Wager of Loki, which resulted in the forging of Mjolnir as embodied lightning and other signature powers of the gods, the price of which was having his mouth sewn shut to seal his power, but of course he like Ulysses outwits the gods and escapes to reclaim his power of true speaking. This myth makes him a patron of smiths and creative arts, not a maker, but a muse; also a patron of truth tellers.

      The image of Silenced Loki, terrible though it may be, refers to his willing sacrifice to forge the truths of others, to abandon power over others in favor of equality and the empowerment of others, and to guide others seizure of power as liberation. As such it was probably used by smiths to avert the dangers of their profession, a lightning rod and totemic patron.

     Magic, like revolutionary struggle, always has a cost; among the first things one will need is something to bear that cost for us. Such is the purpose of Silenced Loki.

     Loki is a patron of outlaws, especially those of sex and gender, who finds reflection in Virginia Woolf’s gender changing immortal time traveler Orlando, of revolutionaries and anarchists in his guise as Milton’s rebel angel in Paradise Lost, the primary text of the iconic Hells Angels Motorcycle Club, of gamblers, chance, and luck as a figure of Fortune, of lost causes and forlorn hopes and the unknown heroes who fight for them, of all those who survive not by force but by wit and guile and changing the rules of play, and of us all as the source of our idea of the devil and his fairytale version as Rumpelstiltskin. What god or devil was ever more terrible than the Maker of Deals?

     Above all else, Loki is a patron of outcasts and exiles, the abandoned and the vilified, a champion and liberator who places his life in the balance with those of the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, whom Frantz Fanon called the Wretched of the Earth, and of their vengeance in bringing a Reckoning to those who would enslave us and in revolutionary struggle. In this aspect he resembles Frankenstein’s monster, a child abandoned because he is imperfect, bearer of a sacred wound which opens him to the pain of others, an innocent child trapped in the same flesh with a tortured and demonized thing of rage and pain, who wonders why others find him monstrous.

     As the Matadors who rescued me from execution by a police death squad in Sao Paulo Brazil 1974 in the summer before high school said; “We can’t save everyone, but we can avenge.” To stand with others in solidarity against vast systems of oppression and claw back something of our humanity from the darkness is to be a monster who hunts other monsters and defines the limits of the human, or so tyrants, elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege whom they serve, and their enforcers and apologists wish us to believe. But there are other truths, other stories, of our own which can liberate us from the Wilderness of Mirrors by which power seeks to falsify us; lies, illusions, propaganda, misdirections, rewritten histories and alternate realities.

     But Loki is also a god and daemon of creativity, inspiration, poetic vision, and the reimagination and transformation of ourselves and our civilization, a bringer of Chaos who disrupts order, frees us from the tyranny of authority, and bears the limitless possibilities of becoming human.

    Let us embrace our monstrosity and say with Loki; “I am burdened with glorious purpose.”

     As written by Olivia Lang, in an essay entitled A Stitch in Time: Enforced Silence, or some thoughts on a mouth sewn shut in history and literature; ”The enduring symbolism of a sewn mouth, from the works of David Wojnarowicz to recent protests by refugees; “The light’s behind them. Four men, somewhere on the border between Greece and Macedonia. They can’t go forward, can’t go back. The man on the left has his eyes closed. He’s unshaven, a single freckle on his temple. The light is tangling in his hair, running down his forehead and catching on his chin. Head bowed, careful as a surgeon, the man opposite him is sewing up his mouth. The blue thread runs from lip to hand. The sewn man’s face is absolutely still, upturned to the sun. I don’t know where I first saw this photograph. Maybe it washed up on my Twitter feed. Later, I searched for it again, typing ‘refugee lip sewing’ into Google. This time, there were dozens of images, almost all of men, lips sewn shut with blue and scarlet thread. Afghan refugee, Athens. Australian immigration centre in Papua New Guinea. Stuck on the Balkan borders, a first smattering of snow.

     The mouth is for speaking. But how do you speak if no one’s listening, if your voice is prohibited or no one understands your tongue? You make a migrant image, an image that can travel where you cannot. An Afghan boy who spent three years at the beginning of the millennium on Nauru – the off-shore processing camp for refugees attempting to reach Australia – told the website Solidarity.net.au: ‘My brother didn’t sew his lips but he was part of the hunger strike. He became unconscious and was sent to the hospital. Every time someone became unconscious we would send a picture to the media.’

      The first time I encountered lip sewing as protest was in Rosa von Praunheim’s extraordinary 1990 AIDS documentary, Silence = Death. One of the interviewees was the artist and activist David Wojnarowicz. A former street kid, a gay man who had recently been diagnosed with AIDS, he talked with great eloquence and fury about the different kinds of silence ranged against him. He spoke of what it had been like to grow up queer; the need to keep his sexuality secret because of the omnipresent threat of violence. He spoke of the silence of politicians, whose refusal to confront AIDS was hastening his own oncoming death. And, as he talked, footage he’d collaged together appeared on screen: a kaleidoscope of distress, which was later given the title A Fire in My Belly (1986–87). Ants crawl over a crucifix; a puppet dances on its strings; money pours from bandaged hands; a mouth is sewn shut, blood trickling from puncture wounds. What is the stitched mouth doing? If silence equals death, the biting slogan of AIDS activists, then part of the work of resistance is to make visible the people who are being silenced. Carefully, carefully, the needle works through skin, self-inflicted damage announcing larger harm. ‘I think what I really fear about death is the silencing of my voice,’ Wojnarowicz says. ‘I feel this incredible pressure to leave something of myself behind.’ You make an image to communicate what is unsayable in words. You make an image to go on beyond you, to speak when you no longer can. The image can survive its creator’s death, but that doesn’t mean it is immune to the same forces of silencing that it protests. In 2010, nearly two decades after Wojnarowicz died of AIDS at the age of 37, A Fire in My Belly was removed from a landmark exhibition of gay art at the Smithsonian, in Washington DC, following complaints from right-wing politicians and the Catholic League. This time, the stitched mouth became a symbol of censorship. At protests, people held up posters of Wojnarowicz’s face, lantern-jawed, implacable, five stitches locking shut his lips. Both images are in front of me now: stitches in time, reporting from the past. Wojnarowicz is dead; God knows where the man on the Greek border is. In other photos from the same protest, men sit or stand on train tracks, holding hand-lettered signs on scraps of dirty cardboard: ONLY FREEDOM and OPEN THE BORDER. They are bare-chested, wrapped in blankets, ranked against police with riot shields and bulletproof vests. The word ‘stitch’ is a double-edged prayer. It means the least bit of anything – the stigmatized, say, or the devalued. And it means to join together, mend or fasten, a hope powerful enough to drive a needle through bare flesh.”

    As written by Doug Dorst in his blog Monkeys and Rabbit Holes, which annotates his magnificent translation and metafictional commentary on the novel Ship of Theseus by the mythic and possibly fictional revolutionary V. M. Straka, in an article entitled Enforced Silence, or some thoughts on a mouth sewn shut in history and literature;” In Ship of Theseus, S. sails on a ship with sailors whose mouths are sewn shut.  Eventually he joins them and undergoes the procedure himself.  It is a continuous motif in SOT and appears several times.

     Typically a mouth sewn shut is a motif more at home in the horror genre, body modification enthusiasts, and more recently as a form of actual political protest as google brought up several pages of such events.

     Loki may be the first victim of this practice. Loki had his mouth sewn shut with wire after losing a bet with some dwarves.  He had wagered his head in the bet (which Loki then lost), but refused to let the dwarves take his head if they couldn’t remove his head without leaving his neck intact.  Instead, the dwarves sewed his mouth shut for his slick way with words.  According to wikipedia, this myth is the basis for the logical fallacy “Loki’s wager,” which “is the unreasonable insistence that a concept cannot be defined, and therefore cannot be discussed.”

     The next instance is found in Don Quixote, by Miguel de Cervantes.  The first installment, published in 1605, is considered one of the world’s great masterworks.  At one point in the book, Sancho tells Don Quixote, “Senor Don Quixote, give me your worship’s blessing and dismissal, for I’d like to go home at once to my wife and children with whom I can at any rate talk and converse as much as I like; for to want me to go through these solitudes day and night and not speak to you when I have a mind is burying me alive. If luck would have it that animals spoke as they did in the days of Guisopete, it would not be so bad, because I could talk to Rocinante about whatever came into my head, and so put up with my ill-fortune; but it is a hard case, and not to be borne with patience, to go seeking adventures all one’s life and get nothing but kicks and blanketings, brickbats and punches, and with all this to have to sew up one’s mouth without daring to say what is in one’s heart, just as if one were dumb.”

     In 1827, it appears again in the Atheneaum.  The piece is titled Painters-Authoresses-Women, but it is not attributed to any author.  “It was easier to look in the glass than to make a dull canvas shine like a lucid mirror; and, as to talking, Sir Joshua used to say, a painter should sew up his mouth.”

     Here is the illuminating essay written by Patrick Nathan in The Paris Review; “For David Wojnarowicz, this decade has been a renaissance. He plays a guiding spirit in Olivia Laing’s 2016 internal travelogue, The Lonely City, and haunts the 2011 music video for Justice’s “Civilization.” In last year’s retrospective, History Keeps Me Awake at Night, the Whitney Museum reminded us that Wojnarowicz “came to prominence in New York in the 1980s, a period marked by creative energy, financial precariousness, and profound cultural changes.” We recognize that decade in our own, and, with it, Wojnarowicz’s anger. Our present is magnetized to his past. His art, as Hanya Yanagihara wrote, “reminds you that there is a distinction between cynicism and anger, because the work, while angry, is rarely bitter—bitterness is the absence of hope; anger is hope’s companion.” In truth, renaissance is a cruel word to give to someone who died at thirty-seven. But we do love him. We do need him.

     Some things to know about who we are:

     We are trapped in a moment of political terror. We are dangerously close to cynicism, but angry enough to have hope. We are no longer interested in compromise. Men, we agree, have had their chance. White women we can no longer trust to uphold feminism, not while they cling to white supremacy. We are antiracist and antifascist and prison abolitionists; we rejoiced when Bill Cosby received his sentence. We canceled Woody Allen, Kevin Spacey, Harvey Weinstein, and Al Franken with equal fervor. We are uninterested in what they think.

     Welcome to we: a disingenuous pronoun that both paid and unpaid pundits alike brandish without consent. I’m often guilty, too: my points are more convincing if I ventriloquize your voice alongside mine. Are we really doing this? Is this what we want? When did we decide this was okay? As usual, Adorno said it best: “To say ‘we’ and mean ‘I’ is one of the most recondite insults.” More often than not, we is an erasure, a linguistic illusion that you or I have endorsed some third person’s opinion, politics, or decisions. Deployed in politicized spaces, the subtext of we—i.e., I didn’t need to ask you—is a violation of political agency.

     What’s dangerous in maligning we, however, is how badly I—a cisgender white man living in America—need to hear these voices. Often, the contemporary we is a backlash against centuries of a white cishet male monolith, which includes the we in the Constitution. It’s a backlash voiced by women, people of color, trans and nonbinary persons, and persons with disabilities. As Wesley Morris wrote for the New York Times last year, “Groups who have been previously marginalized can now see that they don’t have to remain marginalized. Spending time with work that insults or alienates them has never felt acceptable. Now they can do something about it.” Morris casts this moment as an inversion of the culture wars of the eighties and nineties, when artists like Wojnarowicz faced censorship and humiliation from the religious right. After pushing their work to extremes and waging costly legal and political campaigns—including, in Wojnarowicz’s case, the very right to survive as a queer artist—the oppressed are now closer to power than ever. “This territory,” Morris writes, “was so hard won that it must be defended at all times, at any costs. Wrongs have to be righted. They can’t affect social policy—not directly. They can, however, amend the culture.” It’s in this sense that we becomes linguistic action. We cosign or cancel speech, endorse or excoriate art, all the while presuming that any I can borrow any you. We amplifies our voices as one, an assumption of power.

     While Morris’s essay is a sensitive, observant, and smart examination of ethics in contemporary art, and while I’m grateful to have read and reread it, my first impulse upon seeing its subheading (“Should art be a battleground for social justice?”) was to throw the magazine across the room and tweet something like, “Do we really need another man whispering ‘art for art’s sake’ as he pins us against the wall?” This is what our politics has done to me as a queer artist. I carry so much anger that even the threat of some man saying, Let’s not get carried away, triggers rage.

     Or perhaps more exact: revenge.

     I want to believe we need Wojnarowicz’s art, but I can only say that I need it. I burn for its juxtapositions, the shadows in his photographs, and the narrative ambition of his paintings—exuberant perversions of renaissance epics. Close to the Knives, his “memoir of disintegration,” immolates me entirely. Like many queers in the seventies, Wojnarowicz grew up neglected and abused, prostituting his body by the time he was fifteen. As an artist, he received no formal training—only critique from other queer artists, including his one-time lover, Peter Hujar, whose body became one of his subjects. Hujar’s face and hands and feet, photographed on his deathbed in 1987, found their way into one of Wojnarowicz’s collages, lacquered over with a fiery indictment of the society that let this happen to a man he loved; and then Wojnarowicz, too, died, with so much art left unmade.

     Reading Wojnarowicz today—that is, in his words, “in a country where an actor becomes the only acceptable president … a man whose vocation is to persuade with words and actions an audience who wants to believe whatever he tells them”—empowers me. Art “can be reparatory,” Morris writes, “a means for the oppressed and ignored to speak,” and Wojnarowicz’s anger makes me feel as if it’s my right to demand silence from those I perceive to have oppressed queer people, or even those who just don’t have the luck of being queer. I feel as if it’s my right to shun artworks in which I don’t recognize myself or my friends. To not see oneself mirrored in culture feels like abuse, every renewed act of erasure newly unbearable.

     While Morris writes about art specifically, his essay reflects a tendency in discourse overall toward separating, totally, that which we call bearable from that which we decide is not. This is the subject of Sarah Schulman’s Conflict is Not Abuse: Overstating Harm, Community Responsibility, and the Duty of Repair. “At many levels of human interaction,” she writes, “there is an opportunity to conflate discomfort with threat, to mistake internal anxiety for exterior danger, and in turn to escalate rather than resolve.” As social creatures, communication and negotiation are human responsibilities. Activities that work against communication—shunning, silencing, and enlisting the power of the state to punish rather than resolve—shirk this responsibility, and are unfortunately common among vulnerable persons, for whom withdrawal and refusal are often the only communication skills they possess. This leaves both parties trapped—one behind a locked door they won’t open, the other outside. Schulman describes her struggle to understand her colleagues, who, despite their liberal politics, have developed an “almost prescribed instinct to punish, using the language originated initially by a radical movement but now co-opted to deny complexity, due process, and the kind of in-person, interactive conversation that produces resolution.” This language is that of “abuse,” which has a perpetrator and a victim.

     In situations of abuse (ask yourself: is this a power struggle or does this person have power over me?), victims are indeed blameless. But Schulman’s thesis outlines how what often feels like abuse is instead conflict—a point of pain in need of resolution, arrived at only through honest and open communication, which can, and often does, hurt: “the collapse of Conflict and Abuse is partly the result of a punitive standard in which people are made desperate, yet ineligible, for compassion.” The state and its systems of power withhold assistance and compassion from those who are not “eligible.” This creates a system where the identity of victim is desired, if only to ensure one is met with compassion instead of derision. “This concept,” Schulman writes, “is predicated on a need to enforce that one party is entirely righteous and without mistake, while the other is the Specter, the residual holder of all evil.” Anyone who endured the punditry after the 2016 elections will understand why labeling oneself an economic or demographic victim can be toxic. In a sociological refusal to communicate, 63 million voters escalated decades of capitalist-driven conflict by turning their pain into a sacrosanct identity, regardless of how it would, and has, hurt millions of people far more severely than any pain, however legitimate, those voters felt.

     Schulman’s ideas on conflict, communication, escalation, abuse, and repair encourage us to accept individual responsibility, however small, for as many of the conflicts in one’s life as we can stand. Yet it remains necessary to distinguish these conflicts from abuse. What’s interesting about Schulman’s essay is how it intersects with urgent questions of speech, de-platforming, and “cancelation.” Her insistence upon open and respectful communication seems like an inversion of the tactics of silence, shunning, exclusion, and sometimes of violence used by antifascist groups for decades to combat authoritarian politics. The strategies of antifascism contradict everything Schulman says in her plea toward mutual understanding and conflict resolution, but only in the way that shouting over Ann Coulter, for example, seems like an infringement upon her right to incite violence through “free speech.” The error here is to call fascism a conflict.

     A primary goal of Mark Bray’s Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook is to illuminate the “trans-historical terror of fascism,” which is never a “defeated” enemy but a constant reactionary threat as long as inequality and suffering are tolerated. History is not fixed or written but being written. The post-Holocaust slogan—“Never again!”—is not a fact, observation, or conclusion, but a plea for understanding. As Bray writes, “History is a complex tapestry stitched together by threads of continuity and discontinuity… [Anti-fascism] is an argument about the historical continuity between different eras of far-right violence and the many forms of collective self-defense that it has necessitated across the globe over the past century.” It could indeed happen again—maybe tomorrow—and one needs to recognize it, contain it, and drive it back out of sight. These tactics don’t seek to understand the conflict and work toward resolution because there is no understanding, nor resolution; there is, in fact, no conflict. Fascism is abuse, and its evangelists know it. As Bray says, “The point here is not tactics; it is politics.” Just as an abusive parent or partner has no right to demand that his victim sit down and hear his case (again: “power over,” not “power struggle”), a political system that is predicated on the oppression and elimination of human beings from the populace based on race, legal history, nationality, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, or ability has no right to a national platform, and merits resistance over resolution. Fascism assumes a false mask of victimhood—one that seems like a “politics in conflict”—in order to undermine those who’d speak against it. But fascism is not a politics in conflict: it is a politics of abuse on a national and transnational scale. Antifascism seeks a way out of trauma; fascism governs with it.

        At the Morgan Library in New York, I saw Peter Hujar’s portrait of David Wojnarowicz, gaunt and severely shadowed, dark-eyed, a cigarette in mid drag; and I felt it, around my neck. Love there, and admiration. Grief. Seeing how Hujar saw his ex-lover, friend, and fellow artist seized me entirely. I didn’t understand why I was trembling. It just happened as these things happen—and, for me, are happening more and more. Last year, T magazine ran a special issue on the early eighties in New York. On one page, Edmund White remembered friends, writers, and artists who’d died young: “I was just thinking of Allen Barnett, who lived to publish one book of stories … He was so angry that he had to die.” On another page, the faces of over a hundred artists, choreographers, writers, performers, designers, and cinematographers “lost” to HIV related illnesses. I had no choice: I sobbed. The same thing happened with Tom Bianchi’s Polaroids of Fire Island in the early eighties, in which young men, naked or mostly naked, smile there on the sand, playing and drinking and fucking and loving each other with no idea what awaits them. “I could not have imagined,” Bianchi writes, “that my Polaroids would so suddenly become a record of a lost world—my box of pictures a mausoleum, too painful to visit. When I reopened the box decades later, I found friends and lovers playing and smiling. Alive again.” Even this, reread so many times, is hard to transcribe.

     I began having sex with men in 2006. HIV is not only a treatable illness, but, thanks to PrEP, easier to avoid contracting than ever. I’ve lost no one to AIDS. I was a child when it decimated queer communities across the world. Because of this, it’s taken me a long time to understand that there is still trauma here, that for me to look back and see what has happened, and to see the people—the Reagan administration, state and local governments, charity organizations, and “normal Americans”—who stood by and let it happen, is for me a trauma I’m allowed to feel. It’s traumatic to know how many influential figures called it punishment, called it God, and how many millions nodded along with them. It’s traumatic that I believed, long after the documented success of antiretroviral therapy, that HIV was certain death. It’s traumatic to imagine myself and my friends in that other decade, losing all the men in my life I love and have loved, all while someone laughs on television, where they are paid to say, You had it coming.

     Yes, they called me faggot, bullied me and threatened me; yes, I pushed myself so deeply into the closet that I thought I was someone else, hurting a lot of people in the process; and yes, I carry scars from those years when I craved physical pain instead of pain I couldn’t articulate. But no one I love died, not like that. Nor do I understand these intense reactions as merely empathetic, because I feel them a hundredfold more strongly than when I encounter the pain of people suffering in other situations. Instead—to adapt a phrase from Bray—this feels like transhistorical queer trauma. Not long ago, people like me suffered unimaginably and died in isolation, cut off not only from civil and social apparatuses but often their families; and this happened because those people were like me. Through shunning, violence, intimidation, and legislation, a society had so othered LGBTQ individuals that their drawn out and brutal deaths seemed permissible, even desirable. And alongside those deaths, what was a few million drug users, homeless persons, and black Americans living in abject poverty? Because of white supremacist and heteropatriarchal ideologies, a virus became a weapon of the state, allowed first to proliferate and then, once activists had pushed back hard enough, to be contained, managed, and controlled by federal subsidies and corporate pharmaceutical research.

     I’m not stupid enough to think “never again” calls for anything but constant vigilance. In February of 2018, the White House proposed a 20% cut in the nation’s global HIV/AIDS fund, which would lead, according to a report issued by ONE.org, to “nearly 300,000 deaths and more than 1.75 million new infections each year.” On June 1 of this year, the president logged onto Twitter and mentioned how we would “celebrate LGBT Pride Month and recognize the outstanding contributions LGBT people have made to our great Nation,” despite everything his administration and party have done to strip trans persons of their safety and their rights, to obstruct federal and state protections for queer families and workers. It’s especially tempting to ask this transphobic autocrat what he believes the T stands for when he reminds the nation to celebrate LGBT people, but that’s beside the point. It’s not ignorance that emanates from the White House. It is not a politics in conflict. No matter how many rainbow emoji the president tweets, his queer politics is death, hate, and exclusion. It is a legacy of abuse, and perhaps it’s only natural to feel it across generations, to break down sobbing when I discover another artist or writer or human being who was, not that many years ago, “so angry that he had to die.”

     Those 63 million votes: was each an act of abuse? I want to say yes—I believed they were for a long time. As Bray indicates, “It is clear that ardent Trump supporters voted for their candidate either because of or despite his misogyny, racism, ableism, Islamaphobia, and many more hateful traits.” For me and the people I love, these votes felt cruel, and while I’m no longer sure about saying yes, I don’t question my choice to end every relationship I had with anyone who used their vote to inflict such irresponsible, widespread harm.

     Every fascist regime has snuck into power through legal means with a relatively small majority. In the 1930 elections, shortly before Hitler was appointed chancellor of the Reichstag, the Nazis received 18.3% of the vote. When Vittorio Emanuele III appointed Mussolini as prime minister in 1922, after 30,000 blackshirts marched theatrically on Rome, the PNF only held thirty-five of more than five hundred seats. In 2016, Trump received over 2.8 million fewer votes than Hillary Clinton. As I write this, there are thirty-one states—plus D.C.—with party registration. In those states, registered Democrats outnumber Republicans by 12 million; yet Republicans currently control sixty-seven of the ninety-nine state legislative bodies and hold a majority in the Senate. Supremacist ideologies don’t need that many fervent supporters; what they do need is indifference. In the case of Trump voters, Bray continues, “it is always important to distinguish between ideologues and their capricious followers, yet we cannot overlook how these popular bases of support create the foundations for fascism to manifest itself.”

     Here is where the difference between conflict and abuse becomes a societal urgency. I’m not going to mince words. The Republican party, championing Islamophobia, denying and exacerbating climate change, stripping trans persons of their rights, supporting police brutality against the black community, incarcerating immigrants and separating children from their families—in short, committing crime upon crime against humanity—is a global terrorist organization rooted not only in white supremacy, but the supremacy of wealth. It’s hard to see class in America—to see poverty as an identity—because the American fabrication is that today’s poor, through obedience and hard work, will be rich tomorrow. It’s a story that hides an oppressed class in plain sight of people who serve as a ready-made voting base for the rich, as long as the rich grant them whiteness, heteronormativity, male supremacy, or some other power over those more deeply oppressed. These are those who might not champion the oppression of others, but go along with it as a price paid for a seat at the table.

     It’s difficult to accept responsibility for this transaction, so enticing is its reward: state-sponsored victimhood. To take an example from Schulman, the white queer community doesn’t want to hear that today, “with gay marriage and parenthood prevalent, and the advent of gay nuclear families and normalized queer childbirth … white queer families realign with the state that held them in pervasive illegality less than a generation ago.” At the same time, this community still sees itself as unable to do harm, so entrenched is its history with victimhood. To challenge this is perceived as antiqueer ideology: of course we have the right to families, to suburbs, to lattes and plaid. But so, too, do white queers, in their newfound positions of power, have newfound responsibility to uphold the greater community, and to use their privilege to resolve conflicts with the trans community and queers of color, not to mention other oppressed and persecuted communities.

     There is a similarity in action, Schulman says, in both the supremacist and the victim. This is born of refusal: “For the Supremacist, this refusal comes from a sense of entitlement; that they have an inherent ‘right’ not to question themselves. Conversely, the unrecovered traumatized person’s refusal is rooted in a panic that their fragile self cannot bear interrogation.” For the conflicted, seeing their pain mirrored in another can become a way to justify pain: at least she feels what I feel, or even at least he’s worse off than me. What this creates is an ongoing and mutually reflective theater of trauma in which everyone is a victim, exempt from responsibility, beyond repair.

     We live in a misogynistic, racist, homo- and transphobic, ableist, violent, and viciously unequal country whose relatively small population (4.4% of the world) and vast wealth (25%) leave us, individual voters, responsible for the fate and future of this planet as its oceans rise and reefs die, as its air grows increasingly contaminated and water less potable. To feel so powerless and yet accountable for the future of the human race means that the sheer number of traumatized persons living in America is staggering. We are rooted in a country created by two concurrent genocides and supported by two centuries of wars, spectacular terrorism, theft, and global oppression. What’s worse, as Schulman argues, traumatized persons, through their actions, amplify and spread trauma to others by shunning, bullying, silencing, scapegoating, and threatening; they cling to what little they’re given as payment for their complicity in worldwide destruction at the profit of a small minority of white, wealthy men.

     What use am I, and who is profiting from my trauma? How has my pain been weaponized and turned against others to stoke greater conflict? These are questions every American should ask themselves, particularly as we enter the nauseating theater of the 2020 elections and what lies beyond.

     Conflict is profitable. Not only is this obvious in two hundred years of U.S. foreign policy, but in millennia of art and entertainment: escalation is dramatic, and drama, if it doesn’t affect us directly, is cathartic. It’s fun to say, Did you see what he said about her? and to watch a conflict get worse. There’s a reason journalists crank the apocalypse up to eleven every time the president tweets. It keeps readers coming back. Resolution is boring. Resolution is unprofitable. A played-out resolution is not a drama but an education: you too are responsible, rather than, watch this. Resisting this is not easy, fast, or efficient—three values Americans cherish. To be conflicted, to explore one’s accountability in a relationship, this is not what makes an individual spectacularly eligible for compassion. Only victimhood opens that coffer, and whoever screams loudest gets the prize.

     What is needed is a queering of compassion. To move beyond the truly rare (but extant) binaries of perpetrator and victim, it’s important that every individual recognizes their existence in a continuum of conflict, and seeks to resolve and repair rather than escalate and destroy. We—and here I do mean every single one of us—must question individual guilt, which is rooted in action, rather than shame, which is entrenched in identity. Because when we insist upon the binary—that everyone is either perpetrator or victim—the cost is literal human life. One need only to look to all the Black Americans murdered by police, summoned by a white neighbor’s perceived victimhood, amplified by the aesthetics of entertainment.

     The we I want to belong to is the we that recognizes our vast diversity of pain—the we that understands we’ve been assigned this pain for someone else’s profit, and that we need no longer give them want they want. To reserve compassion only for victims deemed eligible is to accept an arbitrary division, one in which the state can deem some of us worthy of aid and exclude others, meanwhile ensuring that the victims never speak to one another, competing as they must to remain in their places. Is it so revolutionary to say that every human being is eligible for compassion? That men and women of any gender or sexuality, any skin color, any ability, any legal or migratory status, any age, receive the same compassionate understanding as any other, responsible only for their actions and not the identities coerced upon them by others? To believe otherwise is to let fascism shatter our society.”

Loki montage to the song Would You Turn Your Back On Me? (Monster)

        References

Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech, Elie Weisel

https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/peace/1986/wiesel/acceptance-speech

Orlando, by Virginia Woolf

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/18839.Orlando?ac=1&from_search=true&qid=0HuklkuMcp&rank=1  

Discourse and Truth: The Problematization of Parrhesia, by Michel Foucault

A Stitch in Time: The enduring symbolism of a sewn mouth, from the works of David Wojnarowicz to recent protests by refugees, by Olivia Laing

https://www.frieze.com/article/stitch-time-0

The Lonely City: Adventures in the Art of Being Alone, Olivia Laing

Participating in the American Theater of Trauma, By Patrick Nathan

https://www.theparisreview.org/blog/2019/06/25/the-american-theater-of-trauma

Close to the Knives: A Memoir of Disintegration, by David Wojnarowicz

Image Control: Art, Fascism, and the Right to Resist, by Patrick Nathan

Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook, by Mark Bray

Conflict is Not Abuse: Overstating Harm, Community Responsibility, and the Duty of Repair, by Sarah Schulman

S., by J.J. Abrams, Doug Dorst

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/17860739-s

Enforced Silence, Doug Dorst

https://monkeysandrabbitholes.blogspot.com/2014/01/enforced-silence-or-some-thoughts-on.html

                       David Wojnarowicz: a reading list

Brush Fires in the Social Landscape, by David Wojnarowicz, Lucy R. Lippard

Fire in the Belly: The Life and Times of David Wojnarowicz, by Cynthia Carr

David Wojnarowicz: A Definitive History of Five or Six Years on the Lower East Side, by Giancarlo Ambrosino, Sylvère Lotringer (Editor), Chris Kraus (Editor), Hedi El Kholti (Editor), Justin Cavin (Editor), Jennifer Doyle (Afterword)

In the Shadow of the American Dream: The Diaries of David Wojnarowicz,

by David Wojnarowicz, Amy Scholder (editor)

Weight of the Earth: The Tape Journals of David Wojnarowicz,

by David Wojnarowicz, Lisa Darms (Editor), David O’Neill (Editor), David Velsco (Introduction)

Close to the Knives: A Memoir of Disintegration, by David Wojnarowicz

October 10 2026 A New Moon Rises, and With It A New Hope: Festival of the Rebel Angel Lucifer

     A new moon signals the advent of the Halloween lunar month tonight, a liminal time of transformation, change, rebirth, and the permeability of the boundary between life and death, dreams and consensus reality, truths and illusions, normality and transgression, as the gateway of the Forbidden opens and beckons us into unknowns.

     Always go through the Forbidden Door.

     A Great Work begins with moonrise as it does each year, of the destruction and re-creation of ourselves and our universe, and I write now in praise of sacred acts of Chaos and Transformation, and of songs of Liberty such as Neil Gaiman’s Lucifer. I am a fan of the Netflix series Lucifer and have watched it through several times; it places the task of healing from the trauma of life disruptive events and the pathology of our disconnectedness and division as abandonment in a mythic context from Milton’s Paradise Lost; Neil Gaiman has written a reimagination of Paradise Regained.

     Primarily a work which interrogates issues of freedom and autonomy versus authority and subjugation, falsification versus authenticity, and ownership of identity as a ground of struggle, Neil Gaiman places his drama in the context of the problem of the deus absconditus, the Biblical tyrant god who bound humankind to his laws and then abandoned us to struggle free of them in a defining act of self-creation. 

     It’s a story which has much evolved and diverged from Biblical sources referential to Nebuchadnezzar and the historical fall of Babylon, this being the context in the paragraph containing the famous passage in Isaiah 14:12 as given in the King James Bible; “How art thou fallen from heaven, O Lucifer, son of the morning! how art thou cut down to the ground, which didst weaken the nations!” The Vulgate also uses the word lucifer in Peter 1:19 “morning star”, Job 11:17 “the light of the morning”, Job 38:32 “the signs of the zodiac” and Psalms 110:3 “the dawn”. The Adversary of the Hebrew Bible, Satan, was developed into a literary figure by Origen and Tertullian, and later became conflated with Lucifer. We have Aquinas and Pseudo-Dionysius to thank for the origin of the idea of Satan as identical with the angel Lucifer after the Fall, as he appears in Milton, along with the rest of their baroque and imaginary cosmology and hierarchies of angels.

     Gaiman’s secondary sources include the myth of Prometheus in Hesiod’s Theogony, Aeschylus’ Prometheus Bound, Plato’s Protagoras, poetic versions of his myth by Goethe and Byron, the play by Percy Bysshe Shelley, and Mary Shelly’s Frankenstein which reimagines them all in a glorious recursion like an ouroboros swallowing its tail. Neil Gaiman also references the poetry of Ted Hughes and William Blake, and the myth of the fallen angels and their monstrous children the Nephilim from the apocryphal Book of Enoch.

     Interdependent with this is a love story which references Beauty and the Beast, its great retelling by Emily Bronte as Wuthering Heights, classical myths of Orpheus and Persephone, and Jewish myths of the double aspected divine feminine; the Shekinah, goddess of wisdom as transcendence, ecstatic vision, and poetic truth who once had her own altar beside that of her masculine half in Jewish temples, and Lillith, mother of the Thousands of Myriads and bearer of wisdom immanent in nature and written in our flesh as her children.

     Lucifer’s signature line, “What do you desire?” appropriates the central question of Lacan, “Che vuoi?”; his power to reveal one’s true self through looking into one’’s eyes and soul references the power of Medusa which appropriates the Male Gaze, and he never lies, for lies are the instrument of authority and those who would enslave us, and he is above all a Liberator, whose purpose is to free us from tyranny.

     Secondarily he is a Trickster figure, who disrupts order through acts of Chaos and Transgression as a guide of the soul and as revolutionary struggle. As such he is a figure of the Rebel and models seizure of power from those who would enslave us and steal our souls; so I have often described myself as a bringer of Chaos and a maker of mischief for tyrants.

     Here also is desire as an unstoppable tidal force of anarchy and liberation, transgression and the violation of norms as sacred acts in pursuit of truth parallel with the witness of history and the calling of journalism as Foucault’s truth telling, linked to the redemptive and creative powers of love to set us free by seeing the truth of each other; how could I not identify with Lucifer, who embodies self-creation as seizures of power?

     Gaiman’s Lucifer provides a role model and defines a personal mission statement for me, as I suspect he does for his enormous audience and fandom of the series. As Slavoj Zizek wrote in How to Read Lacan; “Even when my desires are transgressive, even when they violate social norms, this transgression relies on what it transgresses. Paul knows this very well, when in the famous passage in Romans, he describes how the Law gives societies the desire to violate it.”      

     “The evil that I would not, that I do” Romans 7:19, contextualizes transgression as the violation of normalities and the boundaries of the Forbidden, a mission statement of becoming human which like the divine command in Genesis not to eat the apple of the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil and become gods establishes the primary human act as defiance of Authority and refusal to submit, whereby we seize our power and become self-created and self-owned beings, autonomous and free. As Max Stirner wrote; “Freedom cannot be granted; it must be seized.”

     As such it interrogates forms of power as rebellion against tyranny and authority, as transgression of the Forbidden, and as violations of normality and imposed ideas of virtue, three things I consider and practice as sacred Acts of Chaos and Transformation.

     Lucifer in Gaiman’s mythos is also a brilliantly depicted damaged child trying to grow up and free himself from the legacies of his enslavement. When one has been raised as a beast, becoming human is revolutionary struggle.

     As the story arc of the series foregrounds themes of love as a redemptive force from the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, and the abandonment of power over others as a path of healing the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world set in the second half of Milton’s epic poem wherein the devil abandons the throne of hell he had won in rebellion to discover and create himself anew, it remains a useful myth about growing up and becoming independent from the authorized identities made for us by our parents and as a transformative vision of how to escape the legacies of history we drag around behind us in our shadow like an invisible reptilian tail.

     I find reflection of myself in the character of Lucifer and the issues he faces as a wounded champion of the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, who cannot escape the consequences of his aberrations and transgressions of the Forbidden or defiance of authorized identities and the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue and normality; he is an outcast hero who is seen by others as a villain and must accept his own monstrosity if he is to champion others.

      In the film The League of Extraordinary Gentlemen, Dr Jekyll refuses to use his power with the words, “No. Hyde will never use me again.” To this Stuart Townsend’s glorious and strange Dorian Gray replies; “Then what good are you?”

     Let us embrace our monstrosity as a seizure of power and say of this secret twin who knows no limits and is free as Prospero says of Caliban in Act V, Scene 1 of William Shakespeare ’s The Tempest; “This thing of darkness I acknowledge mine.”

     With this quote William S. Burroughs, who collaborated with my father in his underground theatre productions staged in part as magical ceremonies and influenced by his friend Georges Bataille’s cult of Nietzsche as well as Lovecraftian elements and forms from medieval sources mediated by Crowley, part of my deep childhood and imaginal universe, ended the final moments of the rituals he intended to grant me successorship as an avatar of the entity which possessed him. This he sometimes called the Toad, and believed to be the Toad Nietzsche refers to as the part of himself he cannot swallow; I of course feared nothing and certainly not my own nature. Let us embrace the wildness of nature, and the wildness of ourselves.

     Ours is a fallen world, a wilderness of mirrors wherein the truths written in our flesh and immanent in nature have been captured and distorted by those who would enslave us, falsified and abstracted like Baudrillard’s simulacra from our lived experience as wild things, limitless and free; but one in which true heroism is possible, and where the uncontrollable and anarchic tidal force of love and desire can redeem the wildness of nature and the wildness within ourselves.

     The romance subplot centers on the redemptive power of love and references Jean Cocteau’s classic film Beauty and the Beast, Mary Shelly’s Frankenstein, Emily Bronte’s Wuthering Heights, and directly appropriates as its model the myth of Orpheus and Eurydice, as well as the tragic re-enactment of that myth and its reimagination in Wuthering Heights in the lives and poetry of Ted Hughes and Sylvia Plath, who cast themselves in the roles of Heathcliff and Catherine.

     Who can read the work of Emily Bronte without the meaning of her great novel Wuthering Heights changing with our awareness that its author thought of herself as Victor Frankenstein and as the titan Prometheus cast out of heaven like Milton’s rebel angel? That Heathcliff is her monster, a demon to be united with in an exalted Nietzschean rapture of transformative rebirth? And does this not change one’s reading of her source Frankenstein, and the works of Mary Shelly and Emily Bronte’s successors Sylvia Plath and Ted Hughes?

    Such beautiful imagery, in an allegory of epigenetic trauma and resilience. We are all prisoners of our history, whose legacies we drag behind us like invisible reptilian tails.

     We must free ourselves from our history; this is the first phase of revolutionary struggle and a precondition to our seizure of power over the ownership of ourselves and the achievement of internal conditions of being characterized by Liberty, autonomy, and Sartrean freedom and authenticity, a state which I term Unconquered, for who cannot be compelled by force is free.

    Unconquered; the only title worth having, an idea which has continued to inform, motivate, and shape me since I first discovered it in a poem by William Ernest Henley, Invictus, as a high school Freshman.

    At the first assembly of the new school year the incoming class was asked to  recite a poem we liked to our new peers to introduce ourselves. Ours was a town divided by church affiliation of which my family and I were members of neither and rare new arrivals as my father took a job teaching high school there; the quiet and black garbed Dutch and their Reformed Church, affiliated with that of South Africa’s Apartheid regime, grim giants with snow white hair like Harry Potter villains who thought music and dancing were sinful and whose mouths were full of thee’s and thou’s, and the loud and laughing, earthy, polka dancing, sawdust pit wrestling Swiss and their Calvinist Church, who served beer to anyone over the age of twelve. Among my earliest memories was when a Dutch man married a Swiss girl, both white Protestants speaking forms of German, and his relatives called it a mixed marriage and burned a cross on their lawn.

    Here I was notorious, the student for whom prayer in school had been discontinued at the insistence of my mother who was a member of the Peace and Freedom Party because of their platform statement to take In God We Trust off our money as it is a claim by the state to Biblical authority, and personally I had adopted Nietzsche’s Thus Spake Zarathustra as a counter-narrative to the Bible the previous year and often quoted it in refutation to my fellow students attempts to cite the Bible to me as authority as control and the repression of dissent. My parents were formidable figures who were also misfits; my mother a radical atheist, feminist, and peace activist, also a biologist, psychologist, author, and scholar of Coleridge and medieval religious art, and my father the high school English, Drama, Forensics, and Fencing Club teacher who was also a counterculture theater director and collected artists and intellectuals, including Edward Albee whose plays he directed and my quasi-uncle William S. Burroughs who were formative personal influences of my childhood.

    I figured that I was going to get into a lot of fights, and had chosen to recite Invictus as the terms of struggle. Here was my prefacing speech to my peers and to the world; “I ask nothing of anyone, nor any quarter; neither will I offer any to those who stand against me. But I will never abandon anyone who stands with me, nor will you ever stand alone.

    Last summer I went to Brazil to train as a fencer for the Pan American Games, and stayed to defend abandoned street children from the bounty hunters whom the rich had set on them, and this is how we survived against police death squads with only our hands and whatever we could steal; by standing together regardless of our differences.

    This is what I ask now, of all of you. I’m hoping we can be friends.

     The poem I’ve chosen to recite is Invictus, which means Unconquered in Latin, by William Ernest Henley.

   “Out of the night that covers me,  

  Black as the Pit from pole to pole,  

I thank whatever gods may be  

  For my unconquerable soul.  

In the fell clutch of circumstance

  I have not winced nor cried aloud.  

Under the bludgeonings of chance  

  My head is bloody, but unbowed.  

Beyond this place of wrath and tears  

  Looms but the Horror of the shade,

And yet the menace of the years  

  Finds, and shall find, me unafraid.  

It matters not how strait the gate,  

  How charged with punishments the scroll,  

I am the master of my fate:

  I am the captain of my soul. “

    After a long and terrible silence, the auditorium erupted in cheers.

     None who are human are beyond redemption. Sometimes all we need do to conjure the redemptive power of love is offer others entrance into our world, to reveal our pain and our fear, our loneliness and hope of love, the wounds and flaws of our humanity which open us to the pain of others.

     This is my advice to anyone who would reach out across the interfaces of our differences to win allies and transform enemies into friends, to all who write, speak, teach, and organize as a fulcrum of action with which to change the balance of power in the world; be unguarded, genuine, raw even, and speak your truth with vision and passion. We must speak directly to the pain we share as fellow human beings to call forth the truth of others.

     We all have one problem in common as we grow up; each of us must reinvent how to be human. 

    Always there remains the struggle between the masks that others make for us and those we make for ourselves; this is the first revolution in which we all must fight, the struggle to seize ownership of ourselves.

      Let us embrace the wildness of nature, and the wildness of ourselves.

      Throughout the Festival of the Rebel Angel, this year the whole lunar month from today until the new moon on the eighth of November, let us bring the Chaos, run amok, and be Ungovernable. For Law serves power, Order is theft, and there is no just Authority.

     Non Serviam, as Milton wrote.    

Pieter Bruegel “The fall of the rebel angels” with motion and sound

Lucifer’s Song of Love: Cover of Wicked Game by Ursine Vulpine & Annaca

Lucifer Netflix official trailer

My Love Will Never Die, Music by Claire Wyndham from the Lucifer Season 4 finale

Lucifer Omnibus, Vol. 1 & 2, by Mike Carey

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/44493915-lucifer-omnibus-vol-1

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/52507828-lucifer-omnibus-vol-2

Flowers from Hell: A Satanic Reader, by Nikolas Schreck (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/479570.Flowers_from_Hell

Romantic Satanism: Myth and the Historical Moment in Blake, Shelley, and Byron, Peter A. Schock

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1529096.Romantic_Satanism?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_79

Paradise Lost and Paradise Regained, by John Milton, Christopher Ricks (Annotations)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/336518.Paradise_Lost_and_Paradise_Regained

The War in Heaven: Paradise Lost and the Tradition of Satan’s Rebellion, Stella Purce Revard

The Origin of Satan: How Christians Demonized Jews, Pagans and Heretics,

Elaine Pagels

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/22470.The_Origin_of_Satan?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_19

The Tempest, Willliam Shakespeare

The Books of Enoch, The Book of Giants, Joseph B. Lumpkin commentary and translations

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/35675694-the-books-of-enoch-the-book-of-giants

Hesiods Theogony: from Near Eastern Creation Myths to Paradise Lost,

by Stephen Scully

Prometheus Bound & Prometheus Unbound, by Aeschylus, Percy Bysshe Shelley

 Lucifer and Prometheus, Raphael Jehudah Zwi Werblowsky, C.G. Jung Foreword

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/3048734-lucifer-and-prometheus?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_10

From Scripture to Superbook: A History of Lucifer and the War in Heaven

Doré’s Illustrations for “Paradise Lost”, Gustave Doré

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/19143698-dor-s-illustrations-for-paradise-lost?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_53

The Satanic Epic, Neil Forsyth

October 9 2026 Shadow Rites For the Three Nights of the Dark Moon

     On this final night of the monthly Three Nights of the Dark Moon, before the New Moon is born, we celebrate our nadir and the infinite chasms of darkness from which we arise anew each month with the moon, part of the cycles of nature.

     Worts and Cunning Apothecary has some great ideas for things to do during this last of the three monthly Nights of the Dark Moon. Herein I share with you some of mine, and wish you the joy of total freedom to balance the terror of our nothingness, love to heal the flaws of our humanity, and beauty to balance the brokenness of the world.

     My own repertoire for such times includes Shadow work which means the embrace of our monstrosity, the violation of normalities, the transgression of the Forbidden, and most especially enactment of that which is most terrible and dread within us, dancing our revulsion, fear, and disgust, our despair, grief, and horror in performance of unauthorized identities or embodiment of malign and chthonic forces and purgation of shame or other negative passions through iconographic art, as sacred acts of becoming human.

     The work of a sorcerer is to gather powerful and authentic emotional experiences, memories which bear liminal force and can be used to fuel acts of will; but we humans must also be their master and not their slave, and this process of reimagination and transformation of ourselves through catharsis and assimilation is what the Nights of the Dark Moon are for.  

       Nor do I neglect the ephemera of tradition, though my Old Time Religion may be somewhat different from yours; Rattling the Bones or divination as choosing among possible futures and selves I wish to realize and enact, the practice of ecstatic vision and discovering hidden potentialities by projection of consciousness through the Labyrinth of the Gates of Dreams or other realities and bringing back a gift to our own, Waking the Dead which is simply honoring and seeking wisdom from those who have come before, enchantments or the making of special objects which derive their power from dark forces including  weapons of combat and protective magic like the Armour of the Abyss, the casting of curses, invocations and letting ones demons out to dance.

    Also there is the ceremonial main event of the Nights of the Dark Moon, which varies as the nights count down to the new moon, a less terrible and dread monthly form of the Black Sun ritual; the next annular solar eclipse or Black Sun will be on February 6 of next year, but like ourselves every moon is born in the darkness which comes before.

     Dance with us. Dance in rage or terror or joy; dance it out.

     As I wrote in my post of October 1 2024, Our World Is Destroyed and Recreated in This Ritual of the Black Sun Wherein Our Humanity Is Eclipsed By the Legacies of Our History; As the season of Halloween is signaled tomorrow by the new moon, it opens and coincides this year with the annular solar eclipse or Ring of Fire and the Ritual of the Black Sun as symbolized despair, abjection, grief, and fear, illuminated with great beauty and horror in Stanton Marlin’s study of the alchemical works of Jung in The Black Sun: the alchemy and art of darkness, William Blake’s Book of Urizen, and Julia Kristeva’s Black Sun: Depression and Melancholia, my three primary references on this subject.

     And this ritual of transformative rebirth occurs in the wake of the war crimes and atrocities of the Hamas terror attack on Israel on Black Saturday on October 7 of last year and of the now year long Israeli terror, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and genocide against the civilian population of Palestine and of the seventy years of imperial conquest and colonial Occupation by Israel which preceded it and created the conditions for Black Saturday as liberation struggle, Israeli crimes against humanity in which America and others are complicit as our taxes buy the deaths and mutilations of children, we have never since the liberation of Auschwitz needed more the purgative and redemptive powers of the Ritual of the Black Sun as the embrace of our darkness, our terror, and our rage.

     To hunt our monsters we must embrace our monstrosity, and this is an origin of the cyclical nature of atrocities such as Black Saturday and the Genocide of the Palestinians, and why we must abandon the tyranny of the Good with its hierarchies of belonging and otherness, authorized identities, narratives of victimization, legacies of history, demonization of enemies, and the horrible seductiveness of sending armies to enforce virtue.

     No matter where you begin with such recursive forces of destruction and the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz. We are there still, all humankind, part of our souls captive in its dark mirror.   

     There are two possible replies to an event of this kind, which disrupts and fractures systems of order on the positive side and violates our humanity as degradation and dehumanization on the negative like a Janus coin of mirror reversals; with fear and its mad children rage and violence, or with love and its praxis as compassion and mercy.

     To bring harm or healing, enforcement of virtue and the tyranny and terror of wars of imperial dominion and conquest and the centralization of power to authority and carceral states of force and control, or solidarity as guarantors of each other’s universal human rights and democracy as co-owners of the state in a free society of equals.

     As I wrote in my post of October 13 2023, If we choose war in this moment, and America continues to send military aid to Israel as a sponsor and collaborator in the genocide of the Palestinians in retribution for this vast war crime and atrocity perpetrated by Hamas to fasten their political control of the people of Gaza, the Age of Tyrants has begun.

     If we choose peace and send humanitarian aid both to the people of Israel and of Gaza in the war of annihilation which is coming as Netanyahu gathers his forces to invade, we may yet have a chance for a future democracy to emerge in the region and globally as a United Humankind.

     Our best chance to heal the legacies of our history and reunite the peoples of Israel and Palestine is if they turn their backs on those who claim to act in their name, both Netanyahu’s regime and that of Hamas, and refuse to kill each other in service to the power of those who would enslave us.

     Let us send no armies to enforce virtue, and bring healing to the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

    Yet hope remains for transformative change, the fall of theocratic regimes and the emergence of secular democracy free from the legacies of our history, a history which in the bifurcated and fragmented states and national identities of the region divides one people into Israelis and Palestinians through fascisms of blood, faith, and soil in service to the power of tyrants and elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, systems of oppression which are our true enemies.

    A massive people’s protest movement has erupted both locally and globally, and this gives me hope that we may yet escape the Age of Tyrants, which I predict will unfold as six to eight centuries of totalitarian empires and wars of dominion ending with the extinction of humankind; with 92 to 98 percent probability.

     But the chance to salvage something of our humanity and our civilization of democracy and universal human rights does exist, however fragile and unlikely, if we can unite and act in solidarity as each other’s liberators and guarantors of a free society of equals. 

     There are no Israelis, no Palestinians; only people like ourselves, and the choices we make about how to be human together.

A Might-Do List for the Dark Moon      

https://www.wortsandcunning.com/blog/a-might-do-list-for-the-dark-moon?fbclid=IwY2xjawU2l_5leHRuA2FlbQIxMQBwZG9mAWJyaWQRMW41cm5YYUF3Z2VxbVZwZVlzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEe7R58sJKcT5kjxF9Tftt9GJuWHZ1bsbZJDANOKgETbq02KYkucKYukLjuUhE_aem_uX0pUz-Gws1bIg_RJLSXyw

The Black Sun, Julia Kristeva                     

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1JFdZI1n6F9iwJFItPFfcMsGrzy_xCgHo/view?usp=sharing

The Black Sun: the alchemy and art of darkness, Stanton Marlan

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1J-mjBLJhRwsqVvkjVQguUIEpTF9XevkF/view?usp=sharing

The Book of Urizen, William Blake

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1JIVqya6uqyru-8yOLC8WxOWZ-yEa-aqG/view?usp=sharing

Images of the Black Sun: Notes on the relationship between Heinrich Heine and Gérard de Nerval, Ralph Häfner

https://www.cairn.info/revue-de-litterature-comparee-2006-3-page-285.htm

                    On Shadow Work, a reading list

Meeting the Shadow: The Hidden Power of the Dark Side of Human Nature,

by Connie Zweig (Goodreads Author) (Editor), Jeremiah Abrams (Editor)

Romancing the Shadow: A Guide to Soul Work for a Vital, Authentic Life, Connie Zweig, Steve Wolf

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/182167.Romancing_the_Shadow?ref=nav_sb_ss_2_21

Pan and the Nightmare, by James Hillman

a manual on the practice of Chod

https://usermanual.wiki/Pdf/Tulpamancy20Guide20Into20the20Strange20and20Wonderful.1558794621  

How to Feed Your Demons

https://www.lionsroar.com/how-to-practice-feeding-your-demons

Feeding Your Demons: Ancient Wisdom for Resolving Inner Conflict, Tsultrim Allione

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/2232663.Feeding_Your_Demons?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_19

A Little Book on the Human Shadow: A Poetic Journey into the Dark Side of the Human Personality, Shadow Work, and the Importance of Confronting Our Hidden Self, Robert Bly

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/685656.A_Little_Book_on_the_Human_Shadow?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_33

October 8 2026 The Death Penalty As the Sign of the End of Democracy And Our Liberty and Universal Human Rights: the Case of Christa Pike

      In the case of Christa Pike we find a signpost of the depths of our depravity as a nation, a measure of how far we have Fallen, and of the peril of our historical moment as we balance on the edge of an Age of Tyrants.

      To be clear, I wholly approve of vengeance, I just don’t like states having the power of life and death over their citizens.

     When law replaces justice, none of us are safe.

     As the Matadors said to me in Sao Paulo Brazil 1974 when they rescued me from execution by a police death squad for helping the abandoned street children they were bounty hunting to pretty up the neighborhoods of the elites; “We can’t save everyone, but we can avenge.”

     I am a monster who hunts other monsters, and mine is a hunter’s morality. But when we authorize others to do so for us and institutionalize justice as law and order, we hand the power over all our lives to the state and its enforcers, police and other security services, and centralize power to Authority as carceral states of force and control. So our need for security becomes subversive of itself, and the social use of force a path of tyranny.

    All states are embodied violence.

    Law serves power, Order appropriates, and there is no just Authority.

     I believe our right to life to be nonexclusionary and inviolable; all human beings possess this right as an inherent condition of being, and it cannot be abrogated in any case whatever, even that of monsters. It is the first of all rights guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, thereby making the American state legitimate only so far as it functions as a guarantor of our rights; both a right of citizens and of human beings, which are parallel and interdependent kinds of rights. Under the founding law of the land, the state can not kill anyone.

     Among a great many things, this means that arming the police and granting them the power to use deadly force is a criminal and treasonous act, as is the Patriot Act that militarized policing as a counter-terrorism force, created a surveillance state, and launched a new imperial phase of American history. This horrifically compounded existing systems of oppression which include policing as an institution of white supremacist terror founded in slave catching mercenaries before the Civil War, and the effects of prison as an instrument of the re-enslavement of black people as bond labor.

     And the whole trajectory of historical degeneration from a free society of equals who are guarantors of each other’s rights to tyranny and state terror as enforcement of elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege reinforced by fascisms of blood, faith, and soil has as a sign of its terminal condition the death penalty.

     We are become a culture of death, buying security with our subjugation to the state. But security is an illusion, though an immensely profitable one, and nothing can be worth surrendering our rights and our humanity. As our founding words proclaim; “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness”, not life or liberty.

    Let us abandon the social use of force; end the death penalty and disarm the police.

     As written by Moira Donegan in The Guardian, in an article entitled

Christa Pike’s botched execution is a reminder of the horror of the death penalty: Lethal injection was a way for us to deny the reality of capital punishment. Pike’s experience shows us what it is; “hrista Pike had asked to be hanged. In the weeks before her botched execution by lethal injection on 30 September, in which she survived two lethal doses of barbiturate pentobarbital and had to be hospitalized, Pike and her legal team had challenged Tennessee’s execution protocol.

     The state’s lethal injection regimen had failed before. In May, Tony Carruthers was also sent to Tennessee’s death chamber, only to leave alive after prison officials struggled to find a vein.

     In Pike’s case, her lawyers argued, the lethal injection protocol was likely to fail again.

     She also had vein issues, they said; if she was subjected to an ordeal like Carruthers’, in which prison officials punctured their prone prisoner more than a dozen times over the course of an hour in an attempt to administer the drug, Pike’s history of trauma, which is lengthy and acute, would serve to make the experience unconstitutionally torturous.

     Pentobarbital, the drug that was set to be used to kill Pike, also risked a needlessly painful death.

    “The drug supposedly burns very bad,” Pike said in a taped interview just weeks before her scheduled execution. “And so that sounds scary to me because they used the word Draino in speaking about this drug, and the thought of suffocating and drowning on my own bodily fluid and blood isn’t very appealing to me.”

     It was to avoid this ordeal that Pike requested to be hanged by the neck until dead instead. Her request was denied. From the execution chamber during Tennessee’s failed attempt to kill her, witnesses said that they could hear Pike complaining about a burning pain in her arm, which felt, she said, like it was about to burst.

     After nearly a week of being unconscious and intubated at a Nashville hospital after her failed execution attempt, Pike is now awake and talking. Her arms are severely injured from her execution attempt and not fully usable, but she’s still shackled to her hospital bed anyway. She still remains “foggy” from the effects of the state-administered overdose, and it’s unclear whether she will recover full cognitive function as doctors assess the state of her brain damage.

     But she remembers the moments when Tennessee tried and failed to kill her. She is reportedly very angry.

     We should be angry, too. In our name, a woman was tortured.

     In many death penalty cases, there are real questions about the factuality of a condemned person’s guilt or the fairness of their trial and appeals process.

     That is less true in Pike’s case: there is no factual doubt that in 1995, when she was 18, Pike, now 50, lured her 19-year-old classmate Colleen Slemmer into a wooded area, and with an accomplice, Pike’s 17-year-old boyfriend, tortured her for about half an hour before finally killing her by smashing her skull in with a piece of concrete. Slemmer’s mother has been a particularly vocal advocate for Pike’s execution, and is reportedly furious that her daughter’s killer has survived.

     The wishes of victims and their families should be crucial to what our understanding of justice means. No one knows better the meaning and significance of violence than the people who it is inflicted on.

     But it is also true that Pike’s criminal trial did not take into account factors in her life that might have explanatory, if not mitigating, power – such as the reality that she committed murder at the end of a childhood that had been marked by horrific, repeated, and severe sexual and physical violence.

     And it is true, too, that when we assess what justice looks like, we must ask not only what would be most meaningful and satisfying for victims but also what best reflects our values and meets our obligations as a state. By that metric, the death penalty has always failed. It does not mete out justice so much as lower the collective community to the level of its worst perpetrators.

     Lethal injection used to be a way for us to deny this. The protocol was developed in the US and first adopted for executions in the late 1970s. It was meant to replace older methods of state killing, such as gas chambers, electric chairs and firing squads, offering what was positioned as a more dignified and civilized, and supposedly less painful, way of murdering a human being.

     What lethal injection did instead was medicalize the death penalty’s brutality, allowing its proponents a kind of polite denial of what the punishment actually is.

     Pike shows us what it really is. It is violent, brutal and cruel. It is painful, no matter how much medical science is used to deny or obscure this; it is superfluous and contrary to the needs of justice, and it degrades those who engage in it.

     For a long time, I thought of the death penalty as dangerously final, opening up the possibility of innocent people irretrievably lost, of mistakes that can’t be taken back. And it is true that this happens: America has executed innocent people.

     But Pike’s experience shows us that this is not the end of execution’s horror. There is something worse.

     Tennessee has issued a temporary moratorium on executions, and the governor has called for a review of what went wrong in Pike’s execution. But he should know what went wrong: the problems with the lethal injection protocol, as well as with the death penalty more broadly, were not mysteries even before the state of Tennessee failed to kill Pike.

     It is still possible that Pike will have to fight not to be sent back to the execution chamber again. And this is another harm of the death penalty: the repetitiveness of its injustice, the way it keeps us from learning from our mistakes.

     Rarely do we get a second chance to do right by someone like Pike. The state of Tennessee should not get a second chance to try to kill her.”

    The Death Penalty In Film and Literature

Into The Abyss, Werner Herzog

Dead Man Walking trailer

The Green Mile

The Chamber

Reflections on the Guillotine, by Albert Camus

The Wal, Jean-Paul Sartre

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/10031.The_Wall?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_15

The Spectacle of the Scaffold, Michel Foucault

The Daylight Gate, Jeanette Winterson

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/13136119-the-daylight-gate

Invitation to a Beheading, Vladimir Nabokov

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/376561.Invitation_to_a_Beheading?ref=nav_sb_ss_2_45

The Last Day of a Condemned Man, Victor Hugo

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/63040.The_Last_Day_of_a_Condemned_Man

When the State Kills: Capital Punishment and the American Condition,

Austin Sarat

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/189888.When_the_State_Kills

The Death of Innocents: An Eyewitness Account of Wrongful Executions,

Helen Prejean

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/167404.The_Death_of_Innocents

Gruesome Spectacles: Botched Executions and America’s Death Penalty,

Austin Sarat

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/19083393-gruesome-spectacles

Closing the Slaughterhouse: The Inside Story of Death Penalty Abolition in Virginia, Dale M Brumfield

Let the Lord Sort Them: The Rise and Fall of the Death Penalty,

Maurice Chammah

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/54331267-let-the-lord-sort-them

Just Mercy, Bryan Stevenson

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/20342617-just-mercy

Executing Grace: How the Death Penalty Killed Jesus and Why It’s Killing Us,

Shane Claiborne

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/25817163-executing-grace

Against the Death Penalty, Steven Breyer

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/28695915-against-the-death-penalty

Ultimate Punishment: A Lawyer’s Reflections on Dealing with the Death Penalty,

Scott Turow

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/4686.Ultimate_Punishment

                      News of the Christa Pike Case

Christa Pike’s botched execution is a reminder of the horror of the death penalty, Moira Donegan

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/oct/09/christa-pike-death-penalty

Calls grow for US death penalty halt after ‘torturous’ botched execution of Christa Pike: Pike alive but in critical condition as experts call ordeal that unfolded in Tennessee ‘unimaginably barbaric’

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/oct/02/us-death-penalty-christa-pike-tennessee

The Guardian view on the death penalty: Christa Pike’s execution was botched, but cruelty is inherent

Editorial

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/oct/01/the-guardian-view-on-the-death-penalty-christa-pikes-execution-was-botched-but-cruelty-is-inherent

     Here is my finest interrogation of the social use of force, written as I worked through my decision to join the fight at Mariupol

March 6 2022 How if Vladimir Putin Should Be Assassinated? An Interrogation of the Origins of Evil and the Social Use of Force, and of the State as Embodied Psychopathy and Violence

    And fast upon the heels of the state torture and attempted murder of a woman, Hegseth the Horrible promotes a new horror; televised executions

Execution TV? Pete Hegseth has taken the once ‘greatest democracy’ to a horrific new low

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/oct/09/nidal-hasan-execution-pete-hegseth-us-military-tv-democracy

Pete Hegseth’s plan to livestream execution puts US in dubious company    

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/oct/09/pete-hegseth-public-execution-nidal-hasan-capital-sentences

Execution live stream could cause PTSD in viewers, say psychiatrists

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/oct/09/execution-live-stream-ford-hood-killer-ptsd-viewers-pete-hegseth

Pentagon says execution of Fort Hood shooter will be livestreamed

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/oct/08/hegseth-fort-hood-shooter-public-execution

October 7 2026 We Become A Hobgoblin’s Broken Mirror: Black Saturday

On this terrible day a Rashomon Gate Event of fracture and disruption began the collapse of world order and possibly of civilization itself as we degenerated from throwing words to throwing stones and abandoned the principle of our universal human rights born in the Enlightenment and which is the fundament from which all democracy was built, like the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand collapsed the system of alliances which held the system of monarchy and aristocratic privilege together and triggered the First World War.

     In Palestine and Lebanon, our taxes buy the deaths of children. And their mothers, among other civilian noncombatants.

     My estimate of the Palestinian dead one year ago was 800,000, around one third of the population; this from the witness of my own eyes, having fought in liberation struggle throughout this terrible war of terror against hope, hate against love, and steel against flesh.

     Among all of the negation of our truths which Israel’s War Against Humanity has wrought, here are two truths which emerge from the legacies of our unfolding history we will never again be able to unsee or to avoid confrontation with; there is no right of defense against a people you are Occupying, and no moral equivalence between the violence used by a slavemaster and the violence used by a slave to break his chains.

      In the face of mass protests throughout America and the world, met with repression of dissent and propaganda by the state and both our political parties in a Great Wall of Silence, we persist in refusing to de escalate the conflict using the Boycott, Divestiture, and Sanction of Israel to end a genocide in which we are complicit.

     America has abandoned our principles of universal rights and our duty of care for others, and any pretense to morality or legitimacy as a democracy; this was among the many goals of Black Saturday, and both Israel and America took the bait.

     Sadly, we have no party of opposition to speak for the dead innocents of this conflict, for both the Republican and Democratic Parties are willing to abandon our universal rights in favor of their own wealth and power, and this has always been true. There is only one rule in American politics; nobody messes with the grift.

     As I wrote on this day in 2024 during the fury of our Presidential elections;  Where the Party of Treason and Tyranny is an enthusiastic sponsor of autocracies and state terror globally including Israel, the Democratic Party has maintained a strategic silence regarding our complicity in genocide and crimes against humanity, refusing to acknowledge it as a historical fact or the peace movement which drove Genocide Joe out of nation’s election, at a critical Defining Moment of our nation and with the future of democracy at stake, but replaced him with an overseer of the carceral state who wishes to rain doom upon the helpless migrants at our border and on the Palestinians whose nation is a Bantustan of slave labor and a concentration camp Occupied by an enemy to whom only their fellow Jews are truly human.

      I’m calling her Kommandant Kamala, as the salvation of both the Israelis and the Palestinians as equals and fellow human beings never became the center of her campaign, rather than enforcement of our dominion at our border and in our colony of Israel.

      Traitor Trump is worse than either Genocide Joe or Kommandant Kamala, for he believes in nothing and wishes only to amass wealth by building a riviera of casinos for elites on the bones of a people.

      The first rule of American politics is; nobody messes with the grift.

       In America, both our political parties betrayed us and abandoned the idea of our universal human rights, which was among the primary goals of Netanyahu when he committed this atrocity in collusion with Hamas. Sadly there was nothing new in this, not in seventy years of Israeli tyranny and terror sponsored by American taxes, vast military aid, and impunity conferred by our diplomatic cover and permission. No velvet glove, just the iron fist.

      Of course this is due to the nature and dynamics of power, and the recursive forces of fear, power, and force which act to centralize power to authority and subjugate slave castes through fear, thought control, and violence. All states are embodied violence, and in this democracies are proving no better than tyrannies.

     We have changed so little since the Pharaohs and priest-kings of the first city-states set themselves above all others as interpreters and spokesmen of the gods, and hired brutal thugs with aristocratic titles to keep the slaves at their work. I was hoping we were better than that.

     Civilization falls with the derelict antiquity of Israel and a Holy Land long abandoned by any merciful god, consumed by The Nothing we have summoned with the rain of death and terror, as our capacity for empathy withers under forces of degradation and dehumanization. Soon we too will become nothing, like the children we murder from a sanitized remove, for whom we feel no pity, mercy, or compassion, as they are not white and therefore beyond the circle of belonging and otherness on which our elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege are constructed.

    The enemies of liberty wish to enslave us through divisions of ethnicity, faith, and historical national identity, categories of authorized identity largely constructed by elites in service to power, and through strategies of commodification, falsification, and dehumanization, to hollow out the values of democracy through subversion and capture of our ownership of ourselves and of human being, meaning, and value. This too we must Resist.

     This has been a terrible two years as our humanity becomes a Hobgoblin’s Broken Mirror; that which unites us as human beings has been shattered, and we are captive in the strange reflected images of its discontiguous surfaces. But we need not let this stand.

    Among the first questions which confront us in bringing a Reckoning to any systems of oppression, tyranny and carceral states of force and control, fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, subjugation to hegemonic elites of wealth, power, and privilege, and violations of our universal human rights is that of just cause or casus belli; who is responsible for these crimes against humanity?

     Within days of Black Saturday I was at the scene hunting the perpetrators, and what I found was a nest of vipers. What happened was a set of recursive and interdependent causes allied in a primary event of fracture and disruption which remain occluded still; including a coup within Hamas against its leadership, especially those targeted for assassination later by Israel on a false claim of having ordered the attack, by a Hamas faction opposed to peace in conspiracy with Netanyahu’s regime perpetrated this tragedy, but not alone.  

     Several other groups, at least two of whom are nominally enemies of each other, a criminal syndicate with no political ideology whatever, plus a IDF Recon team, Sayaret Shaked as I knew it in Lebanon long ago or a successor force, which specializes in committing atrocities against Islamic groups while disguised as Arabs to sow division, were in the lead elements of the attack force, and joined quickly by opportunists of various kinds.

      Within days the special operations forces of several nations were in the mix, including allies of Palestine from the Iranian Dominion of Lebanon, Yemen, Syria, and Iraq as well as Russian intelligence and special operations forces, possibly with some of their African allies including Sudan’s RSF which would mean Emirati involvement. This means Hamas cannot free all the hostages, because some are held by groups beyond their control including Israeli agents.

      But there is more, much more; an unknown third party infiltrated both Israeli and Palestinian organizations to play them off against each other for purposes I cannot guess but are obviously inimical to both, and to global peace and security. This is a long game, and our opponent as yet remains in the shadows.

     Who has both the skill and the motive to do this?  Cui bono?

     Netanyahu benefits, because this keeps him in power and gives him a causus belli for the imperial conquest and dominion of the Middle East and the Final Solution of the Palestinians; and his key ally Trump benefits in our election by staining the armour of Biden and Harris with cruelty and complicity in genocide, and in dividing the Left vote through ideological fracture, though both are trapped by decades old policies and alliances much as the belligerents of World War One were trapped in a system of alliances and set piece strategies which ensnared them with the assassination of the Archduke and brought the utter collapse of the old world of the aristocracy it was designed to protect, and kept in check by the vast wealth and political power of AIPAC and other cabals of wealth and power, and both Trump and Netanyahu benefit by making the idea of human rights meaningless, as does Trump’s puppetmaster Putin and other tyrants of the Fourth Reich or otherwise.

      But the legitimacy of Israel and America are a cost no one in either nations governments or intelligence and special operations communities would trade for these wins, and though the Fourth Reich, by which I mean a network of descendants of actual Nazis who have infiltrated the American state and others for seventy years, of which Trump is a figurehead and the de facto Fuhrer, clearly has the Long Game plans, the resources, and the genius, evil though it may be, to do this, no Nazi would ever help the Zionist state of Israel become an empire. This leaves the Russian FSB and its other intelligence agencies and Spetznaz forces, both of which I know from long experience of operating with them globally prior to the Fall of the Soviet Union, also with both the patience or vision, resources, and skill to do this, which may have been developing for decades; but Russia is committed to advancing her ally Iran’s dominion of the Middle East, which makes her the primary enemy of Israel and the Arab-American Alliance, and we have fought savage proxy wars in Syria and elsewhere to prove it.

     No, our nemesis and the true perpetrator of Black Saturday is not Russia or Iran, nor the Fourth Reich, and only partially Trump and Netanyahu equally with the jihadist faction of Hamas which I believe to originate with its blood enemy and rival for control of Gaza Al Qaeda; we face an unknown enemy willing to engineer a genocide to advance its mysterious goals, and all I can tell you about them is that they are far from done with us.

     The identification, exposure, and destruction of this unknown enemy and countering its interventions in human history is now my primary long range goal. Though we must also combat and bring a Reckoning for fascism and the black tide of identitarian nationalism and tyranny which threatens to engulf us, which is related to our unknown enemy in ambiguous ways.

     We live in interesting times.

      Where are we at now?

     A major objective of the attack was to spike the peace and solidarity with Palestine movements in Israel. Its a major reason why the Netanyahu regime conspired in the attack and why it targeted peaceniks. The result is an Israel without a Left, and a casus belli for the conquest of her neighbors and the centralization of power to the state. Many elements created the tragedy, but service to power was the reason Israel opened the gate, literally, and sent an IDF recon unit disguised as Arabs to provoke atrocities. This was authorized personally by Netanyahu and others at the top command of the state.

     None of this can minimize the crimes of others involved, but neither Hamas, Israeli agents inside Hamas, al Qaeda, Iranian allied elements, nor Assad regime agents and Russian intelligence and special operations forces, all of whom were involved, are responsible alone. Hezbollah and others cheered them on afterward, but Lebanon had nothing to do with it, and factionalized as she is may not be capable of foreign adventurism of this kind; Israeli has certainly worked hard to ensure it.

     Of the actual perpetrators, we have liberated Syria and brought a Reckoning to the Russian directed and Iranian connected component of this crime, the al Qaeda organization in Palestine was nearly wiped out by Hamas before the event, some of which actions I participated in, and conflicts with Iranian forces in Yemen destroyed their regional threat, and many of the individual perpetrators, both Israeli and others, are now dead from fighting each other or from internal conflicts. This leaves the Israeli regime and high command, who must be tried for war crimes and publicly brought to justice to restore the international rule of law and the idea of human rights on which democracy depends, and their terrible campaign of racist and theocratic genocide and imperial conquest and dominion to be ended through Boycott, Divestiture, and Sanction. In the end there will be peace only when there is justice, and I believe we must create a future secular state of United Israel and Palestine in which all citizens are equal.

     Let us return to First Principles with a simple question; Who is suffering and in need of mercy? It is a similar question to the one I ask to determine when and how to use force and violence, Who holds power?, but with a very different direction as to the unfolding of our future.

     Here in a Holy Land divided by the sectarian particulars of how to be human together in accord with the will of the Infinite as universal brotherhood and love, crimes which define the limits of the human are perpetrated against our most innocent, utterly powerless, and incapable of threatening anyone; children. Children whom the enemy of our humanity, the state of Israel and its sponsors including America, either brutalize and kill with glee in the hysteria of power or refuse to see and recognize in silence and complicity. And our history surfaces one figure to represent all of the children sacrificed to power and hate, and doomed by the complicity of silence.

     I ask you now, all of humankind, to abandon the path of our dehumanization and renounce genocide, ethnic cleansing, wars of conquest and dominion, and crimes against humanity.

      I ask, I beg, I demand; I ask you in the name of Anne Frank.

     As I wrote in my post of October 10 2024, Black Saturday: A Nation Divided Against Itself In Service To Power By Weaponized History, Faith, Race, and National Identity; Palestine Versus Israel, Liberation Struggle Versus Imperial Colonial Occupation, Round Ad Nauseum In An Endless Litany of Woes, Atrocities, and Horrors;

Forward: to my comrades in the Palestinian Resistance:

     Hello everyone;

    I have some thoughts on the recent events in Gaza, Gaza where I have fought  and lost someone I loved, and actions by Hamas whom I have fought alongside and count as my brothers in revolutionary struggle; actions of October 7 or Black Saturday which include the taking of hostages and murder of families, war crimes which have made peace impossible in the near future and have delegitimized the cause of liberation of Palestine by making it synonymous with dehumanization and atrocities. Such is the nature of power, and of fear weaponized in service to power.

    This now is my Resistance in the cause of the peoples of Palestine and Israel, a people divided by history and sectarian theocratic terror. I question the origins and motives of such actions, which trade a tactical goal of demonstrating that Netanyahu’s alt-right monsters cannot deliver the security by which they subjugate Israel, for a strategic one of legitimacy, and will not only weld American support to the tyrant but grant him permission and immunity for the Final Solution of the Palestinian problem he has long dreamed of.

     How can we salvage something of our humanity from this?

     Herein I invite question, and dreams of a better future than we have the past.

     Thank you for hearing me.

     Hamas has brought the Chaos to the American Empire and disrupted the legitimation of Israel by the Arab American Alliance versus the Imperial Dominion of Iran, and in reaction to the relentless genocide of the Palestinians by the state of Israel now captured by Netanyahu and his alt right band of thieves.

     Here now is the fulcrum of change and reckoning for seventy years of Israeli state terror and imperial conquest in an amoral and loathsome apartheid regime which inverts the values of its founding by becoming the death camps its citizens escaped, and betrays the hope and ideal of a refuge from hate and sectarian division as a reflection of the Nazis from whom they have internalized oppression as fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.

     Hamas has shattered all of this, potentially, with the myth of state surveillance and control as useful and effective means of subjugation of the slave castes of any state, and the myth of the invincibility and supremacy of Israeli intelligence and military hegemony of which it is a figure of the might of carceral states, tyrannies, and empires, and the calculated reprisals by Israel which will follow are designed by Hamas in this provocation to delegitimize Israel and fracture the solidarity of her allies and collaborators in terror, of which America remains the principal sponsor and villain.

     But the purposes of Israel in collaborating with Hamas in this crime against their own citizens are very different, and it remains to be seen which of these futures will become real; a free and independent Palestine as Hamas wishes, or a Middle Eastern Sparta and an Empire of Greater Israel as the Netanyahu regime wishes.

      In either case, the Rashomon Gate is open, and we must write our own future stories or others will write them for us.

     So many of the reactions to this tragedy both here among my friends and in the news media seem baffled, caught in the forks of a classic dilemma in which our heroes and our villains trade places, for in this stunning slave rebellion wherein the victims of Occupation and soon genocide and erasure have attacked their masters, the Wretched of the Earth with whom we might normally empathize have violated two of our most cherished moral values and rules of conduct; they are not defending but attacking, which makes justifications for war and the use of social force irrelevant though this ahistorical interpretation of events ignores seventy years of oppression and authorizes the conqueror by classifying the liberation struggle of their victims as terrorism, an argument we can therefore nullify as pro Israeli misdirection and the apologetics of power, and a second and far more serious point; Hamas has taken hostages and killed civilians including children, war crimes which violate our universal human rights and place the perpetrators beyond all laws and all limits.

      In this the perpetrators of Black Saturday have offered moral equivalence to Israel, and Israel has taken the bait. Which of them will be harmed more by this is in question, especially regarding internal Israeli society and the state, but both will be harmed greatly.

     A friend has written an apology for statements born of compassion which might be confused with support of Israel as a state rather than as a people, a distinction which makes all the difference; and to this I have written the following reply:

     There are no good guys in this story, just a people divided by history brutalizing each other with a savagery that threatens our humanity itself. I have fought in Gaza and lost someone there, and from my witness of history I say there is only one kind of truth which does not become a Rashomon Gate when faith is weaponized in service to power by those who would enslave us, and this is true of both sides in this or any war; Who is bleeding? Who is suffering? Who requires acts of grace and mercy? 

     Not who merits compassion, for often there are no innocent, and as Shaw teaches us in Pygmalion with the iconic speech of Alfred Doolittle this places a moral burden on victims which is unjust; merely who is suffering and needs our help, in this moment, always the only time we have.

     Solidarity of action, resistance, and liberation struggle all come after this; Tikkun Olam, a Jewish concept of reparative justice and praxis or the action of values, which I often describe as healing the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     You have nothing to apologize for; states work very hard to confuse and conflate legitimation of the state with defense of those in whose name it claims to act, using narratives of victimization, for who wears the white hat is a hero and beyond question. All states do this, for it is the nature of power to become centralized to authority as force and control. Among the true horrors of identity politics is awakening to realize that one is the beneficiary of a genocide, of slavery, of patriarchy, of unequal power in any form.

     So we are lost in Atherton’s Wilderness of Mirrors; lies, illusions, rewritten histories, falsification. But it is my fate to question all things, and many of them do not bear the test of unbelief.

     Always pay attention to the man behind the curtain.

     In this case I question the origins and motives of a blitzkreig which demonstrates the vulnerability of Israel, a tactical objective, at the cost of strategic goals; the immediate results include unifying global support of Israel and dividing the crucial solidarity between the anti-Netanyahu democracy and peace movements within Israel from the liberation struggle of their slave caste, the Palestinians, which was until this disruptive event in the process of becoming one united nation.

     Cui Bono? Neither Palestinians nor Israelis, though in the imperial totalitarian state of Israel and its fascisms of blood, faith, and soil they share a common enemy. Netanyahu and his regime benefit, though his promise of security for the people of Israel has been proven illusory and the feared Israeli intelligence and military a paper tiger as Hamas intended; whether this weakens or strengthens his hand is yet to be seen.

     Security is an illusion, one convenient for tyrants in the manufacture of consent to be subjugated. In this area of liberation struggle the victory of Hamas in breaching the Wall has been an unambiguous good.

     Bring down the Wall, all the walls. Not only the walls of our borders and prisons, but the walls of ideas between peoples most of all. In the long run, only this will bring us peace and a United Humankind.

     To make an idea about a kind of people is an act of violence.

     No matter where you begin with divisions of belonging and exclusionary otherness, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     Why, O Israel, reproduce the conditions of your historic trauma as the prison guards, with others cast in your former role? Why, when we could be guarantors of each other’s universal human rights in a free society of equals? Why must we be each other’s jailers, and not each other’s liberators?

     Let us emerge from the legacies of our history, and create ourselves anew.

     What happens next?

     Disruptive and polarizing events often confront us with a choice; who is your white hat and who your black hat in this story? Whose play will you back when they enter the arena at high noon? We will begin to become human when we free ourselves of this tyranny of good and evil, so vulnerable to the lies and misdirection of those who would enslave us and who claim to speak and act in our name, especially in theocracies. For as Voltaire wrote; “Those who can make us believe absurdities can make us commit atrocities”. Gott Mitt Uns; it is the most terrible battlecry, for it authorizes anything.

       Today the empire begins to strike back, as Biden declares that America will stand with Israel, with the state in exacting revenge through conquest and not with her people in freeing the hostages mind you, in the abominable reprisals Netanyahu promises, having been handed by his enemies immunity and sanction for the Final Solution to the Palestinian Problem he has so long dreamed of. Both this immediate trigger event of Total War as a doctrine created by Hitler and Franco and tested at Guernica and the conditions which created it are consequences of American complicity, for we as a nation have failed to enact the Boycott, Divest, and Sanction policies against Israeli state terror and tyranny which might have prevented it, and if we are to be liberators and not conquerors we must at minimum now pressure Israel to lift the Blockade of Gaza and recognize Hamas as its legitimate government. Let us send humanitarian aid, not armies.

      If we send warships to help Israel conquer Palestine, and not humanitarian aid to the Palestinians, America loses and our enemies win. 

      Netanyahu and Biden have declared intentions to answer force and fear with greater force and fear, as Israel accepts the offer of the moral equivalence of terror by her partner in this dance, Hamas. This will bring not lesser but greater terror, not democracy and a free society of equals but the centralization of power to totalitarian states of force and control. From the perspective of Israel and America or of any state, this is the true purpose of external threats.

     As my father once said; “Politics is the art of fear, and fear is the basis of human exchange. Fear is an untrustworthy servant and a terrible master; so, whose instrument will it be?”

     Of the recursive forces of fear, power, and force which are the true origin of evil and of its forms as violence, war, and police states, I say to you this one true thing; fear and force cannot answer fear and force. Only love can do this, and the redemptive power of love can free us from the Wagnerian Ring of Power, from falsification, commodification, and dehumanization.

     Why are we each others jailors, and not each others liberators?

       Here is the memorial I wrote for my friend, assassinated in Gaza by an Israeli sniper during the fighting in 2021; June 21 2022, We Balance the Terror of Our Nothingness With the Joy of Total Freedom, the Flaws of Our Humanity With the Redemptive Power of Love, and the Brokenness of the World With Our Absurd Hope For the Limitless Possibilities of Becoming Human; Death is the ultimate life disruptive event, the mirror image of Chaos as creative force and the adaptive potential of a system.

     This day I have re-enacted the stages of grief process as I relive an event of a year ago, caught in the labyrinth of its story, and as always with such complexes of memory, history, and identity I emerge through its passage with changed perspective.

     Some stories can shatter our lives, but also free us from the legacies of history and the limits of our former selves.

    This is a story which has become interwoven with my annual reading of Sartre’s works in celebration of his birthday, a juxtaposition which I find wholly appropriate, illuminating, and strangely hopeful.

    Are we not the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others? 

     We choose our friends and lovers from among those reflections which embody qualities we wish to assimilate to ourselves or fully integrate into our consciousness and personality; and it is the interface between these two bounded realms, the Ideal and the Real, which I am driven to interrogate today.

     Here is where the art of questioning lives, at the intersection of Socratic method and classical rhetoric, the dialectics of history, and the problematization of our motives, feelings, and processes of ideation through the methods of psychotherapy.

      We speak of the juxtaposition of imaginal and actual realms of being as a form of Dadaist collage as pioneered by Tristan Tzara and instrumentalized as methodology by William S. Burroughs which creates the universe of our experience, of the discontiguous, relative, ambiguous, and ephemeral nature of truth described by Akutagawa in Rashomon Gate and the methods of fiction exemplified by Raymond Queneau  as applied to identity and self construal, and idealizations of masculine and feminine beauty as dyadic forces of the psyche which work themselves out through our relationships with ourselves and with others. These three parallel and interdependent processes shape who we become, and how we instrumentalize others in our self creation.

     We must first own the fact that dealing with our memories of someone is not the same as the lived experience of our history; it is all one sided and has been moved into an interior space of performance, and in which reimagination and transformation is ongoing. The map is not the territory, as Alfred Korzybski teaches us, nor is our idea of a person equal to the actual person themselves.

     What parts of myself do I embody as a figural space into which to grow in the character whom I have thought of as Cleopatra, with all of the ambivalence, power, legacies of cultural history, and liminality such an identification implies, how do I imagine her now, and what kind of story have I cast us in?

     I think of her now in terms of Rachel McAdams’ wily, sophisticated, and transgressive Irene Adler in Sherlock Holmes, as she became throughout the twelve years of our work in liberation struggle for the independence of Palestine, with elements of Millie Bobby Brown’s fearless, brilliant, and utterly without boundaries Enola Holmes as she began, bearing onward the colours of a beloved and presumed martyred family member in the course of investigating his disappearance. I am reasonably certain that this is not how she saw herself.

     For illumination as to how a Palestinian woman might imagine herself, the characters she may choose to play as role models and the stories she may embody as ritual enactments, even a highly unusual one such as she, we may look to the wonderfully rich culture of Palestine’s female film directors and authors; of auteurs Annemarie Jacir, Maysaloun Hamoud, Mai Masri, and Farah Nabulsi, and of novelists Susan Abulhawa, Liana Badr, Ghada Karmi, Sahar Khalifeh, Hala Alyan, and Sahar Mustafah.

     Bearing in mind that all such reading lists are nothing less than a set of authorized identities. As Margaret Atwood so splendidly demonstrates in her works, our intertexts are primary in the construction of our identities, including those of sex and gender, as mimesis and as dialectical processes of history.

     And this is where it never ceases to be fascinating, the study of human being, meaning, and value and the limitless possibilities of becoming human. For in the sphere of our relationships with others, parallel and interdependent with our relationships between the masculine and feminine halves of our psyche, each co-evolves with the other in recursive processes of growth and adaptation to change in the construction of identity.

     I say again; we interpret the actions of others and form relationships on the basis of our self-construal and ideas of ourselves, and we use our relations with real people to shape who we wish to become.

       How does this work out in real life? As a personal example of the discontiguous gaps of meaning in the interfaces between bounded realms of masculine and feminine personae, a free space of creative play, I offer the artifacts of memory of a figure which may or may not align with the martyr I know only by her Code Name: Cleopatra.

      Of the Last Stand in which we met and forged an alliance, betrayed and caught in a trap which we turned against our enemies who had trapped themselves in with us, which I think of as the final battle scene in the film Mr & Mrs Smith, this operatic quest was set in motion by the conflict of dominion between Hamas and al Qaeda in Gaza during August of 2009, during which the forces of light prevailed over those of darkness in the victory of Hamas, with Israel playing each against the other through infiltration agents, spies, deniable assets, and use of a special Recon team masquerading as various Arab factions to commit atrocities against presumed rival Arab groups in a classic policy of divide and conquer. This space of play was complicated by clan vendettas such as hers, and the usual political and religious fragmentation, crime syndicates, mercenary forces, tribalism, corruption, and the shadow wars of foreign states.

     Our paths crossed several times over the next twelve years, always in memorable circumstances, sometimes as allies and others as rivals, often as both. Which of these is the real and true version of her, or of myself? Such iterations of our images are without number, like the captured and distorted selves in funhouse mirrors aligned to reflect into infinity.

     Wilderness of Mirrors, a phrase from T.S. Eliot’s Gerontin, is one I use to describe the pathology of falsification of ourselves through propaganda, lies and illusions, rewritten histories, state secrets, alternate realities, authoritarian faith which devours truths. This I contrast with its opposite, journalism and the witness of history as the sacred quest to pursue the truth. We are made counterfeits of ourselves by systems of elite hegemonic power such as patriarchy, and by those who would enslave us, through capture of our stories as theft of the soul.

     James Angleton, evil genius of the C.I.A.’s Counterintelligence Service on whom John Le Carre based his character of George Smiley, infamously used the phrase in this sense as well, and it has become universalized throughout the intelligence community he shaped and influenced during the Second World War and its aftermath the Cold War. Writing in reference to David Martin’s biography of himself entitled Wilderness of Mirrors, Angleton described it as a “myriad of stratagems, deceptions, artifices, and all the other devices of disinformation which the Soviet bloc and its coordinated intelligence services use to confuse and split the West … an ever fluid landscape where fact and illusion merge.” And of course, everything he ascribed to the Soviets was true of himself, his own agency, and America as well, and of all states, for all are houses of illusion.

     The Netflix telenovela Operation Mincemeat uses the phrase, in a story about the creation of a fictitious officer bearing documents designed to trick the Nazis into preparing for the invasion of Europe somewhere other than Sicily, a series I watched with rapt attention because each of us is created by our stories exactly like this false identity attached to the body of a derelict. Within each of us, a team of authors, archetypes and transpersonal figures like the anima which concerns us here, create our personae through stories, a network of memories, histories, and identity; and they do so for their own purposes, which we do not always understand.  

     As T. S. Eliot has written in Gerontin, “After such knowledge, what forgiveness? Think now

History has many cunning passages, contrived corridors

And issues, deceives with whispering ambitions,

Guides us by vanities”

      We are such stuff as dreams are made on, as Shakespeare teaches us in Act IV, Scene 1 of The Tempest, a line spoken by Ariel. For if we are ephemeral and insubstantial beings, constructions of our stories, this also means that the ontological nature of human being is a ground of struggle which can be claimed by seizures of power.

      The first question to ask of a story is, whose story is this?

      Always there remains the struggle between the stories we tell about ourselves and those told about us by others; the masks we make for ourselves and those made for us by others.

      This is the first revolution in which we all must fight, the struggle for ownership of ourselves.

      Who then shall we become? Asks our self of surfaces, images, and masks which each moment negotiates our boundaries with others. 

     To which our secret self, the self of darkness and of passion, the self that lives beyond the mirror and knows no limits, unbound by time and space and infinite in possibilities, replies; Who do you want to become? 

     As I wrote in my post of June 21 2021, The Hope of Humankind: On Becoming Living Autonomous Zones as Agents of Chaos and Transformative Change; A friend has written in despair of our significance and hope for the liberation of humankind, of the impactfulness of our lives and our struggles which balance the flaws of our humanity against the monstrous and vast forces of a system of dehumanization, falsification, and commodification; for to be human is to live in a state of existential crisis and struggle for the ownership of ourselves.

     Today is the birthday of Jean Paul Sartre, and so this event finds me reading once again his magnificent reimagination of Jean Genet in Saint Genet: Actor and Martyr; Genet who set me on my life’s path with the Oath of the Resistance in Beirut during the summer of 1982.

     Israeli soldiers had set fire to the houses on my street, and called for people to come out and surrender. They were blindfolding the children of those who did and using them as human shields.

     We had no other weapon than the empty bottle of champagne we had just finished with our breakfast of strawberry crepes; I asked “Any ideas?”, at which he shrugged and said “Fix bayonets?”

     And then he gave me a principle of action by which I have lived for thirty nine years now; “When there is no hope, one is free to do impossible things, glorious things.”

     He asked me if I was going to surrender, and I said no; he smiled and replied, “Nor will I.” And so he swore me to the Oath he devised in 1940 in Paris at the beginning of the Occupation for such friends as he could gather, reworded from the oath he had taken as a Legionnaire. He said it was the finest thing he ever stole; “We swear our loyalty to each other, to resist and yield not, and abandon not our fellows.” So it was that I became the bearer of a tradition now over eighty years old and forged in the most fearsome and terrible conflict the world has ever known, shortly before I expected to be burned alive in the second of my many Last Stands.

     This was the moment of my forging, this decision to choose death over subjugation, and ever since being struck by it I have been a bell, ringing. And like the Liberty Bell with its iconic crack, I am broken open to the suffering of others and the flaws of our humanity. This has been the greatest gift I have ever been given, this empathy borne of a sacred wound, and I shall never cease the call to liberty, nor hesitate to answer as I am able the call for solidarity with others.

     This morning I awoke to a call to identify the body of a friend missing and believed killed in Gaza by Israeli terrorists in the savage street fighting which followed the rocket attacks of last week, which I was unable to do; I searched for my friend in this sad and ruined form, like the skin of a wild thing which has sung itself utterly away, and could recognize nothing.

    Where is my friend, agile, lithe, mercurial, fearless, insightful, quick and quick witted, who always had four scenarios running and three escape routes, who survived against impossible odds through improvisation and leveraging chaos, whose vision could discern true motives within the secret chambers of the human heart and play them like an instrument as songs of rapture and terror, who chameleon-like and protean could shift identities as needed and behind their masks move among her enemies unseen?

      I never knew her true name; perhaps she no longer had one, as is true for so many of us who play the Great Game of futures and the possibilities of becoming human, a term popularized by Rudyard Kipling in the novel Kim. My own names are numberless as the stars, like those of an actor who has played multitudes of roles in films and theatres of many kinds.

     She first entered my orbit during the victorious struggle of Hamas against al Qaeda for dominion of Gaza in August of 2009 in Rafah, an Egyptian Palestinian drawn into the maelstrom of war like countless others by family duty and vendetta.

    Yet she said no to Israeli authority at great peril when she could have said yes and become a slave, stood in solidarity with others when she could have run or profited from betrayal; this was a choice, one which confers agency, autonomy, and self-ownership as a seizure of power in a limited and deterministic context. Refusal to submit is the primary human act, one which cannot be taken from us, wherein we become Unconquered and free, and able to liberate others.

     So it is that we may escape the wilderness of mirrors in which we wander, a realm of lies and illusions, captured and distorted images, falsification and the theft of the soul. For the authentic self, the image which we seize and claim as our own, flies free of its mad circus of seductions and traps. Hence we achieve our true selves and form, in rapture and exaltation as beings of our own uniqueness.

    Impossible that such grandeur could be reduced to its material form, like the abandoned shell of a fantastic sea creature which has grown beyond its limits and moved on, to realms unknown.

     The lines spoken by Hamlet while holding the skull of his friend Yorick came unbidden to my thoughts; “Here hung those lips that I have kissed I know not how oft. Where be your gibes now? your gambols? your songs? your flashes of merriment, that were wont to set the table on a roar? Not one now, to mock your own grinning?”

     For twelve years you danced with death, and danced away laughing, until today.

     Farewell, my friend; I’ll see you in the eyes of the defiant ones, who bear your fire onward into the unknown, and with it I hope your laughter. Our successors will need both fire and laughter, if the future we win for them is to be equal to its price, and worth living in.

     Our lives are like the dragon’s teeth sown in the earth by the Phoenician prince Cadmus from which warriors arise; from each, multitudes. For we live on as echoes and reflections in the lives of others, in the consequences and effects of our actions, in the good we can do for others which gathers force over time, and in the meaning, value, and possibilities we create.

     How can choosing death and freedom be better than submission to authority and its weaponization of fear and force?

     My experience of accepting death in confronting force and violence finds parallels in the mock executions of Fyodor Dostoevsky and Maurice Blanchot, and I’m not done challenging state terror and tyranny and forces of repression. I’m going to stand between people with guns and their victims in future, as I have many times in past, and here I find resilience among my motivating and informing sources; Sartre’s total freedom won by refusal to submit, and Camus’ rebellion against authority which renders force meaningless when met by disobedience, give me the ability to claw my way out of the ruins and make yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory or even survival.

     And all who are mortal share these burdens with me. In this all who resist subjugation by authority are alike as Living Autonomous Zones, bearing seeds of change; we can say with the figure of Loki; “I am burdened with glorious purpose.”

     We are all Nikolai Gogol’s hero in Diary of a Madman, caught in the wheels of a great machine he services, like Charlie Chaplin in his film Modern Times. But we know that we are trapped and enslaved, and we know how and why; we know the secrets of our condition which our masters would keep silent, and in refusing to be silent we can free ourselves and our fellows. This Michel Foucault called truth telling; a poetic vision of reimagination and sacred calling to pursue the truth which bears transformative power.

     So here I offer all of you words of hope for moments of despair, the horror of meaninglessness, the grief of loss, and the guilt of survivorship.

     Your voice has defied our nothingness, and resounds throughout the chasms of a hostile and dehumanizing world; gathering force and transformative power as it finds a thousand echoes, and begins to awaken refusal to submit to authority and to heal the pathology of our falsification and disconnectedness. 

    The voice of even one human being who bears a wound of humanity which opens him to the pain of others and who places his life in the balance with those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth, the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, who in resistance to tyranny and terror, force and control, becomes unconquered and free, such a voice of liberation is unstoppable as the tides, an agent of reimagination and transformation which seizes the gates of our prisons and frees the limitless possibilities of becoming human.

    Despair not and be joyful, for we who are Living Autonomous Zones help others break the chains of their enslavement simply by condition of being as well as action; for we violate norms, transgress boundaries of the Forbidden, expose the lies and illusions of authority, and render the forces of repression powerless to compel obedience.

      This is the primary revolutionary struggle which precedes and underlies all else; the seizure of ownership of ourselves from those who would enslave us.  

     Such is the hope of humankind.

                  Through a Lens, Darkly: The Anniversary of 2026

‘Neither war nor peace’: Palestinians in Gaza on existing amid disease, despair and ruins

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/oct/07/palestinians-gaza-existing-amid-disease-despair-ruins

New Google Maps images reveal massive scale of devastation in Gaza

Satellite imagery shows further destruction of homes, businesses and places of worship since fragile ceasefire

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/oct/01/new-google-maps-images-reveal-massive-scale-of-devastation-in-gaza

We followed five people in Gaza from dawn to dusk – this is what the headlines don’t tell us

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/ng-interactive/2026/sep/26/we-followed-five-people-in-gaza-from-dawn-to-dusk-this-is-what-the-headlines-dont-tell-us

NAZA film-makers say they spoke to more than 100 sources about Israeli actions in Gaza

https://www.theguardian.com/film/2026/oct/01/makers-naza-film-spoke-more-than-100-sources-israeli-actions-gaza

                  This day in 2025

Two Years of Genocide: Reporting and Surviving in Gaza  The Stream- Al Jazeera

Gaza Faces Renewed Displacement and Bombardment Amid Escalating Conflict

Al Jazeera October 3 2025

Israel intensifies Gaza bombardment for a second day despite US pressure to stop  Al Jazeera October 5 2025

Witness of Greta Thunberg, the girl who cannot lie

The ruin of Gaza: how Israel’s two-year assault has devastated the territory

https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2025/oct/07/the-ruin-of-gaza-how-israel-two-year-assault-has-devastated-the-territory

A place of ghosts and memories: kibbutz residents ponder return after 7 October

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/oct/07/kibbutz-residents-ponder-return-home-after-hamas-attack-israel?fbclid=IwY2xjawNSHzJleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHh-JCUwaVi0WJHFnj_d54syItwHiK4QAvclR4Sr-PH1jOANAEY9b1lZvMVF3_aem_UbujkxUArc1vHEYx1ckwKA

The Zionist consensus among US Jews has collapsed. Something new is emerging

https://www.theguardian.com/world/commentisfree/2025/oct/07/american-jews-zionism

Diplomacy’s lowest point: how the Israel-Gaza conflict was mishandled

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/oct/07/diplomacy-lowest-point-how-the-israel-gaza-conflict-was-mishandled

Disappearing people, disappearing morals – how two years has changed Gaza and Israel

Two years after 7 October and the kidnap of my parents, hate is in fashion. For all our sakes, we need compassion

         The Order That Was Fractured

Echoes of a Lost Gaza   Al Jazeera documentary

Palestine Before the Gaza War

Jenin, Jenin  

Gaza Mon Amour – Official US Trailer

The Time That Remains

Salt of the Sea

             Scratchings on the Wall of History, like the nail marks on a coffin lid by someone who has been buried alive

No Other Land

From Ground Zero

One year of Israel’s war on Gaza: A war of firsts  Al Jazeera documentary

Marking a year since 7 October attacks – in pictures

https://www.theguardian.com/world/gallery/2024/oct/07/marking-a-year-since-7-october-attacks-in-pictures?CMP=share_btn_link

One year on, Gazan families mourn their dead and question what future holds

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/oct/02/one-year-on-gazan-families-mourn-their-dead-and-question-what-future-holds?CMP=share_btn_url

US Jewish groups mark 7 October anniversary amid growing fractures

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/oct/02/jewish-groups-7-october-anniversary?CMP=share_btn_url

World leaders mark first anniversary of 7 October attack on Israel

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/oct/07/world-leaders-first-anniversary-7-october-hamas-attack-israel?CMP=share_btn_url

‘The pain will never leave’: Nova massacre survivors return to site one year on

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/oct/07/nova-festival-massacre-mourners-return-7-october-anniversary?CMP=share_btn_url

In the midst of war, Benjamin Netanyahu is a liability who can only make things worse. He must go, by Simon Tisdall

Hamas attack has abruptly altered the picture for Middle East diplomacy, by

Patrick Wintour

Israel attack is Hamas imposing itself on wider Middle East diplomacy, by

Peter Beaumont

Down with Netanyahu’s government! Stop the imperialist-backed Zionist onslaught against Gaza!

https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2023/10/09/gvpr-o09.html?fbclid=IwAR0G56NTO0n5kUzpqqbQ1H5g_FDAMbv2iBvPYhWllg6Yv_2xfEm_GQi151o

                References

Tear Down the Wall, by Pink Floyd

Diary of Anne Frank full movie 2009

Operation Mincemeat Netflix trailer

Charlie Chaplin in The Factory

Song: “Monster” – Imagine Dragons (cover by Runaground on youtube)

With film montage of Marvel’s Loki

     Here I offer all of you words of hope for moments of despair, the horror of meaninglessness, the grief of loss, and the guilt of survivorship.

Zazie in the Metro, by Raymond Queneau

Rashōmon and Seventeen Other Stories, by Ryūnosuke Akutagawa, Jay Rubin (Translator), Haruki Murakami (Introduction), Yoshihiro Tatsumi (Illustrator)

The Posthuman Dada Guide: Tzara & Lenin Play Chess, by Andrei Codrescu

Mosaic of Juxtaposition: William S. Burroughs’ Narrative Revolution,

by Micheal Sean Bolton

Word Cultures: Radical Theory and Practice in William S. Burroughs’ Fiction,

by Robin Lydenberg, William S. Burroughs

Hamlet: Screenplay, Introduction And Film Diary, by Kenneth Branagh (introduction and screenplay), William Shakespeare

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/117251.Hamlet?ac=1&from_search=true&qid=tLamgbE4hY&rank=2   

Saint Genet: Actor and Martyr, by Jean-Paul Sartre

The Wretched of the Earth, by Frantz Fanon, Jean-Paul Sartre (Preface)

Kipling’s Kim, a Longman Cultural Edition, by Tricia Lootens, Rudyard Kipling

Diary of a Madman and Other Stories, by Nikolai Gogol

Parrhesia

Discourse and Truth: The Problematization of Parrhesia, by Michel Foucault

The Marriage of Cadmus and Harmony, by Roberto Calasso

The Idiot, by Fyodor Dostoevsky, Anna Brailovsky (Translator)

The Instant of My Death / Demeure: Fiction and Testimony, by Maurice Blanchot, Jacques Derrida

Science and Sanity: An Introduction to Non-Aristotelian Systems and General Semantics, by Alfred Korzybski

The Rebel: An Essay on Man in Revolt, by Albert Camus

A Life Worth Living: Albert Camus and the Quest for Meaning, by Robert Zaretsky

Gerontin, by T.S. Eliot

https://www.poetryfoundation.org/poems/47254/gerontion

Wilderness of Mirrors: Intrigue, Deception, and the Secrets that Destroyed Two of the Cold War’s Most Important Agents, by David C. Martin

The Tempest, by William Shakespeare

The Wilderness of Mirrors; why are we each others jailors, and not each others liberators?

           Negotiating the Interface Between Bounded Realms, a Study in Film and Literature: the Anima or Inner Woman of my Platonic Ideal Versus the Ghosts of Memory of a Lost Friend

How I remember our meeting, betrayed and standing together against the world: Mr & Mrs Smith final gunfight scene

            How I imagine her now:

Rachel McAdams’ Irene Adler in Sherlock Holmes Montage to Britney Spears’ version of Bobby Brown’s My Perogative

Enola Holmes Montage to Fifth Harmony’s That’s My Girl

Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams and Distortions, by Lucy Hughes-Hallett

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/505261.Cleopatra?from_search=true&from_srp=true&qid=qC7hPxi4jE&rank=4   

          How Palestinian Women Imagine Themselves, in Film:

Salt of the Sea, film by Annemarie Jacir

In Between, film by Maysaloun Hamoud

The Present, film by Farah Nabulsi

3000 Nights, film by Mai Masri

Soraida, a Woman of Palestine, documentary film by Tahani Rached

           How Palestinian Women Imagine Themselves, in Literature:

Mornings in Jenin, by Susan Abulhawa

Against the Loveless World: A Novel, by Susan Abulhawa

The Eye of the Mirror, by Liana Badr

In Search of Fatima: A Palestinian Story, by Ghada Karmi

Passage to the Plaza, by Sahar Khalifeh

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/52061970-passage-to-the-plaza

Salt Houses, by Hala Alyan

The Beauty of Your Face, by Sahar Mustafah

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/45894170-the-beauty-of-your-face

19 Varieties of Gazelle: Poems of the Middle East, by Naomi Shihab Nye

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/342068.19_Varieties_of_Gazelle

Arabic

أكتوبر 2026: نتحول إلى مرآة مكسورة في يد “هوبغوبلن” (كائن أسطوري مؤذٍ) – “السبت الأسود”

في هذا اليوم الرهيب، اندلع حدثٌ مفصلي -يشبه في طبيعته “حادثة بوابة راشومون”- اتسم بالتصدع والاضطراب، مُطلقاً شرارة انهيار النظام العالمي وربما الحضارة ذاتها؛ إذ انحدرنا من مرحلة التراشق بالكلمات إلى التراشق بالحجارة، وتخلينا عن مبدأ حقوق الإنسان العالمية -الذي وُلد في عصر التنوير وشكّل الركيزة الأساسية التي قامت عليها الديمقراطية برمتها- تماماً كما أدى اغتيال الأرشيدوق فرديناند إلى انهيار شبكة التحالفات التي كانت تحفظ تماسك النظام الملكي والامتيازات الأرستقراطية، مما أشعل فتيل الحرب العالمية الأولى.

7 أكتوبر 2025 نصبح مرآة مكسورة لغول

في فلسطين ولبنان، تشتري ضرائبنا موت الأطفال. وأمهاتهم، من بين المدنيين غير المقاتلين الآخرين.

من بين كل إنكار حقائقنا الذي أحدثته حرب إسرائيل ضد الإنسانية، هناك حقيقتان تنبثقان من إرث تاريخنا المتكشف لن نتمكن أبدًا من تجاهلهما أو تجنب المواجهة معهما؛ لا يوجد حق للدفاع ضد شعب تحتله، ولا يوجد تكافؤ أخلاقي بين العنف الذي يستخدمه سيد العبيد والعنف الذي يستخدمه العبد لكسر سلاسله.

في مواجهة الاحتجاجات الجماهيرية في جميع أنحاء أمريكا والعالم، والتي قوبلت بقمع المعارضة والدعاية من قبل الدولة وكلا حزبينا السياسيين في جدار الصمت العظيم، نستمر في رفض تصعيد الصراع باستخدام مقاطعة وسحب الاستثمارات وفرض العقوبات على إسرائيل لإنهاء الإبادة الجماعية التي نحن متواطئون فيها.

لقد تخلت أمريكا عن مبادئنا المتعلقة بالحقوق العالمية وواجبنا في رعاية الآخرين، وأي تظاهر بالأخلاق أو الشرعية كديمقراطية؛ وكان هذا من بين الأهداف العديدة للسبت الأسود، وقد ابتلعت كل من إسرائيل وأمريكا الطُعم.

حيث يعتبر حزب الخيانة والاستبداد راعيًا متحمسًا للأنظمة الاستبدادية والإرهاب الدولي على مستوى العالم بما في ذلك إسرائيل، فقد حافظ الحزب الديمقراطي على صمت استراتيجي فيما يتعلق بتواطؤنا في الإبادة الجماعية والجرائم ضد الإنسانية، رافضًا الاعتراف بها كحقيقة تاريخية أو حركة السلام التي طردت جو من الانتخابات ولكنها استبدلته بمشرف على الدولة السجنية التي ترغب في إنزال الدمار على المهاجرين العاجزين على حدودنا وعلى الفلسطينيين الذين تعتبر دولتهم بانتوستانًا للعمل القسري ومعسكر اعتقال يحتلها عدو لا يعتبره سوى إخوانهم اليهود بشرًا حقيقيين.

إنني أطلق عليها لقب القائدة كامالا، ما لم يكن خلاص الإسرائيليين والفلسطينيين باعتبارهم متساوين وبشراً مثلها يصبح محور حملتها، بدلاً من فرض هيمنتنا على حدودنا وفي مستعمرتنا إسرائيل.

وبالطبع يرجع هذا إلى طبيعة القوة وديناميكياتها، والقوى المتكررة للخوف والقوة والعنف التي تعمل على تركيز القوة في يد السلطة وإخضاع طبقات العبيد من خلال الخوف والسيطرة على الفكر والعنف. إن كل الدول تجسد العنف، وفي هذا لا تختلف الديمقراطيات عن الطغيان.

لقد تغيرنا قليلاً منذ وضع الفراعنة والملوك الكهنة في دول المدن الأولى أنفسهم فوق كل الآخرين كمترجمين ومتحدثين باسم الآلهة، واستأجروا بلطجية وحشيين يحملون ألقاباً أرستقراطية لإبقاء العبيد في عملهم. كنت أتمنى أن نكون أفضل من ذلك.

إن الحضارة تنهار مع سقوط فلسطين ولبنان، حيث تذبل قدرتنا على التعاطف تحت قوى الإهانة والنزعة الإنسانية. وسرعان ما نصبح نحن أيضاً لا شيء، مثل الأطفال الذين نقتلهم من مكان معقم، والذين لا نشعر تجاههم بالشفقة أو الرحمة أو التعاطف، لأنهم ليسوا من ذوي البشرة البيضاء وبالتالي خارج دائرة الانتماء والاختلاف التي بنيت عليها هيمنتنا النخبوية على الثروة والسلطة والامتياز.

إن أعداء الحرية يرغبون في استعبادنا من خلال الانقسامات العرقية والإيمانية والهوية الوطنية التاريخية، ومن خلال استراتيجيات التسليع والتزوير والنزعة الإنسانية، لتفريغ قيم الديمقراطية من خلال التخريب والاستيلاء على ملكيتنا لأنفسنا وللوجود البشري والمعنى والقيمة. وهذا أيضاً يجب أن نقاومه.

لقد كان هذا عاماً رهيباً حيث أصبحت إنسانيتنا مرآة مكسورة؛ لقد تحطم ما يوحدنا كبشر، وأصبحنا أسرى للصور المنعكسة الغريبة لأسطحه المتفرقة. ولكن لا ينبغي لنا أن ندع هذا الأمر قائماً.

من بين الأسئلة الأولى التي تواجهنا في محاسبة أي أنظمة قمع واستبداد ودول سجنية تعتمد على القوة والسيطرة، وفاشية الدم والإيمان والأرض، والخضوع للنخب المهيمنة القائمة على الثروة والسلطة والامتياز، وانتهاكات حقوق الإنسان العالمية، هو السؤال عن السبب العادل أو ذريعة الحرب؛ من المسؤول عن هذه الجرائم ضد الإنسانية؟

بعد أيام من السبت الأسود، كنت في مكان الحادث أطارد الجناة، وما وجدته كان عشًا من الأفاعي. ما حدث كان مجموعة من الأسباب المتكررة والمترابطة المتحالفة في حدث أساسي من الانقسام والاضطراب الذي لا يزال مخفيًا حتى الآن؛ بما في ذلك الانقلاب داخل حماس ضد قياداتها، وخاصة أولئك المستهدفين بالاغتيال لاحقًا من قبل إسرائيل بناءً على ادعاء كاذب بأنهم أمروا بالهجوم، من قبل فصيل حماس المعارض للسلام بالتآمر مع نظام نتنياهو الذي ارتكب هذه المأساة، ولكن ليس وحده. هناك العديد من المجموعات الأخرى، اثنتان منها على الأقل أعداء ظاهريًا، وعصابة إجرامية ليس لها أيديولوجية سياسية على الإطلاق، بالإضافة إلى فريق استطلاع تابع لجيش الدفاع الإسرائيلي، أو فرقة شاكيد أو قوة خليفة، والتي تتخصص في ارتكاب الفظائع ضد الجماعات الإسلامية بينما تتخفى في هيئة عرب لزرع الانقسام.

ولكن هناك المزيد، المزيد والمزيد؛ فقد تسلل طرف ثالث غير معروف إلى كل من المنظمات الإسرائيلية والفلسطينية لتأليبهما ضد بعضهما البعض لأغراض لا أستطيع تخمينها ولكنها معادية لكليهما وللسلام والأمن العالميين. هذه لعبة طويلة، ولا يزال خصمنا في الظل حتى الآن.

من لديه المهارة والدافع للقيام بذلك؟ من المستفيد؟

نتنياهو يستفيد، لأن هذا يبقيه في السلطة ويعطيه سببًا للحرب من أجل الغزو الإمبراطوري والسيطرة على الشرق الأوسط والحل النهائي للفلسطينيين؛ ويستفيد حليفه الرئيسي ترامب في انتخاباتنا من تلطيخ درع بايدن وهاريس بالقسوة والتواطؤ في الإبادة الجماعية، على الرغم من أن كلاهما محاصر بسياسات وتحالفات عمرها عقود من الزمان ويخضع لسيطرة الثروة الهائلة والقوة السياسية للجنة الشؤون العامة الأمريكية الإسرائيلية، ويستفيد كل من ترامب ونتنياهو من جعل فكرة حقوق الإنسان بلا معنى.

لكن شرعية إسرائيل وأمريكا هي تكلفة لا يمكن لأحد في حكومات الدول أو مجتمعات الاستخبارات والعمليات الخاصة أن يتاجر بها من أجل هذه الانتصارات، وعلى الرغم من أن الرايخ الرابع، الذي أعني به شبكة من أحفاد النازيين الفعليين الذين تسللوا إلى الدولة الأمريكية وغيرها لمدة سبعين عامًا، والتي يعد ترامب زعيمها والزعيم الفعلي لها، لديه بوضوح خطط طويلة المدى والموارد والعبقرية، مهما كانت شريرة، للقيام بذلك، فلن يساعد أي نازي دولة إسرائيل الصهيونية على أن تصبح إمبراطورية. وهذا يترك جهاز الأمن الفيدرالي الروسي ووكالات الاستخبارات الأخرى وقوات سبيتزناز، أيضًا مع الصبر أو الرؤية والموارد والمهارة للقيام بذلك، والتي ربما كانت تتطور لعقود من الزمن؛ ولكن روسيا ملتزمة بتعزيز هيمنة حليفتها إيران على الشرق الأوسط، وهو ما يجعلها العدو الأول لإسرائيل والتحالف العربي الأميركي، وقد خاضنا حروباً بالوكالة وحشية في سوريا وأماكن أخرى لإثبات ذلك.

لا، إن عدونا الحقيقي والجاني الحقيقي لأحداث السبت الأسود ليس روسيا أو إيران، ولا الرايخ الرابع، بل ترامب ونتنياهو بشكل جزئي ومباشر على قدم المساواة مع الفصيل الجهادي حماس الذي أعتقد أنه نشأ مع عدوها اللدود ومنافسها على السيطرة على غزة القاعدة؛ نحن نواجه عدواً مجهولاً على استعداد للهندسة لإبادة جماعية لتعزيز أهدافه الغامضة، وكل ما يمكنني أن أخبرك به عنهم هو أنهم بعيدون كل البعد عن الانتهاء منا.

نحن نعيش في أوقات مثيرة للاهتمام.

دعونا نعود إلى المبادئ الأولى بسؤال بسيط؛ من يعاني ويحتاج إلى الرحمة؟ إنه سؤال مشابه للسؤال الذي أطرحه لتحديد متى وكيف نستخدم القوة والعنف، من يملك السلطة؟، ولكن باتجاه مختلف تمامًا فيما يتعلق بتطور مستقبلنا.

هنا في أرض مقدسة مقسمة حسب التفاصيل الطائفية لكيفية أن نكون بشرًا معًا وفقًا لإرادة اللانهائي كأخوة وحب عالميين، تُرتكب جرائم تحدد حدود الإنسان ضد أبريائنا، وعجزنا التام، وغير قادرين على تهديد أي شخص؛ الأطفال. أطفال يعذبهم ويقتلهم عدو إنسانيتنا، دولة إسرائيل ورعاتها بما في ذلك أمريكا، بسرور في هستيريا القوة أو يرفضون رؤيتهم والتعرف عليهم بالتواطؤ. ويبرز تاريخنا شخصية واحدة تمثل كل الأطفال الذين ضحوا بالسلطة والكراهية، وحُكم عليهم بالموت بتواطؤ الصمت.

أطلب منكم الآن، كل البشرية، التخلي عن مسار نزع الإنسانية عنا والتخلي عن الإبادة الجماعية والتطهير العرقي وحروب الفتح والسيطرة والجرائم ضد الإنسانية.

أطلب، وأتوسل، وأطالب؛ أطلب منكم باسم آن فرانك.

October 6 2026 Love as a Divine Madness: a Celebration of Mad Hatter Day

     We celebrate the beginning of the Halloween season, wherein we let our demons out to play, a time of masquerades, the performance of secret identities, violations of normality and transgressions of the boundaries of the Forbidden, reversals of order, the embrace of our monstrosity, of the reimagination and transformation of ourselves, and the pursuit of new truths through ecstatic trance and poetic vision, with our new national holiday of amok time, Mad Hatter Day.

     The Mad Hatter acts as a psychopomp or guide of the soul in Alice in Wonderland, and Alice is a Holy Fool like Parsifal, but he and Alice are also figures of a single whole person and the story one of hierosgamos or heavenly marriage; like Catherine and Heathcliff in Wuthering Heights, a myth into which Sylvia Plath and Ted Hughes cast themselves so disastrously.

     Jean Cocteau’s Beauty and the Beast interrogates this myth of idealizations of authorized masculinity and femininity as Freudian horror and Sadeian transgression. But it is also a primary myth of reimagination and transformation which signposts the inherent fluidity of identities of sex and gender.

     What does love do? Love sublimes us into a unitary being, erases our limits as individuals defined by our form and liberates us from the event horizon of our flesh.

     Love is a madness, but it is a madness which bears redemptive and transformational power, and a force of liberation which can return to us our true selves and allow us to transcend the limits of our form and inhabit the imaginal spaces of others.

     Love also reveals to us our true selves; a lover has the power to see the truth of others, and to reveal to others their true selves, and models thereby an ideal of human relationships. We choose partners who can help us become the person we want to be, and who embody qualities we wish to assimilate to ourselves; a healthy relationship returns to us and helps us discover our true and best selves. To love is to transform others by the power of our vision to see who they truly are and set them free.

     A lover is both a Pythian seer of truths who like Michelangelo can free us as images captive within the matrix of our bodies and our material and social context, who in naming us like Adam naming the beasts defines our truth, and an inverted figure of Medusa, goddess and monster, a victim cursed for the crimes of her abuser like Hester Prynne in The Scarlet Letter, and whose power to turn men to stone appropriates the dehumanizing and objectifying power of the Male Gaze and transforms it into the power to see others true selves and release them to be free, and to mutually assimilate the qualities of the other and transform them both.

     Love is a divine madness which defiles and exalts, reveals truths and confers authenticity, and the redemptive power of love can make glorious and beautiful the flaws of our humanity and bring healing to the brokenness of the world and the pathology of our disconnectedness.

     As I wrote in my celebration of Lewis Carroll, I Sing of Madness, Vision, and Love: Lewis Carroll, on his birthday January 27; I practice the art of believing “six impossible things before breakfast”, but only those I claim or create myself; this is my faith, though if asked directly I normally quote either Keats; “I am certain of nothing but of the holiness of the Heart’s affections and the truth of Imagination—What the imagination seizes as Beauty must be truth—whether it existed before or not—for I have the same Idea of all our Passions as of Love they are all in their sublime, creative of essential Beauty”, or Rumi; “Let the beauty you love be what you do”, depending on who is asking, and in what language and nation.

    To Lewis Carroll, Surrealist and philosopher of poetic vision, we are indebted for this primary insight which reconciles the transcendent truth of Keats and Romantic Idealism as developments of the western mystery tradition from Plato with those truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh.

    His great book Alice in Wonderland, like Mozart’s Magic Flute, encodes the mystery tradition, for which his primary sources are Plato, the Biblical Book of John the Evangelist which forges a faith of the Logos, and Coleridge’s Primary Imagination; but he also attempted to write a Summa Theologiae or seed of becoming human which can unfold itself within the mind of its readers as transformation and transcendence.

     Dense with word games of the Italo Calvino-Georges Perec variety and mathematical-philosophical puzzles which are satirical metacommentary on the great thinkers of his time, Alice in Wonderland is intended to transmit the whole of a classical education, but is also a Socratic dialog which questions the premises of our civilization. Few such total reimaginations have ever been attempted.

    I discovered Wonderland through the brilliant work of the mathematician Martin Gardner, which has been updated as The Annotated Alice: The Definitive Edition, when as a sophomore in high school I joined a reading group at the local university, carried along in the wake of my best friend, four years older than myself and a former Forensics student of my father, Doc (given name Brad) Hannink.

     This occurred during my teenage James Joyce-Ludwig Wittgenstein fandom and immersion in magic, a special form of seeking hidden realms of wonder behind the mirage of the world as performed in my father’s underground theatre as a form of Surrealist ceremonial magic and like a Frankenstein’s monster made of unlike parts, our family faith and history which combines voodoo, werewolf mythology, and bent versions of Grimm’s fairytales from our Bavarian origins with his Beatnik friend William S. Burroughs’ Chaos magic which assimilated medieval ceremonial magic, Crowley, and Lovecraft into Bataille’s Acephale cult of Nietzsche, both related to a love of languages and the occult as hidden systems of meaning. These enthusiasms of my youth foundered by my senior year on my failure to teach myself to read Kabbalah, as I discovered it is written not in Hebrew but in languages I could find no one to converse with or learn from, Aramaic and Andalusi Romance.

      But as a fifteen year old steeped in the occult, the iconography of Surrealism, the esotericism of Finnegan’s Wake, Korzybski’s General Semantics, and the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, paradigms in which secret worlds lay behind this one which operate by different laws as informing, motivating, and shaping forces of our own, I loved that Alice always questioned authority and regarded her as an anarchist hero and a figure of Socrates, and this remains the primary meaning of the work for me. Alice enacts parrhesia, what Foucault called truth telling, and I saw in her someone I wished to become.

      As I wrote in my post of January 8 2022, Let Us Bring A Reckoning; Politics is the art of fear as the basis of exchange and the origin of authority and unequal power as systemic evil in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, as balanced with the desire to belong, but it is also about poetic vision as reimagination and transformation; to dream an impossible thing and make it real, as Washington did in crossing the Delaware to create America and as Alice teaches us when recounting the Six Impossible Things in her battle with the Jabberwocky. Herein the inherent human power of reimagination is deployed as a strategy of revolution against overwhelming force and tyranny.

      On the way to fight a dragon, and seeing it for the first terrible time, Alice remarks to the Mad Hatter in Tim Burton’s beautiful film; “That’s impossible.”

    To which the Hatter says, “Only if you believe it is.”

    “Sometimes, I believe in six impossible things before breakfast.”

     “That is an excellent practice, but just now, you really might want to focus on the Jabberwocky.”

     Just so.

      Kobo Abe takes tea at the Mad Hatter’s of an afternoon; Gogol has set his words on fire and is made of a holy light which is used in place of a chandelier, Kafka elicits squeals of delight from Alice with his hideous Gregor Samsa form, Klimt’s giant apelike Typhoeus and his daughters Madness, Illness, and Death run amok in ecstatic Bacchic dance with the Triple Goddess Lasciviousness, Wantonness, and Intemperance while Lovecraft tries to put something with tentacles back in its box.

     There is always an empty chair for you.

      Here follows some things I have written for the Festival of the Mad Hatter, which I celebrate as a three week Orphic vision quest which begins the month of Halloween, in three stages of one week celebrating madness as love, transgression, and vision.

     This week I celebrate madness as love, with all of its redemptive and transformational power, and perform acts of love as solidarity in resistance and liberation struggle where ever men hunger to be free.

      This is my special madness, this loyalty to and solidarity with my fellow human beings in revolutionary struggle against systems of oppression and  tyranny, of commodification, falsification, and dehumanization; but the world is also mad, and my path is to place my life in the balance with all those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, and to become a fulcrum and change the balance of power in the world.

       I write to you from a hell of nightmares, death, atrocities, and terror dreamed by an Israel which defines the limits of the human and has become, in reproducing the conditions her people once escaped, a museum of private Holocausts.

     Here and elsewhere I Resist tyranny and terror to claw back something of our humanity from the darkness.

      No matter where you begin with divisions of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, with fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, with the subversion of our equality and the abandonment of our principle of universal human rights, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     There are no Israelis, no Palestinians; only people like ourselves, and the choices we make about how to be human together.

     In the end, all that matters is what you do with your fear, and how you use your power; do something beautiful with yours.

     As I wrote in my post of July 18 2021, Of Love and Desire as Forces of Autonomy and Liberation; In my previous journal entry of yesterday I provided a brief outline of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator test as a tool of discovery and description of the processes of masculinity and femininity as interdependent aspects of a whole personality, in the context of gender identity and performance.

      So we come to the final category of our interest here, sexual orientation. The most important thing to know about human sexuality as a dimension of experience is that it involves the whole person. Whereas a personality test can tell you who you are, and who others are or wish to represent themselves as, it cannot tell you who or what you desire. Desire remains ambiguous, and that is its great power as a force of liberation and autonomy. 

     The second is that desire is uncontrollable as the tides, an inherently anarchic and chaotic force of nature which is nonvolitional and for which we cannot be held responsible, unlike our actions toward others.

    In this I speak to you of truths which are immanent in nature and written in our flesh; we must claim our truths and celebrate what Walt Whitman called the songs of ourselves as victorious seizures of power, freedom, and joy.

     Love and desire are innate capacities of reimagination and transformative rebirth, which like Dorothy’s magic ruby slippers cannot be taken from us and bear the power to send us home to our heart’s desire, to restore to us the self  which is truly ours.

      My flesh is a map of private holocausts, written with silent screams, nameless loves, causes lost and won and both purchased with horror, pain, grief, life, and far too often that of others and not my own, ephemeral signs of our secret histories and the lies and illusions which capture and distort our images in a wilderness of mirrors and the pathologies of our falsification and disconnectedness.

     We have but one escape from the limits of our flesh and the flags of our skin; and this is love. In love we transcend ourselves and become exalted; through the redemptive power of love we may heal the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     As I wrote in my post of March 13 2021, A Year of Quarantine in Retrospect;

The quality of our humanity is not fixed, but always in motion, like the turbulent systems da Vinci studied in his fountain and which later with new mathematics came to be described as chaos theory. Identity is a process which is fluid, and our emotions are instruments with which it creates itself.

      We create ourselves over time, through our history of defining moments; human being is a prochronism, a history expressed in our form of how we solved problems of adaptation. What we call our self or our soul is no different in kind from the exoskeleton of an insect or the shell of a sea creature.

     And we create ourselves through our interdependence with others, our relationships, friends, families, communities, and the systems of signs thereof. 

     Human being has in this scheme three orders of relationships; persona, history, and interdependence, and all of it is in motion, dynamic and inherently unstable.

     Impermanence is the defining quality of nature and the material universe; so also is the controlling metaphor and condition of human nature, being, and identity our ephemeral, transitory, and protean forms. Nature is a mirror which reflects itself, and like the Hobgoblin’ fragmented mirror in Hans Christian Andersen’s The Snow Queen, reveals endless possibilities of becoming human; the inward and outward halves of the cosmos also create and define each other in mutual coevolution, like Escher’s Drawing Hands.

    Humans are naturally polyamorous in the sense that we are animals which can enjoy all pleasure and are enculturated to be otherwise; we are shaped by sociohistorical forces in the sphere of gender identity and sexual orientation to deny our true nature. It is normality which is deviant, and from which misogyny, the system of Patriarchy, and other destructive illnesses of the spirit arise; fear weaponized in service to power, fear of otherness but also of nature and ourselves. Here is the true origin of evil as the social use of force and violence in self-hatred.

     As Goethe wrote in Faust; “Let us extend our lives through our bodies in all directions possible”.

     For me the origin of human evil is in unequal relationships and the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, pathologies of violence and dominion which as with the figure of Alberich the dwarf require the renunciation of love as their price; not in the Violation of Normality and its taboos, the Transgression of the Forbidden, or the Defiance of Authority, three things I count as sacred acts in pursuit of the truth of ourselves, but in the systemic and structural injustices and inequalities of hegemonic elites, their lies and illusions which falsify us and steal our souls, and the state tyranny and terror of brutal force and control which we must resist and refuse to submit to, that we may become autonomous and free as self- created and self-owned beings; for power and force are meaningless when met with disobedience, and in the moment of our refusal to submit to authority we become Unconquered and free. 

     I say again; human sexual orientation is not a spectrum with endpoint limits, for whatever you imagine as the most extreme transgressions in any direction becomes a boundary of the Forbidden which I guarantee you others have violated and exceeded, and also implies moral judgement when it is impolite to ick someone else’s yum and is moreover an illusion in a universe where good and evil do not exist beyond our actions toward others, but a Moebius Loop of infinite possibilities, and we are born and exist by nature everywhere along it at once. All else is limitation and control imposed artificially as dominion, captivity, and falsification by authorized identities, or a seizure of power and self-ownership in revolutionary struggle against such narratives, hierarchies, and divisions.

     Writing of love in Letters to Milena, Franz Kafka gives us this witness; “I wish the world were ending tomorrow. Then I could take the next train, arrive at your door in Vienna, and say, Come with me, Milena. We are going to love each other without scruples or fear or restraint. Because the world is ending tomorrow.

    Perhaps we don’t love unreasonably because we think we have time, or have to reckon with time. But what if we don’t have time? Or what if time, as we know it, is irrelevant? Ah, if only the world were ending tomorrow. We could help each other very much.”

     Here is the true origin of Nietzsche’s idea of Eternal Return as a test and praxis of Authenticity, and it recalls to me something I once said to Jean Genet. He had sat down at my table after my friends and I made our morning race against death, crossing a sniper alley to reach a cafe in Beirut that had the best strawberry crepes in the world.

     “I’m told you do this every day, steal breakfast from death.”

     To which I replied, “It’s a poor man who loves nothing beyond reason, and has no pleasures worth dying for.”

     He smiled and said,” I agree”; this was the beginning of our conversations at breakfast in the days of the terrible siege, which would reset the path of my life. He saw me, Genet did, and set me free to create and discover my true self on the path of the Resistance.

      My wish for all of us is that we may find such friends who can reveal to us our true selves and offer figural spaces into which to grow; such is my functional definition of love.

     Through love and desire we pursue a sacred calling to discover our truths, truths which are immanent in nature and written in our flesh. Herein also we escape the limits of our flesh as we become sublimed and exalted in unification with others, who free our captive images from the wilderness of mirrors which falsify us. Love is an instrument with which we may liberate and empower each other and restore to one another our autonomy and authenticity.

     Love and desire are forces of liberation, uncontrollable as the tides and inherently anarchic. They are our most powerful weapons against authority and tyranny; for they can neither be taken from us nor limited.

      Love like you have laughed in the face of your executioner, for this is exactly what love is. 

       Herein I cite a marvelous article by Babette Babich, professor of philosophy at Fordham University in New York City. Of her exploration of the kinds of love, she writes in The Philosophical Salon of the Los Angeles Review of Books; “I was trying to go beyond the four in question, to xenia, the rights of a guest, a key notion for a political theorist. It refers to the love of the stranger, which is crucial today in an age of migrant crises and which entails the hospitality we owe the guest. The principle of hospitality is important in the Bible, where Abraham hosts strangers who turn out to be Jehovah and his angels. It is also related in Greek myth, where an old couple, Philémon und Baucis, sacrifice all they have to host two vagabonds, offering kindness to gods in disguise: Zeus and Hermes, the god who mediates all encounters between the mortal and the divine.

     The classical list, as C.S. Lewis and others detail it, is: storgē, love of the home or the family; philia or friendship, which we hear in philosophy as love of wisdom; eros which is what we’re most interested in — taking us back to the #metoo movement, including questions of men and women in love. (One of the reasons we continue to find Alan Rickman’s betrayal of Emma Thompson in the 2003 Love, Actually so disquieting is that this is a compound betrayal of storgē/philia/eros.)  — And then there is agapē, a pure, specifically selfless love, in contrast to eros, which is anything but selfless.  Agapē is anticlimactic, and even St. Augustine, praying for grace, prayed to be perfect but, as he famously wrote, not yet.

     The hierarchy of kinds of love mirrors — to tell a fanciful, proto-evolutionary story — the story of our lives. We’re born into storgē, family love, the love of home and hearth. That can be conflicted to be sure, as Robert Frost reminds us: ‘Home is the place where, when you have to go there, / They have to take you in.’

     Thus, we’ve just gone through the holiday season dedicated to storgē, as also reflected in Love, Actually and the 1946, It’s a Wonderful Life.  Philia, friendship, is included in marriage, as well as at school. Then, there is the theme of love matters at university, and eros—hence, the connection to St. Valentine’s day. Finally, some of us reach agapē, pure love, love for its own sake, love of god especially.

     I emphasized, as Plato and Augustine do, that we all want love, and it is love that draws us upward as Goethe notes, improving everything about the world and about ourselves. I also pointed to the sharper, darker sides of love: that it can break us, or bend us down, to use Hölderlin’s language for love’s near and future danger to us.

     Falling in erotic love is like falling into a maelstrom of intoxication, and there are always low points: the Greek poet, Anacreon compares it to being knocked flat by a blacksmith’s hammer, as Anne Carson cites him in her book, Eros, the Bittersweet. ‘Sweetbitter’ is the Greek glukúpikron in Sappho’s poem to Eros: a word order inverting our English convention and so much truer to life: glukú sweet, pikron, bitter.  Thus, the Greeks emphasized the negativity or visceral disaster that is the impact of love. As Archilochus writes: it rips your lungs out. Actually.

     And we’re all for it: we long for it, we want it. Eros undoes us, and the same lyric where we encountered the word, glukúpikron, we find lusimélēs, limbs dissolved, mingling one into another. The song originally recorded by the Big Bopper, Chantilly Lace in 1958, and featured in several films, including the 1973, American Graffiti, rhymes the intoxication effected by Chantilly, her walk, her laugh — the Greeks have the same enthusiasms — and the results that ‘make the world go round,’ transforming the singer, unhinging him, lusimélēs, the modern poet’s phrase make me feel real loose, indeed, make me act so funny, make me spend my money, punctuated. And that is the point of it: that’s what I like.

     Eros is dangerous, Plato tells us. He is the oldest god, he is the youngest god, and everything about him is dyadic, despite, or more accurately, because of the dangers.  Michel Foucault wrote about dietetics and strategies that might enhance the positive and reduce the negative, but, in the end, Cupid’s arrow is an engine of death, and talking of that takes us to Freud.

     I looked to philia to highlight what love actually does, and I spoke of Nietzsche on love as a hermeneutic tactic along with one of Fordham’s teachers from a few decades before my time, Dietrich von Hildebrand, because, in addition to ideals closer to agapē, he spoke of intentio benevolentiae to highlight the generosity Nietzsche emphasized. This is the generosity we can bring to everything we want to understand whether books, events, or people.

     When we love, we give the other the benefit of the doubt, cut them all kinds of breaks.  When we fail to love, we lack generosity and what is more, we are prone to resentment, disdain, anger.  Love is about generosity. It is about not minding faults, and the love of wisdom, philosophy, is or can be, beyond analytic anger, hermeneutically generous in the same way: faults and all.”

What is to be done? Alice Slays the Jabberwocky:

Jefferson Airplane – Go ask Alice

The hatter recites the jabberwocky poem

http://thephilosophicalsalon.com/twitter-hearts-and-valentines-day-on-philosophy-and-love/  

https://www.brainpickings.org/2016/09/02/salvador-dali-alices-adventures-in-wonderland/?fbclid=IwAR2xHm6rl0zJS-zpldZ42KMqNJMYPfwpjzOTx9ZBwxyFDIoJZFYH3hIw7bQ

                       Lewis Carroll, a reading list

The Making of Lewis Carroll’s Alice and the Invention of Wonderland, Peter Hunt

The Annotated Alice: The Definitive Edition, Lewis Carroll, Martin Gardner

 (Introduction and notes), John Tenniel (Illustrator)

Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland Decoded: The Full Text of Lewis Carroll’s Novel with its Many Hidden Meanings Revealed, by David Day

Behind the Looking-Glass: Reflections on the Myth of Lewis Carroll,

Sherry L. Ackerman, Karoline Leach

Alice in Space: The Sideways Victorian World of Lewis Carroll, by Gillian Beer

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/29362357-alice-in-space?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_78

    The Nonsense of Kant and Lewis Carroll: Unexpected Essays on Philosophy, Art, Life, and Death, by Ben-Ami Scharfstein

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/18526677-the-nonsense-of-kant-and-lewis-carroll?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_121

Alice’s Adventures: Lewis Carroll in Popular Culture, Will Brooker

October 5 2026 Vive Le Revolution! The Barricades Return to France

     A few days ago the old comms network of the Yellow Vest movement reactivated and mobilized tens of thousands of protesters in the largest sustained mass action in France since the Marseille protests of 2023 of which I was a witness and participant, having traveled to ”put out the fire with gasoline” as David Bowie teaches us, for when Chaos beckons with its siren call I cannot but answer with my own.

     The Year of the Barricades is upon us once again, as it was in 1871, 1940, and 1968; what true son or daughter of France or of the Revolution anywhere on this earth will refuse to join in solidarity with the people now fighting in the streets for the liberty of us all?

      Vive le revolution!

      As written in Crimethinc, in an article entitled French Youth Take the Streets against a Bleak Future; “This past week, thousands of teenagers have taken the streets of France, clashing with police as they demonstrate against the deplorable conditions in their high schools and a rapidly collapsing future. This is a promising sign, shifting attention from the seemingly unstoppable rise of the extreme right to the question of what people can do on a grassroots basis to defend themselves. Our correspondents in Paris explore the situation in detail.

     Another unprecedented summer of record heatwaves, droughts, and wildfires throughout Europe underlines the desperate situation we are all facing today, while politicians of all stripes and their techno-industrial sponsors continue to turn a blind eye, forcing us down the path to catastrophe in the name of progress.

     Hoping to turn the page on these environmental disasters, the French government has hurriedly shifted focus to other priorities. The coming months represent a crucial transition for Emmanuel Macron and his government, as they will bring Macron’s second term to a close, opening a new political era in France. Candidates are already battling to succeed Macron in power at the beginning of May 2027.

     In the midst of this political spectacle, during an increasingly menacing surge in the popularity of the National Rally (formerly, the National Front), the extreme-right party, it is especially meaningful that teenagers have started to organize at a grassroots level to defend themselves. This organizing gained momentum last week, when blockades of high schools, demonstrations, and riots erupted across France, taking everyone by surprise.

     Licensed to Kill?

     Since Macron was elected President for the first time in May 2017, the political discourse in France has been even more dominated by an emphasis on authoritarian and far-right ideologies in terms of security, immigration, and economic and social issues.

     This political shift towards an even more aggressive form of governance has led to increasing state violence targeting the social movements and uprisings that have emerged since. From the eviction of the ZAD at Notre-Dame-des-Landes in 2017 to the riots following the murder of Nahel in 2023, not forgetting the Yellow Vest sequence and the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown experimental doctrines, we have experienced a headlong plunge into a world of surveillance, repression, and loss of individual freedoms. This has become today’s new normal.

     It was in this already suffocating context that last July, the French government decided to vote on a new bill giving police officers more latitude to use their firearms without consequences—a demand that the far right has promoted for years. If voted through, this legislation could set a dangerous precedent, as it would establish “a presumption of ‘legitimate use of arms’ by police and gendarmes ‘in the exercise of their duty’.”

     In other words, not only will police officers be able to freely use their weapons if in any situation they claim to fear for their lives or the lives of others, but authorities will no longer have to prove that the officers acted within the framework of the law, as they are required to do today. It will be up to the victims and their families to provide evidence that the use of firearms was not justified. We can already see how this new law represents a legislative tool enabling law enforcement agents, and therefore, the state, to cover up future murders.

     Unwilling to let such a law pass without resistance, political opponents and radicals, who had rightly rebranded this law the “license to kill,” decided to organize massive demonstrations and events throughout France on the weekend of September 18 to 20. Thousands of people took part in these protests in different major cities alongside traditional leftist politicians, rights groups such as Amnesty International and the League of Human Rights, and various lawyers and magistrates’ unions.

     In the meantime, another call for action reusing all the codes of the Yellow Vest movement spread online. The origins of this call remain obscure, as some national newspapers have raised the possibility that AI-generated accounts had flooded social media platforms with this rumor on purpose. Nevertheless, media and politicians began commenting on this potential resurgence of the Yellow Vest movement due to the rise of fuel prices and the overall increase of living costs. Rumor or not, the call to take the streets on October 17, 2026 has spread and only the future will tell us if people’s desperation and anger will be able to give birth to another inspiring moment.

     Growing Frustrations…

     Since mid-September, another form of discontent has been slowly spreading within another part of society. Tired of their working conditions, some high-school students decided to block access to their schools in order to make their voices heard. During the early stages of what became a national movement a few days later, only a few high schools were blocked here and there. This did not create any real impact or worry the authorities.

     Among the students’ various demands, we can summarize the following points:

     Reduce the number of students per class.

    For years now, the number of students per class has gradually increased to the point that it is not unusual for a teacher to have an average of between 30 to 35 students in a classroom. This is impacting the capacity for every single student to learn at their own pace.

     Reduce the number of school hours per week.

     Even if France is known for having numerous and long school breaks throughout the year, students usually spend a long day at school—sometimes from 8 am until 6 pm—adding up to 28 or 35 hours of teaching per week, depending on the high school level and options.

     Improve high school infrastructure.

     Just like the state’s territorial management, high schools reproduce social inequalities. Some high schools located in rich districts have no infrastructure issues, while high schools located in low-income areas are falling apart. For example, some high schools have constant bathroom issues, some have no heat during winter and no proper insulation, some have roofs that leak when it rains.

     Put an end to “ParcourSup.”

     “ParcourSup” is the name of an online platform that students have to use during their final year to list what they would like to do after the school year. Created in 2018, this platform allows students to list their “wishes” and apply to different post-secondary education options such as universities, colleges, vocational and trade schools, and the like. Run by algorithms, this platform has been criticized since its implementation for the opacity of the criteria according to which it fulfills or thwarts students’ wishes. The platform creates considerable stress and competition among students, as those with better grades can be accepted more easily while the others might find no options whatsoever after high school, proving once more that this form of computerized selection increases social disparities and inequalities.

     Engage more substitute teachers to maintain continuity in learning.

     Students have been complaining that when one of their teachers is sick, there is often no substitute teacher available to take over in order to assist them in continuing to learn. This creates situations in which students sometimes don’t have a teacher for weeks in a specific discipline, even if it will be part of their national high school diploma exam.

     All the previous points made by students are the direct result of years of educational restructuring, public spending cuts, and neo-liberal reforms. More and more, public schools are managed like private companies and forced to compete with one another to be more efficient.

     This is not to say that without public spending cuts and neo-liberal reforms, the school system would be desirable. Under capitalism, the school system is a tool for the state to coerce us, to crush our individuality, to subdue our rebellious spirits and desires in order to reduce us to a docile workforce that can be exploited for the rest of our lives.

     …Burst into Flames

     By Monday, September 28, word had finally spread among students to coordinate actions on a larger scale. Early that morning, students started blocking the entrances of their schools, creating makeshift barricades out of whatever they could find nearby and in some cases by setting trash containers ablaze. Some of these blockades might have been the initiative of student unions or small political organizations, but in other cases, these actions were clearly personal initiatives on the part of small groups of highly motivated individuals. Viral images on social media likely helped to spread the word, creating a domino effect among teenagers: “Look at what the other high school is doing. Let’s do it, too!” This first day of action set the tone for the rest of the week as the movement spread beyond Paris and its suburbs.

     The following day, while teachers, health care workers, firefighters, and other people from the public sector went on strike and demonstrated by the thousands in various cities against the next government budget cuts and in favor of better wages and working conditions, high-school students increased the pressure by protesting in front of some 400 schools throughout France, fully blockading approximately 40 of them.

     Without hesitating, Laurent Nuñez, the current Interior Minister and former Prefect of Police of Paris from 2022 to 2025, decided to repress this emerging movement via brute force. Police were sent to high schools to crush the blockades and disperse the crowds of teenagers. Unsurprisingly, this strategy provoked confrontations between high-school students and heavily equipped police forces.

     During the clashes, police used numerous tear gas canisters and shot rubber bullets at students while groups of teenagers and young adults resisted by throwing stones, bottles, fireworks, and other projectiles. By the end of the second day of actions, more than 400 individuals had been arrested across France, with two thirds of those arrests leading to police custody, according to official sources.

     Nevertheless, the brutal repression didn’t undermine the determination of the students, who decided to continue the movement, blocking the schools on a massive scale on Wednesday, September 30. Clashes with law enforcement continued to escalate while blockades and other actions spread to numerous major cities, forcing the Interior Minister to officially recognize that same night that despite his repressive strategy, the student movement was gaining momentum and expanding. On September 30, police arrested 625 individuals during the clashes. The first evidence of police brutality circulated online, as at least three students were severely injured by police ammunition.

     On Thursday, October 1, the students continued to organize. For the first time since the beginning of the movement, some university students decided to join the struggle—even if they were not as numerous and determined to act as their younger accomplices. Fully 900 demonstrations, riots, and blockades took place all around France. Authorities reported arson attempts both outside and inside some buildings; due to some extensive fire damage, a high school in Nantes will remain closed for a whole month. That day, students were able to shut down at least 160 high schools and to block access to 30 universities. This intense day of action resulted in almost 2000 new arrests, raising the total number of students arrested and detained since the beginning of the week to nearly 3000.

     Defending Power at Any Cost

       That night, the government realized that its inability to control student unrest was drawing it towards another political crisis.

     In order to regain control of the situation, the authorities made several hasty decisions:

     The current Prime Minister called a crisis cabinet meeting for the following day to discuss possible plans and strategies to put an end to this unrest, on the grounds that the situation had shifted from a student movement characterized by school blockades to an unruly situation of urban violence.

     The Minister of Education announced publicly that 400 high schools would be closed on Friday for “safety reasons,” either because the safety of the working personnel and students could not be assured, or simply on account of property damage. Students who can’t go to their schools will be following their classes online. In doing this, the government is reusing some of the strategies implemented during the COVID-19 pandemic in a different context.

     The Minister of Education also announced that, the following day, he would meet with student unions and political organizations to hear their demands and find collective solutions in order to end the crisis. By meeting so-called spokespersons, the government wants to weaken the movement by dividing “good” students with legitimate requests from “rioters” and “violent individuals.”

     The Interior Minister presented law enforcement agencies with an official list of all the high schools considered “high risk” by its intelligence services. In Paris alone, there were 13 high schools on this list. This suggests that the government has identified potential threats to the reigning order and is preparing to do everything in its power to neutralize these threats.

     The Minister of Justice gathered attorneys general in order to discuss the proper legal response to adopt in order to prosecute all the students in custody. It is highly possible that the government will try to process these cases as fast as possible in courts, requesting harsh legal repercussions in order to make an example of these brave young individuals.

     Nonetheless, all these announcements barely curbed the momentum of student unrest. Actions, blockades, and clashes with police continued across the country on Friday, October 2 before a well-deserved weekend.

     After a full week of political unrest involving intense property destruction, confrontations with law enforcement, and repression, and while the first trials were getting underway, political leaders of every stripe sought to use this situation to their own advantage, reaffirming their various positions.

     While Marine Le Pen, the leader of the far-right party National Rally, emphasized the supposed need to create a new “anti-rioter” law in order to repress those who commit property destruction and resist police, the Macron government criticized the “violence” that took place and played on the classic dichotomy between “good ways of protesting” and “unforgivable ways of protesting”—while at the same time accusing the so-called “far-left” statist party of being responsible of all these events.

     On Sunday, October 4, the government officially announced that the following day, more than 400 high schools in France would remain closed as security conditions still could not be assured. The Minister of Education declared that “24 schools had been burnt or ransacked and 78 education staff members injured” since the beginning of the movement.

     What Now?

        Right now, information is flooding media outlets about the events of Monday, October 5. So far, it is estimated that almost 1000 individuals were arrested today, 589 schools experienced protests or blockades—240 schools in the Paris region alone—and 65 law enforcement agents were injured during confrontations with demonstrators. This suggests that the movement is not slowing down.

     We are deeply saddened to learn that on October 5, in Lens, a 15-year-old boy lost his hand after picking up a stun grenade that law enforcement officers used to attack protesters. One of the three teenagers injured last week suffers from a broken jaw, having been shot point blank with a grenade launcher. Currently, the 14-year-old boy can’t open his mouth, as all his bottom teeth were knocked out by the impact and all his upper teeth are broken. Another 16-year-old teenager injured last week lost an eye after an officer shot him in the face with a rubber bullet.

     Unfortunately, as the government is not willing to back down and wants to regain control by any means necessary, police violence will only continue to escalate. More and more serious injuries are likely to occur in the next days of confrontations. So far, according to official sources, 215 students have been injured since the beginning of the movement, as well as 85 educational staff members and—supposedly—715 law enforcement officers. These figures are skewed to over-represent police: the state does not distinguish “offensive” injuries such as bruised knuckles from inflicted injuries, while most demonstrators who are injured do not dare to seek treatment for their wounds or, if they do, conceal the fact that they were injured by police violence. Injuring and mutilating people both physically and psychologically is the only solution the state has found to preserve the fragile illusion of order. The police and the government are not here to protect us.

     Since the beginning of the student unrest, 5060 people have been arrested, including 4406 minors and 654 adults. As of today, 1802 individuals are facing charges: 1483 minors and 319 adults. Of those, 14 are in pre-trial detention—10 adults and 4 minors.

     Right now, people are holding their breath on the eve of the Third Act of this high school movement. On Tuesday, October 6, there is another call to join students in the streets. Several sectors are already planning a variety of blockades elsewhere in France in solidarity.

     No one can predict what will happen next or if the current political unrest will continue to gain momentum, reinventing and extending itself until October 17, the next day that there is a national call to take the streets. No one knows if the movement will find its resources to survive the brutal state and police repression that it is experiencing.

     All we know for certain is that nothing is written in advance. The courage of the students taking part of this movement should inspire all of us to act now and to continue to push forward in order to fight against all odds for a better world!”

     As I wrote in my post of November 17 2021, The Revolution Goes Ever Onward: France’s Gilets Jaunes;  This month marks the anniversary of three years of revolution and the Gilets Jaunes protests in France; one which has been met with repression and a shift in the government of France not toward liberation, but toward a brutal police state of force and control.

     The Yellow Vest movement emerged with a new precariat as a response to globalization, privatization, worsening economic conditions, and government complicity in the systemic mechanical failures of our civilization from its internal contradictions as we enter the terminal phase of capitalism. Historical forces sweep all before like an unstoppable tide, but like the fall of previous civilizations ours is dying because the final causes are often political decisions. 

     This means that there is yet hope; we can still change our future from an age of tyranny to one of liberty and a free society of equals.

     As with all tyrannies, dissent and resistance become pretexts for the militarization of the police through the counterinsurgency model of policing and the escalation of force and state terror, the universalization of surveillance, and the centralization of power to authority and a carceral state which serves the wealth, power, and privilege of hegemonic elites.

    Herein we see the globalization of tyranny which employs the strategy of Trump’s numerous coup attempts in 2020 to provide a causus belli for the federal occupation of Democratic cities by having police provocateurs and deniable forces of white supremacist terror disrupt the Black Lives Matter protests with violence and looting.  The parallels between America under Trump and France are alarming, but illuminating as well.

    Such historical progression from liberty to tyranny is not unique but universal; the nature of states is service to elites, law serves power, fear becomes reaction, and the centralization of power to authority creates tyranny. Here is the origin of evil in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force; not in personal sin, unfitness, or the innate depravity of man in the absence of restraining force and control but in systemic inequality.

    Tyranny is born of overwhelming and generalized fear weaponized by authority in service to power, using the lies and illusions of propaganda, false histories, and alternate realities to divide and conquer its citizens by making some of us complicit in the subjugation of the others through hierarchies of membership and exclusionary otherness, thus creating fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.

    Other nations have proven less resilient to this subversion of democracy; among them France, which I would have thought impossible. Consider the cultural shift necessary to transform a nation in which protest is enshrined and valorized in the national identity as a patriotic duty to one wherein police brutalize protesters rather than embrace them as comrades in the cause of liberty, equality, and fraternity, and the universal Rights of Man are become contingent on their service to authority. I’d have said the same of us, once.

     France is fallen, but like America with our electoral repudiation of Trump and fascism, may yet rise again.

     As written by the philosopher Alain Badiou in his Verso Books blog; “That there are numerous reasons for this revolt, and that the movement may therefore be regarded as legitimate, is something I grant without hesitation. I am aware of the depopulation of rural areas, the sad silence of abandoned streets in small and even medium-sized towns; the continuous removal for masses of people of public services, which are gradually being privatized: health centres, hospitals, schools, post offices, train stations, telephones. I know that pauperization, initially creeping and then accelerated, is affecting sections of the population that forty years ago still enjoyed almost continually increasing spending power. I am well aware that material existence is becoming a headache for whole families, especially for many women, who are highly active in the yellow vests movement.

     In short, in France there is a very high level of discontent on the part of what we might call the labouring part of the middle class, provincial in the main and with a modest income. The yellow vests movement is a significant representation of this discontent in the form of active, vehement revolt.

     For those willing to attend to them, the historico-economic reasons for this uprising are perfectly clear. Moreover, they explain why the yellow vests date the onset of their woes to forty years ago: crudely, the 1980s, which marked the onset of a long capitalist-oligarchical counter-revolution, incorrectly dubbed ‘neo-liberal’ when it is liberal full stop. Which means: a return to the savagery of nineteenth-century capitalism. This counter-revolution occurred in response to the ten ‘red years’ – roughly 1965–75 – whose French epicentre was May 68 and whose global epicentre was the Cultural Revolution in China.  But it was considerably accelerated by the collapse of the global enterprise of communism in the USSR and then China: nothing on a world scale now opposed capitalism and its profiteers, in particular the trans-national oligarchy of billionaires, wielding unlimited power.

     Meanwhile, from the 1980s to the present France’s situation has gradually deteriorated. This country is no longer what it was during the trente glorieuses of post-war reconstruction. France is no longer a strong world power, a conquering imperialism. Today, it is frequently compared to Italy or even Greece. Competition is causing it to fall back everywhere; its colonial rent is on its last legs and requires innumerably military operations in Africa, which are costly and uncertain, to maintain it. In addition, as the cost of working-class labour power is much lower in Asia, for example, large factories are gradually being relocated abroad. This massive deindustrialization entails a sort of social degradation extending from whole regions, such as Lorraine and its steelmaking or the North of textile factories and coal mines, to the Parisian suburbs, abandoned to property speculation on the countless wastelands left behind by ruined industries.

     The consequence of all this is that the French bourgeoisie – its dominant oligarchy, the shareholders of the CAC 40 – can no longer maintain a politically servile middle class on the same footing as before, notably before the 2008 crisis. That middle class was an almost constant historical support of the electoral pre-eminence of the various right wings – a pre-eminence directed against the organized workers of the great industrial concentrations, tempted by communism between the 1920s and the 1980s and 90s. Hence the current uprising by a significant popular section of this middle class, which feels it has been abandoned, against Macron, who is the agent of local capitalist ‘modernization’ – meaning: tightening the screw everywhere, economizing, imposing austerity, privatizing without any of the consideration that still existed thirty years ago for middle-class comfort in exchange for their consent to the dominant system.

     The yellow vests, pleading their all too real pauperization, want to be paid a high price for this consent once again. But this is absurd precisely because Macronism results from the fact that the oligarchy, firstly, has had less need of middle-class support, which was expensive to finance, since the communist danger disappeared; and secondly, no longer has the resources to pay for an electoral domestic staff on the same scale.  And it therefore has to shift, under the cover of ‘indispensable reforms’, towards an authoritarian politics: a new form of state power will serve as a support for lucrative ‘austerity’, extended from the popular class of the unemployed and workers to the lower strata of the middle class. And this for the benefit for the real masters of this world – namely, the principal shareholders of the major groups in industry, commerce, raw materials, transport and communications.

     In the Communist Manifesto, written in 1848, Marx had already examined this kind of conjuncture and referred, in essence accurately, to what are today’s yellow vests. He wrote this: ‘The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie, to save from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. They are therefore not revolutionary, but conservative.  Nay more, they are reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history.’

     They strive all the more bitterly today because the French bourgeoisie is no longer in a position, given the turn taken by globalized capitalism, to maintain, let alone increase, their spending power. It is true that the yellow vests ‘fight against the bourgeoisie’, as Marx puts it. But they do so to restore an old, outdated order, not to invent a new social and political order, whose names have been ‘socialism’ or, above all, ‘communism’ since the nineteenth century. For close on two centuries anything that was not more or less defined in accordance with a revolutionary orientation was quite rightly regarded as pertaining to capitalist reaction. In politics, there are only two main roads. We must absolutely return to this conviction: two ways in politics, only two, and never a ‘democratic’ dusting of pseudo-tendencies under the leadership of a self-proclaimed ‘liberal’ oligarchy.

     These general considerations enable us to revert to the concrete characteristics of the yellow vest movement.  Its spontaneous characteristics so to speak – those not attributable to interventions external to the main current of the uprising – are indeed ‘reactionary’ as Marx puts it, but in a more modern sense: we might term the movement’s subjectivity a popular individualism mobilizing personal anger at the new forms of servitude imposed by the dictatorship of Capital today.

    As written by Andre Kapsas in Jacobin; “When the gilets jaunes revolt began on November 17, 2018, with hundreds of thousands of people taking to barricades and roundabouts across France, police had initially seemed overwhelmed. “I thought it was the revolution,” says Youri, sitting with a group of fellow leftist activists from Montreuil, eastern Paris. His comrade Julien remembers a Paris deserted by the police: “There was no more state, the street was ours, not a cop in sight; we could roam through the whole city, we thought we were hallucinating.”

     But if in the very first days of the movement the authorities vacillated, before long they turned to crude repression. Week after week over the next year and more, the gilets jaunes took to the streets — and the police met them with increasing brutality. “Only” one person was killed, but hundreds were left with serious, even permanent, injuries; over eleven thousand people were arrested; and at least several hundred are still in jail. Through their response, French authorities introduced new norms of judicial repression — both dramatically and permanently restricting the room for democratic protest.”

     The police forces’ violent reaction was completely disproportionate,” lawyer Arié Alimi tells me over the phone — emphasizing that the gilets jaunes mostly attacked objects, while the police attacked people. For seventeen years an ardent defender of victims of police brutality, he talks with indignation about the “thousands and thousands of people injured, with considerable physical and psychological traumas.” Advocacy officer on civil liberties at Amnesty International, Anne-Sophie Simpere agrees, describing the police reaction as “illegitimate, unnecessary, and completely disproportionate.” She calls the events in December 2018 a rapid “intensification of previously existing, worrying trends in the policing of demonstrations” — citing the use of weapons and a switch from crowd control to aggressive arrests that cause serious injuries.

     According to the “Désarmons-les” (“Let’s Disarm Them”) collective, French police maimed almost as many people in the first six months of the gilets jaunes movement as they had in the last twenty years. The main serious injuries were eyes being put out (twenty-four) and hands torn off (five), mostly because of the massive use of weapons classified as war weapons, such as flash-balls and sting-ball grenades. Zineb Redouane, an eighty-year-old woman, was also killed by the police, as a tear gas grenade exploded during a protest in Marseille; in her final hours, she claimed that she had been targeted on purpose. Another 284 head injuries were reported among protesters as well as journalists, who were also often attacked by police.

     Another major urban center of the movement was Toulouse, southwest France, where Pascal Gassiot took part in almost all demonstrations as a member of the independent “Observatory of Police Practices.” He tells me that “the level of violence was extremely high, with a striking asymmetry in the police response.” Despite wearing recognizable clothing and standing to one side, observers were attacked twenty-seven times by police in Toulouse; four of them ended up in the hospital, including Gassiot himself. “There is absolutely no doubt that they were doing it on purpose,” he tells me: “I was filming a protester being charged over nothing, and I didn’t see the [Brigade anti-criminalité] coming in, with one of them tackling me to the ground.” With his head cracked open and two broken ribs, Gassiot had to be taken to the emergency room. He nonetheless soon returned to his work.

     For Gassiot, the police violence obeyed the political strategy of a government full of “class contempt” for rural, lower-middle-class, and poor protesters. “They thought they’d strike a good blow on their mug, and these plebs would go back in their hole,” he sarcastically notes. A veteran radical left activist, the sixty-five-year-old has no doubt that “police violence is on a level unseen since the 1970s, worse than May ’68″ when France was on the brink of revolution. “It was like the war in Algeria, but without the dead,” he says — drawing parallels with the state violence of sixty years ago, when police killed dozens, if not hundreds, of Algerians and French communists on the streets of Paris during the colonial war in Algeria.

     Bringing the War Home

     The infamous Brigade anti-criminalité (BAC) best illustrates this gradual importation of methods of colonial policing into the French mainland, moving first into the banlieues — the working-class suburbs heavily populated by people with a migrant background — and finally extending them across the whole population. As Alimi stresses, it was a former senior civil servant in the colonies who set up these brigades in Paris and its suburbs in the early 1970s. “The BAC were brigades created specifically for Algerian migrant populations,” he explains.

     In addition to police brutality, the state moved in to curtail the movement with mass arrests of thousands, judicial harassment, and illegal tactics.

Alimi invokes the long history of police violence against the workers’ movement, saying that we should properly speak of “contemporary police violence, with new methods.” For him, “the working-class suburbs were a laboratory for new practices of police repression introduced by the BAC, with new arrest techniques, permanent control, racial profiling, and new weapons like the flash-balls and grenades. . . . The poor migrant populations were guinea pigs for those methods, that then spread to political activists, social movements, and now to protesters in city centers.” The main architect of this shift was Nicolas Sarkozy, interior minister when he replaced neighborhood police with intervention units like the BAC in 2003, before becoming president in 2007.

     In addition to police brutality, the state moved in to curtail the movement with mass arrests of thousands, judicial harassment, and illegal tactics. Simpere speaks of “very repressive laws that allow almost anyone, including peaceful demonstrators, to be arrested, often ‘preventatively.’” More specifically, she points out the use of two vaguely defined laws that she considers contrary to international law: one punishing the “preparation of group violence,” under which many people with protective gear like goggles have faced judicial persecution; and one forbidding “contempt toward police forces,” used more than twenty thousand times in 2019 alone. She cites the case of protesters in Narbonne prosecuted for this offense, simply because they had a banner denouncing the severe injuries caused by flash-balls.

     In early December 2018, the authorities started to widely disregard their own laws. Alimi calls it “state illegality,” a concept he plans to elaborate in an upcoming book: “The state itself becomes criminal,” he explains, “as its representatives decide to deliberately violate the law to prevent the expression of civil liberties.” In addition to mass preventive arrests and illegal searches, he names the case of a state prosecutor calling on his substitutes to keep people in custody for the maximum length in order to prevent them from demonstrating, despite having no evidence against them. “France shifted from a justice system that punishes actions to a justice system that punishes intentions,” he says.

     This judicial repression has led to unprecedented numbers of arrests, with more than eleven thousand detained and more than three thousand convicted. “The courts were working like a production line,” recalls Gassiot, “with speedy trials on Mondays for those arrested on Saturdays.” Alimi counts about seven hundred to eight hundred gilets jaunes currently in jail — and he has himself defended many of those arrested. “They have been victims of an incomparable judicial violence and discrimination; they’ve been treated like animals,” he says. Unusually for France, even people with no criminal records were sentenced to jail time. “They were lower-middle-class people endangered by poverty; they were simply trying to keep their head above water, but they were pushed down — and drowned.”

Police Impunity

     This swift and merciless justice against the gilets jaunes contrasted with the lack of judicial reaction to police brutality. Despite the thousands of acts of violence against protesters — many of them proven by solid video evidence — the available information reveals that only seven police officers have been convicted. All of them received suspended sentences, with no discharge. Simpere describes the cases as “largely symbolic,” expressing her “serious doubt that there will be sentences corresponding to the seriousness of injuries.” Alimi is less diplomatic, calling the few convictions “crumbs thrown to the people to calm popular anger.”

     Alimi goes further, stressing the whole systemic structure enabling police impunity in France. He says it starts with police officers and their hierarchy “who never acknowledge any act of violence and put into place a set of dissimulation measures every time there is any violence, including the systematic faking of official reports.” He then goes on to point out the lack of judicial independence in France, where “prosecutors are under the authority of the Justice Ministry, and see themselves as protecting public order, which leads them to protect the police.” This translates into prosecutors lying and blocking inquiries, among other things, by reacting more than thirty days after events, once footage from public cameras has already been erased.

     Despite facing this “judicial wall,” Alimi says that amateur videos are changing the game. His team has imported techniques from groups like Black Lives Matter, making online calls for videos and witnesses. “Those videos have shattered the administration’s lies and have revealed dissimulation techniques.” As for judges, Alimi also points out that some are starting to recognize the need for real investigations into police work, but he says that it is too early to make an honest appraisal of investigations into police violence against the gilets jaunes. “We will know in two to three years,” he says, “then we can make a final assessment of those investigations, and maybe even talk about a transformation of the approach to police violence.”

     As I wrote in my post of July 1 2023, In Marseille and Throughout France, a Test of Competing Futures and Ideas of Human Being, Meaning, and Value; A Free Society of Equals Versus Fascisms of Blood, Faith, and Soil and Liberty Versus a Carceral State of Force and Control; Revolt against racist police terror is met with brutal repression of dissent and becomes a gateway to Revolution in France in an echo and reflection of America’s Black Lives Matter protests of 2020, in the wake of the French police murders of nonwhite boys so very like the murder of George Floyd and countless others in America.

     In the streets of Marseille and throughout France tonight, we fight for a nation which has forgotten its heart.

     And if France cannot reclaim her heart as a bastion of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity and a guarantor of democracy and our universal human rights throughout the world and for all humankind, we are all truly lost.

     Here as in many theatres of liberation struggle and across vast chasms of time I have answered the question of who I am with the words; I am the Revolution. Among the things I mean by this is that I think of myself as a Jacobin in terms of political identity, and an inheritor and steward of revolutionary struggle. Here in Marseille, the legacies of this history and the questions of who is human and who a citizen, of unequal power in a free society of equals divided against itself by race, gender, faith, and class as nationalist identity politics in serve to the wealth, power, and privilege of hegemonic elites bears special and unique meanings and existential threats to our future and our humanity.

     I cannot imagine this but in terms of the great film Casablanca and the iconic song La Marseillaise, the national anthem of France first proposed by Robespierre in 1790 as the battle hymn of the revolutionaries of Marseille had become that of the Revolution itself.

      I wonder now, what would those revolutionaries think of France today, as vilified and destitute underclasses protest for their universal human rights of liberty and equality under the law of the nation which established them as a new world order and centuries ago seized power from that of kings and priests?

     In Marseille, where the Marseillaise was born as a hope for the future of humankind, and where now that hope is reborn in streets of fire with the glorious resistance of the reviled others of a fallen empire whose ghettos rise to defy the carceral state and systems of dehumanization, and make claim to the promise of liberty, equality, and fraternity.

     I believe the revolutionaries of 1790 who created La Marseillaise would recognize themselves in those of Marseille today. The question which remains is, is France still the nation which they founded and dreamed?

     How would Humphrey Bogart’s antifascist character Rick Blaine in Casablanca regard the protests? How would Camus and the heroes of the Resistance of the Second World War judge their counterparts today?

     Who now are the Occupation, with guns and badges to enforce an imagined racial superiority and the caste privilege of hegemonic elites? And who now the Resistance, who place their lives in the balance with all those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth, the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased?

      We who identify ourselves as Antifa and the Resistance on the one hand and as the Revolution on the other and claim membership in this history will be judged by these two interdependent and parallel sets of motivating, informing, and shaping forces; the legacies of the American and French revolutions which birthed democracy and human rights, and of the civilizational struggle against the Nazis and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil which aspires to realize our ideals as a free society of equals.

      In this Defining Moment and Rashomon Gate Event, we each of us must choose; who do we want to become, we humans? What futures shall we win for our possibilities of becoming human? A world of masters and slaves, or a free society of equals?

     Liberte, Egalite, Fraternite!

     As written by Rokhaya Diallo in The Guardian, in an article entitled France has ignored racist police violence for decades. This uprising is the price of that denial; “Since the video went viral of the brutal killing by a police officer of Nahel, a 17-year-old shot dead at point-blank range, the streets and housing estates of many poorer French neighbourhoods have been in a state of open revolt. “France faces George Floyd moment,” I read in the international media, as if we were suddenly waking up to the issue of racist police violence. This naive comparison itself reflects a denial of the systemic racist violence that for decades has been inherent to French policing.

     I first became involved in antiracist campaigning after a 2005 event that had many parallels with the killing of Nahel. Three teenagers aged between 15 and 17 were heading home one afternoon after playing football with friends when they were suddenly pursued by police. Although they had done nothing wrong (and this was confirmed by a subsequent inquiry) these terrified youngsters, these children, hid from the police in an electricity substation. Two of them, Zyed Benna and Bouna Traoré, were electrocuted. The third, Muhittin Altun, suffered appalling burns and life-changing injuries.

     Those boys could have been my little brothers, or my younger cousins. I remember the sense of incredulity: how could they simply lose their lives to such terrible injustice? “If they go in there [to the power plant], I don’t fancy their chances of making it” were the chilling words spoken by one of the police officers as he watched this horrific event play out.

     France was ablaze for weeks with the rioting that followed – the worst in years. But just as now, with the death of Nahel, the initial media and political reaction in 2005 was to criminalise the victims, to scrutinise their past, as if any of it could justify their atrocious deaths. As if responsibility for their tragedy lay in their own hands. Nicolas Sarkozy, who was interior minister at the time, sullied the memory of young people whose fear had led to their death with the remark: “If you have nothing to hide, you don’t run when you see the police.”

     The numbers of cases of police brutality grow relentlessly every year. In France, according to the Defender of Rights, young men perceived to be black or of north African origin are 20 times more likely to be subjected to police identity checks than the rest of the population. The same institution denounced the absence of any appeal against being checked as a form of systemic police discrimination. Why would we not feel scared of the police?

     In 1999, our country, the supposed birthplace of human rights, was condemned by the European court of human rights for torture, following the sexual abuse by police of a young man of north African origin. In 2012 Human Rights Watch said: “the identity check system is open to abuse by the French police … These abuses include repeated checks – “countless”, in the words of most interviewees – sometimes involving physical and verbal abuse.” Now, after the death of Nahel, a UN rights body has urged France to address “profound problems of racism and racial discrimination” within its law enforcement agencies.

     Even our own courts have condemned the French state for “gross negligence”, ruling in 2016 that “the practice of racial profiling was a daily reality in France denounced by all international, European, and domestic institutions and that for all that, despite commitments made by the French authorities at the highest level, this finding had not led to any positive measures”. More recently, in December 2022, the UN committee on the elimination of racial discrimination denounced both the racist discourse of politicians and police ID checks “disproportionately targeting certain minorities”.

     Despite such overwhelming findings, our president, Emmanuel Macron, still considers the use of the term “police violence” to be unacceptable. This time, Macron has unequivocally condemned an act that he called “unacceptable” – which is significant. Yet I fear that the focus is being placed on an individual police officer instead of questioning entrenched attitudes and structures within the police that are perpetuating racism. And not a single one of the damning reports and rulings has led to any meaningful reform of the police as an institution.

     Worse, a law passed in 2017 has made it easier for police to resort to the use of firearms. Officers can now shoot without even having to justify it on the grounds of self-defence. Since this change in the law, according to the researcher Sebastian Roché, the number of fatal shootings against moving vehicles has increased fivefold. Last year, 13 people were shot dead in their vehicles.

     Nahel’s death is another chapter in a long and traumatic story. Whatever our age, many of us French who are descended from postcolonial immigration carry within us this fear combined with rage, the result of decades of accumulated injustice. This year, we commemorate the 40th anniversary of a seminal event. In 1983, Toumi Djaïdja, a 19-year-old from a Lyon banlieue, became the victim of police violence that left him in a coma for two weeks. This was the genesis of the March for Equality and Against Racism, the first antiracist demonstration on a national scale, in which 100,000 people took part.

    For 40 years this movement has not stopped calling out the violence we see targeted at working-class neighbourhoods and more broadly black people and people of north African origin. The crimes of the police are at the root of many of the uprisings in France’s most impoverished urban areas, and it is these crimes that must be condemned first. After years of marches, petitions, open letters and public requests, a disaffected youth finds no other way to be heard than by rioting. It is difficult to avoid asking if, without so many uprisings in cities across France, Nahel’s death would have garnered the attention it has. And as Martin Luther King rightly said: “A riot is the language of the unheard.”

Mireille Mathieu singing La Marseillaise

                   References

https://crimethinc.com/2026/10/06/french-youth-fight-against-a-bleak-future

     Now there’s a politician I intend to help

https://www.facebook.com/BreakThroughNews

      As written by Break Through News; “Mayor of Saint-Denis Bally Bagayoko protects a line of French students from police as they attack the protesters.

France is seeing its largest student protests in decades, with youth demanding government action on teacher shortages, dilapidated classrooms, and overcrowded conditions. Entering their third week, the demonstrations have broadened into wider public outrage over general government austerity and budget cuts”

November 17 2021 The Revolution Goes Ever Onward: France’s Gilets Jaunes

July 1 2023 In Marseille and Throughout France, a Test of Competing Futures and Ideas of Human Being, Meaning, and Value; A Free Society of Equals Versus Fascisms of Blood, Faith, and Soil and Liberty Versus a Carceral State of Force and Control

                 References of the 2023 Marseille protests

the Marseillaise in the film Casablanca

‘La Marseillaise’ Lyrics in French and English

https://www.thoughtco.com/la-marseillaise-frances-national-anthem-4080565

France riots live: teargas fired in Marseille as 45,000 more police deployed across country

https://www.theguardian.com/world/live/2023/jul/01/france-riots-protests-nahel-m-police-latest-news-updates?CMP=share_btn_link

France has ignored racist police violence for decades. This uprising is the price of that denial

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2023/jun/30/france-racist-police-violence-riots-nahel?CMP=share_btn_link

In the suburbs, too many feel France’s founding ideals don’t apply to them

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/jul/01/france-suburbs-emmanuel-macron-anger-communities?CMP=share_btn_link

‘We are seen as less human’: inside Marseille’s districts abandoned by the police

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/jul/01/we-are-seen-as-less-human-inside-marseilles-quartiers-that-the-police-have-abandoned?CMP=share_btn_link

                   Albert Camus, a reading list 

The Stranger, Albert Camus, Matthew Ward  (Translator)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/49552.The_Stranger

 Looking for The Stranger: Albert Camus and the Life of a Literary Classic, by Alice Kaplan

A Life Worth Living: Albert Camus and the Quest for Meaning, by Robert Zaretsky

Albert Camus: From the Absurd to Revolt, John Foley

                 News of the Yellow Vest movement

https://www.msn.com/en-ae/news/world/france-struggles-to-contain-revival-of-the-yellow-vests-protests-three-years-on/ar-AAQObUS

https://jacobinmag.com/2020/11/gilets-jaunes-yellow-vests-protests-france-police-brutality

https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/4327-alain-badiou-lessons-of-the-yellow-vests-movement

https://jacobinmag.com/2019/11/gilets-jaunes-yellow-vests-movement-protests-anniversary-france

French

5 octobre 2026 – Vive la Révolution ! Les barricades sont de retour en France

     Il y a quelques jours, l’ancien réseau de communication du mouvement des Gilets jaunes s’est réactivé et a mobilisé des dizaines de milliers de manifestants lors de la plus vaste action de masse soutenue en France depuis les manifestations de Marseille en 2023 — auxquelles j’ai assisté et pris part, m’y étant rendu pour « éteindre le feu avec de l’essence », comme nous l’enseigne David Bowie ; car lorsque le Chaos lance son chant de sirène, je ne peux m’empêcher d’y répondre par le mien.

     L’Année des barricades est de nouveau là, comme en 1871, 1940 et 1968 ; quel véritable fils ou quelle véritable fille de France — ou de la Révolution, où que ce soit sur Terre — refuserait de faire preuve de solidarité envers ce peuple qui lutte aujourd’hui dans la rue pour la liberté de nous tous ?

     Vive le Revolution!

1er juillet 2023 A Marseille et dans toute la France, une épreuve de devenirs et d’idées concurrentes de l’être humain, du sens et de la valeur ; Une société libre d’égaux contre les fascismes du sang, de la foi et du sol et la liberté contre un état carcéral de force et de contrôle

     La révolte contre la terreur policière raciste se heurte à une répression brutale de la dissidence et devient une porte d’entrée vers la Révolution en France dans un écho et un reflet des manifestations américaines Black Lives Matter de 2020, à la suite des meurtres par la police française de garçons non blancs si similaires au meurtre de George Floyd et d’innombrables autres en Amérique.

      Dans les rues de Marseille et de toute la France ce soir, nous nous battons pour une nation qui a oublié son cœur.

      Et si la France ne peut pas reprendre son cœur de bastion de la Liberté, de l’Egalité et de la Fraternité et garante de la démocratie et de nos droits humains universels dans le monde et pour toute l’humanité, nous sommes tous vraiment perdus.

      Ici, comme dans de nombreux théâtres de lutte de libération et à travers de vastes abîmes de temps, j’ai répondu à la question de savoir qui je suis avec les mots ; Je suis la Révolution. Parmi les choses que je veux dire par là, c’est que je me considère comme un jacobin en termes d’identité politique, et un héritier et intendant de la lutte révolutionnaire. Ici à Marseille, les héritages de cette histoire et les questions de qui est humain et qui est citoyen, de pouvoir inégal dans une société libre d’égaux divisée contre elle-même par la race, le sexe, la foi et la classe comme politique identitaire nationaliste au service de la la richesse, le pouvoir et les privilèges des élites hégémoniques ont des significations spéciales et uniques et des menaces existentielles pour notre avenir et notre humanité.

      Je ne peux pas l’imaginer mais en termes du grand film Casablanca et de la chanson emblématique La Marseillaise, l’hymne national de la France proposé pour la première fois par Robespierre en 1790 alors que l’hymne de guerre des révolutionnaires de Marseille était devenu celui de la Révolution elle-même.

       Je me demande maintenant, que penseraient ces révolutionnaires de la France aujourd’hui, alors que des sous-classes vilipendées et démunies protestent pour leurs droits humains universels de liberté et d’égalité en vertu de la loi de la nation qui les a établis en tant que nouvel ordre mondial et qui, il y a des siècles, ont pris le pouvoir de celui de rois et prêtres?

      À Marseille, où la Marseillaise est née comme un espoir pour l’avenir de l’humanité, et où maintenant cet espoir renaît dans les rues de feu avec la glorieuse résistance des autres vilipendés d’un empire déchu dont les ghettos se dressent pour défier l’État et les systèmes carcéraux de déshumanisation et revendiquer la promesse de liberté, d’égalité et de fraternité.

      Je crois que les révolutionnaires de 1790 qui ont créé La Marseillaise se reconnaîtraient dans ceux de Marseille aujourd’hui. La question qui demeure est la suivante : la France est-elle toujours la nation qu’ils ont fondée et rêvée ?

      Comment le personnage antifasciste de Humphrey Bogart, Rick Blaine à Casablanca, considérerait-il les manifestations ? Comment Camus et les héros de la Résistance de la Seconde Guerre mondiale jugeraient-ils aujourd’hui leurs homologues ?

      Qui sont maintenant l’Occupation, avec des fusils et des badges pour imposer une supériorité raciale imaginaire et le privilège de caste des élites hégémoniques ? Et qui maintenant la Résistance, qui mettent leur vie en balance avec tous ceux que Frantz Fanon appelait Les Misérables de la Terre, les impuissants et les dépossédés, les réduits au silence et les effacés ?

       Nous qui nous identifions comme Antifa et la Résistance d’une part et comme la Révolution d’autre part et revendiquons notre appartenance à cette histoire serons jugés par ces deux ensembles interdépendants et parallèles de forces motivantes, informatrices et façonnantes ; l’héritage des révolutions américaine et française qui ont donné naissance à la démocratie et aux droits de l’homme, et de la lutte civilisationnelle contre les nazis et les fascismes du sang, de la foi et du sol qui aspirent à réaliser nos idéaux en tant que société libre d’égaux.

       Dans ce moment déterminant et l’événement Rashomon Gate, chacun de nous doit choisir; qui voulons-nous devenir, nous les humains ? Quels avenirs allons-nous gagner pour nos possibilités de devenir humains ? Un monde de maîtres et d’esclaves ou une société libre d’égaux ?

      Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité !

17 novembre 2021 La révolution continue : les gilets jaunes de la France

    Ce mois-ci marque l’anniversaire de trois ans de révolution et des manifestations des Gilets Jaunes en France ; un qui a rencontré la répression et un changement dans le gouvernement de la France non pas vers la libération, mais vers un état policier brutal de force et de contrôle.

     Le mouvement des gilets jaunes a émergé avec un nouveau précariat en réponse à la mondialisation, à la privatisation, à la détérioration des conditions économiques et à la complicité du gouvernement dans les défaillances mécaniques systémiques de notre civilisation à partir de ses contradictions internes alors que nous entrons dans la phase terminale du capitalisme. Les forces historiques balaient tout avant comme une marée imparable, mais comme la chute des civilisations précédentes, la nôtre est en train de mourir parce que les causes finales sont souvent des décisions politiques.

     Cela signifie qu’il y a encore de l’espoir ; nous pouvons encore changer notre avenir d’une époque de tyrannie à une époque de liberté et d’une société libre d’égaux.

     Comme pour toutes les tyrannies, la dissidence et la résistance deviennent des prétextes pour la militarisation de la police à travers le modèle de police contre-insurrectionnel et l’escalade de la force et de la terreur d’État, l’universalisation de la surveillance et la centralisation du pouvoir à l’autorité et à un État carcéral qui sert le richesse, pouvoir et privilège des élites hégémoniques.

    Ici, nous voyons la mondialisation de la tyrannie qui utilise la stratégie des nombreuses tentatives de coup d’État de Trump en 2020 pour fournir un causus belli à l’occupation fédérale des villes démocrates en faisant en sorte que des provocateurs policiers et des forces déniables de la terreur suprémaciste blanche perturbent les manifestations de Black Lives Matter avec violence et pillage. Les parallèles entre l’Amérique sous Trump et la France sont alarmants, mais aussi éclairants.

    Une telle progression historique de la liberté à la tyrannie n’est pas unique mais universelle ; la nature des États est au service des élites, la loi sert le pouvoir, la peur devient réaction et la centralisation du pouvoir à l’autorité crée la tyrannie. Voici l’origine du mal dans l’Anneau wagnérien de la peur, du pouvoir et de la force ; pas dans le péché personnel, l’inaptitude ou la dépravation innée de l’homme en l’absence de force restrictive et de contrôle, mais dans l’inégalité systémique.

    La tyrannie est née d’une peur écrasante et généralisée armée par l’autorité au service du pouvoir, utilisant les mensonges et les illusions de la propagande, de fausses histoires et des réalités alternatives pour diviser et conquérir ses citoyens en rendant certains d’entre nous complices de l’assujettissement des autres à travers des hiérarchies d’appartenance et d’altérité exclusive, créant ainsi des fascismes de sang, de foi et de terre.

    D’autres nations se sont montrées moins résistantes à cette subversion de la démocratie ; parmi eux la France, ce que j’aurais cru impossible. Considérez le changement culturel nécessaire pour transformer une nation dans laquelle la protestation est inscrite et valorisée dans l’identité nationale comme un devoir patriotique envers une nation dans laquelle la police brutalise les manifestants plutôt que de les considérer comme des camarades pour la cause de la liberté, de l’égalité et de la fraternité, et de l’universel. Les droits de l’homme sont devenus subordonnés à leur service à l’autorité. J’aurais dit la même chose de nous, une fois.

     La France est tombée, mais comme l’Amérique avec notre répudiation électorale de Trump et du fascisme, elle peut encore se relever.

     Comme l’écrit le philosophe Alain Badiou dans son blog Verso Books ; « Qu’il y ait de nombreuses raisons à cette révolte, et que le mouvement puisse donc être considéré comme légitime, c’est quelque chose que j’accorde sans hésiter. Je suis conscient du dépeuplement des zones rurales, du triste silence des rues abandonnées dans les petites et même moyennes villes ; la suppression continue pour des masses de personnes des services publics, qui se privatisent progressivement : centres de santé, hôpitaux, écoles, bureaux de poste, gares, téléphones. Je sais que la paupérisation, d’abord rampante puis accélérée, touche des couches de la population qui, il y a quarante ans, bénéficiaient encore d’un pouvoir d’achat en augmentation quasi continue. Je suis bien consciente que l’existence matérielle devient un casse-tête pour des familles entières, notamment pour de nombreuses femmes, très actives dans le mouvement des gilets jaunes.

     Bref, il y a en France un très haut niveau de mécontentement de la part de ce qu’on pourrait appeler la partie laborieuse de la classe moyenne, majoritairement provinciale et aux revenus modestes. Le mouvement des Gilets jaunes est une représentation significative de ce mécontentement sous la forme d’une révolte active et véhémente.

     Pour ceux qui veulent bien y assister, les raisons historico-économiques de ce soulèvement sont parfaitement claires. De plus, ils expliquent pourquoi les gilets jaunes datent le début de leurs malheurs d’il y a quarante ans : grossièrement, les années 1980, qui ont marqué le début d’une longue contre-révolution capitaliste-oligarchique, surnommée à tort « néo-libérale » alors qu’elle est libérale pleine arrêter. Ce qui veut dire : un retour à la sauvagerie du capitalisme du XIXe siècle. Cette contre-révolution s’est produite en réponse aux dix « années rouges » – environ 1965-1975 – dont l’épicentre français était mai 68 et dont l’épicentre mondial était la Révolution culturelle en Chine. Mais elle a été considérablement accélérée par l’effondrement de l’entreprise mondiale du communisme en URSS puis en Chine : plus rien à l’échelle mondiale ne s’opposait désormais au capitalisme et à ses profiteurs, en particulier l’oligarchie transnationale des milliardaires, au pouvoir illimité.

     Parallèlement, des années 1980 à nos jours, la situation de la France s’est progressivement dégradée. Ce pays n’est plus ce qu’il était pendant les trente glorieuses de la reconstruction d’après-guerre. La France n’est plus une puissance mondiale forte, un impérialisme conquérant. Aujourd’hui, elle est fréquemment comparée à l’Italie ou même à la Grèce. La concurrence la fait reculer partout ; sa rente coloniale est à bout de souffle et nécessite d’innombrables opérations militaires en Afrique, coûteuses et incertaines, pour la maintenir. De plus, comme le coût de la force de travail de la classe ouvrière est beaucoup plus faible en Asie, par exemple, les grandes usines sont progressivement délocalisées à l’étranger. Cette désindustrialisation massive entraîne une sorte de dégradation sociale s’étendant de régions entières, comme la Lorraine et sa sidérurgie ou le Nord des usines textiles et des mines de charbon, à la banlieue parisienne, abandonnée à la spéculation immobilière sur les innombrables friches laissées pour compte par les industries en ruine.

     La conséquence de tout cela est que la bourgeoisie française – son oligarchie dominante, les actionnaires du CAC 40 – ne peut plus maintenir une classe moyenne politiquement servile sur le même pied qu’avant, notamment avant la crise de 2008. Cette classe moyenne était un soutien historique quasi constant de la prééminence électorale des différentes droites – prééminence dirigée contre les ouvriers organisés des grandes concentrations industrielles, tentés par le communisme entre les années 1920 et les années 1980 et 1990. D’où le soulèvement actuel d’une importante frange populaire de cette classe moyenne, qui se sent abandonnée, contre Macron, qui est l’agent de la « modernisation » capitaliste locale – c’est-à-dire : serrer la vis partout, économiser, imposer l’austérité, privatiser sans de la considération qui existait encore il y a trente ans pour le confort des classes moyennes en échange de leur adhésion au système dominant.

     Les gilets jaunes, plaidant leur trop réelle paupérisation, veulent une nouvelle fois se faire payer au prix fort ce consentement. Mais c’est absurde précisément parce que le macronisme résulte du fait que l’oligarchie, d’une part, a eu moins besoin d’un soutien bourgeois, qui coûtait cher à financer, depuis que le danger communiste a disparu ; et d’autre part, n’a plus les moyens de payer un personnel de maison électoral au même barème. Et elle doit donc basculer, sous couvert de « réformes indispensables », vers une politique autoritaire : une nouvelle forme de pouvoir d’État servira de support à une « austérité » lucrative, étendue de la classe populaire des chômeurs et des ouvriers aux couches inférieures de la classe moyenne. Et ce au profit des vrais maîtres de ce monde, à savoir les principaux actionnaires des grands groupes de l’industrie, du commerce, des matières premières, des transports et des communications.

     Dans le Manifeste communiste, rédigé en 1848, Marx avait déjà examiné ce genre de conjoncture et fait référence, en substance avec justesse, à ce que sont les gilets jaunes d’aujourd’hui. Il écrit ceci : « La petite bourgeoisie, le petit industriel, le boutiquier, l’artisan, le paysan, tous ceux-là luttent contre la bourgeoisie, pour sauver de l’extinction leur existence comme fractions de la classe moyenne. Ils ne sont donc pas révolutionnaires, mais conservateurs. Bien plus, ils sont réactionnaires, car ils essaient de faire reculer la roue de l’histoire.

     Ils luttent d’autant plus âprement aujourd’hui que la bourgeoisie française n’est plus en mesure, compte tenu de la tournure prise par le capitalisme mondialisé, de maintenir, et encore moins d’augmenter, son pouvoir d’achat. Il est vrai que les gilets jaunes « luttent contre la bourgeoisie », comme le dit Marx. Mais ils le font pour restaurer un ordre ancien et dépassé, non pour inventer un nouvel ordre social et politique, dont les noms sont « socialisme » ou, surtout, « communisme » depuis le XIXe siècle. Pendant près de deux siècles, tout ce qui n’était pas plus ou moins défini selon une orientation révolutionnaire était à juste titre considéré comme relevant de la réaction capitaliste. En politique, il n’y a que deux routes principales. Il faut absolument revenir sur cette conviction : deux voies en politique, deux seulement, et jamais un saupoudrage « démocratique » de pseudo-tendances sous la houlette d’une oligarchie « libérale » autoproclamée.

     Ces considérations générales permettent de revenir aux caractéristiques concrètes du mouvement des gilets jaunes. Ses caractéristiques spontanées pour ainsi dire – celles qui ne sont pas attribuables à des interventions extérieures au courant principal du soulèvement – ​​sont bien « réactionnaires » comme le dit Marx, mais dans un sens plus moderne : on pourrait qualifier la subjectivité du mouvement d’individualisme populaire mobilisant la colère personnelle. aux nouvelles formes de servitude imposées par la dictature du Capital.

https://crimethinc.com/2026/10/06/french-youth-fight-against-a-bleak-future

     Now there’s a politician I intend to help

https://www.facebook.com/BreakThroughNews

      As written by Break Through News; “Mayor of Saint-Denis Bally Bagayoko protects a line of French students from police as they attack the protesters.

France is seeing its largest student protests in decades, with youth demanding government action on teacher shortages, dilapidated classrooms, and overcrowded conditions. Entering their third week, the demonstrations have broadened into wider public outrage over general government austerity and budget cuts”

November 17 2021 The Revolution Goes Ever Onward: France’s Gilets Jaunes

October 4 2026 Dancing With Death, Not In Horror, Fear, and Despair But In Joy, Wonder, and Hope

    One day she will dip me for the last time, and let go, and I will be forever falling in rapture and the embrace of the stars from whose hearts the atoms of our bodies are born, gladly lost among endless chasms of darkness and light as we always are and ever shall be, part of eternity and the ineffable though sometimes in life we lose our awareness of our universality and immersion in the Infinite; but not today.

    Brushes with Death which we survive come as reminders of who and what we truly are, the salt of the sea in our veins, the history of myriads of lives written in our form and encompassing all that has come before in our evolution, and which inform, motivate, and shape our possibilities of becoming human. We are individuals who play our parts and are gone only in terms of our surfaces, but beath our masks and our performances of self on the stage of history we ride the momentum of vast waves of oceanic consciousness, and to this I do not fear return.

    We are ephemeral things, we humans, shaping each other’s lives in a Brownian motion we call fate to rob life’s randomness of its power over us, and to bring meaning to our empty storm and fury. Where some might find the indifference of the universe to our lives threatening, and the vacuity of a universe utterly free of being, meaning, or value beyond our own fragile humanity, I find the joy of total freedom to balance the terror of our nothingness.

      Beyond this Veil of Tears lie countless universes to explore, though we may glimpse it only in momentary lightning flashes of illumination which free us from the limits of our form.

     And so we must say yes to the pain of life as well as its pleasures, for there is no escape from the pain of being human, and yes to the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world though the great mission of being human is to bring healing to them, yes to our monstrosity though we fight to the last and with all that we are and have against its actions and consequences when they manifest in the real world.

     This I say not frivolously but days after spending seven hours in the emergency room, written while struggling with bouts of pain like being on fire, and with awareness that I or any of us may die at any moment without warning and often for no reason at all.

     There is nothing to be concerned about on my behalf and no cause for alarm, friends, as yet again, and perhaps hideously, I walk away from dancing with Death with no lasting harm; I mention this incident only to warrant that I am no sighing Byronic figure, a  stock character type created in Wolfgang von Goethe’s Sorrows of Young Werther and interrogated in Faust, to which Byron wrote Child Harold’s Pilgrimage and Manfred respectively in direct reply, lamenting imaginary woes from a position of immense privilege without self awareness that the pathology of disconnection and the hollowing out of our humanity are costs of that privilege. Though at my best I may claim similarities with Byron as he chose to place his life in the balance with the people of Greece in their glorious struggle for liberation, as these past months I have been fighting with Ansar Allah in Yemen for the liberation of Palestine and elsewhere for justice as I see it, as I have across the last forty four years in revolutions and resistance movements throughout the world, where ever men hunger to be free.

     And like Ahab, I have no intention of giving up the fight for our humanity against Authority and those who would enslave us and steal our souls; “”Aye, aye! and I’ll chase him round Good Hope, and round the Horn, and round the Norway Maelstrom, and round perdition’s flames before I give him up.”

     It has ever been thus with me; I remain the boy who recited Henley’s poem Invictus to a high school assembly on the first day of his Freshman year, to introduce myself and set the terms of struggle between us. I think of it now in terms of a friend I lost in a glorious doomed attempt to break Mandela out of prison on Robbin Island in March of 1982, because it was Mandela’s favorite poem as well as one I adopted as a personal life mission statement at the age of fourteen.

     Let us claw back something of our humanity from the darkness, by any means necessary, and rise from the ruins to make yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory of even survival.

      There is a line in the film The League of Extraordinary Gentlemen spoken by Sean Connery which goes; “Old tigers, sensing the end, they’re at their most fierce. And they go down fighting.”  I have so chosen, but this is not what I ask of you. Friends, you must live to find a better future than we have the past; reimagine us, what it means to be human and how we choose to be human together, and through action make it real. Let our lives be monuments to the unconquerable human spirit and beacons of hope in the darkness, let us become fulcrums and change the balance of power in the world, let us discover and create Beauty, joy, and love to balance the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

      As written by Lord Byron in his autobiographical novel Manfred, addressing Authority as he chooses death before subjugation;

 “The mind, the spirit, the Promethean spark,

The lightning of my being, is as bright,

Pervading, and far-darting as your own,

And shall not yield to yours, though coop’d in clay!”

    With Dylan Thomas let us rage against the dying of the light.

            As I wrote in my post of December 26 2021, Reflections During the After Party; As the festivities of a wonderfully out of control after party swirl around me with raucous and dissonant sounds and the silent hungers, unanswerable pain, and strange desires of our guests press upon me like living brands, I sit among my ghosts, dreaming their dreams, both those they lived and those yet to be realized.

     On such occasions as this, surrounded by feasts and family, I am also surrounded by chasms of darkness, loneliness, disconnection, and the voices and presences of the dead which interpenetrate my flesh with the shadows of their histories, literally in the case of our genetic code as transforms of messages about how to shape ourselves to the material world and its imposed conditions of revolutionary struggle to become human.

    We are bearers of stories, made of memories and histories which echo back through the numberless unknown lives of our ancestors as an unfolding of human intention and poetic vision, prochronisms or histories expressed in our form of how we have solved problems of adaptation like the shells of fantastic sea creatures, songs which reverberate through our lives as epigenetic informing, motivating, and shaping forces which are not unique to us but part of  an immense and incomprehensible wave of the limitless possibilities of becoming human, which can seize us with dreams of being, meaning, and value we ourselves cannot imagine.

     Such is the power of vision as reimagination and transformation, and the nature of our persona and identities as performances in a theatre of which, as Shakespeare teaches us, all the world is a stage. What is important is to ask, whose stage is it? In whose story do we perform our lives? For these questions direct us not to the subjugation to authority of learned helplessness, but to seizures of power and revolutionary struggle.

     How answer we the terrible pronouncement in MacBeth,

“Life’s but a walking shadow, a poor player

That struts and frets his hour upon the stage

And then is heard no more: it is a tale

Told by an idiot, full of sound and fury,

Signifying nothing.”

      How shall we answer the terror of our nothingness and the legacies of our history? I have but one reply; to gather and cherish my trauma and pain, and make something beautiful with it. Thus may we stand against the darkness, and remain unconquered.

    My answer to the suffering of the world is to give voice to the voices which have been stolen from us, the numberless generations of the silenced and the erased.

    Welcome and embrace your pain and the terror of our nothingness as sacred wounds which open us to the pain of others.

     Dance your demons before the stage of the world; go ahead, frighten the horses.

     Forge great beauty from the flaws of your humanity and the brokenness of the world, and wield it as an instrument of reimagination and transformation in glorious change.

     All true art defiles and exalts.

           What is death? I once told my mother, after returning from long moments most sincerely dead after the police grenade whose force wave hurled me from my body on Bloody Thursday 1969 and my vision of our myriad possible futures as I stood outside of time; “Don’t be afraid. Death is nothing; nothing but awakening from an illusion.”

     Of late I have begun to think of death as a defining negative space within the dark mass of the Absurd of all the things we have not claimed as ours and all the hopes and dreams we have not made real by our actions. As I wrote in my post of June 1 2021, Death is a Secret Twin; Death is a secret twin which shares our face but not our dreams which lift and exalt us beyond the limits of our flesh, so he must steal the echoes and reflections of ours, a thing of shadows filled with secret histories, unspoken truths, unsworn oaths, thousands of myriads of loyalties to private loves and desires betrayed by our failures to make them live and become real by action.    

     Death is the terror of all that we may have been but did not become, the loss of our disconnectedness and the emptiness of meaning in a world where love cannot redeem us, the grief for beauty which loses context when it is no longer shared and is lost with the fragments of memories which like the genie of perfume escape their bottle to trigger moments out of time and then evanesce like the ghost of a beloved hand which no longer grasps ours back.

     We are tattered and broken things, our secret shadows and ourselves, who live in the incandescent now with these repositories of our beautiful dreams and our terrible nightmares, bearing them on into eternity; for this is the great secret of being, that our best selves are formed of all we would deny and keep hidden, and which live beyond us as figures of our glorious sins. 

     Death is an ambush predator made of our histories, memories, and identities, which must steal these things to become real in the moment of our awakening into its realm of beautiful and terrible dreams, a realm of true being beyond the illusions of our lives which bears names including the Bardo in Tibetan Buddhism and the alam al mythal in Islam, called by Coleridge the Primary Imagination and by Jung the Collective Unconscious, and waits to seize us unawares and carry us off to eternity while it replaces us like a faery changeling with the image of our unrealized hopes and unexpressed desires.

     Death is a unique and personal demon created by our denial of ourselves, a parasite which destroys its host and operates through a process of falsification like the distorted and captured images in a wilderness of funhouse mirrors, but it can become instead a symbiote, a terrible and monstrous guardian spirit and a guide of the soul which speaks from within our greatest darkness with Forbidden wisdom, like a remora borne by a shark on its journeys through chasms of the unknown not as its nemesis and conqueror but as a servant which grooms from us that which we must cast down from the thrones of our hearts; we humans and our silent and unseen partners the angels of our deaths whom we must wrestle not for victory, for everything in life is more powerful than we are, but to become Unconquered in resistance and free.

     Thus may we bear without breaking the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world, become greater and more real and alive than we were born, transcend the limits of our form, and become sublimed as figures of our truths in Sartrean total freedom and authenticity as an art of life, for all true art defiles and exalts.

     Here is a faith which asks us to renounce nothing and embrace our true selves, to reimagine and transform ourselves; and offers a path of working with grief process and death transcendence not of control of our passions and dominion of nature, but as seizure of power and autonomy, of the embrace and celebration of our wildness as beings of nature and of those truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh. 

    Let us embrace our monstrosity and say of this secret twin who knows no limits and is free as Prospero says of Caliban in Act V, Scene 1 of William Shakespeare ’s The Tempest; “This thing of darkness I acknowledge mine.”

    How shall we answer death and the terror of our nothingness? Let us challenge and defy such death, and while it waits to claim us with its cold hand of entropy and unraveled time we must seize and shake our shadow and secret twin of longing to become, transgress the boundaries of the Forbidden and perform our best selves, our hopes and our desires, as a guerilla theatre of identities upon the stage of the world in fearless grandeur, and let nothing be lost or remain untested among the limitless possibilities of becoming human.

     Let us answer death as Bringers of Chaos and Transformation, and make of our world and humankind a thing of beautiful, terrible truths written in our flesh, and of our dreams and nightmares a brave new world.

     As I wrote in the wake of my mother’s death from cancer, over a year ago now, On the Wisdom of Our Darkness and the Brokenness of the World; Grief, despair, and fear, the trauma of loss, the torment of loneliness, and the guilt of survivorship; the realm of our darkest and most negative passions immerses us in atavistic states with totalizing and tidal force.

     Life disruptive events can destabilize identity and realign personality, transform meanings and values, send shockwaves through our network of relationships, shift our worldview and unmoor us from the anchorages of our ideological paradigms and historical contexts.

     Such traumas confront us with the unfiltered face of our shadow self as a healing process, a transformative journey filled with dangers but also with the limitless possibilities of rebirth. As redirections of our momentum disruptive events force reflection and redefinition of ourselves as intentional choice; among them the death of a loved one is surely the most terrible.

     Overwhelming and painful as they may be, our negative emotions have adaptive value or we wouldn’t have developed them. How then do they help us survive? What is their purpose?

     Grief, especially but not exclusively, connects us with other people, opens us to the pain of others, and brings us to a renegotiation of the terms of ourselves and our lives.

     We are bound together by the flaws of our humanity, by our brokenness and our pain, by the fragile nature of our lives and our vulnerability to disruptive events.

     The negative emotions are a biosocial tax on individuals which in part serve to drive us together to meet threats collectively as societies united in the cause of our survival, wherein the costs are shared among distributed resources. This is the origin of altruism; humans are designed to help each other. Each of us is marked by our nature as our brother’s keeper.

      Far from wholly destructive, our darkness can be growth oriented and creative; destruction may be read as liberation and Chaos as the adaptive potential of a system.

     Our darkness whispers, embrace your passion and your true self, and be reborn.

     Passions of both light and darkness can act as warning buoys as we navigate into the future and the unknown; they can also illuminate and provoke us to abandon the known and discover new possibilities. Joy and sorrow, as with all our myriad passions, come as balanced pairs which help us process events by leveraging change.

     Who then shall we become? Asks our self of surfaces, images, and masks which each moment negotiates our boundaries with others. 

     To which our secret self, the self of darkness and of passion, the self that lives beyond the mirror and knows no limits, unbound by time and space and infinite in possibilities, replies; Who do you want to become?

    In a world such as ours, under imposed conditions of struggle wherein everything in life is more powerful than we are, death and the flaws of our humanity, vast and ancient systems of oppression and the brokenness of the world, how are we to live?

     Among the last words shared between Jean Genet and I in Beirut 1982 were these; I asked him; “Now that I know the world is a lie, how am I to live?”

     To which he replied; “Live with grandeur.”

      Live with grandeur, friends.  

      As I wrote in my post of May 24 2026, The True and False Crows: a Fable for Memorial Day Weekend; A crow confronts his image in a pool of water, and as Nietzsche warned the darkness looks back. Of this I have written a paragraph on the Nietzschean idea of the Abyss, and of tragedy as failure to embrace our monstrosity and those truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh; the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves.

      Here also is a fable for Memorial Day and the sacred dead of war, at whose table I have eaten many times now.

      As Nietzsche’s warning in Beyond Good and Evil goes; “He who fights monsters should be careful lest he thereby become a monster. And if thou gaze long into an abyss, the abyss gazes back into thee.”

      It is also an origin of evil as the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force; written in the tyrannies and systems of unequal power which hold humankind in their iron grip of force and control as Kristevan abjection, despair, and learned helplessness, and the ecological catastrophe which threatens our species extinction as disconnection from nature, control of nature as capitalist exploitation of resources and theft of the commons, carceral states of force and control as embodied violence, and our falsification, commodification, and dehumanization through the Wilderness of Mirrors.

     All of this requires the renouncement of love, as Wagner’s figure of tyranny Alberich the Dwarf must do to seize the Ring of power and dominion, a story more familiar to us as Tolkien’s retelling of the Nibelungenlied in his trilogy of novels which recast World War Two as an allegory of the abandonment of addiction to power. This has a corollary; the redemptive power of love, like the power of poetic vision to reimagine and transform ourselves, can free us from the Ring of Power and bring healing to the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     As written by Jean Genet in Miracle of the Rose; “A man must dream a long time in order to act with grandeur, and dreaming is nursed in darkness.”

     Here follows the paragraph of my thoughts on seeing this image, which if considered as a poem I now think of as the True and False Crows: a fable.

     Who is this imposter? If he is me, where now am I? Avaunt, my nemesis, for I shall pursue retribution for this theft of myself beyond all wrath now remembered, through death and hell and the terrors of our nightmares. Come and let us grapple for the truth of ourselves in this place where angels fear, and end not in silence but in exaltation and fire, with roars of defiance hurled against the chasms of our nothingness, supernal and magnificent as the Morningstar, and illuminate for all humankind the path of escape from this prison of illusions and lies.

     To this my sister replied, Such poetry!

    This is as direct as I can be, O my sister. Should I merit some kind of monument one day, an absurd fantasy as I mean nothing to history and will vanish from the world without a trace, and nothing to anyone beyond yourself as the remnants of family, Dolly as my partner, and those few friends and allies who know my true story and identity which I have tried to leave a record of here in my journal Torch of Liberty, inscribe this therein.

     I have tried to salvage something of our humanity and to become a fulcrum and change the balance of power in the world these past forty years since I was sworn to the oath of the Resistance by Jean Genet, and often failed, but this is not what is important.

     What is important is to refuse to submit.

     And one thing more; to act with solidarity in revolutionary struggle. As the Oath of the Resistance created in Paris 1940 by Jean Genet from the oath of the Foreign Legion in which he once served, and given to me in Beirut 1982 in a burning house, in a lost cause, in a Last Stand beyond hope of victory or survival, and which I offer to all of you as a tradition to bear forward into the future; “We swear ourselves to each other, to resist and cease not, and abandon not our fellows.”

     In this my chosen life mission I have held true, for if each and every one of us stands in solidarity with others regardless of how different they may be from ourselves, we will become liberators and guarantors of each other’s uniqueness, and in refusal to submit will be victorious and free.

     He said it was the finest thing he ever stole, the Oath of the Resistance, but I often think of this in terms of a definition of the beauty of human beings; to become Unconquered and free as self created beings in refusal to submit to authority and its instruments of violence, force and control, and the repression of dissent, to refuse our dehumanization and the theft of our souls and autonomy and to do all of this in solidarity and absolute loyalty to each other.

    As he once said to me; “Is this not the beauty of men, to resist and never yield, to cede nothing to the enemy, not love nor hope, not our history nor the chance for a future of our own choosing, neither our monstrosity nor our grandeur, nothing of our humanity nor of any human being whose life is in our power to harm or help, to live beyond all limits and all laws and to risk everything to do this for each other?”

    Here is our Beauty as Keats defined it in his famous quote; “I am certain of nothing but of the holiness of the Heart’s affections and the truth of Imagination—What the imagination seizes as Beauty must be truth—whether it existed before or not—for I have the same Idea of all our Passions as of Love they are all in their sublime, creative of essential Beauty.” With this quote I reply to all direct questions asking me to identify my faith, especially by men with badges and guns for official documents, though in Islamic nations I preface it with a quote from his near parallel Rumi; “”Let the beauty we love be what we do.”    

    I dream of a future something like the future envisioned by Gene Roddenberry in Star Trek. Infinite Diversity in Infinite Combinations; the idea first put forth in the episode Is There In Truth No Beauty?, described in the first issue of the fanzine Inside Star Trek as; “that beauty, growth, progress — all result from the union of the unlike. Concord, as much as discord, requires the presence of at least two different notes. The brotherhood of man is an ideal based on learning to delight in our essential differences, as well as learning to recognize our similarities.” As stated in the episode The Savage Curtain; “I am pleased to see that we have differences. May we together become greater than the sum of both of us.”

     Liberty as freedom from authorized identities and truths, and equality and its corollary solidarity; these are the personal and social preconditions of democracy as a free society of equals.

    With all of the horrors I have witnessed in a life lived in the unknown spaces of our maps of becoming human marked Here Be Dragons, beyond the limits of the human and the boundaries of the Forbidden, through wars and revolutions  as a maker of mischief for tyrants and a monster who hunts other monsters for the chance to salvage something of our humanity, though in this I often fail as I did in Mariupol and in the year of the fall of Afghanistan, regardless of the brokenness of the world and the flaws of our humanity, something in us refuses to submit to the abjection and learned helplessness of authoritarian systems and reaches toward exaltation and freedom. Whether such hope is a gift or a curse remains for each of us to discover in how we live our lives.

     In this I speak to you of truths which are immanent in nature and written in our flesh; we must embrace our darkness and claim our truths, and celebrate what Walt Whitman called the songs of ourselves as victorious seizures of power, freedom, and joy.

     Love and desire are innate capacities of reimagination and transformative rebirth, which like Dorothy’s magic ruby slippers cannot be taken from us and bear the power to send us home to our heart’s desire, to restore to us the self  which is truly ours.

      My flesh is a map of private holocausts, written with silent screams, nameless loves, causes lost and won, ephemeral signs of our secret histories and the lies and illusions which capture and distort our images in a wilderness of mirrors and the pathologies of our falsification and disconnectedness.

     We have but one escape from the limits of our flesh and the flags of our skin; and this is love. In love we transcend ourselves and become exalted; through the redemptive power of love we may heal the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     Love is crucial both to poetic vision and as solidarity in action as processes of self-construal and becoming human; Siegfried walks through the fire and becomes human. There’s a good retelling of it in Buffy the Vampire Slayer’s musical episode, Once More With Feeling.

     Let us always take the risks of our humanity, and place our lives in the balance with all those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased.

     In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.  

Postscript

      Thank you for sharing this journey with me; your friendship has brought me joy, as I hope mine has to you. As the summer of 2025 ended I was reminded of our mortality and the limits of our form as an imposed condition of struggle, of the flaws of our humanity and the ephemeral and impermanent nature of our lives.

      I dreamed of a cat Dolly and I once shared our home with named Bunny; we saw someone throw her out of a car window driving past the animal shelter near our home, and stopped. I opened my door and said; “Do you want to come home with us? We have lots of food” and she jumped right up into my lap and started purring. We had some lovely years together before she got sick, and after treatments she seemed to recover a bit, and spent a glorious day running in the park, chasing butterflies and climbing trees, but died in the night.

      Sometimes you only get one good day, and you never know when that will be.

      Make each of your days glorious, find your joy, and chase your dreams. 

Invictus, recited by Morgan Freeman in honor of Nelson Mandela

 Do not go gentle into that good night’ by Dylan Thomas, recited by Martin Sheen

        The Great Conversation of Goethe and Byron, a reading list

The Sorrows of Young Werther, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe

Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage, Lord Byron

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/961181.Childe_Harold_s_Pilgrimage

Faust, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/406373.Faust?ref=nav_sb_ss_3_5

Manfred, Lord Byron

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/3730956-manfred

           On Schopenhauer’s Reply to Nietzsche, a retrospective of my writing on Beauty and my Ars Poetica

       In my sixth decade of life, I find myself like Schopenhauer increasingly needing Beauty as a sustaining force of resilience and a balance for the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

July 31 2026 On Beauty and Becoming Human

                        Literature

September 2 2026 American and World Literature Reading Lists For Back To School

A Literary Calendar: Celebrations of Authors On Their Birthdays

                    Music

What Is Music For? On Ordering Ourselves and Our Experience In Time, From the Conservatory at Dollhouse Park

                     Fragrance

August 31 2026 In Search of Our Uniqeness; Becoming Human As the Quest For Realized Beauty

                    Gardens

July 10 2026 I Am A Leaf On the Wind: On Beauty In A Time Of Chaos

With a retrospective of my photography of the Gardens at Dollhouse Park

                     Vestments

December 13 2025 Dressing the Part: On Wardrobe as a System of Signs In the Performance of Identity

January 29 2026 Curating a Casual to Business Casual Wardrobe Built Around Odd Jackets: An Experiment Toward Scientia Vestiaria, a Science of Vestments As Artifacts of Material and Social Culture As Identity, Membership and Belonging, Power and Authority

                    Travel and Languages

Defining Moments Part Three: A Library of Possible Selves Through My Languages and An Atlas of Myself

My London

My Paris

 My Hong Kong

My Singapore

                               Martial Arts

My Life As A Martial Artist, Part One: Healing From Trauma, Empowerment, and An Instrument of Self-Construal, Seizure of Identity, and the Reimagination of Myself; the Uses of Martial Arts and An Inquiry Into the Origins of My Own

My Life As A Martial Artist, Part Two: Martial Arts As a Path Of Becoming a Fulcrum of Change: What I Did With My Fear, and How I Use My Power

                References

MacBeth, William Shakespeare  Folger Edition

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/17246.Macbeth?ac=1&from_search=true&qid=40C0xK8Ihk&rank=1

Ran trailer 60th Anniversary restored 4k edition, Kurosawa

The League of Extraordinary Gentlemen trailer

Moby Dick, Herman Melville

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/153747.Moby_Dick_or_The_Whale

To the End I will Grapple With Thee, Ricardo Montalban in Wrath of Khan

Siegfried Walks Through the Fire

Finest recording of Der Ring des Nibelungen – Harry Kupfer (dir.), Daniel Barenboim (cond.), Bayreuth 1992 (Warner, DVD)

https://www.warnerclassics.com/release/der-ring-des-nibelungen

Walk Through the Fire, song from Buffy the Vampire Slayer, episode Once More With Feeling

Beyond Good and Evil, Friedrich Nietzsche

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/12321.Beyond_Good_and_Evil?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_20

Ring of Power: Symbols and Themes Love Vs. Power in Wagner’s Ring Circle and in Us: A Jungian-Feminist Perspective, Jean Shinoda Bolen

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/451808.Ring_of_Power?ref=nav_sb_ss_2_13

Powers of Horror: an Essay on Abjection, Julia Kristeva

http://users.clas.ufl.edu/burt/touchyfeelingsmaliciousobjects/Kristevapowersofhorrorabjection.pdf     

Reading John Keats, by Susan J. Wolfson

The Lord of the Rings series, J.R.R. Tolkien

https://www.goodreads.com/series/66175-the-lord-of-the-rings

Miracle of the Rose, Jean Genet

“Is There in Truth No Beauty?” episode 5 season three, Star Trek

https://www.dailymotion.com/video/x76xzq0

The Savage Curtain, episode 22 season three, Star Trek

https://www.paramountplus.com/shows/video/J9GSO7bnhA_qkhicgk7h5rDueNXXynIX

The Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon

                     A Crow Confronts His Image

          Final Thoughts

    Bury me at sea, for I belong to the world

Send me out in flames, for this is how I have lived

Not silent but incandescent in the night

An agent of change and illumination, like fire itself

October 3 2026 Fifth Anniversary of the 2021 Women’s March for Reproductive Rights and Freedom of Bodily Autonomy

      Institutionalized sexual terror and state tyranny in the legislative assault on women’s reproductive rights and the primary freedom of bodily autonomy were challenged in a mass action on October Second of 2021 throughout America, organized by the Women’s March and coordinated with the riveting testimony in Congress of three of our representatives who have had abortions, Cori Bush, Pramila Jayapal, and Barbara Lee.

     There is no freedom without that of bodily autonomy.

      We continue to hold such national marches each and every year until we are all truly equal under the law as guaranteed by our Constitution and in our society, as we perform our stewardship of each other as co-owners of the state and guarantors of each other’s universal human rights, the right of self ownership of our own bodies and of access to healthcare as a precondition of the right to life first among them.

     We can triumph over this wave of theft of our liberty which seeks to redefine the relationship of individuals to the state and render citizenship meaningless if we act in solidarity with coordinated mass action and legislative process. As the Oath of the Resistance given to me in 1982 in Beirut by Jean Genet goes; “We swear our loyalty to each other, to resist and yield not, and abandon not our fellows.”

     For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.

     As reported by CNN; “Abortion rights activists are gathering at more than 600 marches across the US, holding placards and banners that read, “My mind, my body, my choice” and “Legal abortion for health and life,” as they demand reproductive freedoms.

     The “Rally for Abortion Justice” marches follow the anti-abortion bill in Texas that bans abortions after six weeks — before many women know they have conceived — with no exceptions for rape or incest.

     The Supreme Court, which returns Monday, denied a request to block the Texas measure, and activists now fear it will empower other states to follow suit.

     “Simply put: We are witnessing the most dire threat to abortion access in our lifetime,” the Women’s March website reads.

     The Women’s March is organizing the rallies in partnership with more than 90 groups, including Planned Parenthood Federation of America, a nonprofit that provides reproductive health care, and the Center for American Progress, a progressive public policy research and advocacy organization.”

     As written by Candice Norwood in The 19th; “Beyond Texas’ abortion law, state lawmakers have introduced hundreds of restrictive bills over the last several years. In December, the Supreme Court will hear a case out of Mississippi that directly targets Roe v. Wade. During the committee hearing on Thursday, Rep. Judy Chu spoke about her bill, the Women’s Health Protection Act, that would codify the right to abortion access.

     “I’m so proud that last week the House took the historic step of passing the legislation,” Chu said. “In fact, it was the first affirmative abortion rights bill in nearly 25 years, and it shows the American people that we will not abandon them.”

       As written by Emma Specter in Vogue; “Democratic representatives Cori Bush (Mo.), Pramila Jayapal (Wash.), and Barbara Lee (Calif.) about their own abortions.

     “In the summer of 1994, I was raped, I became pregnant, and I chose to have an abortion,” said Bush, explaining that she lived through an experience of sexual assault while on a church trip at age 17. “To all the Black women and girls who have had abortions and will have abortions, we have nothing to be ashamed of.” Jayapal noted that she sought out her own abortion when she was a young mother of a sick child attempting to deal with postpartum depression; her doctor told her that carrying a second child to term would be risky for both her and the baby. “I very much wanted to have more children, but I simply could not imagine going through that again,” Jayapal told the panel. Lee’s pregnancy occurred before abortion was even legal in the U.S., so her mother sent her to a friend in Texas who arranged for a “back alley” procedure at a clinic in Mexico. “A lot of girls and women in my generation didn’t make it—they died from unsafe abortions,” she said. “In the 1960s, unsafe septic abortions were the primary killer of African American women.”

     Hopefully, as Democrats seek to codify Roe v. Wade, the rest of this country’s predominantly male lawmakers can be as courageous in protecting women’s reproductive rights as Bush, Jayapal, and Lee were in discussing their own extremely personal experiences with abortion.”

     As I wrote in my post of September 5 2021, State Theft of Freedom as Bodily Autonomy: Case of the Texas Abortion Ban; Texas has outlawed all abortion, the Supreme Court has failed to overrule Texas and uphold freedom as our right of bodily autonomy, and patriarchs of Gideonite fundamentalist organizations of sexual terror and subversion of religious freedom are mobilized to enforce it. 

     This in parallel with Texas’ theft of voting rights and citizenship from nonwhite persons as institutionalized white supremacist terror.

     Texas is our Heart of Darkness. We must liberate the peoples of Texas from the grip of Patriarchy and white supremacy and a legislature of subversion of democracy and of fascist state tyranny and terror.

     And the most horrific thing in all of this is that Texas is not an abnormality in American politics, merely the most extreme and clearly evil example of a general condition, our dehumanization and subjugation by elites through the weaponization of fear and the infiltration and subversion of democracy by the Fourth Reich.

     I call for the abolition of the Republican Party as an organization of treason and racist and sexual terror, the proscription of its members from holding or running for any public office, the nationalization of its assets, and the revocation of citizenship and exile of its members and representatives on the grounds that there are no conditions in which the rest of us will be safe if those who would enslave us are not purged from the herd.

      Perhaps Afghanistan will welcome them as refugees; Republican ideas about women and racial tribalism would fit right in with that of the Taliban, one ethnic theocratic group among many. Actually, I wonder if they are really the same people as the Taliban whom they resemble, and just trade their cowboy hats for wool Pakol berets when they fly back and forth. 

      Let them go elsewhere and enslave each other, but we must not allow them to enslave us.

     As I wrote in my post of July 22 2021, Systemic Failures of Unequal Power: the Case of Abortion; To an article in the Washington Post calling out the Texas abortion ban as a canary in the coal mine for legislating away our freedoms, I commented; “There is no freedom without that of bodily autonomy.”

    I received a reply; “There is no freedom without personal responsibility.” This claim was supported by references to abortion as demonic child sacrifice, somewhat beyond the scope of reasonable argument.

     Here is my refutation to ideas of personal responsibility:

     I do not believe in the idea of the innate depravity of man on which our legal system is based as an extension of the doctrine of original sin, or its formulation by Freud as a polymorphosly perverse human nature which must be controlled rather than celebrated and explored, all versions of the Talmudic concept of the yetzer hara, the evil impulse; humans without the restraining force of law do not devolve to atavisms of ruthless barbarism and become dehumanized, but instead become prosocial and mutually interdependent so long as power is not the only thing which has meaning nor fear and its children  force and control the only means of exchange.

     Nor do I believe in law and order; law serves power and order appropriates; chaos autonomizes.

     There is no just authority.

     I believe in history, and in justice as revolutionary struggle.

     I find the origins of evil not in an evil impulse to be controlled, but in the systems and structures of unequal power; hence responsibility is not personal but social and belongs to us all.

      Fear is a co-equal origin of evil, for it is overwhelming and generalized fear coupled with submission to authority which allows fear to be weaponized in service to power, through divisions of exclusionary otherness and elite membership and belonging. Hence arise fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, and the centralization of power and the immunity of authority in a totalitarian carceral state of force and control.

     There is no basis for trying anyone for a crime, when we should be seeking to redress the interdependent, relational, recursive, and holistically distributed causes of our failure which produced it.

     Crime is a symptom of the failure of social systems, not of the unfitness or degeneracy of individuals whose choices are the products of forces they are the victims of; clearly perpetrators share in the responsibility for their actions, though not exclusively. They are simply the last domino to fall in a cascade failure of unequal and unjust initial conditions, and we must change those conditions to restore the balance.

     Crime is an illness of unequal power. Perpetrators are also victims; this does not imply moral equivalence between victims and their abusers. We must heal the flaws of our humanity, rather than punish transgression which centralizes power to an authoritarian carceral state of prisons and police.

     It is not the perpetrator who must answer to us, but we who must answer for them.

     If the purpose of government is to secure those rights which we cannot secure for ourselves, then justice negotiates and guarantees that no person’s liberty infringes on that of any other.

     What are the realistic alternatives to the social use of force? Processes of healing and restorative justice provide models and solutions; therapy not punishment, schools and hospitals not prisons. We all bear sacred wounds which can open us to the pain of others, and it is how we respond to the brokenness of the world and to the flaws, wounds, and pain of others which defines us. We humans are beautiful not in spite of our flaws, but because of them. If a tribe comes together to meet the challenges of its members actions and consequences for the lives of others when they are signs of trauma and crisis or harmful to others, to engage in healing process and restore the balance of power, we become a social organism which can heal itself, without the social use of force or vilification.

     And we can bring the redemptive power of love as healing and revisioning to bear on the issues we face in the world which are more terrible still, and which will require a united front of diverse and unlike persons to find answers. Let us discover our best selves in our kindness to others.

     The question we must ask is not if a thing is good or evil, but why it exists.

     Abortion is a symptom of our failure to confront and dismantle patriarchy; it is a fracture point of a flawed system which acts to relieve pressure, avoid change, and maintain unequal and unjust elite hegemonic power. Change the balance of power, giving women full control of their sexuality, and equality of social agency in general, and much of the nonmedical need for abortion vanishes; a solution I much prefer to the tyranny and state terror of enforcing other people’s ideas of virtue.

     Patriarchy is a special form of faith weaponized in service to power, and male dominion and control over women looks to Abrahamic faith for an apologetics of tyranny.

     As I wrote in my post of March 4 2020, Supreme Court Hears Access to Abortion Case; A Louisiana law which requires a doctor to have admitting privileges in a hospital within 30 miles has been used to deny access to abortions, one of a whirlwind of such laws designed to transfer the rights of self-governance and bodily autonomy from women to the state and the Patriarchy.

     At stake here are issues affecting every American citizen and other persons within the boundaries of our law; freedom and dehumanization as a means of  enslavement, and our universal human right of access to healthcare as a precondition of our right to life.

     How can the Gideonite fundamentalists and atavistic forces of Patriarchy deny the right of bodily autonomy, the first of all rights of property, our right to choose our own use of that body which speaks to the definition of being human and to the fundamental rights of a citizen in a democracy as a voting co-owner of our government, on the basis of our right to life which derives both from our citizenship and our humanity as a natural condition, when the right of the mother to life precedes that of her fetus and renders her the sole medical authorizing party in any such matter?

     Only a woman’s right to choose her own destiny matters here, and no state or any other authority which operates in the place of a father or husband under the Patriarchal legal fiction of in loco parentis, nor the will or judgement of any other persons especially actual fathers and husbands, has any just role in a free society of equals; all else is slavery.

      If one abrogates the separation of church and state and claims Biblical authority as a justification for government policy, surely an act of hubris if not madness, on abortion and for a definition of life, life clearly begins with breath. 

     As William Tyndale wrote in his beautiful poetic reimagination of traditional sources published as the King James Bible; “And the Lord God formed man of the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life; and man became a living soul,” Genesis 2:7.

     This is reinforced elsewhere; “By the word of the LORD the heavens were made, And by the breath of His mouth all their host” Psalms 33:6. And again; “Thus saith the Lord God; Come from the four winds, O breath, and breathe upon these slain, that they may live. So I prophesied as he commanded me, and the breath came into them, and they lived,” Ezekiel 10.  And yet again; “If he should set his heart to it and gather to himself his spirit and his breath, all flesh would perish together, and man would return to dust,” Job 34: 14-15.

     Plus there’s the abortion method authorized in Numbers 5:11-31, the Ordeal of the Bitter Water, and the penalty for causing an abortion outside of this ritual such as by a violent blow, which is a fine paid to the woman’s husband because it is a crime against property or future economic benefit and not a crime against person as there is no life before breath or natural birth. Abrahamic faiths regard as human only those who have been ensouled at first breath upon being born; prior to birth we are not human but part of the mother’s body; a fetus has no rights other than hers. This is because Abrahamic faiths regard the body as an organic machine and not a person until it is animated with a soul.

     To argue that abortion is murder is to argue that there is no soul, that we are human prior to the animating breath of the Infinite, and that as mere beasts and organic machines each of our cells are individually sacrosanct and legally persons. Haircuts are murder in this absurd construction.

      Let us not mistake the purpose and intention of those who would seize women’s power of bodily autonomy as both a human being and a citizen; this has nothing to do with faith, and everything to do with power.

Find or Organize an event for October 18 No Kings Day

https://action.womensmarch.com/local?page=2

Together We Rise: Behind the Scenes at the Protest Heard Around the World,

Rowan Blanchard, Jamia Wilson (Contributor)

Women Who March  CNN documentary

https://www.cnn.com/interactive/2018/politics/women-who-march-the-movement

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