March 25 2026 Tyranny of the Hollow Men

As we annihilate ways of being human different from our own and the bodies of others judged different from ourselves by ethnicity, faith, or national identity, through rains of steel death in Iran, famine and fuel scarcity in Cuba, our ravenous proxy of kleptocratic imperial conquest and dominion Israel in Palestine and throughout the Middle East, and our ICE white supremacist terror force in the streets of America, we are become a nation of Hollow Men, shadows of ourselves devoured by the machines of elite wealth, power, and privilege to which we are enslaved, our lives the raw materiel of our enemies’ power, subjugated and enslaved in service to the power of those who do not regard us as fellow human beings but as mere things to be used, the waste products of capitalism in its dying stages.

      As written by T.S. Eliot in The Hollow Men;

“We are the hollow men

We are the stuffed men

Leaning together

Headpiece filled with straw. Alas!

Our dried voices, when

We whisper together

Are quiet and meaningless

As wind in dry grass

Or rats’ feet over broken glass

In our dry cellar

Shape without form, shade without colour.

Paralysed force, gesture without motion;

Those who have crossed

With direct eyes, to death’s other Kingdom

Remember us—if at all—not as lost

Violent souls, but only

As the hollow men

                              II

Eyes I dare not meet in dreams

In death’s dream kingdom

These do not appear:

There, the eyes are

Sunlight on a broken column

There, is a tree swinging

And voices are

In the wind’s singing

More distant and more solemn

Than a fading star.

Let me be no nearer

In death’s dream kingdom

Let me also wear

Such deliberate disguises

Rat’s coat, crowskin, crossed staves

In a field

Behaving as the wind behaves

No nearer—

Not that final meeting

In the twilight kingdom

                              III

This is the dead land

This is cactus land

Here the stone images

Are raised, here they receive

The supplication of a dead man’s hand

Under the twinkle of a fading star.

Is it like this

In death’s other kingdom

Waking alone

At the hour when we are

Trembling with tenderness

Lips that would kiss

Form prayers to broken stone.

                              IV

The eyes are not here

There are no eyes here

In this valley of dying stars

In this hollow valley

This broken jaw of our lost kingdoms

In this last of meeting places

We grope together

And avoid speech

Gathered on this beach of the tumid river

Sightless, unless

The eyes reappear

As the perpetual star

Multifoliate rose

Of death’s twilight kingdom

The hope only

Of empty men.

                              V

Here we go round the prickly pear

Prickly pear prickly pear

Here we go round the prickly pear

At five o’clock in the morning.

Between the idea

And the reality

Between the motion

And the act

Falls the Shadow

                                  For Thine is the Kingdom

Between the conception

And the creation

Between the emotion

And the response

Falls the Shadow

                                  Life is very long

Between the desire

And the spasm

Between the potency

And the existence

Between the essence

And the descent

Falls the Shadow

                                  For Thine is the Kingdom

For Thine is

Life is

For Thine is the

This is the way the world ends

This is the way the world ends

This is the way the world ends

Not with a bang but a whimper.”

     As written by Joseph Bottum in The Washington Free Beacon, in a review entitled T.S. Eliot, Poet for a Fallen Culture; “Who remembers it? Who would even believe it now, when political thought, for left and right alike, lies shattered in a thousand pieces? Still, there really was a moment, from the late 1940s through the early 1960s, when all the different strands of conservative thought looked as though they might come together into a grand unified field theory—the coherent and whole answer of the West to the claims of communism. And somewhere near the center of it all stood the poetry of T.S. Eliot.

     In the strange conservative mix of that time was everything from the compelling simplicity of Richard Weaver’s anti-nominalism to the God-haunted landscapes of Flannery O’Connor’s stories. Add in the indefatigable historical research of Russell Kirk, the hard brilliance of Etienne Gilson’s neoscholastic Catholicism—even a little homegrown libertarianism and the Southern Fugitives’ agrarianism—and all the pieces seemed to be fitting together. Fitting together, that is, until suddenly they weren’t, and not even William F. Buckley could put them back together.

     But perhaps the strangest ingredient—the most unbelievable bit for us, these days—was the role of Eliot’s work. Of course, part of the current unintelligibility comes with the decline of belief that poetry matters, that it ever really mattered: that within living memory there was a time when poetry was thought to be at the absolute center of culture.

     But just as much, the peculiarity of Eliot’s place derives from the fact that he was a complete modernist in his verse, the leading practitioner of the literary revolution that turned against traditional poetry in the first half of the twentieth century. If conservatives wanted poets, Russell Kirk could point them to any number of snippets from the formal verse of Lord Tennyson and Victor Hugo.

     That’s not to say that they didn’t recognize T.S. Eliot as the dominant poet and critic of his time, possibly as early as his publication of Prufrock and Other Observations in 1917 but certainly in the years after 1922, when he published The Waste Land and began his literary magazine, The Criterion. (Later editions of The Cambridge History of English Literature would name only two eras after a single writer: The Age of Dryden and The Age of Eliot.) But for the conservatives of the 1940s and 1950s, Eliot’s poetry was surely an unlikely choice for the signal banner under which they would gather.

     Except, perhaps, for the fact that Eliot really was a modernist—and modernist literature was rarely a celebration of modern times. In a line often quoted by later neoconservatives, the critic Lionel Trilling opened The Liberal Imagination, his famous 1950 collection of essays, with a declaration that “there are no conservative or reactionary ideas in general circulation” in America, only “irritable mental gestures which seek to resemble ideas.” At the same time, he saw clearly—and tried in vain to teach the readers of his time—that literary modernism contained a profoundly anti-modern and anti-liberal streak. However much the smug liberalism of the day wanted to roll together all that seemed progressive in literature with all that seemed progressive in politics, such figures as Ezra Pound and D.H. Lawrence were never going to fit well with American liberalism.

     And neither was T.S. Eliot. This winter, Johns Hopkins University Press issued The Poems of T.S. Eliot, a two-volume collection of his verse annotated by the Boston University scholar Christopher Ricks. As is usual for Ricks, the annotations are both brilliant and overwhelming—as one might have guessed when the first volume’s 340 pages of poetry are matched with 966 pages of notes. And in those pages there’s an occasion to think again about T.S. Eliot and what he meant for a generation of conservatism now long gone.

     For all that The Wasteland would come to seem the definitive description of the failed civilization of the West in the years after the First World War—These fragments I have shored against my ruins—the clearest setting of Eliot’s thought may come in the juxtaposition of “The Hollow Men” (1925), the last of his serious works before his embrace of Anglican Christianity, and “Ash Wednesday” (1930), the first of his major Christian poems.

     The use of broken repetition in both poems is a hint that the poems speak to each other: the brutal desert of the earlier poem answered in the delicate hope of the later. Was there ever a poem as grim as “The Hollow Men”? It reduces even the apocalypse to a whimper. The Wasteland uses its kaleidoscopic scenes to show a Western civilization that lacks both meaning and manners, but it is still in many ways a rich poem: thick with reference, ripe with the vocabulary of prior English poems (as Ricks so fully documents), and exuberant in its images. It declares, in its way, that poetry still serves the hygienic function of culture. It declares, in its way, that civilization is not so far gone that a poem cannot still help make a change. “The Hollow Men” has no such undertone. Stripped down to the bones of thought and language, it’s the worldview of Christianity—without Christ: a biblical poem of the emptiness the world would be without God, matched with the absence of God.

     But then, in “Ash Wednesday,” Eliot takes the dark worldview of “The Hollow Men” and reintroduces a little bit of God. Christendom has still failed, and culture no longer makes sense. But the Church and conversion may nonetheless remain possible. The faith of a believer may remain true—or even shine more clearly—despite the decline that marks the history of the civilization that carried those truths.

     The irreplaceable appeal of Eliot for conservatives of the 1940s and 1950s shows in the settings for that two-part vision. Only modernism could convey sufficiently the negative part: The breakdown of traditional civilization had to be echoed in the objective correlative of the breakdown of traditional verse. This wasn’t free verse as a declaration of new freedom. This was free verse as a howl that culture itself had failed.

     And the prestige of Eliot’s modernism allowed a new expression of the Christianity he came to embrace: a universal recognition of the power of his expression in Four Quartets, the play Murder in the Cathedral, and the choruses from The Rock. The failed culture could not hear the power in the old forms it had lost, but the new form could convey Eliot’s quiet, delicate, and thoughtful faith.

     Or could it? Reduced to its barest elements, modernity is the substitution of science for theology, history for philosophy, and the self for the soul. Eliot had little patience with the pretensions of science, but even he was not fully able to escape the other two modern turns. The negative critique of his modernism is essentially genealogical rather than metaphysical, and The Wasteland is a poem more about history than philosophy.

     For that matter, the text of Four Quartets is more about the self than the soul. The poems use the theological language of finishing a journey to describe the theological event of beginning a journey. The vocabulary the mystics used to describe their visions of God is slid down the scale to become a vocabulary for the poet’s first coming to faith. Mysticism is transformed into conversion, and the turn of the self becomes the more poetically important journey of the soul.

     By the mid-1960s, the goal of a unified conservative theory had failed, exposed as a mirage. Reagan’s big-tent Republicanism could unite the disparate elements for an election, but no coherent political theory would emerge to hold together the thought of paleoconservatives and neoconservatives, neothomists and libertarians, Straussians and Voegelinians. After the fall of Soviet communism, what remained for the various kinds of conservatives to share? Not even opposition to abortion seems to drive them toward unity anymore.

     As it happens, for readers of T.S. Eliot, that might prove something of a gain. Christopher Ricks’s edition of The Poems of T.S. Eliot can remind us of just how good a writer Eliot was—particularly once he has been set free. If we force Eliot to occupy a symbolic place in modern thought, he proves a symbol of failure. If we read him instead only as a poet, he proves a master of the language. Perhaps the greatest the dismal twentieth century knew.”

    As I wrote in my annual celebration of T.S. Eliot, on his birthday September 26  2022 revision

     Madness, ruin, and death; T.S. Eliot’s poetry was a lamentation on the fall of civilization in World War One, written with brilliance, a fragile beauty, and immense scholarship. In The Wasteland alone we have The Grail Quest and Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, the Iliad, Dante, The Tempest, the Satyricon, the Call of Ezekiel; his works recapitulate the whole of our cultural history and frame the birth of the modern world and the shattering of European aristocracies with the Fall of Rome and the descent of the classical world into a millennia of barbarism.

    The poetics of T.S. Eliot emerge from his study of Laforgue and Elizabethan drama, and are shaped and refined by his reading of the Symbolists and metaphysical poets, Dante, Shakespeare, John Donne, Samuel Johnson; his works are densely packed strings of classical, Biblical, and other references and allusions, bearing the whole historical weight of the civilization which was his mission to reclaim and salvage from the annihilation and meaninglessness of its self-destruction during the Great War.

     We may say of T.S. Eliot what he once said of Blaise Pascal, that his work encompasses and transcends; “’the disorder, the futility, the meaninglessness, the mystery of life and suffering.” This is especially true of his magnificent song of faith The Four Quartets, a superbly constructed labyrinth of transformation, transcendence, and of the soul as an emergent quality struggling to birth itself from the terror of our nothingness. For me it remains the most splendid work of Christian literature since William Tyndale reimagined it in writing the King James Bible.

     As you may know, I tend to think of politics in terms of literature and envision the mission of creating civilization as a game played by figures which represent conserving and revolutionary forces, a result of the early influence of Herman Hesse’s The Glass Bead Game and Yasunari Kawabata’s The Master of Go, which I read during seventh grade, and Friedrich Nietzsche’s The Birth of Tragedy, which I read the following year. Each of us, as with every author, musician, artist, scientist, or public figure, plays the Great Game on one of these dyadic teams.

     The function of conservatism is to buffer order from the shock of the new and withstand stresses and changing conditions without losing ourselves or undergoing morphogenic change, the loss of identity as structural form, or ruptures to our prochronism, the memory and history of our choices, successful adaptations and strategies of survival as expressed in our mimetic ideational form, the loss of our culture and traditions. The function of revolution and innovation is to capitalize on chaos as adaptive potential and to reimagine and transform, create, and discover new forms, meanings, and values.

      As I describe myself in my social media biographies; I am on the side of Prometheus; rebellion, chaos, anarchy, resistance, transgression, revolution, and the frightening of the horses. But I treasure the works of T.S. Eliot as those of the greatest master to have ever commanded the opposing side of the field. 

     In this he reflects his mirror image James Joyce, who played the board as the revolutionary to T.S. Elliot’s conservative. Both wanted to renew humanity and rebuild civilization, one by reclaiming the past which has allowed us to survive millennia of unforeseen threats and cataclysms, the other by imagining a new path to the future; both are necessary to the survival of civilization and humanity itself.

     No one ever played the conservative side of the board better. His poetry may be read over the course of a lifetime without exhausting its value. Whosoever loves literature will find here a kindred spirit.

    The Poems of T.S. Eliot, a massive two-volume edition sumptuously annotated by the Boston University scholar Christopher Ricks, would be my ideal reference work. Among the many wonderful critical studies are Hugh Kenner’s The invisible poet: T.S. Eliot, and Helen Gardner’s The Art of T.S. Eliot.

    Do watch Jerzy Kosinski’s magnificent and unforgettable reimagination and interrogation of The Wasteland and of the collapse of our civilization from the mechanical failures of its internal contradictions, Being There, which follows its thematic structure. I taught it as an introduction to the shared model of both, the medieval poem Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, in high school English classes, and made a monthly ritual of watching it throughout my university years.

    Why Being There and its shadow The Wasteland became primary texts and myths of my self-construal and identity is a tale for another time, but also one we must each enact for ourselves.

      Thus for Eliot and his marvelous elegies of the fall of civilization and the theft of the soul by those who would enslave us. I turn next to the figural opposite in the chiaroscuro of conservative and revolutionary forces, who play my side of the board, for an interrogation of Trump himself, the festering leprous thing as the heart of our Fourth Reich; a thing that grieves not and never hopes, stolid and stunned, brother to the ox” as Edward Markham describes Eliot’s Hollow Men in a poem written as a direct replay, The Man With a Hoe, which my father taught me to memorize as a child.

“The Man with the Hoe By Edwin Markham

Written after seeing Millet’s World-Famous Painting

God made man in His own image,

in the image of God made He him. —Genesis.

Bowed by the weight of centuries he leans  

Upon his hoe and gazes on the ground,  

The emptiness of ages in his face,

And on his back the burden of the world.  

Who made him dead to rapture and despair,  

A thing that grieves not and that never hopes,

Stolid and stunned, a brother to the ox?  

Who loosened and let down this brutal jaw?

Whose was the hand that slanted back this brow?

Whose breath blew out the light within this brain?

Is this the Thing the Lord God made and gave

To have dominion over sea and land;

To trace the stars and search the heavens for power;

To feel the passion of Eternity?

Is this the Dream He dreamed who shaped the suns

And marked their ways upon the ancient deep?

Down all the stretch of Hell to its last gulf  

There is no shape more terrible than this—

More tongued with censure of the world’s blind greed—

More filled with signs and portents for the soul—

More fraught with danger to the universe.

What gulfs between him and the seraphim!  

Slave of the wheel of labor, what to him  

Are Plato and the swing of Pleiades?

What the long reaches of the peaks of song,  

The rift of dawn, the reddening of the rose?

Through this dread shape the suffering ages look;

Time’s tragedy is in that aching stoop;  

Through this dread shape humanity betrayed,  

Plundered, profaned and disinherited,  

Cries protest to the Judges of the World,  

A protest that is also prophecy.

O masters, lords and rulers in all lands,  

is this the handiwork you give to God,

This monstrous thing distorted and soul-quenched ?

How will you ever straighten up this shape;  

Touch it again with immortality;

Give back the upward looking and the light;  

Rebuild in it the music and the dream;  

Make right the immemorial infamies,

Perfidious wrongs, immedicable woes?

O masters, lords and rulers in all lands,

How will the Future reckon with this Man?  

How answer his brute question in that hour   

When whirlwinds of rebellion shake the world?

How will it be with kingdoms and with kings—

With those who shaped him to the thing he is—

When this dumb Terror shall reply to God  

After the silence of the centuries?”

       Sadly, though Trump is monstrous, of disfigured soul, he is no figure of a Redeemer nor a liberator of any kind. 

      Trump is kind of a negative space of Peter Seller’s Chauncey in Being There, or his evil twin; an idiot who cannot fathom human feelings or recognize others as beings like himself, without the capacity for love or even awareness of the pain his actions cause others.

    Like Dostoevsky’s luminous self portrait as Prince Myshkin in The Idiot, I felt a profound connection with the character of Chance from my teenage years, as I instrumentalized literature as trauma management and self-construal in the wake of my momentary death at the age of nine and my near execution by a police death squad the summer before high school at fourteen.

     Where Trump was born without the part of us which makes us human, Chance was merely limited in his horizons, and learns to become human in the course of the story, a parable which references Parsifal and the allegorical tale The Green Knight.

      Here follows my interrogation of the Awakening from innocence as a hero’s journey in my annual celebration of June 14 2025, The Painted Bird, I: and a celebration of Jerzy Kosinski, on his birthday; On this the birthday of Jerzy Kosinski, I reflect on and interrogate my personal relationship and history with his great novel, which I used as an intertext and mirror in healing from trauma during my teenage years, much as did he in reimagining his childhood therapy journal as he was psychosomatically mute for five years after Liberation by the Russian Army at the age of nine.

     I too created myself in revolutionary struggle during this crucial period of growing up, framed by my witness at the age of nine of Bloody Thursday, May 15 1969 People’s Park Berkeley, our nation’s most massive incident of police terror in which I was Most Sincerely Dead momentarily from the force wave of a grenade, and my near execution by a police death squad in Sao Paulo Brazil in  1974 during my direct actions with the Matadors to rescue the abandoned street children who were being bounty hunted in a state campaign of ethnic cleansing.

     Identity confusion and self-creation as freedom from authorized identities and imposed orders of being, meaning and value, from the boundaries of the Forbidden and other people’s ideas of virtue, the mark of Otherness conferred by death, Last Stands in defiance of authority and carceral states of force and control beyond hope of victory or survival, and the existential crisis of becoming human in liberation struggle against the systems of falsification, commodification, and dehumanization which arise from the origins of evil in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force; in all of this I found reflection in Jerzy Kosinski’s embrace of our monstrosity and fearless gaze into the Nietzschean Abyss and what Joseph Conrad called The Heart of Darkness.

     The Painted Bird, I.

     As I have written in celebration of Jerzy Kosinski’s birthday:

     Identity, power, justice, the depravity and perversity of man and the origins of evil; these are the great themes which animate the works of Jerzy Kosinski.

     His unique brand of Catholic Existentialism, a Pauline Absurdism like that of Flannery O’Connor and referential to Camus and Freud as much as Augustine and the Bible, has never been widely understood. Nor has the influence of his training as a sociologist and historian in the Soviet university system of Poland behind the Iron Curtain, prior to his escape to political asylum in America.

    Jerzy Kosinski embraces the Infinite as the Absurd; though his works can create the effect of reading Samuel Beckett, Kobo Abe, or Thomas Ligotti, his intent is to tilt against Nihilism and the forces of disorder, not to endorse them. His episodes which reveal the depravity of humankind and the fallenness of political authority, like those of Jean Genet’s novels, are inversions of Catholic rituals intended as satires of the state as embodied violence. 

     In some respects he can be compared to de Sade, but only to a point; where de Sade was a satirist who wrote as a revolutionary act and campaign of destabilization against the authority of Church and State, Jerzy Kosinski plays the opposite side of the board, marshalling conserving forces to defend absolute and universal human values.

    For his novels, often thinly veiled autobiographies and referential to historical events, are manuals of survival in circumstances of overwhelming force, dehumanizing oppression, and existential terror as systems of oppression.

    Among these we may include his satires of American culture including Being There, and the magnificent nightmare of Europe under fascism, The Painted Bird. His finest nonfiction is The Future is Ours, Comrade, written within two years of his 1957 escape from Poland under Soviet dominion. All of his works bear the weight of his scholarship as a historian and sociologist.

     His novels are metafictional commentaries on the roles he played in life, both chosen and those forced on him by others. Perhaps only Philip Roth has struggled more as a writer for control of his own identity, when those whom he claimed did not in turn claim him, and few have suffered more. I believe that each of us has the right as human beings to reinvent ourselves, and to be who we choose.

      Being There is a precious and delicate confection of a fable, which transforms a universal myth into a new one for our time in spare language that a child might grasp. The film version starring Peter Sellers and Shirley MacLaine is also compelling and beautiful; I made a practice of watching it every month for years since I was at university, and rereading the novel which I taught in high school. It has become a part of who I am, this story, and I hope that you will love it as do I.  But before I can take you on a walk through this novel, we must understand its context in the novel for which it is a coda, The Painted Bird.

      The Painted Bird is an unforgettable paen of horrors as lived by the author as a child wandering alone in Eastern Europe during the Second World War, victimized and powerless, a figure of Europe, civilization, and all humanity.    

     I cannot say I advise anyone to open the lid of this particular box and look within; I cannot even say that it is good for you. Exposure to evil of this magnitude and festering malignity, raw and unanswerable, is a disruptive and  corrosive, destabilizing and subversive event, at once destruction and liberation, much like the history it describes. Here the boundaries of the human are charted, in blood.

    What has it done for me, this Pandora’s Box of a story? Perhaps only to help me find the will to claw my way out of the ruins and make yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory or even survival. For myself, this has been enough.

     I have lost count of such Last Stands during my decades of revolutionary struggle and resistance to fascism since that fateful day in 1982 Beirut during the siege, when Jean Genet swore me to the Oath of the Resistance he had appropriated from that of the Foreign Legion in Paris 1940 and set me on my life’s path. I too have looked into the Abyss, and as Nietzsche warned it has begun to look back at me, since Mariupol and possibly before, and I must now and always question my actions as a man without fear, mercy, or remorse.

     I am become as history has made me, a monster who hunts other monsters; with death the alternative to survival, with subjugation, falsification, and dehumanization pervasive and omnipresent existential threats on the one hand and those truths written in our flesh and to which we must bear witness, and our glorious liberty and uniqueness on the other, and with only solidarity and our faith in each other to heal the pathology of our disconnectedness and the divisions of authorized identities as elite hierarchies of otherness and belonging, love to redeem the flaws of our humanity, and hope to answer the terror of our nothingness and the brokenness of the world, we each of us must struggle to become human, even when we must trade fragments of our humanity for the hope of future possibilities of becoming human and for the lives of others, who may one day escape the shadows of history in which we dwell.

      Last Stands; naming these forlorn hopes so makes them sound grand and heroic, but they are nothing of the kind. Not acts of virtue bearing the force of redemption, but choices to remain Unconquered as a free and self-created being conferred by refusal to submit against unanswerable force and impossible odds; a human thing, and a power which cannot be taken from us. As Jean Genet said to me on that fateful day, in a burning house, in a time of darkness, in a lost cause; “When there is no hope, one is free to do impossible things, glorious things.”

       Each of these Defining Moments has created unique imaginal spaces as mimesis which cannot be escaped; I will forever be crawling through tunnels of utter darkness covered in the blood of those I could not save while the earth trembles with impending collapse as I was in Mariupol 2022, and numberless other such moments. But as in Camus’ allegory of Sisyphus I bore the burden of my humanity onward and became Unconquered and free, and so can you. 

     This is what is important; to resist and cease not, and abandon not our fellows, as Genet’s Oath of the Resistance goes. What matters are not the horrors I have survived and which have shaped me to the thing that I am, a monster who hunts other monsters, and who has traded pieces of his humanity to do so and win a space of free creative play and time for others to discover and create new kinds of human being, meaning, and value which I may never find or dream; but that in refusal to submit I emerged from the darkness and despair into the light, and so can we all.

     We may not be able to escape the legacies of our history or the consequences of our humanity, nor find balance for the terror of our nothingness nor bring healing to the brokenness of the world; but we can refuse to submit and become Unconquered as free and unique beings, a power which cannot be taken from us and can return us to ourselves.

    In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power. Do something beautiful with yours.

    Here follows my celebration of Jerzy Kosinski, on his birthday:

    A novel translated from his native Polish and reconstructed from notes written while the author was psychosomatically mute for five years after his liberation by Russia at the age of nine, as a therapy journal, it is unique among the literature of madness and psychoanalysis. The Painted Bird is the voice of this traumatized child; its authenticity is incontestable even though the government of Poland has attempted to discredit it as the Witness of History as part of its policy of denial as regards complicity in the Holocaust.

      Of this I say: evil wears many masks. It can be massively destructive when given the authorized power of governments, armies, official papers and decrees, but this is not its exclusive domain, nor where it is born.

     For the tortures and abuse suffered by the narrator are not inflicted upon him by officials carrying out a policy or because he is a member of a persecuted group like the Jews, though he is sometimes mistaken for a gypsy, but by ordinary villagers simply because they can. Indeed, much of the novel is a series of episodic vignettes in which brutalized villagers commit unspeakable crimes against one another. These episodes form a journey of initiation and are organized as Stations of the Cross:  labyrinthine as is the symbolism of a great cathedral.

    The universality of evil and the depravity of man are the subjects of his great work, and this is what elevates it beyond the conditions of time and place. The Painted Bird affirms traditional values in that it cleaves to the interpretation of the Bible on which our government is based, derived from the idea of sin. In the absence of the restraining force of law, the most ruthless tyrant or criminal wins. As George Washington said, “Government is about force, only force.”

     True, the social use of force cuts many ways, especially when wielded by the juggernaut of governments; my point is that Jerzy Kosinski has written a very Catholic novel which offers an apologetics of law and order any government might welcome. That this is not generally understood may be due to no one having thought to compare him to Flannery O’Connor, Walker Percy, or other fellow Catholic authors with whom he belongs.

      Indeed, The Painted Bird has been misunderstood as Holocaust literature and originally misrepresented by the publisher as nonfictional testimony, which backfired as it made the author and his work vulnerable to the lies of his political foes.  He himself became a Painted Bird, ostracized and tormented by his fellows both as a child and as an author, and both functioning on the basis of a public denial of his identity as a Polish Catholic. The tribes he claimed did not in turn claim him, as his faith led him to identify evil as a universal human flaw and not the intrusive weapon of a despised enemy outsider.      

     The Painted Bird thematically recapitulates Measure For Measure, Shakespeare’s savage morality play which examines concepts of state power, justice, and the theology of the depravity of man on which our legal system is founded. Jerzy Kosinski has organized and fictionalized his therapy journal along lines paralleling the Bard’s play, while reversing its revolutionary critique of authorized force.

     Running through all his novels are interlinked narratives supporting Freud’s theory that humans are polymorphosly perverse until they learn to control their animal nature,  and against Rousseau’s idea that the natural man is not bound by social contracts made prior to his birth or without his consent and participation, and may without concern disregard such laws, which is the legal basis of the American Declaration of Independence and a keystone of the Supreme Court’s rulings on the Constitution. And so we have the doctrine of Natural Law, a startling bit of anarchy at the founding of our nation, which goes directly to the heart of Jerzy Kosinski’s theme of power relations and defense of a universal and imperative moral order. By moral order I mean human rights as an absolute and universal principle, independent of tribe and tradition; the classic conservative critique of ethical and cultural relativism.

      The logical extension of this line of reasoning denies the legitimacy of the American state, and aligns with the British claim that our revolution, at its origin anticolonial and antiaristocratic, has no basis in law, and with the claim of all states to rule their citizens without their consent personally as a contract.

     Among the finest interrogations of this idea of moral order as  authoritarianism can be found in Nikos Kazantzakis’ thesis Friedrich Nietzsche on the Philosophy of Right and the State, an anarchist analysis of authority as dehumanization which underlies all his later work.

       In Jerzy Kosinski’s world, like that of William T. Vollman, moral order balances on a social contract guaranteed by force; a brutal and fallen world, but one in which true heroism is possible.

     Little wonder that, once he became rich and famous on the basis of this book, his subsequent novels were mainly elaborately constructed Baroque   fantasies of vengeance and the championing of the powerless. They also continue his exploration of Dante’s Inferno, displaying the consequences of sin and his role as an avenging angel. His work foregrounds personal sin as the origin of social evils; vanity and greed, materialism and the loss of communion as connection with others as well as the Infinite, sexual terror as a means of ownership and dehumanization, all the facades which abstract us from ourselves and one another. He wrote them to avenge the child he had once been, but also to shield others by exposing injustices.

     And this is what killed him:  his quixotic knight-errantry, truthtelling, and the authorial turning over of stones. Though his death was reported as a suicide, with a final note as proof, this is inconsistent with his obsessive survivalism, vigilante justice, secret identities, use of his public role as concealment, and his appropriation of intelligence tradecraft to evade enemies which included the Soviet Union he had escaped, and his personal mission of hunting evildoers. In life as in his fiction, Jerzy Kosinski was an avenging trickster who like the heroes of the messianic films The Magic Christian and Willy Wonka and the Chocolate Factory constructed elaborate Dante-esque traps as purgatorial rituals. This is the author who became a role model for me as I worked through my trauma with his novel as my guide to becoming human; a Dark Knight and Avenger. He would have never abdicated his chosen role as a protector of innocents, for this is what sustained him and gave his tragedies and traumas meaning and made them bearable.

      Jerzy Kosinski died as his forebears did, when their lances shattered on the unstoppable tanks of the invaders in a final charge of traditional meaning and value against a nihilistic barbarian modernity, glorious and beautiful as was the defense of the Great Siege of Malta, and bearing to the last the only title that matters, that of Invictus.

    So we come to Being There, a deceptively simple story based on the fables of Krylov which retells the Biblical Fall of Man and Adam’s expulsion from the Garden of Eden, and the return of Christ as the Second Adam from Exile as a redeemer.

      As does his work as a whole and The Painted Bird especially, Being There presents at once a path of spiritual rebirth which unifies Catholic sin and Existential freedom, a Freudian political theory of government as force, a Sartrean critique of identity as a social construction, and a theory of history which re-evaluates and diverges from both Biblical teleology and Marxism, and written by a man who was once the Soviet Union’s greatest sociologist with a deeply personal stake in the issues and themes of his work rooted in profound childhood trauma.

     First, it is a masterpiece, directly addressing the themes developed in The Painted Bird in the context of America, a new home where Jerzy Kosinski found celebrity, wealth, and power, (I would like to say safety, but these things cannot buy safety, and security is an illusion) but also a dehumanizing  commodification, superficial materialism, and implicit class system with which he was not wholly comfortable even though he had married into the apex of New York society.

    Both novels are meditations on Otherness; in one the bird which is painted to look different is pecked to death by his fellows, and in Being There someone who is truly different moves among us unhindered because he wears the colors of whatever flock he finds. Themes of concealment and illusion, identity and membership, the protection of assimilation or the danger and loneliness of being different are exhibited in both great books.

      Change the protagonist and we have the myth and horror story of the skinwalker, a monster or cannibal predator who walks among us in disguise, or the tragic figure of the Elephant Man, whose virtue and beauty are hidden behind a hideous mask of flesh. Or an anonymous hero, a Batman-like figure standing the night watch for us all, as was the author Jerzy Kosinski to the last.

     Second, Being There is powerful because it enacts a universal mythic pattern, and then breaks the pattern to create a new myth, maybe one more useful to us now.

     What follows are my lecture notes on Being There, which I would hand out to my classes of High School Juniors and Seniors in the Honors Program and AP English (AP courses being preparatory classwork for taking the AP subject exams which can earn college units if passed- like A levels in British schools)       and read aloud in parts as the class progressed through the book, stopping to ask questions and start discussions. I taught Being There as an introduction to Sir Gawain and the Green Knight; it can also be read as a companion text to T.S. Eliot’s The Wasteland, which shares its sources in Arthurian myth.

     The works of Jerzy Kosinski came into my life through the influence of my mother, Coleridge scholar and expert on religious symbolism in medieval art, a Catholic university trained psychologist, biologist, and English teacher who, at my insistence after some time of Kosinski being a presence of references in our home while she wrote a study of psychosomatic muteness from the Soviet hospital case notes of his childhood therapy as compared to his own notes written between the ages of nine and fourteen ending when he regained the power of speech and which later became the basis of his novel, gave me The Painted Bird to read when I was seventeen. As one can imagine, we talked about it a lot.

       I myself would not now do as she did then; its simply too disturbing and can cause real harm, though I was working though the trauma of battle and near execution by a police death squad in Brazil the summer before high school. If you are a survivor of private Holocausts, it can be useful; I might say the same of Kathy Acker’s novel Blood and Guts in High School, which I have taught to high school students who were survivors of sexual terror as was she.

     As to other influences on the text of my lecture notes, I wrote it during my first year of teaching high school, and while I used it without changes for many years as a discussion prompt it reflects my interests and understanding at the time; I was in my third year of university and taking courses in Celtic Literature and Arthurian Romance while I wrote it, and reading Emma Jung’s Grail studies. My interpretations are also shaped by deep and lifelong interests, sparked by reading Frazier’s Golden Bough in sixth grade, in Joseph Campbell and comparative mythology, fairytales, the archetypal psychology of Jung and Hillman, and a Great Books education through my teenage years. As I could count on no particular literary background among my students, to frame a discussion I had to tell the story; hence the brief retellings of references. 

          On Jerzy Kosinski’s Being There:  a reading guide

    Being There is a fable, a retelling of the story of the Original Man, and of his exile from Paradise and his redemption of the world as the Holy Fool. It parallels the story of Christ, the Fall of Adam and the return of the world to an Edenic state through the second Adam, the Innocent who goes shod in the temple. In Being There, the hero’s quest takes him to a citadel of Fallenness, where he must heal the wound of a Fisher King, in an initiation pattern found in Celtic pagan and Arthurian sources. 

    Early Christian legend says that Jesus was crucified on Calvary, the Mound of the Skull, where the skull of Adam is buried. He is depicted in early art as being hung from the Tree of Life rather than nailed to a cross, just as Odin hung from the World Tree Ygddrasil, a sacrifice to himself, in order to gain knowledge of the runes, universal organizing and informing principles. In the body of Jewish folklore and mystical gnosis called Cabala, the Tree of Life is a series of emanations from the Infinite called the sephiroth, worlds which form a ladder between our world and the Divine. Through astral projection and other practices, the cabalist reunites pairs of opposing principles within himself, just as the Redeemer of the Basilidians mounted through the planetary spheres to acquire their powers. The Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil and the Tree of Life were understood to be aspects of the same linking system.

    Many mythic systems trace humanity to an Original Man, actually an inner man in whom all participate and share in the human spirit. This is clearly true of Adam, but also of the Purusha in India and Chung Ko in China, among others.

    Parallel myths are structured on the idea of the Universal Monarch, such as Arthur, the Once and Future King. In both Christianity and Buddhism, the hero is a Holy Fool who forsakes the role of Universal Monarch for that of Redeemer, just as Chance, incapable of relating to the world except as an innocent, will accidently become the President of America and restore the nation’s spirit.

     Chance is evicted from the Garden of Eden and is cast into a fallen world; in the film the fallen state of the world surrounding his home is more clearly contrasted with the idyllic garden than in the book. When Chance is introduced to the world during a television interview, he unknowingly proposes to govern as a gardener tends his garden, returning it to a state of order and harmony. Chance is the Redeemer bringing about the Kingdom of God.

    The lawyers who evict Chance are clearly Tempter figures; Chance defeats them when he declines to make a claim against the old man’s estate, as doing so would have kept him in Paradise and prevented him from fulfilling his role as Redeemer. While sitting under the Bo tree awaiting his vision of Enlightenment, Buddha is tempted by Mara in his terrible and seductive forms. Christ is also tempted, both to display his powers and to become World Monarch in a riddle match with Satan, prior to his vision of the Shekinah or Holy Spirit.  But the Holy Fool must descend into the fallen world if he is to redeem it, and so in Islam the serpent is revered as Iblis, the Instructor, a guide of the soul and faithful servant of the Infinite. In all his forms, the Holy Fool must reject the role of Universal Monarch for that of Redeemer.

     People constantly misunderstand Chance; they misinterpret his words in their own context. He is both the sum of images he has internalized from television and the images others make of him; he is all mankind. He is a mirror; Jason kills the Medusa by polishing his shield to a mirror surface so that she sees herself and turns to stone. Chance has the power to transform others because he is the Inner Man in an innocent, unfallen state. Eve tells Chance, “You make me free. I reveal myself to myself, and I am purged.”

     After leaving the Garden, Chance comes by accident to live in another house, the mansion of a powerful financier, Mr. Rand, and his wife, Eve. The mansion is a Castle Perilous, a material and fallen cage for a Fisher King. Chance goes from the Garden to this second house, and from a triadic relationship with the Old Man and the maid, Louise, to another with Mr Rand and Eve.

     Both Mr Rand and the Old Man are dying; to understand the interaction between the major characters in Being There, let’s compare it to the mythic pattern in the Arthurian tale of Parsifal and the Grail Quest. Parsifal is an innocent, raised in seclusion as were Buddha and Chance. Parsifal goes into the world dressed as a fool or jester, riding an ass, and defeats his opponents in combat simply because he is too ignorant to be afraid and never hesitates to charge. He undertakes to find the Grail and bring it to Arthur, who is so sick he can’t get out of bed for seven years, during which time there is famine in the land. The period of the Wasteland is a representation of the fallen state of the world, which can only be healed through spiritual renewal. Parsifal reaches the Grail Castle, whose lord, the Fisher King, is in a position identical to Arthur’s; he is sick and his land is barren. The Fisher King is wounded through the thighs; just as Arthur fell ill when he lost Guinevere, the Fisher King fell ill when the virgin in whose lap his feet must rest was slain. Both rulers are cut off from the source of spiritual renewal and empowerment. Parsifal heals the Fisher King and gains a vision of the Grail by asking the question Buddha asked of his charioteer; “What is wrong with you?” Many other knights on the Grail Quest had failed to ask it, to much wailing and sorrow.

     Like Parsifal, Chance is a figure of the Holy Fool, the child who points out that the Emperor has no clothes. When Mr Rand tells Chance, “I’m not afraid of dying anymore. I’m ready to trade the Horn of Plenty for the Horn of Gabriel,” it is clear that in Chance he has found redemption.  

     From Garden to Wasteland and back again; Chance’s progression follows the quest of Dante for Beatrice, but without a transformative realization. Part of this initiation pattern can be seen in the tension of images between the Garden and the Wasteland.

     The image of the Garden has an interesting history; in the Koran it is called Hasht Bihesht, the Eight Paradises visited by Mohammed on his Night Journey.  Like the labyrinth-gardens of medieval Europe, the Islamic water garden reflected the order of a universe unfolding according to divine will, represented a plan of progress on the pilgrim’s journey toward the Infinite, and provided an immediate metaphor of rebirth in its cycles of decay and growth.

     Dante’s vision of a multileveled universe is similar to the Koran’s; they also share the concepts of a divine mercy and justice in the afterlife, a vision gained in an Otherworld journey, and conceptualize the Infinite as inclusive of the feminine, the Beloved.

     The English word “Paradise” has its roots in the Persian pairi, around, and deiza, wall; a walled garden. Its Greek form, paradeisoi, comes from Xeonophon’s Socratic discourse, the Oeconomics, a history of the Persian war of 400 B.C.  Virgil referred to the sacred groves around Roman temples as a paradisus. The word first appeared in Middle English as paradis in 1175 in a Biblical passage” God ha hine brohte into paradis.”

     The identification of Paradise with the Garden of Eden happened quite early, during the Babylonian captivity of the Jews from which they were released by Cyrus the Great in 538 B.C. During this time, Judaism assimilated the Sumerian-Babylonian Paradise, the Garden of the Gods, from the Epic of Gilgamesh.

 Gilgamesh describes his vision of the Garden: “In this immortal garden stands the Tree, with trunk of gold and beautiful to see. Beside a sacred fount the Tree is placed, with emeralds and unknown gems is graced.”

     Thus, at the end of the human journey we are brought to the beginning again. From its earliest times, Indo-European myth has held the idea of the afterlife as a return to the source and origin of life.

     In Being There, the Garden is contrasted with the Wasteland, the pervading economic malaise linked to the impotence and illness of both Mr Rand and the President as types of the Fisher King.

     Arthur’s Wasteland is a divine punishment for his inhumanity; Arthur mab Uthr means not “son of Uther” but “the Cruel”. The Historia Brittonum records that he once hanged two dozen children; in another incident he cut off the noses of the female relatives of a man who disturbed his banquet. Geoffrey of Monmouth based the figure of Arthur on the historical Macsen Wledig, a Welshman who became Emperor of Rome in 383 with the support of the legions in Britain. His story is told in the Mabinogi, in the tale of Culwich and Olwen. The literature of early Arthurian romance was written largely by monks both as a criticism of the system of chivalry and to connect Christianity to the Celtic literary heritage.

     Mythically, Arthur, a name meaning “the Bear”, is a figure of the Celtic Lord of the Animals. The usual pattern has him paired with a double-aspected Goddess who is both Mother and Bride, in Celtic terms Gog and Magog, literally son, son of Mother. Grendel and his mother are another example.

     In Being There, Chance’s relationship with the black maid, Louise, is superceded by that of Eve, Mr Rand’s wife. The dynamics between Louise and Eve are understandable in terms of the Goddess figures in the original sources from which the story of Eden was drawn in Genesis.

     Adams first wife was Lillith, a sensual black demoness who lived in a cave. An embodiment of the forces of nature, she is represented as a Trickster figure in medieval Jewish folklore. Adam, himself Lord of the Animals, both claimed them and completed their creation in naming them. Adam was born both male and female, a figure of wholeness split into the sexes when Eve was made from his female half.

     Eve’s banishment from the Garden is an Underworld journey paralleled by the story of Demeter and Persephone. Persephone, daughter of Demeter as Eve is the Maiden aspect of Lillith, is abducted by Pluto, King of the Underworld, to reign as his queen during winter. Demeter descends to the underworld to rescue her, and wins her freedom for half of each year, during which the land is fruitful.

     The transformation of Yahweh from King of the Underworld to an all-knowing, all-powerful creator was never complete in Judaism; until Roman times the Goddess was worshipped on a separate altar beside God. Even today, God’s wife, the Shekinah or Wisdom, is recognized in Jewish rituals such as the Lekha Dodi, which welcomes the Bride of God into the temple. In Christianity she became the Holy Spirit and Mary Theotikos, god-bearer or Mother of God. The Black Madonna found on many Catholic altars is a survival of Lillith, the Great Mother.

     The Wasteland period in Arthurian romance begins when Arthur’s queen, Guinevere, is abducted by the mad Lancelot du Lac, a champion of the spirits, in Saxon called alven or elves, in Gaelic called sidhe. She is reclaimed in a cataclysmic war against the sidhe led by Morgan LeFay, the Faerie Queen. After his death, Arthur is sent drifting in a boat toward the Isle of Avalon, the realm of faerie, signifying his completion of the initiation process and return to the feminine source of being.

     The Ramayana parallels major features of this initiation pattern. Rama is a Universal Monarch who wanders the jungle for nine years in a Wasteland period. His wife, Sita, who is a figure of Lakshmi, goddess of wealth and wife of Vishnu the Incarnator, is abducted by Ravanna, King of the Demons. She is Tempted by Ravanna to become Queen of the Underworld, but remains faithful to Rama. Rama, acting as Lord of the Animals, gathers an army of six million monkeys and a number of bears and attacks Ravanna’s island. Together with Hanuman the Monkey King, he reclaims Sita in a battle which pits demons against men, beasts, and gods; rather like the war in Irish mythology of the Tuatha deDanaan against the demonic Fomorians who dwell beneath the sea.

     The pivotal moment in Being There occurs when Chance fails to respond to Eve’s attempt at seduction. Incapable of sexual interest or Temptation, of initiation through assimilation of the feminine unconscious, Chance fails to unite with the Shekinah. The pattern of initiation, of internalizing projections or de-objectifying the Other, is disrupted. His mind, and the creative potential expressed by sexuality, is crippled by the wound of the Fisher King.

     Kosinski leads the reader to expect a transformative event in this scene, and then diverges wildly from the expected. The jarring discontinuity alerts us to his real intent and contribution; the creation of a new myth, a modern myth in which man has no defining relationship to the world and must make his own.

     The Temptation as an Underworld journey to reclaim the feminine creative force and emerge fully human, becoming an Original Man, is found in three sources which form a historical progression within a literary tradition. The direct antecedents of Being There are the story of Pwyll in the Mabinogi, Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, and Wagner’s Parsifal.

     In the first story of the Mabinogi, King Pwyll meets Arawn, King of the Underworld, while riding in the forest. They agree to trade places for a year; Arawn casts a spell which makes each look like the other.  During this time, Pwyll is Tempted by Arawn’s Queen, but resists her. His initiation complete, Pwyll returns home to become a just and merciful king. The second half of the story articulates a linked myth, the Underworld journey of the goddess Rhiannon, which parallels that of Persephone.

     Sir Gawain and the Green Knight is a more sophisticated story, a synthesis of Christian and pagan Celtic elements. Gawain, linked to Parsifal in other stories as a contrasting-complementary character, is a development of the Irish hero Cuchulainn. The Green Knight is both Christ and the Green Man, Celtic god of vegetative rebirth whose leafy face can be seen as a decorative motif in English churches. A parallel trickster-initiator figure in Islam is the Green Genie Khidr.

     Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table are feasting at Camelot when a strange knight enters the hall bearing an axe, a man made of vines and leaves in green armor. He issues a challenge, and by the laws of chivalry the request of a guest cannot be denied once he has been admitted to the hospitality of the castle; one of them must strike off his head, after which the Green Knight will return the blow. Gawain agrees, to avoid Arthur’s loss of honor. He chops off the Green Knight’s head, and the Knight picks up his head and speaks; “In one year you will come to my castle, and I will return the blow.”

     Gawain sets out on his quest a year later, and comes to the Castle Perilous, where he is tempted by its Queen. He resists, and is given her magic lace girdle to wear. Dressed in the Queen of the Underworld’s clothes, he goes to meet the Knight at a cavern called the Green Church. The Green Knight swings but stops his blow, just nicking Gawain’s neck in an act of redemption. The Green Knight tells him that the Castle Perilous is his own, and its Queen the wife of the Green Knight.

    Parallel elements include the Underworld journey and Castle, the Temptation by an Underworld Queen, an exchange of identities with an Underworld King, and a wandering or Wasteland period. The Beheading Game is a retelling of Cuchulainn’s contest for the kingship of Ulster in the epic Bricriu’s Feast.

     Chance is sent on an Underworld journey to Mr. Rand’s house, is Tempted by Eve, and takes the place of the Fisher King. The seduction scene is where the story of Chance breaks the initiation pattern. Like the Old Man, Chance bears the wound of the Fisher King. In the first chapter we learn, “The soil of his brain, the ground from which all his thoughts shot up, had been ruined forever.”

     In Wagner’s opera Parzival, the theme of Redemption also hinges on a Temptation. Anfortas, the Fisher King, is wounded by the Spear of Longinus, which pierced Christ’s side at the Passion. Parzival’s experience with his objectified Other in the form of the sensual Kundry’s kiss triggers his despair and eventual redemption. The Holy Fool becomes Redeemer through unification with the unconscious.

     Chance’s tragic flaw prevents him from undergoing a transformative initiation; he is the Holy Fool as pure symbol. Kosinski uses the interruption of a mythic pattern as social critique; the mold of man is broken. Like Theseus, we must find our way through the Labyrinth of the Minotaur, but without Ariadne’s Thread to guide us. Like Mersault in The Stranger, Chance is the ultimate image of modern man’s pathology of disconnectedness. He is, perhaps, the only Redeemer we deserve.

     Or, perhaps Kosinski’s message is a more simple, hopeful one: First, we must recognize that we are on a journey toward becoming human. Second, we have no map of transformative process to guide us. Therefore, each of us must reinvent how to be human.

      Kosinski beneath the illusion of a savage and nihilistic Absurdism like that of Samuel Beckett in his final form in the Malone Trilogy is a Catholic theologian of the Thomist school like Flannery O’Connor, who has lived a myth and can teach us how to witness horrors and survive without losing our humanity or our power to question authority.    

     Chance’s redemptive power rests on his innocence; he is the child who speaks truth to power, who knows the Emperor has no clothes, an Adamic man in his uncorrupted state, the Fool who can achieve a vision of the Infinite.

    Bodidharma, the founder of Zen, once had an interview with the Emperor of China.

     The Emperor said to him, ” I have donated money to the poor, I have built orphanages, hospitals, and monasteries. How much merit have I accumulated in heaven?”

     To which Bodidharma said, “None whatsoever.”

Being There  anniversary trailer

full film remastered

https://ok.ru/video/1825715391023

Being There, Jerzy Kosiński

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/677877.Being_There?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_11

The Painted Bird – Official Trailer

The Painted Bird, Jerzy Kosiński

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/18452.The_Painted_Bird

T.S. Eliot, Poet for a Fallen Culture

The Hollow Men read by Jeremy Irons

                        Being There the Film, a reading list

Oral Pleasure: Kosinski as Storyteller, Jerzy Kosiński, Barbara Tepa Lupack

 (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/17120292-oral-pleasure

Being There in the Age of Trump, Barbara Tepa Lupack

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/116268099-being-there-in-the-age-of-trump

https://deadline.com/2019/08/being-there-movie-40th-anniversary-peter-sellers-donald-trump-1202706505/

https://www.cineaste.com/fall2017/being-there

https://www.filmsite.org/bein.html

http://www.thecinessential.com/being-there/televising-reality

http://www.thecinessential.com/being-there/reflection

https://deepfocusreview.com/definitives/being-there /

https://www.rogerebert.com/reviews/great-movie-being-there-1979

Being There 1979 : Film Analysis/Review -Symbolism, Esoteric Paradigms, and the Creation of Reality

        Sources of the Master and His Disciple: Eliot and Kosinski

The Green Knight (2021 Movie) Official Trailer

Wagner – Parsifal – Elming, Sotin, Watson, Sinopoli Bayreuth 1998

    Fun facts about Wagnerian opera for Pride Month; the King of Bavaria, Louis the Second, most famous for building Neuschwanstein Castle, was Richard Wagner’s lover and patron, and the beautiful music they created together as mythologist and composer remains an unacknowledged monument to the triumph of love unbound by the limits of our form.

Wagner’s Parsifal: The Music of Redemption, Roger Scruton

 The Redeemer Reborn: Parsifal as the Fifth Opera of Wagner’s Ring,

Paul Schofield

Wagner’s Parsifal, William Kinderman

PARSIFAL: The Will and Redemption: “Exploring Richard Wagner’s Final Treatise”, John Mastrogiovanni

Wagner’s Parsifal: An Appreciation in the Light of His Theological Journey,

Richard H. Bell Jr.

Parsifal, Wolfram von Eschenbach

Parsifal, Peter Vansittart

The Mabinogion: The First Branch (Annotated): Pwyll Pendefig Dyfed,

Charlotte Guest, Kaitlyn Tupper (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/195818354-the-mabinogion

The Feast Of Bricriu, George Henderson

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/6056099-the-feast-of-bricriu

Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, Unknown, Bernard O’Donoghue

 (Translator)

The Poems of T. S. Eliot, 1: Collected and Uncollected Poems, T.S. Eliot,

Christopher Ricks  (Editor)

The Grail Legend, Emma Jung, Marie-Louise von Franz

Romance of the Grail: The Magic and Mystery of Arthurian Myth,

Joseph Campbell

Arthurian Romance: A Short Introduction, Derek Pearsall

                     T.S. Eliot, a reading list

The Poems of T. S. Eliot, 1: Collected and Uncollected Poems, T.S. Eliot,

Christopher Ricks  (Editor)

The Poems of T. S. Eliot, 2: Christopher Ricks

The Art of T.S. Eliot, Helen Gardner

Invisible Poet: T.S. Eliot, Hugh Kenner

Discovering Modernism: T.S. Eliot and His Context, Louis Menand

The World Broke in Two: Virginia Woolf, T.S. Eliot, D.H. Lawrence, E.M. Forster and the Year that Changed Literature, Bill Goldstein

T.S. Eliot: An Imperfect Life, Lyndall Gordon

Redeeming Time: T.S. Eliot’s Four Quartets, Kenneth Paul Kramer

When the Eternal Can Be Met: The Bergsonian Theology of Time in the Works of C. S. Lewis, T. S. Eliot, and W. H. Auden, Corey Latta

Man With a Hoe, by Jean-François Millet

Drawn into the Light: Jean-François Millet, Alexandra R. Murphy, Jean-François Millet (Artist)

March 24 2026 Argentina’s Day of Remembrance for Truth and Justice and the Falsification of History

     Argentina’s new President Javier Milei has begun the rewriting of history, the whitewashing of the crimes against humanity of his brutal and depraved role model during the 1976-1983 dictatorship, and the erasure of its victims.

     Like all fascist tyrants, Milei attempts to capture us in a killing jar of echoes and reflections, lies and illusions, rewritten histories, authorized identities, and alternate realities; the Wilderness of Mirrors, to use former CIA Chief of Counter Intelligence Angleton’s iconic metaphor of falsification through propaganda and thought control.

      Wilderness of Mirrors, a phrase from T.S. Eliot’s Gerontin, is one I use to describe the pathology of falsification of ourselves through propaganda which devours truths. This I disambiguate in comparison with its opposite, journalism and the witness of history as the sacred calling to pursue the truth. We are made counterfeits of ourselves by systems of elite hegemonic power such as patriarchy, racism, and capitalism, and by those who would enslave us, through capture of our stories as theft of the soul.

     James Angleton, on whom John Le Carre based his character of George Smiley, infamously used the phrase in this sense as well, and it has become universalized throughout the intelligence community he shaped and influenced during the Second World War and its aftermath the Cold War. Writing in reference to David Martin’s biography of himself entitled Wilderness of Mirrors, Angleton described it as a “myriad of stratagems, deceptions, artifices, and all the other devices of disinformation which the Soviet bloc and its coordinated intelligence services use to confuse and split the West … an ever fluid landscape where fact and illusion merge.” And of course, everything he ascribed to the Soviets was also true of himself, his own agency, and America as well, and of all states, for all are houses of illusion.

    The Netflix telenovela Operation Mincemeat uses the phrase, in a story about the creation of a fictitious officer bearing documents designed to trick the Nazis into preparing for the invasion of Europe somewhere other than Sicily, a series I watched with rapt attention because each of us is created by our stories exactly like this false identity attached to the body of a derelict. Within each of us, a team of authors create our personae through stories, a network of memories, histories, and identity; and as systems in which we are embedded they do so for their own purposes, which we do not always understand and is  not always iun our best interests.  

     As T. S. Eliot has written in Gerontin, “After such knowledge, what forgiveness? Think now

History has many cunning passages, contrived corridors

And issues, deceives with whispering ambitions,

Guides us by vanities”

      We are such stuff as dreams are made on, as Shakespeare teaches us in Act IV, Scene 1 of The Tempest, a line spoken by Ariel. For if we are ephemeral and insubstantial beings, constructions of our stories, this also means that the ontological nature of human being is a ground of struggle which can be claimed by seizures of power.

      The first question to ask of a story is, whose story is this?

      Always there remains the struggle between the stories we tell about ourselves and those told about us by others; the masks we make for ourselves and those made for us by others.

      This is the first revolution in which we all must fight, the struggle for ownership of ourselves.

      Who then shall we become? Asks our self of surfaces, images, and masks which each moment negotiates our boundaries with others.

     To which our secret self, the self of darkness and of passion, the self that lives beyond the mirror and knows no limits, unbound by time and space and infinite in possibilities, replies; Who do you want to become?

     Our goal in revolutionary struggle is to seize the legitimacy and authority of the enemy, to take their power, by claiming the moral high ground, shaping opinion through control of the narratives and building solidarity by championing the people against those who would enslave us.

     For who stands alone, dies alone; and who stands in solidarity and abandons not his fellows becomes unstoppable as the tides.

     When tyrants come to steal our souls with their web of lies, let them find a humankind not divided by fear or abject in despair and learned helplessness, but united in our solidarity and guarantorship of each other’s universal human rights and Unconquered in refusal to submit.

    As written by Jordana Timerman in The Guardian, in an article entitled Argentina was the model of how to survive a dictatorship. Javier Milei is changing that: By questioning the scale of atrocities and deriding human rights activists, Milei is dismantling the consensus over the country’s dirty war; “     Today marks the 50th anniversary of the military coup that ushered in Argentina’s last dictatorship in 1976. For decades, the date has marked one of the country’s most powerful civic rituals. Each year, tens of thousands of Argentinians take to the streets to commemorate the victims of state terror and reaffirm their democratic commitment to memoria, verdad y justicia – memory, truth and justice. What began as a demand from grieving families searching for an estimated 30,000 disappeared gradually became something larger: the moral language that defined Argentina’s post-dictatorship democracy.

     But this anniversary arrives at a moment when that moral compass is under assault. Argentina’s president, Javier Milei, relishes flouting taboos around the country’s democratic consensus, questioning the scale of the dictatorship’s atrocities, celebrating the military and deriding activists as corrupt opportunists. As president, Milei has marked each anniversary of the coup with controversial videos questioning the number of victims or equating state repression with violence by leftist guerrilla groups. This year, rumours swirl that he could pardon military officers convicted in landmark crimes against humanity trials – a move that would shatter a central pillar of Argentina’s post-dictatorship settlement. What was once treated as untouchable has become a battleground.

     A radical rightwing president challenging a longstanding democratic settlement is a familiar story. But Milei’s actions also reflect a harder truth: Argentina’s post-dictatorship consensus was always more fragile and incomplete than it appeared.

     From the beginning of the democratic transition in 1983, debates over the violence of the past divided the country. Initial efforts towards accountability such as the Nunca Más (Never Again) report and the landmark Trial of the Juntas, both under former president Raúl Alfonsín, were quickly followed by laws limiting further trials, passed under pressure from the armed forces. The “theory of the two demons” became a dominant interpretive lens – an idea that minimised the reality of systematic state terror by framing the period as a tragic conflict between the government and leftwing guerilla groups.

     Yet thanks to the efforts of activists – many of them relatives of the dictatorship’s victims – a broad moral framework gradually consolidated. The dictatorship’s crimes were increasingly recognised as uniquely illegitimate, and demands for justice for the disappeared became central to Argentina’s democratic narrative. Human rights organisations such as the Mothers and Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo rose from activist groups to national moral authorities.

     But this consensus began to fracture precisely as it consolidated.

     In the period between 2003 and 2015, leaders such as Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner overturned old amnesty laws, thus enabling the prosecution of hundreds of dictatorship-era crimes. At the same time, the language of human rights was embedded across school curriculums and public commemorations. These policies expanded victim recognition and deepened the country’s reckoning with its past.

     Yet for critics, this approach came to be perceived as an ideological project: the appropriation of historical memory for political legitimacy. And for the disenchanted, the policies came to represent hollow symbolism from leaders who seemed unable to solve the country’s deeper crises.

     Milei is hardly the instigator of Argentina’s memory wars, but his government has taken denialism further than any predecessor, turning it into state policy: slashing funding for human rights bodies and investigation of dictatorship crimes, labelling education about the dictatorship as “indoctrination” and openly promoting the discredited “two demons” narrative. UN human rights experts have warned of “alarming setbacks” in Argentina’s historic commitment to memory, truth and justice. Milei now shouts to stadium crowds what was once whispered behind closed doors, framing these fights as a backlash against activist excess – the same playbook used against feminism and other progressive movements.

     Milei’s electoral victory reflects a generational shift in priorities. Many Argentinians who supported Milei have no personal memory of the dictatorship, but their lives have been marked by other democratic failures: economic instability, declining living standards and a dysfunctional, sclerotic political elite. The failure of political and intellectual leaders who called on voters to reject Milei in the name of democracy in 2023 suggests something uncomfortable: that the democratic consensus itself has become associated with an establishment widely seen as having failed.

     None of this diminishes the extraordinary achievements of Argentina’s human rights movement. Few countries have pursued accountability so persistently. The trials of former military officials, the recovery of stolen children by the Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo and the transformation of former torture centres into public memorials are remarkable examples of democratic memory.

     Nor should Milei’s flouting of democratic taboos, calculated to incense opponents, be mistaken for the complete collapse of Argentina’s human rights culture. When lawmakers aligned with Milei visited imprisoned dictatorship-era officers in 2024, the backlash was swift and overwhelming. In 2017, when the supreme court moved to reduce sentences for convicted human rights violators, tens of thousands took to the streets and pushed congress to reverse it within days.

     These reactions suggest that while the political meaning of memory is now fiercely contested, most Argentinians still honour a boundary. Seventy per cent of Argentinians have a negative opinion of the dictatorship, according to a new poll. The dictatorship’s crimes may be debated in new ways, and the language surrounding them may function as partisan identity. But the idea that those crimes must remain punishable – and remembered – still commands broad support.

     The rumours about pardoning those convicted officers are probably just that – but their function is not legislative. Like much of Milei’s rhetoric around the dictatorship, they are designed to provoke, to keep opponents permanently mobilised and off-balance, and to signal to his base that he is willing to say what others won’t. It channels political energy into cultural battles while his government implements painful austerity measures.

     Every 24 March, the same slogans will probably continue to echo through Argentina’s streets: memory, truth and justice. But 50 years after the coup, the march can no longer pretend to express a settled national story. It has returned to its origins: an activist struggle over how the country understands its past, debates its present and contests its national narrative – one that has always been disputed and remains so today.”

      As written last year by Facundo Iglesia in The Guardian, in an article entitled  ‘Justification of dictatorship’: outcry as Milei rewrites Argentina’s history; “Human rights groups in Argentina have raised the alarm over President Javier Milei’s attempts to rewrite history on the eve of the annual day of remembrance for the thousands of victims of the country’s brutal 1976-1983 dictatorship.

     Thousands of protesters will take to the streets on Sunday to mark the Day of Remembrance for Truth and Justice in Argentina, a holiday commemorating the 30,000 victims of the dictatorship, called “desaparecidos”. The date usually sees Argentina’s largest demonstrations of the year, with millions of citizens flooding the country’s streets to declare: “Nunca más” (never again).

     However, this 24 March will be different as it will be the first under Milei, a far-right libertarian who has consistently denied Argentinians’ long-standing consensus over the dictatorship’s crimes.

     “There were no 30,000,” Milei said provocatively during a presidential debate ahead of his election triumph last November. “For us, during the 70s, there was a war where excesses were committed.”

     Numerous Argentinian media outlets have reported that the government plans to release a video with its “official version” of what happened during the dictatorship before the 24 March mobilizations. The video will allegedly include an interview with Luis Labraña, a former member of the Montoneros Peronist organization, who has claimed he “made up” the 30,000 number. Some journalists have also claimed that the government plans to pardon incarcerated regime officials, although both Milei and his vice-president, Victoria Villarruel, have denied this.

     Lucía García Itzigsohn, the daughter of two desaparecidos, said: “We are very worried. Beyond our political positioning and the fact that history crosses us personally, this implies breaking the democratic pact.”

     “President Javier Milei and the highest authorities of the country repeat forms of denialism and relativism of state terrorism,” the Center of Legal and Social Studies (CELS), a human rights organization founded in 1979, said in a statement.

     Villarruel has been even more outspoken in her defense of Argentina’s former military rulers. She is the niece of Ernesto Guillermo Villarruel, who was in charge of the Vesubio clandestine detention center during the dictatorship. Like Milei, she has said that the dictatorship was “a war” between “terrorists” and the armed forces.

     Ezequiel Adamovsky said such ideas were fringe in the 1990s, when only small  far-right groups put the crimes of the guerrillas on the same level as those committed by the military regime, but became somewhat normalized under president Mauricio Macri. But he warned that the Argentinian right wing has further radicalized its discourse regarding the dictatorship. “What we are talking about now is no longer denialism, it is directly a justification of the dictatorship,” Adamovsky said.

     Analysts and human rights groups warn that this discourse has consequences: CELS said tributes were now being paid in military barracks to regime officials convicted of crimes against humanity with the endorsement of the political authorities.

     On Wednesday, the organization Hijos – which was founded by the children of desaparecidos – reported that one of its activists had been tied, beaten and sexually assaulted in her home, in what they called a “politically motivated attack”.

     The attackers painted “VLLC” on one of the walls, the acronym for Milei’s catchphrase “Viva la libertad, carajo” (“Long live freedom, dammit”). “We are here to kill you,” they reportedly told her.

     “Hate speech is the breeding ground for violent actions and crimes,” tweeted the campaign group Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo, which was created in 1977 by grandmothers seeking their grandchildren, born in captivity and kidnapped by the dictatorship, and often raised within military families.

      García Itzigsohn, a member of Hijos, said Milei had not called the victim or the organization to condemn the attack. Nor has he done so publicly.

     Moreover, Milei’s head digital strategist during his presidential campaign, Fernando Cerimedo, claimed on X that the attack was a fabrication. “People want the truth,” Cerimedo said in an interview. “And [the fact that there were] 30,000 is a lie.”

     Adamovsky said questioning the number was “an act of bad faith”. “The number is an estimation that was made with the very little information available at that moment,” he said, adding that military documents that were declassified in 2006 revealed that the military had disappeared or killed close to 22,000 people between 1975 and 1978, a whole five years before the end of the dictatorship.

     Due to the illegal nature of the repression and the fact that there was a pact of silence in the military, the exact number cannot be attained, Adamovsky said. “The right wing exploits the seeming gap between the reported cases and the symbolic number to imply human rights groups are lying,” he added.

     This week Milei’s defense minister, Luis Petri, appeared in a photograph with the wives of imprisoned dictatorship officials, who are demanding their husbands be freed. Argentina held its first trial against such criminals in 1985, and they are still taking place to this day. A spokesperson for the minister claimed Petri appeared in the picture “by chance” and had spoken with them for “less than two seconds”.

     García Itzigsohn said that Argentinians would not back down despite the government’s provocations. “There are 40 years of democratic tradition in our country that cannot be thrown away only because these people have a provocative style,” she said. “There are regulations, there are laws, and there will also be a people marching on 24 March who will make it very clear to them.”

        As I wrote in my post of November 27 2023, A Fascist Shadow Captures Argentina: Javier Milei; Tyranny now speaks to us through a new mask, as El Loco takes center stage in Argentina. The maelstrom of fear, power, and force which creates tyrannies of force and control, births wars of imperial conquest and dominion, and finds its final form in genocides and dehumanization are universal systems of oppression, legacies of our history from which we must emerge.

     Evil originates in fear, often overwhelming and generalized fear given form and a target by authorities in service to power. The centralization of power to carceral states is inherent in human societies because its causes are; hence the elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege which rely on hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness and the subjugation of slave castes.

     To make an idea about a kind of people is an act of violence.

      Politics is the Art of Fear, as my father taught me, and in Argentina our fear speaks to us as an echo and reflection of our own, and reveals the parasitism of America’s relationships with the world throughout our history.

      Herein I speak of the Red Scare, the Hollywood Blacklist, and other nationalist forms of social force which used fear to manufacture consent, centralize power, and legitimize authority in the wake of the Second World War.

    This was our Second Imperial Period, from the end of World War Two to the Fall of the Soviet Union, influenced by our assimilation of the Nazi elite into our intelligence and special forces communities at their founding, as the OSS became the CIA and the Jedburg teams became the Green Berets.

     The First American Empire being the Conquest and policies of Manifest Destiny which began with the genocide of the Native Americans, become global with the war against the Barbary Pirates of North Africa which founded the Marines, reached apogee in our 1898 conquest of the Spanish Empire which gave us The Philippine Islands, Cuba, and Guam while we stole the Hawaiian Islands because we could, and ended with the fall of civilization in The War to End All Wars.

     The Third Empire or Imperial Period of American history begins with Nine Eleven and the antidemocratic Patriot Act, and possibly ends with our abandonment of Afghanistan; this remains unwritten, and rests now in our hands.

     How has the anticommunist hysteria of the post World War Two era, which I call the Second Empire, reshaped America and the world? 

     First a cultural total war waged by the state against its own citizens which gave us reversals of our values like In God We Trust on our money which asks us not to believe in the Infinite but in the authority of the state to speak in His name, the Pledge of Allegiance which substitutes the state for ourselves as its co-owners as the source of authority in a free society of equals and for our loyalty to one another as solidarity and a band of brothers, sisters, and others.

     Second a war of imperial dominion which enforces elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege throughout the world, sometimes focused on seizures of oil as a strategic resource but also simply occupying spaces as in a game of go. Examples of America’s global campaign of terror and tyranny through proxy states proliferates quickly from the codification of the Jakarta Method by the CIA in 1965 versus Sukarno, and become an endless litany of woes, atrocities, depravities, genocides and slave labor; the Mayan Genocide in Guatemala and the covert Central American wars which resulted in the Iran-Contra Scandal, America’s ferocious and depraved alliance with the Apartheid regime of South Africa, the Thousand Day War in Vietnam, a whole Gordian Knot of nastiness and interventions including our mad assassination attempts against Fidel Castro, Patrice Lumumba, and other heroes of liberation struggle whom an America true to our founding ideals would have hailed as brothers in anticolonial revolution and stood with rather than against.

     In Argentina, the echoes and reflections of our history confront us with the consequences of failure of empathy as the subversion of democracy, and we should all pay attention to the man behind the curtain as the lights of liberty wink out and fall into darkness one by one across the world.

     For as George Santayana teaches us in The Life of Reason; “Those who forget their history are doomed to repeat it.”

     As written by Tom Phillips in The Guardian, in an article entitled Who is Javier Milei? Argentina’s new far-right president ‘El Loco’ takes the stage

Likened to Wolverine and Trump and nicknamed ‘the madman’, the former TV pundit is known for his prolific swearing and pledge to take a chainsaw to the machinery of state; “Friends and foes of Argentina’s next president compare him to his fellow right-wing populists Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro. Others have called the wild-haired economist a mix of Boris Johnson and the killer doll Chucky.

     But when Javier Milei’s image consultant conceived his unorthodox hairdo, she had two different men in mind: Elvis Presley and Wolverine.

     “He looks like Wolverine. He acts like Wolverine. He’s like an anti-hero,” Lilia Lemoine, a professional cosplayer turned congresswoman-elect, said of her anti-establishment ally during a recent interview in Buenos Aires.

      Lemoine, whose stage name is Lady Lemon, said she saw striking similarities between Argentina’s president-elect and the volatile Marvel character.

     “[Wolverine] is very loyal and brave … He can get really mad and be aggressive with his enemies – but only when he’s attacked. He will never ever kill someone or attack someone for no reason,” the 43-year-old said, insisting Milei also had a softer side.

     “He’s adorable,” Lemoine claimed in a pre-election interview, calling the far-right libertarian “the most wanted man in Argentina right now”.

     That has not always been the case. An unauthorised biography of Milei – who on Sunday trounced his Peronist rival in Argentina’s most important election in decades – paints him as a mercurial loner who suffered a childhood of parental abuse and schoolyard bullying during the 1980s and was given the nickname El Loco (The Madman). “More than Milei’s ideas, what worries me is his state of mind and emotional stability,” said the book’s author, Juan Luis González.

     A music-lover, Milei was the lead singer of a Rolling Stones cover band called Everest and, according to Lemoine, also enjoys Bob Marley and Verdi. “He loves opera. He sings opera. He’s not very good – but don’t say I said that,” she confided.

     Milei was more successful as a media personality, finding fame as an economic pundit on Argentinian TV shows where he would pontificate about both the misery of inflation and the joy of tantric sex. “Each man has his own dynamic. In my particular case, I ejaculate every three months,” Milei once boasted on air.

     Such titillating declarations – and Milei’s propensity for attention-grabbing foul-mouthed outbursts – made him a household name and helped him kickstart a career in politics around five years ago. The libertarian economist was elected to congress in 2021 for his party Libertad Avanza (Freedom Advances) party and was swept into the presidency this week by an tsunami of voter fury at the corruption and mismanagement that millions of voters blame for Argentina’s worst economic crisis in two decades.

     “The vote represents a desperate attempt at something new, come what may,” said Benjamin Gedan, an Argentina specialist from the Wilson Centre. “The option [voters had] was more of the same in catastrophic economic conditions or a radical gamble on a potentially bright future with a lot of downside risk.”

     Gedan believed there would be “a lot of buyer’s remorse in Argentina” if Milei pursued even a small fraction of his ideas. Those ideas include legalising the sale of human organs, dramatically slashing social spending, downplaying the crimes of Argentina’s 1976-83 dictatorship, and cutting ties with Argentina’s two most important trade partners, Brazil and China. On the campaign trail, Milei vowed to abolish Argentina’s central bank and dollarise the economy, and brandished a chainsaw intended to symbolise ferocious cuts he believes will help stabilise the economy and “exterminate” rampant inflation.

     Milei’s biography suggests some of those ideas may have come from his five cloned mastiff dogs who are named after economists including Murray Rothbard and Robert Lucas. “They are like two metres tall, they weigh like 100kg … He calls them his four-legged children,” said Lemoine, laughing off claims that Argentina’s future leader takes political advice from those animals.

     Many experts believe Milei will be forced to moderate after taking power next month and will struggle to implement his more controversial proposals. Milei’s party controls just 38 of 257 seats in Argentina’s lower house and eight of 72 in the senate.

     But on Sunday night Milei showed little sign of diluting his vision for South America’s second largest economy. “The changes this country needs are drastic,” he declared, announcing Trumpian plans to make Argentina great again.

     Even before Milei’s victory was complete, Lemoine said she was certain her friend – and his sideburns – would prevail.

     “I’m just happy because I saw it from the beginning. It’s nice to know that you were right even when nobody believed in it,” she said.”

      What is the meaning of this disruptive event? As written by Tom Phillips, Josefina Salomón, and Facundo Iglesia in The Guardian, in an article entitled Argentina presidential election: far-right libertarian Javier Milei wins after rival concedes: Victory for TV celebrity turned politician catapults South America’s second-largest economy into an unpredictable future; “Javier Milei, a volatile far-right libertarian who has vowed to “exterminate” inflation and take a chainsaw to the state, has been elected president of Argentina, catapulting South America’s second largest economy into an unpredictable and potentially turbulent future.

     With more than 99% of votes counted, the Mick Jagger impersonating TV celebrity-turned politician, who is often compared to Donald Trump, had secured 55.69% of the vote compared with 44.3% for his rival, the centre-left finance minister Sergio Massa.

     “Today the reconstruction of Argentina begins. Today is a historic night for Argentina,” Milei told jubilant supporters at his campaign headquarters in Buenos Aires, calling his victory a “miracle”.

     Milei promised “drastic changes” to tackle Argentina’s “tragic reality” of soaring inflation and widespread poverty. He also sent a message to the international community: “Argentina will return to the place in the world which it should never have lost.”

     Earlier, Massa – who received 11.5m votes to Milei’s 14.4m – conceded defeat.

     “Argentinians have chosen another path,” said Massa, who said he had called Milei to congratulate him on his victory and hinted he would retire from frontline politics.

     “Obviously these are not the results we hoped for and I have spoken to Javier Milei to congratulate him because he’s the president that the majority of Argentines have chosen for the next four years,” added Massa, whose Peronist movement has governed for 16 of the last 20 years.

    Pro-Milei activists rejoiced at the triumph of their 53-year-old leader, whom they describe as an economic visionary poised to lead Argentina out of one of the country’s worst economic crises in decades.

   “[I’m] happy, happy, happy,” said Francisco Jiménez, a 30-year-old delivery driver and Milei activist from Villa Soldati, a working-class area outside Buenos Aires.

    As he set off to join the party at Milei’s campaign HQ, Jiménez said he knew the result was likely to send Argentina’s peso tumbling against the dollar and cause more economic pain. “But I don’t think there is another option than trusting him. Now more than ever,” he added. “The situation is dire.”

     During his campaign, Milei – who will take office on 10 December – vowed to abolish the central bank and dollarise the economy in order to overcome a financial calamity that has left 40% of Argentina’s 45 million citizens in poverty and pushed inflation to more than 140%. “I know how to exterminate the cancer of inflation,” Milei proclaimed during last Sunday’s final presidential debate which most pundits believed Massa had won.

     Milei’s victory was celebrated by other big beasts of the global far-right including Brazil’s former president Jair Bolsonaro, who had championed his campaign and has promised to attend his inauguration. “Hope is sparkling in South America once again,” Bolsonaro wrote on X, hailing what he called a victory for “honesty, progress and freedom”.

     The former US president Donald Trump wrote: “The whole world was watching! I am very proud of you. You will turn your country around and truly Make Argentina Great Again.”

     His victory was also celebrated by X’s owner Elon Musk, who posted: “Prosperity is ahead for Argentina”.

     Brazil’s leftwing president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva – who Milei has repeatedly insulted as a corrupt “communist” – recognised Milei’s victory in a tepid social media post. “Democracy is the voice of the people and must always be respected,” Lula wrote, without mentioning Milei by name. “I wish the next government good luck and success. Argentina is a great country and deserves our complete respect,” Lula added.

     Colombia’s leftwing president, Gustavo Petro, lamented: “The extreme right has won in Argentina … [It is] sad for Latin America.” “Now say it without crying,” El Salvador’s right-wing president, Nayib Bukele, posted ironically in response.

     Milei’s leftwing opponents reacted with shock and dejection to the election of a notoriously erratic figure whose radical ideas include legalising the sale of organs, cutting ties with Argentina’s two biggest trade partners, Brazil and China, and closing more than a dozen ministries.

    Milei – a climate-denying populist who is known by the nickname El Loco (the Madman) – has also enraged millions of Argentinians by questioning the four-decade consensus over the crimes of its 1976-83 dictatorship, during which an estimated 30,000 people were killed by the military regime. His vice-presidential running mate is Victoria Villarruel, an ultra-conservative congresswoman who has played down the dictatorship’s sins.

     “He is way more excessive and unstable than [Jair] Bolsonaro and Trump. So it’s highly unpredictable what this person could do [in power],” Federico Finchelstein, an Argentinian historian who studies the global far right, said on the eve of Sunday’s election.

     Benjamin Gedan, the head of the Wilson Centre’s Argentina Project, said he believed one word explained the scale of Milei’s victory: desperation.

     “This vote just reeks of desperation. A lot of Argentines voted knowingly against their economic interests because they recognise that the status quo is catastrophic. And there was no reason to believe that the current finance minister could plausibly be the answer,” Gedan said. “It’s a huge gamble but not a completely irrational one.”

     Gedan said the election of such a radical and inexperienced political outsider thrust Argentina into uncharted waters.

     “The real risk is that Argentina melts down in his attempt to radically transform the economy. That would look like massive social unrest, national strikes by unions, potential political violence and stresses against the democratic institutions. There is a pretty dark scenario if in fact he pursues aggressively his maximalist vision for Argentina.”

     After hours of tension, there was an explosion of noise on the streets of Buenos Aires as news of the result spread and citizens reacted with a mixture of joy, apprehension and anger.

     “Vamos Milei, the change is coming!” one woman could be heard shouting from a balcony in Recoleta, not far from the president-elect’s campaign HQ.

     “Never again!” a male voice bellowed, in reference to the human rights violations that took place under Argentina’s military regime. “Milei is the dictatorship”.”

     As a historical force, Milei represents anti-Peronist and anti-Catholic capitalism very like that which America exported in Operation Condor, which included the assassination of the glorious Salvador Allende, and echoes the anti Liberation Theology rhetoric and ideology once used to capture Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras as de facto colonies under the Reagan Plan.

      As written by Uki Goñi in The Guardian, in an article entitled The ‘false prophet’ v the pope: Argentina faces clash of ideologies in election; “ In one corner of the ring stands Javier Milei, 52, self-described former tantric sex coach, outsider anarcho-capitalist and frontrunner in Argentina’s upcoming presidential elections; in the other, his compatriot Pope Francis, 86, world champion of the poor, repeatedly derided by Argentina’s likely next president as “a fucking communist” and “the representative of the evil one on Earth” for promoting the doctrine of “social justice” to aid the underprivileged.

     Milei, a political unknown until 2020, has pledged to wage a “cultural battle” to transform Argentina into a libertarian paradise where capitalist efficiency replaces social assistance, taxes are reduced to a minimum and cash-strapped individuals are allowed to sell their body organs on the open market.

     From Rome, Pope Francis has expressed grave concern about the rise of such callous policies in his home country. “The extreme right always reconstructs itself, it is the triumph of selfishness over communitarianism,” he said in a television interview in March when asked about Argentina’s upcoming elections.

     In words that seemed to be referring to Milei, the only candidate in the 22 October vote with no political experience prior to 2021, the pope added: “I am terrified of saviours of the nation without a political party history.”

     The pope’s doctrine of social justice is synonymous to theft in Milei’s Liberty Advances party because it relies on tax revenues. “Jesus didn’t pay taxes,” Milei once tweeted, tagging the Pope’s official account.

     In a vein-popping victory speech after Argentina’s open primaries on 13 August, a tousle-haired Milei promised the demise of government benefits because they are “based on that atrocity that says that where there is a need, a right is born, its maximum expression being that aberration called social justice”.

     Milei has trolled Francis with repetitive toxic tweets calling him a “communist turd”, a “piece of shit” and accusing the pontiff of “preaching communism to the world”.

     Juan Grabois, a progressive Peronist with close links to the pontiff, and who lost the Peronist candidacy to current economy minister Sergio Massa, calls Milei a “false prophet” but attributes his rise to Argentina’s dire economic crisis.

     “With inflation over 115% plus a 25% drop in the purchasing power of informal workers in the last seven years, voters would have to possess impossible political maturity to vote again for those who have failed them so completely,” Grabois told the Observer.

     Voters disenchanted with both the rightwing Together for Change party, which held office up to 2019, and the incumbent Peronists have migrated in droves to newcomer Milei. “The music of the pied piper sounds sweet to those who have lost all hope. But there’s no point in blaming voters or the pied piper himself, we have to address the mistakes made by those of us who have a humanist concept of politics,” says Grabois.

     Humanist is not a term that could be applied to Milei’s economics. Apart from legalising the sale of body organs, his spiky agenda proposes “dynamiting” the Central Bank, abolishing Argentina’s tuition-free public education system and disbanding free public health services. Milei is also treading fearlessly into anti-woke territory saying he will reinstate the ban on abortion, legalised in 2020, shut down the ministry of women, gender and diversity, as well as the ministries of science – “climate change is a socialist lie” – health, education, labour and public works, and will legalise the sale of firearms.

     Despite this heady mix, Milei is broadly considered the undisputed shoo-in president appealing particularly to young underprivileged men. Milei took 30% of the vote in the open primaries earlier this month against 28% for Patricia Bullrich of United for Change and 27% for Peronist candidate Massa. Milei’s rise has been nothing short of mesmerising. A long-time economist for Argentinian billionaire Eduardo Eurnekian, he became a television star five years ago as a wild-haired economist and tantric sex coach who boasted on air about his sexual stamina and his taste for threesomes, assuring him wall-to-wall appearances on daytime talkshows.

     These televised outbursts have many wondering if Milei could become unhinged under the stress of an eventual presidency.

     “What happens if an unstable country is ruled by an unstable leader?”, asks journalist Juan González, author of a Milei biography titled El Loco (The Madman) published last month. “I’m worried he will actually try to push through his impracticable economic theories further devastating the economy and provoking violent social unrest.”

     Milei is aware of the likelihood of violent street protests. “I’m going to put the leaders of those who throw stones in jail and if they surround the Casa Rosada [the presidential palace] they’re going to have to carry me out dead,” he said recently. More pragmatically, he has announced plans to incorporate the military into battling the “new threats” of narco gangs, human traffickers and possibly internal strife.

     In a country that will celebrate four decades of uninterrupted democracy after decades of military rule when the new president takes office on 10 December 10, the prospect of the military reassuming a role in “internal conflicts” is raising alarms.

     “The remiliarisation of security and intelligence is being proposed with military commandos ready for quick strategic intervention at the national level: this idea of national security is very problematic,” said Paula Litvachky, director of the Centre for Legal and Social Studies human rights organisation.

     The pope has not said if Milei’s tirades have got under his skin. “I know they say things about me but I ignore it for my mental health,” he said in a television interview. “I will pray for them.”

     To place this disruptive event in historical context, we must see it as an echo and reflection of Operation Condor.

     As I wrote in my post of January 19 2023, Echoes and Reflections of American Imperialism and Operation Condor in South America’s Destabilized Democracies; By my writing desk hangs a reproduction of Théodore Géricault’s painting of 1818, The Raft of the Medusa, so brilliantly interrogated in Julian Barnes’ History of the World in 10 ½ Chapters, which I think marvelous and a perfect allegory of our current political, economic, and environmental dilemma as a metaphor of capitalism and fascism as forms of cannibalism of humankind and of democracy, the primary causes of the immanent collapse of our civilization, and possibly also of the extinction of our species. Just to remind myself of what is at stake in this moment of history and in revolutionary struggle, and in my writing here as a witness of history and a sacred calling in pursuit of truth.

    Monstrous evils of systemic inequality have yet again emerged from the darkness like an ambush predator to seize the nations of Central and South America in its jaws, and it is no accident but by design. Tyranny seeks the fall of democracy through the falsification, infiltration, and subversion of its institutions, in an echo and reflection of the CIA’s Operation Condor which once enacted imperial conquest and dominion of our hemisphere as Manifest Destiny.

    In the destabilization and capture of the state through economic, social, and political warfare in Peru, the ruin of Venezuela in relentless assaults which have rendered it a failed state, and in the absurd and horrific January Insurrections in Brazil and in America itself two years ago led by Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, the United States of America has acted as a proxy and sock puppet of the Fourth Reich.

     Far more than this can be laid at our door, including the collapse and ruin of Central America and the Columbia-Venezuela no man’s land of barbarism, the failed state of Mexico and the monumental challenges facing the people of Chile, all results of American intervention driven by the elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege which our nation serves.

     These are the imposed conditions of revolutionary struggle we now face throughout the Americas and the world. We are abandoned by our leaders and those who would enslave us and adrift on a tiny raft of civilization founded in the forum of Athens as a free society of equals which questions itself, as we are eating each other in learned helplessness and despair.

      To this existential crisis of faith in one another and hope for our future we may answer with the powers which yet remain to us as human beings; love, hope, faith, refusal to submit to authority, and solidarity of action in resistance.

     Here is the great test of our humanity posed by the Rashomon Gate Event of our historical moment; who do we want to become, we humans; masters and slaves doomed to failure and nothingness, or a United Humankind living now at the dawn of our glory?

         Of Operation Condor I have written in my journal of April 7 2021, How American Imperialism Created Our Humanitarian Crisis at the Border; Forty six years ago this April, America launched Operation Condor, a global campaign to destabilize and repress socialist governments and movements and defend capitalism as a hegemonic force and its elite hierarchies of wealth, power, and privilege. This remains relevant to us today because it is the origin of many of the push forces driving waves of refugees to our border, and the horrific humanitarian crisis and test of our democracy created by American imperialism.

     Migration is a word which conceals both the conditions which trigger it and our own complicity in creating them as consequences of our decades long policies of colonialism, anticommunist militarism, and economic warfare; ecological devastation with its drought and famine, poverty and social and political destabilization, an age of tyranny and state terror, genocide and ethnic cleansing, weaponized faith and its patriarchal sexual terror, and multigenerational wars.

     In terms of refugees fleeing to America for safety and survival as well as liberty and equality we are mainly speaking of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua, though the hell zone of Columbia and Venezuela now accounts for many, and with the collapse of central authority in Mexico and its degeneration into a region of warlords, oligarchs, and feudal crime syndicates we have refugees from Mexico itself as well as the traditional seasonal laborers.

     Migrant labor is slave labor; this is the great truth America has never confronted and must now answer for in the suffering masses at our border. Entire sectors of our economy run on it; agriculture in which labor becomes a strategic resource as we starve without it, but also child and elder care, hospitality, and some manufacture. America’s wealth and power is created for us by others to whom we export the real costs of production, others who must remain invisible and exploitable as unregulated illegal labor to wring every ounce of value from them for our elites. Thus we weaponize economic disparity in service to power and privilege, and create and maintain hierarchies of exclusionary otherness and white supremacy.

     Interests of elite hegemonies of wealth and power converge here with those of racial privilege and white supremacy in historic toxicity, in parallel with the rise of the carceral state as an instrument for the re-enslavement of Black citizens as prison labor and the repression of the Civil Rights Movement, and have done so from their origins. One such origin point is America’s appropriation, concealment, and instrumentalization of Nazi war criminals in the repression of dissent and the conquest of the world.

     The Fourth Reich of which Trump was a figurehead did not emerge from nothing like Athena from the head of Zeus, but was an invention of American imperialism. As such its history and character as a global threat to democracy can be studied in the crisis of refugees and migration to which it has given birth, and in the legacies of our nation’s use of fascism as an instrument of dominion in the Americas, for as we were using it to conquer others, it was using us to seize the United States of America and the world.

     As I wrote in my post of February 18 2020, Guatemala: Our Heart of Darkness;  As we abduct and lockdown refugees in concentration camps and secret prisons, and drive others back into a Mexico whose government is supine before the power of its criminal organizations, we must reflect on the causes of this historic mass migration from Central America’s Dry Corridor of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua; why is this happening, and what can be done to fix the problems which are driving it?

     Drought and famine caused by global warming and climate change are clear immediate causes and triggering stressors of the current migration, which are rooted in the history of American colonialism and capitalist economic warfare.     These conditions have worsened longstanding issues of endemic poverty and pervasive violence and criminality, legacies of historical colonialism and American imperialist and capitalist policies and interventions, which I have described in my post of September 4 2019;  There is an interesting connection between the chaos we created in Central America which is driving a mass exodus of immigration to our borders and the conspiracy theory of Islamic replacement of Europeans which inspires our greatest terrorist threat today; many of the white supremacists who ruled Algeria as a colony of France, mainly former Nazi soldiers who joined the Foreign Legion after the end of World War Two, were after its fall in 1962 hired by the government of the United States to rule El Salvador and Guatemala as puppet regimes to protect our corporate profits.

     With them came the same ideology and dream of a homeland and asylum for escaped Nazis, and a secure base of operations and launchpad for the Fourth Reich, as with those who fled the fall of the colony of Algeria as a white ethnostate to France and blamed Charles de Gaulle for its abandonment, and whose descendants now form the core of Jean-Marie Le Pen’s National Front.

     Among the direct effects of the secret partnership between America and our former Nazi adversaries include:

     The 1954 seizure of Guatemala by Eisenhower’s CI.A., which replaced a Marxist who had seized land owned by United Fruit and redistributed it to Indian peasants with a furniture salesman from Honduras, Castillo Armas. During the course of this coup America bombed Guatemala City, killed 9,000 communists, disbanded the unions, drove off the squatters, drew up a blacklist of some 70,000 leftists, built death squads and secret prisons, gave torture and brigandage free reign, created an enduring political front, the MLN, and started making a profit from our plantations. 

     The 1961 seizure of Guatemala by C.I.A. officer Willauer leading 200 men, a Harvard lawyer who had flown as Chennault’s first officer with the Flying Tigers in China. Guatemala was the staging area for the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba. One day I may explore this incident with all of you, but in this context I wish only to cite a source and witness of history; for my cousin Raymond Eigell  trained and led the force which landed in Cuba during the Bay of Pigs.

    Throughout the 1960-63 period of a civil war which continued until 1996, America crushed a pro-Castro rebellion using six C.I.A. bombers, exiled Cuban shock troops, and Green Berets who used the opportunity to test counterinsurgency theories later used in Vietnam and against American dissidents including the Black Panthers, American Indian Movement, and the Students For A Democratic Society.

     The 1974 accession of an officer of Armas named Alarcon to the Presidency of Guatemala, who institutionalized the MLN, declaring “I am a fascist, and I have tried to model my party on the Spanish Falange.”  He was, of course, a C.I.A. agent. Nixon once brought him along on his annual pilgrimage to consult with what he called his spiritual advisor, the infamous Nazi war criminal Josef Mengele.

     The 1982 seizure of power and Presidency of Rios Montt, an evangelical Sunday school teacher and personal friend of Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson, who suspended the constitution, replaced the courts with secret tribunals, escalated the scorched earth warfare, torture, and disappearances of his predecessors, and one thing more. During this the most terrible period of civil war throughout Central America, when Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras were in fact a single nation ruled by remnants of the Nazis we had transplanted from French Algeria as American puppet regimes, and with the full authority of Ronald Reagan, Rios Montt weaponized Protestantism against encroaching Catholic Liberation theology.

     During the 18 months of the Mayan Genocide, in which his death squads killed 3,000 people each month and annihilated 600 villages, he also instituted a system of forced labor in concentration camps modeled on the Apartheid system of South Africa and ruled by terror using former British police and Protestant Orange Militia units hired from Belfast, a mercenary force who had splendidly legal Hong Kong passports courtesy of the Thatcher government.

     During over 35 years of civil war in Guatemala including Rios Montt’s genocidal campaign of ethnic cleansing against the native Indians, about half a million Indians were killed, over one million conscripted into military service and used against their own people, tens of thousands driven into Mexico as refugees, and most of the rest worked to death in the concentration camps. No American Army came to liberate them; they were not white, and no one cared so long as the profits flowed. Guatemala is America’s Belgian Congo; our heart of darkness.

     I think of this every day as I eat my morning banana, for each one is the living form of a silent cry, the ghost of a tear, the memory of atrocity and horror, a thing like many others of fragile beauty and fleeting pleasure won by brutality and the theft of hope, pain and blood and death made manifest. For the dead and for wrongs past I can do nothing; it is the living who must be avenged and the future that must be redeemed.  

     The 1981 founding of ARENA in El Salvador and the 1982-3 Presidency of Roberto D’Aubuisson Arrieta, son of one of the original French Algerian OAS/Afrika Corps legionnaires and immigrants and leader of death squads since 1972, when he was trained at the US School of the Americas, often called a school for war criminals. During the peak of the civil war in 1983-84, about 8,000 people were killed every month in El Salvador. 

     The 1963-75 Honduran coup and military dictatorship of Arellano, for whose regime the term Banana Republic was coined, and of course the conduct of the Contra War beginning in 1980, which included the 1984 Honduran invasion of Nicaragua supported by 5,500 American troops.

     Together Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras were ruled for over a generation by America through our puppet tyrants and the ARENA and MLN parties we created. But there is more; much more, of which I will mention only four more brief examples here.  

     The 1964-85 rule of Brazil by the Arena Party and its legacy of torture and state terror which was ended by the total bankruptcy of the nation.

      The 1976 military coup in Argentina and the civil war which followed, during which some 20,000 persons were disappeared. Of our earlier involvements; Peron had been a protégé of Franco and Mussolini, and Evita was assassinated not by us but by Vatican Intelligence with radiation poisoning due to Peron’s campaign against the Church; very like the fate of the Hapsburg Emperor Maximilian of Mexico whose scheme to seize Church property created a mass revolt and abandonment by European allies, except for France which sent the  Foreign Legion whose atrocities delegitimized colonial rule. The Vatican also ran the Swiss escape route used by Otto Skorzeny and other SS officers at the fall of the Third Reich whom we later hired, in intact units at their former ranks, and blended with their counterparts to create the CIA and Special Forces. The most brazen flattery I have ever heard directed toward Oliver North was to compare him to Skorzeny.

     The 1973 assassination of Allende in Chile and support of the Pinochet regime which killed as many as one in every hundred of its citizens.

     Regarding Mexico, we long ago seized the southwest including Texas and California, drew a line in the sand to weaponize disparity and create a mass resource of illegal and therefore exploitable quasi slave labor, and now call aliens everyone on the wrong side of it who comes here to pick the fruit, wash the dishes, and clean the toilets that our own nephews and nieces, children and grandchildren, would laugh in your face at the suggestion they get their hands dirty doing themselves.

    Fascism is a sin of pride whose effects reverberate still, propagating outward in ever-widening circles as a force of contagion like the ripples of a stone cast into a pond. And we are all complicit in it, who call ourselves Americans.

    We must make a better future than we have the past.

Argentina was the model of how to survive a dictatorship. Javier Milei is changing that

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/mar/24/argentina-50th-anniversary-coup-dictatorship-javier-milei?fbclid=IwY2xjawQwDZZleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEeLaePrKLAHt5cFKqK5EFGKhQZZF9tNqPKfsljj_am5FU6IBztqgf0qvjCe0w_aem_4q-uA9ihqllQ4EMVfTkcpA

Fate of Argentina’s disappeared remains ‘open wound’ as more victims identified: Fifty years after the military seized power and disappeared 30,000 people forcibly, some families are finding closure

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/mar/24/argentina-disappeared-victims-identified-dirty-war?fbclid=IwY2xjawQwD2xleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEeGdVWPxnPXEius1dzSoaTJ7woxlLR3GYr7EK5UBByyBuW9Ec26BmkJh6a2wM_aem_Dsr6LgNXX7lymzKxnlXpmg

‘You couldn’t trust anyone’: documenting Argentina’s military dictatorship – photo essay

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/mar/24/documenting-argentina-military-dictatorship-photo-essay

     And because one cannot interrogate the soul of Argentina without the music of class struggle:

Madonna – Don’t Cry For Me Argentina (Official Video)

Antonio Banderas – Take the Lead – Tango Scene  

(also, I love to dance the tango)

Raft of the Medusa    https://torchofliberty.home.blog/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/b6dbc-gericault_medusa.jpg

1984, George Orwell, Thomas Pynchon (Foreword)

The Constitution of Knowledge: A Defense of Truth, by Jonathan Rauch

 The Decay of Lying and Other Essays, by Oscar Wilde

Wilderness of Mirrors: Intrigue, Deception, and the Secrets that Destroyed Two of the Cold War’s Most Important Agents, by David C. Martin

‘Justification of dictatorship’: outcry as Milei rewrites Argentina’s history

Blaming the victims: dictatorship denialism is on the rise in Argentina

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/aug/29/argentina-denial-dirty-war-genocide-mauricio-macri?CMP=share_btn_url

Argentina’s National Day of Remembrance for Truth and Justice – Auschwitz Institute for the Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocities

https://old.auschwitzinstitute.org/news/argentinas-national-day-remembrance-truth-justice/

Javier Milei: who is Argentina’s new president? – video profile

https://www.theguardian.com/world/video/2023/nov/20/javier-milei-who-is-argentina-new-president-video-profile

Who is Javier Milei? Argentina’s new far-right president ‘El Loco’ takes the stage

Argentina presidential election: far-right libertarian Javier Milei wins after rival concedes

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/nov/20/argentina-presidential-election-far-right-libertarian-javier-milei-wins-after-rival-concedes

El loco: La vida desconocida de Javier Milei y su irrupción en la política Argentina, Juan Luis González

Economists warn electing far-right Milei would spell ‘devastation’ for Argentina:

More than 100 economists including Thomas Piketty and Jayati Ghosh publish open letter ahead of country’s 19 November election

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/nov/08/argentina-election-javier-milei-economists-warning

‘Bad and dangerous’: Argentina’s Trump on track to become president

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/oct/22/argentina-javier-milei-presidential-election

The ‘false prophet’ v the pope: Argentina faces clash of ideologies in election:

Javier Milei, a culture war populist and sex coach who won country’s open primary, rages at ‘communist’ pontiff as he sets his sights on becoming president

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/aug/27/the-false-prophet-v-the-pope-argentina-faces-clash-of-ideologies-in-election

https://jacobinmag.com/2020/11/operation-condor-cia-latin-america-repression-torture

                       Argentina, a reading list

The Real Odessa: How Peron Brought the Nazi War Criminals to Argentina, Uki Goñi

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/759171.By_Uki_Goni_The_Real_Odessa

Guerrillas and Generals: The “Dirty War” in Argentina, by Paul H. Lewis

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/4787741-guerrillas-and-generals

A Lexicon of Terror: Argentina and the Legacies of Torture, by Marguerite Feitlowitz

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/284483.A_Lexicon_of_Terror

Imagining Argentina, by Lawrence Thornton

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/44762.Imagining_Argentina

The Ideological Origins of the Dirty War: Fascism, Populism, and Dictatorship in Twentieth Century Argentina, by Federico Finchelstein https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/18813872-the-ideological-origins-of-the-dirty-war

Spanish

24 de marzo de 2026 Día del Recuerdo de la Verdad, la Justicia y la Falsificación de la Historia en Argentina

      El nuevo presidente de Argentina, Javier Milei, ha comenzado a reescribir la historia, a blanquear los crímenes de lesa humanidad cometidos por su brutal y depravado modelo durante la dictadura de 1976-1983 y a borrar a sus víctimas.

      Como todos los tiranos fascistas, Milei intenta capturarnos en un frasco asesino de ecos y reflejos, mentiras e ilusiones, historias reescritas, identidades autorizadas y realidades alternativas; el desierto de los espejos, para utilizar la metáfora icónica de la falsificación a través de la propaganda y el control del pensamiento del ex jefe de contrainteligencia de la CIA, Angleton.

       El desierto de los espejos, una frase de T.S. El Gerontin de Eliot lo uso para describir la patología de la falsificación de nosotros mismos a través de propaganda, mentiras e ilusiones, historias reescritas, secretos de estado, realidades alternativas, fe autoritaria que devora verdades. Esto lo desambiguo en comparación con su opuesto, el periodismo y el testimonio de la historia como búsqueda sagrada de la verdad. Nos convertimos en falsificaciones de nosotros mismos por sistemas de poder hegemónico de élite como el patriarcado, el racismo y el capitalismo, y por aquellos que nos esclavizarían, mediante la captura de nuestras historias como robo del alma.

      James Angleton, en quien John Le Carré basó su personaje de George Smiley, también usó la frase en este sentido de manera infame, y se ha universalizado en toda la comunidad de inteligencia en la que moldeó e influyó durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial y sus secuelas, la Guerra Fría. En referencia a la biografía que David Martin escribió sobre sí mismo, titulada Wilderness of Mirrors, Angleton la describió como una “infinidad de estratagemas, engaños, artificios y todos los demás dispositivos de desinformación que el bloque soviético y sus servicios de inteligencia coordinados utilizan para confundir y dividir al mundo”. Oeste… un paisaje siempre fluido donde la realidad y la ilusión se fusionan”. Y, por supuesto, todo lo que atribuyó a los soviéticos también se aplicaba a él mismo, a su propia agencia y también a Estados Unidos, y a todos los estados, porque todos son casas de ilusión.

     La telenovela de Netflix Operación Carne Picada usa la frase, en una historia sobre la creación de un oficial ficticio que porta documentos diseñados para engañar a los nazis para que se preparen para la invasión de Europa en algún lugar que no sea Sicilia, una serie que vi con gran atención porque cada uno de nosotros es creado por nuestras historias exactamente como esta identidad falsa adherida al cuerpo de un abandonado. Dentro de cada uno de nosotros, un equipo de autores crea nuestras personas a través de historias, una red de recuerdos, historias e identidad; y lo hacen para sus propios fines, que no siempre entendemos.

      Como escribió T. S. Eliot en Gerontin: “Después de tal conocimiento, ¿qué perdón? Piensa ahora

La historia tiene muchos pasajes astutos, corredores artificiales

Y los problemas, engañan con ambiciones susurrantes,

Nos guía por vanidades”

       Somos la materia de la que están hechos los sueños, como nos enseña Shakespeare en el acto IV, escena 1 de La tempestad, una línea pronunciada por Ariel. Porque si somos seres efímeros e insustanciales, construcciones de nuestras historias, esto también significa que la naturaleza ontológica del ser humano es un terreno de lucha que puede ser reclamado mediante tomas de poder.

       La primera pregunta que cabe plantearse ante una historia es: ¿de quién es ésta?

       Siempre persiste la lucha entre las historias que contamos sobre nosotros mismos y las que cuentan otros sobre nosotros; las máscaras que hacemos para nosotros y las que otros hacen para nosotros.

       Esta es la primera revolución en la que todos debemos luchar, la lucha por la propiedad de nosotros mismos.

       ¿En quiénes entonces nos convertiremos? Se pregunta a nuestro yo por superficies, imágenes y máscaras que en cada momento negocian nuestros límites con los demás.

      A lo que responde nuestro yo secreto, el yo de la oscuridad y de la pasión, el yo que vive más allá del espejo y no conoce límites, libre de tiempo y espacio e infinito en posibilidades; ¿En quién quieres convertirte?

      Nuestro objetivo en la lucha revolucionaria es apoderarnos de la legitimidad y la autoridad del enemigo, tomar su poder, reclamando autoridad moral, moldeando la opinión a través del control de las narrativas y construyendo solidaridad defendiendo al pueblo contra aquellos que nos esclavizarían.

      Porque quien está solo, muere solo; y quien se solidariza y no abandona a sus semejantes se vuelve imparable como las mareas.

      Cuando los tiranos vengan a robar nuestras almas con su red de mentiras, que encuentren una humanidad no dividida por el miedo ni abyecta en la desesperación y la impotencia aprendida, sino unida en nuestra solidaridad y garantía de los derechos humanos universales de cada uno e invicta en la negativa a someterse.

27 de noviembre de 2023 Una sombra fascista captura a Argentina: Javier Milei

      La tiranía ahora nos habla a través de una nueva máscara, mientras El Loco ocupa un lugar central en Argentina. La vorágine de miedo, poder y fuerza que crea tiranías de fuerza y control, genera guerras de conquista y dominio imperial y encuentra su forma final en genocidios y deshumanización son sistemas universales de opresión, legados de nuestra historia de los cuales debemos emerger.

      El mal se origina en el miedo, miedo a menudo abrumador y generalizado al que las autoridades al servicio del poder han dado forma y objetivo. La centralización del poder en estados carcelarios es inherente a las sociedades humanas porque sus causas son; de ahí las hegemonías de riqueza, poder y privilegios de las élites que se basan en jerarquías de pertenencia y alteridad excluyente y la subyugación de las castas de esclavos.

      Hacer una idea sobre un tipo de personas es un acto de violencia.

       La política es el arte del miedo, como me enseñó mi padre, y en Argentina nuestro miedo nos habla como un eco y reflejo del nuestro, y revela el parasitismo de las relaciones de Estados Unidos con el mundo a lo largo de nuestra historia.

       Aquí hablo del Terror Rojo, la Lista Negra de Hollywood y otras formas nacionalistas de fuerza social que utilizaron el miedo para fabricar consentimiento, centralizar el poder y legitimar la autoridad después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial.

     Este fue nuestro Segundo Período Imperial, desde el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial hasta la caída de la Unión Soviética, influenciado por nuestra asimilación de la élite nazi a nuestras comunidades de inteligencia y fuerzas especiales en el momento de su fundación, cuando la OSS se convirtió en la CIA y la Jedburg. Los equipos se convirtieron en los Boinas Verdes.

      Siendo el Primer Imperio Americano la Conquista y las políticas de Destino Manifiesto que comenzaron con el genocidio de los Nativos Americanos, se globalizaron con la guerra contra los Piratas de Berbería del Norte de África que fundaron la Infantería de Marina, y alcanzaron su apogeo en nuestra conquista del Imperio Español en 1898, que nos dio las Islas Filipinas, Cuba y Guam mientras robamos las islas hawaianas porque pudimos, y terminó con la caída de la civilización en La guerra para acabar con todas las guerras.

      El Tercer Imperio o Período Imperial de la historia estadounidense comienza con Nueve Once y posiblemente termine con nuestro abandono de Afganistán; esto no está escrito y ahora está en nuestras manos.

      ¿Cómo ha remodelado Estados Unidos y el mundo la histeria anticomunista de la era posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial, que yo llamo el Segundo Imperio?

      Primero, una guerra cultural total emprendida por el estado contra sus propios ciudadanos que nos dio reversiones de nuestros valores como In God We Trust on our money, que nos pide que no creamos en el Infinito sino en la autoridad del estado para hablar en Su nombre. el Juramento a la Bandera que sustituye al Estado por nosotros mismos como sus copropietarios como fuente de autoridad en una sociedad libre de iguales y por nuestra lealtad mutua como solidaridad y un grupo de hermanos, hermanas y otros.

      En segundo lugar, una guerra de dominio imperial que impone hegemonías de riqueza, poder y privilegios por parte de las élites en todo el mundo, a veces centradas en la apropiación del petróleo como recurso estratégico, pero también simplemente en la ocupación de espacios como en un juego de go. Los ejemplos de la campaña global de terror y tiranía de Estados Unidos a través de estados proxy proliferan rápidamente a partir de la codificación del Método de Yakarta por la CIA en 1965 contra Sukarno, y se convierten en una interminable letanía de males, atrocidades, depravaciones, genocidios y trabajo esclavo; el Genocidio Maya en Guatemala y las guerras encubiertas en Centroamérica que resultaron en el Escándalo Irán-Contra, la alianza feroz y depravada de Estados Unidos con el régimen del Apartheid de Sudáfrica, la Guerra de los Mil Días en Vietnam, todo un Nudo Gordiano de maldades e intervenciones incluyendo nuestra locos intentos de asesinato contra Fidel Castro, Patrice Lumumba y otros héroes de la lucha por la liberación a quienes un Estados Unidos fiel a nuestros ideales fundacionales habría aclamado como hermanos en la revolución anticolonial y habría apoyado en lugar de estar en contra.

      En Argentina, los ecos y reflejos de nuestra historia nos confrontan con las consecuencias del fracaso de la empatía como subversión de la democracia, y todos deberíamos prestar atención al hombre detrás de la cortina mientras las luces de la libertad se apagan y caen en la oscuridad una a una. uno en todo el mundo.

      Porque como nos enseña George Santayana en La vida de la razón; “Quienes olvidan su historia están condenados a repetirla”.  

     Para ubicar este evento disruptivo en un contexto histórico, debemos verlo como un eco y reflejo de la Operación Cóndor.

      Como escribí en mi publicación del 19 de enero de 2023, Ecos y reflejos del imperialismo estadounidense y la Operación Cóndor en las democracias desestabilizadas de América del Sur; Junto a mi escritorio cuelga una reproducción del cuadro de Théodore Géricault de 1818, La balsa de la Medusa, tan brillantemente interrogado en la Historia del mundo en diez capítulos y medio de Julian Barnes, que creo que es maravilloso y una alegoría perfecta de nuestra actual situación política y económica. y el dilema ambiental como metáfora del capitalismo y el fascismo como formas de canibalismo de la humanidad y de la democracia, las causas principales del colapso inminente de nuestra civilización, y posiblemente también de la extinción de nuestra especie. Sólo para recordar lo que está en juego en este momento de la historia y en la lucha revolucionaria, y en mis escritos aquí como testigo de la historia y un llamado sagrado en la búsqueda de la verdad.

     Los monstruosos males de la desigualdad sistémica han surgido una vez más de la oscuridad como un depredador de emboscada para apoderarse de las naciones de América Central y del Sur en sus fauces, y no es casualidad sino intencionalmente. La tiranía busca la caída de la democracia a través de la falsificación, infiltración y subversión de sus instituciones, en un eco y reflejo de la Operación Cóndor de la CIA que una vez promulgó la conquista imperial y el dominio de nuestro hemisferio como Destino Manifiesto.

     En la desestabilización y captura del Estado a través de la guerra económica, social y política en Perú, la ruina de Venezuela en ataques implacables que la han convertido en un Estado fallido, y en las absurdas y horribles insurrecciones de enero en Brasil y en los propios Estados Unidos hace dos años. Liderados anteriormente por Nuestro Payaso del Terror, el Traidor Trump, los Estados Unidos de América han actuado como representantes y títeres del Cuarto Reich.

      Se nos puede achacar mucho más que esto, incluido el colapso y la ruina de Centroamérica y la tierra de nadie de barbarie entre Colombia y Venezuela, el estado fallido de México y los desafíos monumentales que enfrenta el pueblo de Chile, todos ellos resultados de la intervención estadounidense. impulsado por las hegemonías de élite de riqueza, poder y privilegios a las que sirve nuestra nación.

      Estas son las condiciones impuestas de la lucha revolucionaria que enfrentamos ahora en todo el continente americano y el mundo. Estamos abandonados por nuestros líderes y aquellos que nos esclavizarían y a la deriva en una pequeña balsa de civilización fundada en el foro de Atenas como una sociedad libre de iguales que se cuestiona a sí misma, mientras nos devoramos unos a otros en erudita impotencia y desesperación.

       A esta crisis existencial de fe mutua y de esperanza en nuestro futuro podemos responder con los poderes que aún nos quedan como seres humanos; amor, esperanza, fe, rechazo a someterse a la autoridad y solidaridad de acción en resistencia.

      Aquí está la gran prueba de nuestra humanidad planteada por el Evento de la Puerta Rashomon de nuestro momento histórico; ¿en quién queremos llegar a ser los humanos? ¿Amos y esclavos condenados al fracaso y a la nada, o una Humanidad Unida que vive ahora en los albores de nuestra gloria?

          Sobre la Operación Cóndor escribí en mi diario del 7 de abril de 2021, Cómo el imperialismo estadounidense creó nuestra crisis humanitaria en la frontera; En abril de este año hace cuarenta y seis años, Estados Unidos lanzó la Operación Cóndor, una campaña global para desestabilizar y reprimir a los gobiernos y movimientos socialistas y defender el capitalismo como fuerza hegemónica y sus jerarquías de élite de riqueza, poder y privilegios. Esto sigue siendo relevante para nosotros hoy porque es el origen de muchas de las fuerzas de empuje que impulsan oleadas de refugiados hacia nuestra frontera, y de la horrible crisis humanitaria y prueba de nuestra democracia creada por el imperialismo estadounidense.

      Migración es una palabra que oculta tanto las condiciones que la desencadenan como nuestra propia complicidad en crearlas como consecuencia de nuestras políticas de colonialismo, militarismo anticomunista y guerra económica que duran décadas; devastación ecológica con su sequía y hambruna, pobreza y desestabilización social y política, una era de tiranía y terror estatal, genocidio y limpieza étnica, fe armada y su terror sexual patriarcal, y guerras multigeneracionales.

      En términos de refugiados que huyen a Estados Unidos en busca de seguridad y supervivencia, así como de libertad e igualdad, estamos hablando principalmente de Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras y Nicaragua, aunque la zona infernal de Colombia y Venezuela ahora representa a muchos, y con el colapso de la región central autoridad en México y su degeneración en una región de señores de la guerra, oligarcas y sindicatos del crimen feudal, tenemos refugiados del propio México, así como trabajadores estacionales tradicionales.

      El trabajo migrante es trabajo esclavo; Esta es la gran verdad que Estados Unidos nunca ha enfrentado y por la que ahora debe responder ante las masas que sufren en nuestra frontera. Sectores enteros de nuestra economía funcionan con él; agricultura en la que la mano de obra se convierte en un recurso estratégico ya que pasamos hambre sin ella, pero también el cuidado de niños y ancianos, la hospitalidad y algunas manufacturas. amer La riqueza y el poder de Ica son creados para nosotros por otros a quienes exportamos los costos reales de producción, otros que deben permanecer invisibles y explotables como mano de obra ilegal no regulada para exprimirles hasta el último gramo de valor para nuestras elites. De esta manera utilizamos la disparidad económica como arma al servicio del poder y los privilegios, y creamos y mantenemos jerarquías de alteridad excluyente y supremacía blanca.

      Los intereses de las hegemonías de riqueza y poder de las élites convergen aquí con los del privilegio racial y la supremacía blanca en una toxicidad histórica, en paralelo con el surgimiento del estado carcelario como instrumento para volver a esclavizar a los ciudadanos negros como trabajo penitenciario y la represión de la Movimiento por los Derechos Civiles, y lo han hecho desde sus orígenes. Uno de esos puntos de origen es la apropiación, el ocultamiento y la instrumentalización por parte de Estados Unidos de los criminales de guerra nazis en la represión de la disidencia y la conquista del mundo.

      El Cuarto Reich del que Trump fue una figura decorativa no surgió de la nada como Atenea de la cabeza de Zeus, sino que fue una invención del imperialismo estadounidense. Como tal, su historia y su carácter como amenaza global a la democracia pueden estudiarse en la crisis de refugiados y migraciones que ha dado origen, y en los legados del uso del fascismo por parte de nuestra nación como instrumento de dominio en las Américas, durante tanto tiempo. lo usábamos para conquistar a otros, nos estaba usando a nosotros para apoderarnos de los Estados Unidos de América y del mundo.

      Como escribí en mi publicación del 18 de febrero de 2020, Guatemala: Nuestro Corazón de Tinieblas; Mientras secuestramos y encerramos a refugiados en campos de concentración y prisiones secretas, y expulsamos a otros de regreso a un México cuyo gobierno está inactivo ante el poder de sus organizaciones criminales, debemos reflexionar sobre las causas de esta histórica migración masiva desde el Corredor Seco de Guatemala en Centroamérica. , El Salvador, Honduras y Nicaragua; ¿Por qué sucede esto y qué se puede hacer para solucionar los problemas que lo provocan?

      La sequía y la hambruna causadas por el calentamiento global y el cambio climático son causas inmediatas claras y factores desencadenantes de la migración actual, que tienen sus raíces en la historia del colonialismo estadounidense y la guerra económica capitalista. Estas condiciones han empeorado problemas de larga data de pobreza endémica y violencia y criminalidad generalizadas, legados del colonialismo histórico y de las políticas e intervenciones imperialistas y capitalistas estadounidenses, que describí en mi publicación del 4 de septiembre de 2019; Existe una conexión interesante entre el caos que creamos en Centroamérica, que está provocando un éxodo masivo de inmigración a nuestras fronteras, y la teoría de la conspiración del reemplazo islámico de los europeos que inspira nuestra mayor amenaza terrorista hoy; Muchos de los supremacistas blancos que gobernaron Argelia como colonia de Francia, principalmente ex soldados nazis que se unieron a la Legión Extranjera después del final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, fueron contratados después de su caída en 1962 por el gobierno de los Estados Unidos para gobernar El Salvador y Guatemala como regímenes títeres para proteger nuestras ganancias corporativas.

      Con ellos vino la misma ideología y el mismo sueño de una patria y asilo para los nazis fugitivos, y una base de operaciones segura y plataforma de lanzamiento para el Cuarto Reich, como el de aquellos que huyeron de la caída de la colonia de Argelia como un etnoestado blanco a Francia y culparon a Charles de Gaulle por su abandono, y cuyos descendientes forman ahora el núcleo del Frente Nacional de Jean-Marie Le Pen.

      Entre los efectos directos de la asociación secreta entre Estados Unidos y nuestros antiguos adversarios nazis se incluyen:

      La toma de Guatemala en 1954 por la CIA de Eisenhower, que reemplazó a un marxista que se había apoderado de tierras propiedad de la United Fruit y las redistribuyó entre campesinos indios con un vendedor de muebles de Honduras, Castillo Armas. Durante el curso de este golpe, Estados Unidos bombardeó la ciudad de Guatemala, mató a 9.000 comunistas, disolvió los sindicatos, expulsó a los ocupantes ilegales, elaboró una lista negra de unos 70.000 izquierdistas, construyó escuadrones de la muerte y prisiones secretas, dio rienda suelta a la tortura y el bandolerismo, creó una sociedad duradera. frente político, el MLN, y empezamos a sacar provecho de nuestras plantaciones.

      La toma de Guatemala en 1961 por la C.I.A. El oficial Willauer al frente de 200 hombres, un abogado de Harvard que había volado como primer oficial de Chennault con los Flying Tigers en China. Guatemala fue el escenario de la invasión de Bahía de Cochinos a Cuba. Quizás algún día explore este incidente con todos ustedes, pero en este contexto sólo deseo citar una fuente y un testimonio de la historia; porque mi primo Raymond Eigell entrenó y dirigió la fuerza que desembarcó en Cuba durante la Bahía de Cochinos.

     A lo largo del período 1960-63 de una guerra civil que continuó hasta 1996, Estados Unidos aplastó una rebelión pro Castro utilizando seis agentes de la CIA. bombarderos, tropas de choque cubanas exiliadas y boinas verdes que aprovecharon la oportunidad para probar teorías de contrainsurgencia utilizadas más tarde en Vietnam y contra disidentes estadounidenses, incluidos los Panteras Negras, el Movimiento Indio Americano y los Estudiantes por una Sociedad Democrática.

      El ascenso en 1974 de un funcionario de Armas nombró a Alarcón para la presidencia de Guatemala, quien institucionalizó el MLN, declarando “Soy fascista y he tratado de modelar mi partido según la Falange Española”. Era, por supuesto, un agente de la CIA. agente. Nixon lo llevó una vez a su peregrinación anual para consultar con lo que llamó su consejero espiritual, el infame criminal de guerra nazi Josef Mengele.

      La toma del poder y la presidencia en 1982 de Ríos Montt, un maestro evangélico de escuela dominical y amigo personal de Jerry Falwell y Pat Robertson, quien suspendió la constitución, reemplazó las cortes por tribunales secretos, intensificó la guerra de tierra arrasada, la tortura y las desapariciones de sus predecesores y una cosa más. Durante este, el período más terrible de la guerra civil en toda Centroamérica, cuando Guatemala, El Salvador y Honduras eran de hecho una sola nación gobernada por restos de los nazis que habíamos trasplantado de la Argelia francesa como regímenes títeres estadounidenses, y con la plena autoridad de Ronald Reagan y Ríos Montt utilizaron al protestantismo como arma contra la invasión de la teología católica de la liberación.

      Durante los 18 meses del genocidio maya, en el que sus escuadrones de la muerte mataron a 3.000 personas cada mes y aniquilaron 600 aldeas, también instituyó un sistema de trabajos forzados en campos de concentración inspirados en el sistema de apartheid de Sudáfrica y gobernados por el terror utilizando a antiguos británicos. unidades de policía y de la Milicia Naranja Protestante contratadas en Belfast, una fuerza mercenaria que tenía pasaportes de Hong Kong espléndidamente legales, cortesía del gobierno de Thatcher.

      Durante más de 35 años de guerra civil en Guatemala, incluida la campaña genocida de limpieza étnica de Ríos Montt contra los indios nativos, alrededor de medio millón de indios fueron asesinados, más de un millón fueron reclutados para el servicio militar y utilizados contra su propio pueblo, y decenas de miles fueron expulsados a México. como refugiados, y la mayoría del resto trabajó hasta la muerte en los campos de concentración. Ningún ejército americano vino a liberarlos; no eran blancos y a nadie le importaba mientras las ganancias fluyeran. Guatemala es el Congo belga de Estados Unidos; nuestro corazón de oscuridad.

      Pienso en esto todos los días mientras como mi plátano matutino, porque cada uno es la forma viva de un llanto silencioso, el fantasma de una lágrima, el recuerdo de la atrocidad y el horror, algo como muchos otros de frágil belleza y fugaz placer conquistado. por la brutalidad y el robo de la esperanza, el dolor, la sangre y la muerte se manifiestan. Por los muertos y por los agravios del pasado nada puedo hacer; son los vivos quienes deben ser vengados y el futuro el que debe ser redimido.

      La fundación de ARENA en El Salvador en 1981 y la presidencia entre 1982 y 1983 de Roberto D’Aubuisson Arrieta, hijo de uno de los legionarios e inmigrantes originales del Cuerpo Africano/OEA argelino francés y líder de escuadrones de la muerte desde 1972, cuando fue entrenado en el Escuela de las Américas de Estados Unidos, a menudo llamada escuela para criminales de guerra. Durante el pico de la guerra civil en 1983-84, alrededor de 8.000 personas fueron asesinadas cada mes en El Salvador.

      El golpe de estado hondureño de 1963-75 y la dictadura militar de Arellano, para cuyo régimen se acuñó el término República Bananera, y, por supuesto, la conducción de la Guerra de la Contra a partir de 1980, que incluyó la invasión hondureña de Nicaragua en 1984, apoyada por 5.500 tropas estadounidenses.

      Juntos, Guatemala, El Salvador y Honduras fueron gobernados durante más de una generación por Estados Unidos a través de nuestros tiranos títeres y los partidos ARENA y MLN que creamos. Pero hay más; mucho más, de los cuales mencionaré aquí sólo cuatro breves ejemplos más.

      El gobierno de Brasil de 1964 a 1985 por el Partido Arena y su legado de tortura y terror de Estado que terminó con la quiebra total de la nación.

       El golpe militar de 1976 en Argentina y la guerra civil que le siguió, durante la cual desaparecieron unas 20.000 personas. De nuestras participaciones anteriores; Perón había sido un protegido de Franco y Mussolini, y Evita fue asesinada no por nosotros sino por la Inteligencia del Vaticano con envenenamiento por radiación debido a la campaña de Perón contra la Iglesia; muy parecido al destino del emperador Habsburgo Maximiliano de México, cuyo plan para apoderarse de las propiedades de la Iglesia provocó una revuelta masiva y el abandono de los aliados europeos, excepto Francia, que envió la Legión Extranjera cuyas atrocidades deslegitimaron el dominio colonial. El Vaticano también dirigió la ruta de escape suiza utilizada por Otto Skorzeny y otros oficiales de las SS durante la caída del Tercer Reich, a quienes contratamos más tarde, en unidades intactas en sus antiguas filas, y se fusionaron con sus homólogos para crear la CIA y las Fuerzas Especiales. El halago más descarado que he oído jamás dirigido a Oliver North fue compararlo con Skorzeny.

      El asesinato de Allende en Chile en 1973 y el apoyo al régimen de Pinochet que mató a uno de cada cien de sus ciudadanos.

      En cuanto a México, hace mucho tiempo nos apoderamos del suroeste, incluidos Texas y California, trazamos una línea en la arena para convertir la disparidad en un arma y crear un recurso masivo de mano de obra cuasi esclava ilegal y, por lo tanto, explotable, y ahora llamamos extranjeros a todos los que están en el mundo.

     Por otro lado, quien viene aquí a recoger la fruta, lavar los platos y limpiar los baños, nuestros propios sobrinos y sobrinas, hijos y nietos, se reirían en la cara ante la sugerencia de que se ensucien las manos ellos mismos.

     El fascismo es un pecado de orgullo cuyos efectos todavía reverberan, propagándose hacia afuera en círculos cada vez más amplios como una fuerza de contagio como las ondas de una piedra arrojada a un estanque. Y de ello somos cómplices todos los que nos llamamos americanos.

     Debemos crear un futuro mejor que el pasado.

March 23 2026 With Spring Returns Hope

We welcome and celebrate these first days of spring, which follow the vernal equinox of winter’s last night of glorious darkness under a silver moon like the eye of a terrible and mad god, a night filled with the wailing of the numberless dead children cast upon seas of unknowable despair and horror in Iran, Lebanon, Palestine, Ukraine, in the concentration camps of America now a captive state of the Fourth Reich under a Russian puppet tyrant, in the other theatres of World War Three and dozens of other conflicts not of their making throughout the world.

     This is our normal; and as I have often written, normality is deviant.

     As their names are erased and become nothing by the rain of death sent by monstrous tyrants to whom only people like themselves are truly human, I feel each like a brand on my flesh which I must now bear forward into the future.

     Speak to me of “good people on both sides” when you have held the dying who do not know why they have been killed.

      Nor for whose profit.

     Since the first bandit king enslaved others to do the hard and dirty work in creating his wealth and glory, and set armed thugs and overseers to keep them in service to power, humankind has suffered under the brutal enforcement of law and order which maintains the engines of our commodification, falsification, and dehumanization.

     Law serves power, order appropriates, and there is no just Authority.

     Wars of imperial conquest and dominion, colonialism and occupation, and of ethnic cleansing and genocide such as we now witness unfolding in Palestine,   Ukraine, and throughout the Middle East as the Israeli-American war to conquer a Greater Israel from the nations of the Iranian Dominion becomes generalized, are forms and consequences of far more massive and near universal systems of unequal power and oppression, and this we must resist.

     Let us “place our bodies on the gears of the machine” of elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege as Mario Savio teaches us, and our lives in the balance with those of the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, all whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth. Only then, in solidarity, can we begin to realize our possibilities of becoming human.

     Such are my thoughts among endless chasms of darkness, as the seasons change this night.

     But with the dawn came a day of songbirds, the first flowers of crocuses and daffodils, rebirth, change, and the joy of total freedom to balance the terror of our nothingness. Such is the magic of nature, for with spring returns hope.

      Soon my cherry trees will flower, and though the blossoms will also fall their great and precious beauty is in part defined by their ephemeral and transitory nature, unique and irreproducible as is ours, and one day we will soar with them on the wind, if we are lucky, and know enough to surrender control to the tides of change and go with them, to ride among the unknowns.

      At any moment, for any reason or none at all, our dances with Death will come to an end; she will dip us, and let go, and we will fall, endlessly and forever.

      I will not go quietly, and as the Oath of the Resistance given to me by Jean Genet in Beirut 1982 goes I will resist and cease not, and abandon not my fellows. And if I must rise from the ruins to make yet another Last Stand after a lifetime of Last Stands, beyond hope of victory or survival, I will bet my refusal to submit against any earthly power or tyranny, and the same for the unconquerable human will to be free.  

      Once while leading a discussion in my English class on identities as imposed conditions of struggle, a student asked, in reference to ethnicity and the histories of our possessing ghosts, “What are you?”  I answered, quoting my favorite death poem of the kamikaze pilots; “I am a leaf on the wind.” Over twenty years later it showed up as the signature line of Hoban Washburne in the telenovela Firefly and the film Serenity and now is pervasive in pop culture; I know the line found its way into film from a student in that class because the character is replied to by another exactly as I was; “What does that mean?” Regardless of the context as my personal history, the principle remains true for all of us fragile and mortal beings who in living surf the vast and unfathomable probability waves of unfolding futures; how to live with grandeur under imposed conditions of struggle in which everything in life is more powerful than we are.

      Among the natural cycles of change of which we are expressions, Spring offers us the chance for reimagination and transformation, and begins the festival of Ostara we now celebrate as Easter or Day of the Bunny Goddess.

     All things are now possible; how shall we use this power?    

     Here are some of my previous interrogations of the idea of hope, which I preface with a brief history of the praxis or action of the value of hope in my life mission to discover and engage the origins of evil and in the reimagination and transformation of myself and the possibilities of human being, meaning, and value as transgressions of the boundaries of the Forbidden, seizures of power from authority, violations of normality, and freedom from the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue.

     How does hope work? As resilience and a sustaining function, what is its adaptive value in survival under our imposed conditions of struggle?

     As I wrote in my post of July 26 2020, Explaining Badly What I Do, For Even I Am Not Altogether Certain: a Confession; As a student of the origins of evil I studied everything, but especially the nexus of literature, history, psychology, and philosophy, and wrote, spoke, taught, and organized always, for democracy and liberation from systems of unequal power and elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, for our universal human rights and against dehumanization, tyranny, and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, and for the values of a free society of equals; among them liberty, equality, truth, and justice.

      During vacations from graduate school and teaching English, Forensics, and Socratic seminars in various subjects through the Gifted and Talented Education program at Sonoma Valley High School and my practice as a counselor, I like Don Quixote wandered the world in search of windmills that might be giants at which to tilt.

     One day I crossed beyond our topologies of meaning and value and transgressed the boundaries of the Forbidden into the unknown, the blank places on the maps of our becoming human marked Here Be Dragons, and never returned. I live now where the dragons dwell, and I wouldn’t trade a moment of the life I have lived for any treasure on earth, for I am free.

     It happened like this; one day I was driving from my day job teaching high school in Sonoma as a sacred calling to pursue the truth to my third profession, teaching martial arts being the first and all then running at the same time, in San Francisco where I practiced the repair of the world as a counselor and healer of the flaws of our humanity, things I loved but had begun to feel determinative of my scope of action, when the lightning of insight struck. In that moment of illumination I realized that I was literally in Hell, trapped in Nietzsche’s Eternal Return, for I had lived the same day more times than I could remember and was about to do so yet again. And I thought, Why am I doing this? I don’t need to do this.

     I recalled a line of poetry from a book on the game of Go, handwritten variously in Chinese, Japanese, and English which had mysteriously been left at the front door of our home when I was in seventh grade; “This is a message from your future self; I return from living fifty thousand years rapturous in sky, to find you living in a box. Seize the heavens and be free.”

     We had just brought down the Berlin Wall, and all things had become possible. So I wondered, what if we brought down all the other walls, beginning with my own?

     So like Milton’s rebel angel I escaped from Hell and took a wrong turn to the airport where I bought a ticket to the Unknown; the agent asked me where I wanted to go, and I said the other side of the world. I had no idea where I was flying to, and when I arrived in glittering Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, where the possibilities of epicurean delights were ones I could have explored at home in San Francisco had I wished, I once again found a Forbidden Door to the Unknown in a bus station beside a temple of Ganesha with a map that showed where all the roads ended in nothingness, an enormous empty space along the spine of the Malay Peninsula. I didn’t want to do what everyone else did; I wanted to do what no one else did. So I took a bus to where the road ends, where a dirt track led into the forest of the Cameron Highlands, and with nothing but whatever happened to be in my pockets began walking into an unmapped wilderness.

     So began a journey from which I have never truly returned, which may be described with the words of Obi Wan to Luke Skywalker as “some damn fool idealistic crusade.”

     Sometimes my quest found only death and loss, sometimes triumph and illumination, but the struggle itself was always a seizure of power in which something of our humanity might be wrested back from the claws of our nothingness.

     Among the prizes and exhibits of my memory palace are heroes and rogues, allies and enemies of whom only I, like Ishmael, live to tell the tale; others became legends. So also with the causes for which we fought.

     What if we told students what life is really like, that its full of blood and horror and in the end means nothing at all, and the best you can do is survive another day in refusal to submit and maybe save someone from the darkness before it swallows us all? I’ve looked into the Abyss since 1982 in Beirut, when Jean Genet swore me to the Oath of the Resistance, and as Nietzsche warned it has begun to look back at me.

      Yet I will struggle with the darkness and cease not, and so remain unconquered in defiance of unjust authority and in refusal to submit, though I have sometimes forgotten why. At moments of doubt such as this I read again Camus’ The Myth of Sisyphus, Hemingway’s The Old Man and the Sea, Henley’s Invictus, I.F. Stone’s The Trial of Socrates; myths, stories, poetry, and history of the grandeur of resistance which confers freedom, beyond hope of victory or even survival.

       Refusal to submit is the primary human act. We can be killed, tortured, starved and imprisoned; but we cannot be defeated so long as we refuse to obey. This is our victory, in which we seize ownership of ourselves and create ourselves anew, and nothing can take this from us.  In our refusal to submit, disobedience, disbelief, and defiance of authority we become unstoppable as the tides, for force fails at the point of disobedience and authority has no power which is not granted to it by those it claims, and once questioned, mocked, exposed, and challenged as illegitimate the illusions with which it seduces or terrorizes us vanish into the nothingness from which they came.

     Always pay attention to the man behind the curtain.

     Pandora’s Box bears a last gift which is also a curse; we cling to it when it is all we have, and because it cannot be taken from us. I have never been able to decide if this is a good thing or not. Why has this strange gift been given to us?

     Maybe it’s only this; that so long as we get back to our feet for yet another last stand, there is hope.

     And so I open the Forbidden Door to the unknown and step through as I have many times before, a nameless shadow among countless others who await in welcome all those who dare to transgress the limits unjustly imposed on us, a realm of shadows and of the Unconquered, and like lions we roar our defiance into the fathoms of emptiness beyond.

      Such is the only possible response to the terror of our nothingness and its weaponization by those who would enslave us; the roar of defiance, as wild things who are masterless and free.

      So for examples of the action of hope in my life, and my witness of history. Why then do we hope? What good is it, that we evolved such a thing?

     All I have to offer in this are words, ephemeral and impermanent as leaves taking flight in the wind; a poor substitute for the golden coins which should be laid upon our eyes to bear us to unknown shores where we may be free from the limits of our form and the material basis of our lives under unequal power as imposed conditions of struggle.

      We must struggle against such authoritarian forces of coercion as a universal process of becoming human, and against tyranny and terror our best defense is solidarity, loyalty, mutual aid and interdependence, faith in each other, and our duty of care for each other. If these should fail, those who would enslave us win.

     A maker of mischief, I; and a bringer of Chaos, bearing songs of liberation. I cannot free us from the systems of unequal power which entrap us, but I can illuminate their limits, flaws, and internal contradictions which will inevitably bring about their collapse, and if we all of us act together we may seize our power to reimagine and transform our possibilities of becoming human and the choices we make about how to be human together.

     And maybe one thing more; a spell, if you will, or a wish; I reach once more into Pandora’s Box to problematize and interrogate hope as a balance for despair.

     As I wrote in my post of September 27 2020, What Do We Need Now to Forge A Future For Humankind?; We live in interesting times,  a phrase attributed in popular culture as Chinese but coined by the father of Prime Minister Chamberlain in a speech of 1898, possibly a paraphrase of the line “Better to be a dog in times of tranquility than a human in times of chaos” in a short story of 1627 by Feng Menglong; beset by complex and interdependent problems; existential threats to democracy and to our survival as a species, and confronted by a political crisis of identity driven by pervasive and overwhelming fears and the modern pathology of disconnectedness. This is a moment of decision, with extinction and civilizational annihilation hanging in the balance, of the wonder and terror of total freedom, and our choices will gloriously expand the possibilities of becoming human or cast us into oblivion. 

     History begins with us, or ends with us.

     What do we need now if we are to forge a future for humankind?

      So I asked the question three years ago, which I revisit now to recontexualize the praxis of hope as historical and political as well as personal and psychological, one which shapes us both as individuals and as nations.

      Here follows a Book of Hope, to balance against despair in surviving life disruptive events, the flaws of our humanity, and the brokenness of the world.

        What is hope, and how is it useful?

       Hope is power, an inherent and defining quality of human being, and a primary force of our reimagination and transformation of ourselves and our civilization.

      Hope dances with faith and love as parts of us which cannot be taken from us, a final space of free creative play which escapes the darkness and those who would enslave us, beyond the boundaries of the Forbidden and resistant to our falsification, commodification, and dehumanization by authority and elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege and their carceral states of force and control.

     Hope is also a fulcrum of change not only for ourselves in becoming human, but also of seizures of power in revolutionary and liberation struggle, a form of poetic vision which allows us to see beyond the limits of our material and social conditions to diagnose systemic flaws and contradictions and find new ways of being human together.

     These aspects of hope as recursive processes of change, adaptation, and growth in living systems, social, political, and psychological as well as biological ecologies which construct us, make of hope a kind of freedom inborn in us, and interconnected with ideas of agency, autonomy, and liberty.

     How can we find the will and power to claw our way out of the ruins and make yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory or even survival? This has been the great question of my life posed by existential threats in the first three   dances with Death and the first two Last Stands which created and defined me; first when the police opened fire on the student protestors my mother and I were among at Bloody Thursday in People’s Park Berkeley 1969 and I died and beheld myriads of possible human futures in a moment outside of time, second when I was nearly executed by police bounty hunters in Brazil in 1974 for refusal to stand aside from the street children they were authorized to kill for being who the system made them, and third in Beirut 1982 when I was given the Oath of the Resistance by Jean Genet as we refused to surrender to the Israeli soldiers who had just set fire to our café and expected to be burned alive.

     In my very long journey to becoming who I am now, I began from the position of Camus regarding hope that it is an instrument of our subjugation to authority through faith weaponized in service to power and the falsification of lies, illusions, rewritten histories, authorized identities, and alternate realities; the Wilderness of Mirrors, to use Angleton’s iconic metaphor. Hope for me then must be abandoned if we are to become free; with time I began to see instead hope as a form of freedom, one crucial to our defiance of authority and seizures of power. 

      If the Wilderness of Mirrors is our prison, it is also our arena; and here we must escape being prey for those who would enslave and dehumanize us, and become the hunters.

      First, here is the place from which I began, as I wrote in my post of August 20 2019, On Becoming Human; This morning I was rereading my favorite stories by H.P. Lovecraft on his birthday and writing some thoughts about his work in my literary blog Dollhouse Park Conservatory and Imaginarium, sister site to this one, when I realized that his surreal mythology illuminates the existential crisis of meaning and values which confronts us in America today and in the world at large in what is rapidly becoming a post-democracy global civilization under the Fourth Reich, and that we have faced similar peril after both World Wars as western civilization destroyed and recreated itself; how can we go on when the values of the Enlightenment, freedom, equality, truth, and justice, have failed us? It is as if we looked to the heavens for signs and portents of guidance, only to find writ large the words, “I do not exist.”

     One’s interpretation of a universe empty of meaning and value except for that which we ourselves create, a Nietzschean cosmos of dethroned gods as explored by Sartre and Marx or a Lovecraftian and Pauline one of Absurdist faith, referential to classical sources, of mad, idiot gods who are also malign, tyrannical, and hostile to humanity, ideal figures of Trump and his lunatic presidency of Absurdist-Nihilist Theatre of Cruelty whose acts reference Artaud and Pirandello, rests with our solution to the riddle of Pandora’s Box; is hope a gift, or the most terrible of evils?

     Hope is a two- edged sword; it frees us and opens limitless possibilities, but in severing the bonds of history also steals from us our anchorages and disempowers the treasures of our past as shaping forces. Hope in its negative form directs us toward a conservative project of finding new gods to replace the fallen as we so often do with liberators who become tyrants, or like T.S. Elliot of gathering up and reconstructing our traditions as a precondition of faith. This is why the abandonment of hope is vital to Sartrean authenticity and to the rebellion of Camus; we must have no gods and no masters before we are free to own ourselves. The gates of Dante’s Hell, which bear the legend “Abandon hope, all ye who enter here,” lead to ourselves and to our own liberation.

    True freedom requires disbelief. Freedom means self-ownership and the smashing of the idols.   

      Freedom can be terrible as well as wonderful. Among the most impactful stories I ever heard from my mother was how she went to the grocery store after my father died and experienced a full stop lightningbolt awakening, thinking, “What do I want? I know what my husband wanted, what my children want, but I don’t know what I want.”

     It is in this moment in which we claim our nothingness that we free ourselves of all claims upon us, a transformative rebirth in which we become self-created beings.

     Now imagine humanity after civilization destroyed itself twice in the last century’s world wars, and is now in the process of doing so again in an undeclared World War Three being savagely fought in ten theatres of war, facing that same awakening to freedom and to loss, wherein our old values have betrayed us and must be forged anew, and we are bereft of signposts in an undiscovered country, exactly the same as a widow on her first trip shopping for dinner for no one but herself.

     Who do we want to become, we Americans, we human beings; masters and slaves, or a free society of equals?

     Our responses to this awakening to possibilities tend to correspond with one of the primary shaping forces of historical civilization; the conserving force as exemplified by T.S. Eliot, Thomas Mann, Vladimir Nabokov, and Flannery O’Connor, and the revolutionary force as exemplified by Gertrude Stein, James Joyce, Jean Paul Sartre, and Samuel Beckett.

     Everyone possesses and uses both forces just as all organisms do in terms of their evolution. The function of conservatism is to buffer order from the shock of the new and withstand stresses and changing conditions without losing ourselves or undergoing morphogenic change, the loss of structural form as identity, or ruptures to our prochronism, the history of our successful adaptations and strategies of survival as expressed in our form, the loss of our culture and traditions. The function of revolution and innovation is to capitalize on chaos as adaptive potential and to transform, create, and discover new forms, meanings, and values.

      For both nations and persons, the process of identity formation is the same. We all have one problem in common as we grow up; each of us must reinvent how to be human. This individuation is controlled by a second or historical principle; humans create themselves over time, and a third or social principle; humans create each other through their connections and relationships including the means of exchange. And these three principles, which concern our self-construal, history and memory, and social interconnectedness in multiple frames, can produce conflicts with each other which must be negotiated in liberation struggle.

     This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the struggle for ownership and control of identity or persona, a term derived from the masks of Greek theatre, between the masks that others make for us and the ones we make for ourselves.

     As I wrote in my post of January 20 2021, The Turning of the Tide: With Inauguration Day Comes the Return of Hope; With this Inauguration Day comes the return of hope as a fulcrum of resilience and renewal; now begins the great work of reimagining America and ourselves.

     I have a complex relationship with the idea of hope, with the ambiguity, relativity, and context-determined multiple truths and simultaneity of meaning which defines hope, that thing of redemption and transformative power which remains in Pandora’s Box after all the evils have escaped, as either the most terrible of our nightmares or the gift of the miraculous depending on how we use it. 

      As Dorothy says to the Wizard of Oz and makes him admit of himself, hope is a humbug, but it is also a power which cannot be taken from us by force and control, and like faith of which it is a cipher holds open the door of our liberation and the limitless possibilities of becoming human.

    Hope is a seizure of power.

    As we believe, so we may become.

    Human being, meaning, and value originate in this uniquely human capacity to transcend and grow beyond our limits as an act of transformation, rebirth, and self-creation, and as a seizure of power over our identities. Among other things it allows us to escape the flags of our skin and inhabit that of others; to forge bonds through empathy and compassion and enact altruism and mercy. 

    This is what is most human in us, a quality which defines the limits of what is human, and which we must cherish and conserve as our most priceless gift. 

     Hope is the thing which can restore us to ourselves and each other, unite a divided nation and begin to heal our legacies of historical inequalities and injustices, and it can be wielded as an instrument which counters fear. Hope is the balance of fear, and fear is a negative space of hope; and because fear births hate, racism, fascism, hierarchies of elite privilege and belonging and categories of exclusionary otherness, hope is a power of liberation and of revolutionary struggle.

     What do I hope for now, watching the Inauguration of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris as love triumphs over hate and diversity and inclusion over racism as national policy? I hope that the ideals and values we have embraced today as symbols will in time become real.

      And I hope that the peaceful transfer of power and the viability and resilience of democracy will never again be threatened or called into question by any act of treason, tyranny, or terror.

      Regarding that I have a story to share with you about a previous election, during which the Cambodian refugees who had been assigned for acculturation to my mother as a high school English teacher with a facility for languages, all vanished overnight from the town. They returned to her classroom in family groups two to three weeks later, and she asked them where they went. One of them answered; “To the hills. New President, soldiers come now.” She told them that can’t happen here, and the reply was “That’s what we thought before Pol Pot.” I imagine that’s what most of us thought, before Trump.

     President Biden and Vice President Harris bring us hope and promise of a Restoration of democracy and our universal human rights, and to work toward unity and healing the nation. In this great cause let us work together with them to restore honor to our nation and create a free society of equals built on objective and testable truth, impartial and fair justice, liberty, equality, and a secular state.

     Let us raise again the fallen cause of the American Revolution, and bear it forward into the future.

     Amanda Gorman, America’s National Youth Poet Laureate, a cum laude graduate of Harvard in Sociology, delivered a brilliant and visionary inaugural address in which hope is a major theme with her poem, The Hill We Climb. In an NPR interview she said she studied the speeches of Abraham Lincoln, Frederick Douglass, and Winston Churchill in writing it, and has signposted her references to the play Hamilton on Twitter, a poem completed on the most terrible night of our history, when Trump unleashed a mob of white supremacist terrorists under a Confederate battle flag to seize our capitol and execute our representatives in the January 6 Insurrection;

“We’ve seen a force that would shatter our nation rather than share it,

Would destroy our country if it meant delaying democracy.

And this effort very nearly succeeded.

But while democracy can be periodically delayed,

It can never be permanently defeated.

In this truth, in this faith we trust.

For while we have our eyes on the future,

History has its eyes on us.”

     Her article in Harper’s articulates her major source and reference as she describes herself writing The Hill We Climb in terms of occupying the same historical space as Emily Dickenson did in writing her great meditation on hope as the Civil War began in 1861, “Hope” is the thing with feathers”;  “I’ve come to realize that hope isn’t something you give to others. It’s something you must first give to yourself. This year has taught us to find light in the quiet, in the dark, and, most importantly, how to find hope in ourselves. 2020 has spoken, loud and clear as a battle drum. In 2021, let us answer the call with a shout.”

     Here is the text of her poem This Place (An American Lyric):

“There’s a poem in this place—

in the footfalls in the halls

in the quiet beat of the seats.

It is here, at the curtain of day,

where America writes a lyric

you must whisper to say.

There’s a poem in this place—

in the heavy grace,

the lined face of this noble building,

collections burned and reborn twice.

There’s a poem in Boston’s Copley Square

where protest chants

tear through the air

like sheets of rain,

where love of the many

swallows hatred of the few.

There’s a poem in Charlottesville

where tiki torches string a ring of flame

tight round the wrist of night

where men so white they gleam blue—

seem like statues

where men heap that long wax burning

ever higher

where Heather Heyer

blooms forever in a meadow of resistance.

There’s a poem in the great sleeping giant

of Lake Michigan, defiantly raising

its big blue head to Milwaukee and Chicago—

a poem begun long ago, blazed into frozen soil,

strutting upward and aglow.

There’s a poem in Florida, in East Texas

where streets swell into a nexus

of rivers, cows afloat like mottled buoys in the brown,

where courage is now so common

that 23-year-old Jesus Contreras rescues people from floodwaters.

There’s a poem in Los Angeles

yawning wide as the Pacific tide

where a single mother swelters

in a windowless classroom, teaching

black and brown students in Watts

to spell out their thoughts

so her daughter might write

this poem for you.            

There’s a lyric in California

where thousands of students march for blocks,

undocumented and unafraid;

where my friend Rosa finds the power to blossom

in deadlock, her spirit the bedrock of her community.

She knows hope is like a stubborn

ship gripping a dock,

a truth: that you can’t stop a dreamer

or knock down a dream.        

How could this not be her city

su nación

our country

our America,

our American lyric to write—

a poem by the people, the poor,

the Protestant, the Muslim, the Jew,

the native, the immigrant,

the black, the brown, the blind, the brave,

the undocumented and undeterred,

the woman, the man, the nonbinary,

the white, the trans,

the ally to all of the above

and more?

Tyrants fear the poet.

Now that we know it

we can’t blow it.

We owe it

to show it

not slow it

although it

hurts to sew it

when the world

skirts below it.      

Hope—

we must bestow it

like a wick in the poet

so it can grow, lit,

bringing with it

stories to rewrite—

the story of a Texas city depleted but not defeated

a history written that need not be repeated

a nation composed but not yet completed.

There’s a poem in this place—

a poem in America

a poet in every American

who rewrites this nation, who tells

a story worthy of being told on this minnow of an earth

to breathe hope into a palimpsest of time—

a poet in every American

who sees that our poem penned

doesn’t mean our poem’s end.

There’s a place where this poem dwells—

it is here, it is now, in the yellow song of dawn’s bell

where we write an American lyric

we are just beginning to tell.”

I am a leaf on the wind; scene from Serenity

Amanda Gorman reads her poem at inauguration

The Myth of Sisyphus and Other Essays, Albert Camus

The Old Man and the Sea, Ernest Hemingway

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/2165.The_Old_Man_and_the_Sea?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_23

The Trial of Socrates, I.F. Stone

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/51330.The_Trial_of_Socrates?ref=nav_sb_ss_2_10

Friedrich Nietzsche on the Philosophy of Right and the State, Nikos Kazantzakis

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/74004.Friedrich_Nietzsche_on_the_Philosophy_of_Right_and_the_State?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_37

The Origins of Totalitarianism, Hannah Arendt

The Psychopathic God, Robert G.L. Waite

Julius Caesar, Oxford School Shakespeare, William Shakespeare, Harold Bloom (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/13006.Julius_Caesar?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_13

Curiosity Unleashed: Waterhouse’s ‘Pandora’

Pandora’s Box, by John William Waterhousehttps://i.pinimg.com/originals/3d/d8/fb/3dd8fbee15bb35ba5597b9ad16bf0dd8.jpg

March 22 2026 Anniversary of Our 2022 Founding of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade of Ukraine in Mariupol

On this day four years ago, myself and other American volunteers who had rallied to the defense of Ukraine at Mariupol swore our loyalty to each other as the Abraham Lincoln Brigade of Ukraine, named after the legendary unit of the Spanish Civil War, independent of any state control and not in the chain of command of the Ukrainian armed services of which the official International Legion is a part, though some of us were also in Ukrainian uniform.

     Such a force offers a scope of action normally beyond that of uniformed combatants, of which we took full advantage. To make mischief for the enemy among his own and behind his lines is a special joy.

      This is balanced with the omnipresent fact that nonuniformed combatants are not protected by the Geneva Convention, and will if captured be shot as a spy. It’s a game for those with nothing left to lose, or for whom personal survival is not a victory condition. Hence my term for such actions, Last Stands.

     For myself, there are things we must Resist if we are to remain human, and our duty of care for others counts no costs. We must ever and always act in solidarity, allyship, and as guarantors of each other’s humanity, and claw our way out of the ruins to make yet another Last Stand, regardless of hope of victory or even survival. This is what it means to live as a human being, nothing more or less.

     Offer no target, give no warning, leave no trace; such are my principles of action.

     Why Mariupol?

      My study of the problem as informed by Putin’s known plans and intentions of global imperial conquest and dominion in re-founding the Russian Empire revealed control of the Black Sea as the key to his invasion of the nations of the Mediterranean. Crimea was under Russian occupation, but remains vulnerable without a land route, and Mariupol was the nearby major port. Odesa remains open due to its unique status as a bastion of criminal syndicates also under protection by foreign powers which rely on her, being a de facto pirate kingdom which suits Russia to use as a back door; this left Mariupol.

    As I wrote in my post of April 18 2022, Last Stand at Mariupol: Fight at the Steel Works; Russia wants to conquer Ukraine for the same reason Japan invaded Manchuria; because it is an industrial heartland and breadbasket from which the conquest of the world may be launched, and the warm water ports of Mariupol and Odesa are key to this imperial plan of dominion, as well as to control of a land corridor to Crimea.

    The sixty-five ports of the Black Sea connect Romania, Bulgaria, Georgia, Moldova, Turkey, Russia, and Ukraine, and all of these with the Mediterranean, dominion of which Russia has long disputed with Turkey in Libya and Syria. If Russia intends to follow the conquest of Ukraine with that of Eastern Europe, the capture of Romania’s Port of Constanta would open the whole of the Danube region to invasion. The Black Sea remains as crucial to the dominion of the Mediterranean, and of Eastern Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East, as it was when Mithridates VI of Pontus contested for it in his wars with the Roman Empire, or at the Battle of Gallipoli which we seem doomed to refight in Crimea and the Ukrainian seaboard inclusive of Mariupol.

      We must seize control of the Black Sea or prevent Russia from doing so, to deny its use as a launching pad for the imperial Russian conquest and dominion of the Mediterranean, Europe, Africa, and the Middle East.

      So I wrote as the Russian Army cordoned off the city and began rounding up its citizens to be summarily executed or sent to slave labor camps in Russia, and as I organized an escape for around four hundred survivors. We regrouped in Warsaw and many became leadership cadre for cells operating in Russia against the Putin regime, mainly comprised of Polish and expat Russian and Ukrainian volunteers but also with members of the European intelligence and special operations community. So while we failed in the defense of Mariupol, a new armed Resistance was born from her ruins.

     Thus far and despite a great many attempts, Putin eludes us; but we did assassinate Prigozhin, who I regarded as my counterpart among the enemy and direct opponent, and destroy his power in the Wagner Group now incorporated into the Russian Army and no longer able to wag the dog.

    Mariupol occupies a special place in my imagination along with the Siege of Sarajevo, events which define the limits of the human so horrific were they.   The Russian genocide and erasure of Mariupol was characterized by its organized mass murders, rapes, and tortures of civilians, the mobile factories of cannibalism which turned people into army rations, the use of a new hyperbaric terror weapon as crematoriums to hide their crimes, and the abduction and enslavement of children. All of this the world and I have seen before and doubtless will again; nor was I truly disturbed by being buried in a tunnel collapse under bombardment and crawling out for several hours, through the remains of the dead and among the lost voices of the dying whom I could not help. But I spent a couple days throwing up and working through the stages of shock when I discovered what the Russian Army and their partners, a crime syndicate called the Butterfly Collectors, were doing with some of the stolen children and young girls brought into special facilities on military bases far way in Russia; torture brothels whose spectacles were broadcast to the world on the dark web in shows which I hope you cannot imagine.

     In Ukraine the differences between liberty and tyranny draw blood, and become moral absolutes. And to the designed horror and abjection of Total War as practiced by Russia and created by Franco and Hitler, tested at Guernica and Mariupol, we must reply with refusal to submit and the violence of liberation struggle against oppression.

     All Resistance is War to the Knife, for who respects no laws and no limits may hide behind none. By Any Means Necessary, as the phrase coined by Sartre in his 1948 play Dirty Hands and made famous by Malcolm X goes.

      To all tyrants I say with the words of Shakespeare in Julius Caesar underlined by Nelson Mandela in the book known as the Robbin Island Bible to authorize direct action against the Apartheid regime; Sic Semper Tyrannis.

      Here follows the essay in which I worked through the possibilities and consequences of direct action and the use of force in the defense of Ukraine.

      March 6 2022, How if Vladimir Putin Should Be Assassinated? An Interrogation of the Origins of Evil and the Social Use of Force, and of the State as Embodied Psychopathy and Violence; There is a line in Stephen R. Donaldson’s The Power That Preserves, third novel of The Chronicles of Thomas Covenant, spoken of a hero who refuses to be summoned to the rescue because in his other world, our own, a child has been bitten by a snake and must be saved; “Could I damn a world to save the life of one child? I’m not sure I could make that choice.”

    Today we contemplate its opposite; I’m not sure I could make the decision to let the world burn and trigger the extinction of humankind to save the life of one man, Vladimir Putin, whose mad imperial conquest of Ukraine now threatens the future of us all.

    The life of one war criminal versus the incalculable horrors he will bring; I could not choose to save a monster who may destroy us all over saving humankind and our world.

     The violence of the slaver cannot be compared to the violence used by a slave to break his chains., as Trotsky in Their Morals and Ours teaches us.

    A senator with whom I am not usually aligned made an entirely reasonable suggestion recently, for which he has been denounced in the media by friend and foe alike, even AOC for whom I have already declared in the next Presidential election, regardless of whether or not she is on the ballot.

      I am having difficulty understanding why this suggestion was not embraced with great bipartisan enthusiasm, given our history. After all, assassination and overthrowing inconvenient governments is something we do all the time. We even manufacture or capitalize on unforgiveable just causes of war like Russia’s firebombing of a nuclear site this week to launch imperial conquests of our own; the terror attack on the Twin Towers provided a pretext to seize the heroin fields of Afghanistan and the oil fields of Iraq, sacrifices to our shared rituals of public grieving and need for vengeance, and Hearst’s fictions regarding the 1898 sinking of the USS Maine in Havana Harbor gave us the Spanish-American War, Cuba, the Philippines, Guam, Puerto Rico, the Hawaiian Islands which we stole simply because we could, and later the Presidency of the war’s hero, Teddy Roosevelt.

     Go us? We normally seize such chances with great avarice.

     Perhaps we are growing up, we humans, and abandoning the use of force and violence. The question is whether we can survive to reach the stage of childhood’s end; and this is the inherent dilemma of force and power, for such forces are dichotomous, bidirectional, and have unintended consequences.

     As written by Joan E Greve and Vivian Ho in The Guardian; “Lindsey Graham has attracted widespread condemnation after the South Carolina senator suggested Vladimir Putin should be assassinated in order to end Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

     Graham first made the suggestion in an appearance on Fox News host Sean Hannity’s show on Thursday evening, and he then repeated the idea in a tweet that quickly went viral.

     “Is there a Brutus in Russia? Is there a more successful Colonel Stauffenberg in the Russian military? The only way this ends is for somebody in Russia to take this guy out,” Graham said on Twitter. “You would be doing your country – and the world – a great service.”

     Brutus refers to one of the assassins of the Roman emperor Julius Caesar, and Stauffenberg was a German army officer who was executed for attempting to kill Adolf Hitler in 1944.

     Graham added in a separate tweet: “The only people who can fix this are the Russian people. Easy to say, hard to do. Unless you want to live in darkness for the rest of your life, be isolated from the rest of the world in abject poverty, and live in darkness you need to step up to the plate.”

     Despite immediate criticism of Graham’s comments from left and right in the US, he doubled down on the idea in a Friday morning interview with Fox & Friends. “I’m hoping somebody in Russia will understand that he is destroying Russia, and you need to take this guy out by any means possible,” Graham said.

    American lawmakers of both parties responded to Graham’s comments with shock, dismay and outrage, pointing out the danger in demanding the assassination of a leader whose troops are currently engaged in shelling nuclear plants.

     “I really wish our members of Congress would cool it and regulate their remarks as the administration works to avoid [a third world war],” the progressive congresswoman Ilhan Omar said in a tweet.

    Republican members of Congress were no less critical, as Senator Ted Cruz derided Graham’s suggestion as “an exceptionally bad idea”. “Use massive economic sanctions; BOYCOTT Russian oil [and] gas; and provide military aid so the Ukrainians can defend themselves,” Cruz said. “But we should not be calling for the assassination of heads of state.”

     Even Marjorie Taylor Greene – the extremist congresswoman who has sparked outrage for, among other things, comparing coronavirus-related restrictions to the treatment of Jewish people during the Holocaust – chimed in from the right with criticism of Graham.

     “While we are all praying for peace [and] for the people of Ukraine, this is irresponsible, dangerous [and] unhinged. We need leaders with calm minds [and] steady wisdom,” Greene said on Twitter. “Not blood thirsty warmongering politicians trying to tweet tough by demanding assassinations. Americans don’t want war.”

    White House press secretary, Jen Psaki, said: “We are not advocating for killing the leader of a foreign country or regime change. That is not the policy of the United States.”

    Really? When has this not been precisely our national policy? President Biden ordered the assassination of Abu Ibrahim al-Hashimi al-Qurayshi, a man in Syria whom our state claimed without any evidence was the new leader of ISIS, who if the charge was true was a danger only to our common enemies al Qaeda and the Assad regime, mass murdering his entire family merely to divert attention from his many failures, just as Trump had done the year before with his supposed predecessor Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.

     Did America not assassinate Salvador Allende and attempt countless times to assassinate Fidel Castro, both heroes as great as any American President?

     Did we not kill in massive and horrific numbers to win our freedom from the British Empire in the Revolutionary War, from slavery in the Civil War, and from fascism in the Second World War?

     We are a nation founded in death and terror through the words with which George Washington sent twelve thousand soldiers to put down the Whisky Rebellion of 1792 and demonstrate the power of the new federal government to enforce taxes; “Government is not reason. It is not eloquence. Government is force; like fire it is a dangerous servant — and a fearful master.”

     Do not speak to me of the moral superiority of America.

     O my brothers, sisters, and others who walk with me through this age of fire, wherein liberty and tyranny hang in the balance and possibly the survival or extinction of humankind, I thank you for the time we have spent together in conversation here, which I cherish as a refuge from the world, as a theatre in which I may process my reactions to the brokenness of the world and the flaws of our humanity, and as a forge of action in the performance of my chosen roles as a truthteller, a maker of mischief for tyrants, and in becoming a fulcrum of change.

     Ours is a universe of Chaos, irrational and uncontrollable, and circumstances beyond the scope of our volition may visit disaster and life disruptive events upon us at any moment, for any reasons or none at all, and if by chance this is the last thing I have the opportunity to write, I want you and everyone who has been part of my life to know that you have helped me find balance for the terror of our nothingness in the joy of our freedom and the beauty of the world, healing in the redemptive power of love, and hope for our future possibilities of becoming human in poetic vision and the reimagination and transformation of humankind.

     If by chance you knew our time here in which to do and be the things that bring meaning and value to our lives may number not millennia but hours and days, what would you do and be? Do and be that now, and never stop; for as Kurt Vonnegut teaches us in Mother Night, we become what we pretend to be. What matters here is that our performances of ourselves are chosen and owned by us, and that we own the stories in which we live.

     The most important question to ask of a story is; whose story is this?

     Always there remains the struggle between the masks others make for us and those we make for ourselves. This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the struggle for ownership of ourselves.

     We are about to pass through a Rashomon Gate event, of fracture, relativization, the bifurcation of timelines and propagation of alternate futures and realities, and all bets are off as to what awaits us on the other side.

     And all of this because a mad tyrant cowers and rages in his warrens of darkness, fragmented and torn apart by the demons which inhabit him as his dreams of empire and dominion fall apart and in accord with Newton’s Third Law create the forces of their own destruction, much as with his predecessor Adolf Hitler at the end, with one crucial difference; beneath his finger lies the button which will launch nuclear annihilation, and it calls to him, whispering; ”Set me free, and I’ll make you powerful.”

     So, as Alfred Doolittle said to Higgins in My Fair Lady, “I put it to you; and I leave it to you”; do we save one life and damn the world?

     As I wrote in my post of February 22 2022, Anniversary of the Martyrdom of Malcolm X; We are shaped by our histories as narratives in which we play our parts; and we also change and seize ownership of our histories and our stories as we perform and enact them.

     This brings us back to issues of unequal power, identity, and the social use of force and violence, issues which the life and works of Malcolm X center and bring into terrible and wonderful focus.

     His principle of action, By Any Means Necessary, is like a riddle challenge uttered by a Zen master, for which there is no single interpretation, and to which no words but only deeds may give answer. It is a principle which helped set us free from history, and which in the end rebounded on him and killed him.

     A dangerous idea, for the use of force obeys Newton’s Third Law and always acts in both directions, action and reaction, unpredictable and slippery in one’s grasp. Yet an idea must be dangerous if it is to be useful in the struggle for liberation.

      The violence used by a slavemaster cannot be compared to the violence used by a slave to break his chains, as Trotsky in Their Morals and Ours has been paraphrased, an extension of Nietzsche’s dichotomy of master versus slave morality. This dictum has its reverse; the state has no legitimate authority to use death, violence, force, or control in the repression of dissent, theft of citizenship or violations of our universal human rights, or authorization of identities. This got Trotsky killed by Stalin, as he rightly called out tyranny and terror as tyranny and terror regardless of what those who would enslave us call themselves.

     Revolutionary struggle, protest movements, and wars of liberation use force and violence to achieve a society free of inequality when there are no other means possible, due to the imposed conditions of revolutionary struggle when the tyranny and terror of authority, state force and control, and elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege answer dissent with repression because they are without legitimacy and have only fear to keep the slaves at their work. Those who would enslave us refuse to negotiate because they see only themselves as human, and without debate we are left only the sword.

     Any who stand between the tyranny and state terror of conquest, enslavement, and death, and the lives of innocents are heroes and champions of our humanity. The particulars are irrelevant.

      How do such terrible things arise and seize hold of us, shaping us to their uses?

     As I wrote in my post of October 24 2021 Embracing Our Monstrosity: Hierosgamos in Frankenstein and Wuthering Heights; Our monsters, ourselves; genius, madness, inspiration, the quest to become as gods; who among us has not longed to steal the divine fire, to look beyond ourselves, to defy all limits and laws? To be, even for a moment, the unconquered Victor Frankenstein?

     Yet as Prospero said of Caliban, we must also say of Frankenstein’s monster; “This thing of darkness I acknowledge mine.”

     As I have written of Vander Meer’s retelling of Frankenstein in the novel Borne; Mary Shelly’s glorious novel was also about the abandonment of a child who is no longer perfect, among a number of other themes, including the origins of violence.

     A major theme of the novel Frankenstein is the monstrosity of God, who like Victor creates and then abandons his child when it is imperfect and no longer a reflection of his, when we become our own free and independent beings. Yes, Victor wants to become a god, which is why the story resonates with everyone, and is an allegory of the failure of science to realize Idealist visions of humanity, the novel being both a codification and critique of Romantic Idealism.

     But in his quest to become a god, Victor also desires to be worshipped and obeyed; he wants to free himself from subjugation by authority, but not to liberate others. Instead of changing the nature of power, force, and control in casting down from his throne a tyrant god who bound us to his laws and then abandoned us through the abolition of the Law and of the social use of force and the centralization of power and authority to an elite as would a true revolutionary, Victor’s tragic flaw of pride compels him to become the next tyrant and enact the role of his former nemesis.

     It is a cycle of substitutive tyranny which as Vladimir Nabokov pointed out in his novel Lolita, a brilliant critique of the failure of Idealism which led to his father’s execution in the Russian Revolution as an aristocrat, has been recapitulated throughout the world in revolutions which become tyrannies, especially under the imposed conditions of anticolonial struggle.

     There is a line spoken by the villain in the series The Magicians, a survivor of childhood abuse and tyrant known as The Beast for his horrific crimes, once the powerless and terrified Martin Chatwin and now like Saturn a monstrous cannibal god; “You know, when I was a boy, a man who was meant to care for me bent me over his desk and had me over and over every time I was alone with him. It helps me understand a truth. You’re powerful or you’re weak. “

      Here is the original lie of the tyrant and the fascist in the apologetics and self-justification of power; the lie that only power has meaning, that there is no good or evil. How we use power is of equal importance as who holds it. Fear and force are a primary means of human exchange, but not the only means; love, membership, and belonging are as important. The great question which democracy attempts to answer is how to balance the rights and needs of individuals so that none may infringe upon another’s.  

      It’s a line which captures perfectly the inherent contradictions of the  Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force as an origin of evil; for the use of social force is subversive of its own values. Yet the imposed conditions of revolutionary struggle often require violence, and until the gods of law and order have been cast down from their thrones I must agree with the famous dictum of Sartre in his 1948 play Dirty Hands, quoted by Frantz Fanon in his 1960 speech Why We Use Violence, and made immortal by Malcolm X; “by any means necessary.”

     As written by Walter Rodney in The Groundings with my Brothers; “We were told that violence in itself is evil, and that, whatever the cause, it is unjustified morally. By what standard of morality can the violence used by a slave to break his chains be considered the same as the violence of a slave master? By what standards can we equate the violence of blacks who have been oppressed, suppressed, depressed and repressed for four centuries with the violence of white fascists? Violence aimed at the recovery of human dignity and at equality cannot be judged by the same yardstick as violence aimed at maintenance of discrimination and oppression.”

     And here is the passage he references from Leon Trotsky in Their Morals and Ours: The Class Foundations of Moral Practice; “A slave-owner who through cunning and violence shackles a slave in chains, and a slave who through cunning or violence breaks the chains – let not the contemptible eunuchs tell us that they are equals before a court of morality!”

    I have no use for anything that limits our power to resist evil; the boundaries of the Forbidden, the tyranny of normality and other people’s ideas of virtue, or the limits of our humanity.

     Yet in reflection I think of those great figures who have been both heroes of liberation and villains of tyranny; Napoleon, Washington, Stalin, Mao, the list is a near endless litany of woes and failures of vision wherein Brave New Worlds became hells and carceral states. In evidence I offer the French and American Revolutions and their imperial successor states, those of the Soviet Union and the Chinese Communist Party, and above all the state of Israel, a dream of refuge forged in the terror of the Holocaust whose victims learned the wrong lessons from the Nazis and assumed their role in the Occupation of Palestine. The dangers of Idealism as taught to us by Vladimir Nabokov in Lolita and by his model Thomas Mann in Death in Venice are very real; but so are the dangers of submission to authority and the complicity of silence in the face of evil. 

     How does a revolution seize power without becoming a tyranny? How shall we gather the force and will to resist unjust authority, without enforcing our own notions of the good on others in our turn?

     This is the dilemma of power; that we must wield force to take it from our oppressors, and that we must relinquish it when it is ours and refuse to shape our fellows to our will.

     We must refuse to submit to authority if we are to seize our liberty; and we must refuse to subjugate others that they may do the same if we are to avoid becoming the monsters we hunt.

     I like and empathize with the character of Victor in Mary Shelly’s allegory of the origins of evil, and have used variants of this name as aliases because he is a figure of Milton’s rebel angel, but also I admire the monster in all his magnificence, a figure of the Shadow based on Caliban in The Tempest. The story is about their relationship as parent and abandoned and damaged child, about the interplay of these selves in the growth of the psyche and processes of becoming human, and about the political consequences of otherness and monstrosity.

      Frankenstein addresses themes of science versus nature, reason versus passion, and both of these within a Promethean rebellion against God, authority, and universal Law as a form of Idealism; this from the perspective of the monster’s creator.

     From the monster’s view, the novel portrays the disfigurement of the soul through abandonment by a parent who also functions as a figure of a creator-god and of Authority, known as the problem of the Deus Absconditus which refers to the god who bound us to his despicable Laws and then ran away before he was caught, and who drives the child to achievement and supremacy as his proxy of dominion and vindication before the world rather than empowering the child’s own agency to discover and follow a unique bliss and personhood- what the Greeks called Arete or Virtue but also denoting superiority as with the apex predator and ideal of patriarchal masculinity Achilles in the Iliad, one of  Mary Shelly’s sources- in a chosen arena but who like Alberich in Wagner’s Ring must renounce love to win supremacy and power, rendering all victory meaningless and hollow, dehumanizing the child and shaping a vessel of rage and vengeance, a tyrant forged in the violence of the struggle to free himself from enslavement, with the iron self discipline and will to enact subjugation of others in their turn, terrible and pathetic and with the grandeur of a tortured defiant beast trapped in the same flesh as the innocent who needs to be loved and cannot understand why he seems monstrous to others. It is about birthing monsters, and the chaotic plasticity of identity and relationships.

     As written by Octave Mirbeau in The Torture Garden; “Monsters, monsters! But there are no monsters! What you call monsters are superior forms, or forms beyond your understanding. Aren’t the gods monsters? Isn’t a man of genius a monster, like a tiger or a spider, like all individuals who live beyond social lies, in the dazzling and divine immortality of things? Why, I too then-am a monster!”

     A story which is at once Greek tragedy and Freudian study of the processes and relations between the id, ego, and superego, with a third parallel storyline relating a Romantic reimagination of Biblical Genesis like that of Blake, it is both the apotheosis of Romantic Idealism and its first criticism, exegesis and classical myth, dialectic on responsibility and discourse on Aristotle’s categories of being, critique of Rousseau’s natural man and of Nietzsche’s Superman which it also inspired in a recursive loop of influence across the seas of time. Its author was a Pythian visionary whose insight reached centuries into the future, and whose immense scholarship reimagined some of the greatest works of our historical civilization.

     Mary Shelly’s influence echoes through time, multiplies, and reshapes the contexts of its polymorphous meanings. One cannot think of Kafka’s Gregor Samsa without thinking of his original, the dual-aspected monster-child created to bind our nature with reason, nor read her sources and references in the prophecies of William Blake and Milton’s Paradise Lost without reevaluating them in terms of Mary Shelly’s novel; her work resonates through past and future, and what touches, it changes.

      Who can read the work of Emily Bronte without the meaning of her great novel Wuthering Heights changing with our awareness that its author thought of herself as Victor Frankenstein and as the titan Prometheus cast out of heaven like Milton’s rebel angel? That Heathcliff is her monster, a demon to be united with in an exalted Nietzschean rapture of transformative rebirth? And does this not change one’s reading of her source Frankenstein?

     A nested set of puzzle box themes and contexts, multiple narrative threads which create paradoxes of meaning, role reversals and inversions of identities, and the questioning of the mission of civilization and the morality of progress; Mary Shelly created the modern world with her great book Frankenstein.

     It is a modernity which can unfold limitless possibilities of becoming human, or like Pandora’s Box and the Lament Configuration of the toymaker LeMarchand in Clive Barker’s Hellraiser mythos unleash horrors beyond our imagination, as Putin now threatens to do with nuclear war and annihilation.

    With Putin like Dr Strangelove hypnotized by the siren call of his missiles and their promise of ultimate power, the power of total destruction and the end of humankind, chanting Oppenheimer’s ritual invocation; “Behold! I am become Death, the destroyer of worlds!”, the question before us all changes.

     Nuclear annihilation whispers from the darkness, unleash me, and I’ll make you powerful. But this is a lie, for such power will also consume us and steal our souls.

     The great question to which we must now find answer is no longer when is it good to be bad, but how much of our humanity we are willing to sacrifice for our survival as a species.

      As I wrote in my post of February 5 2020, Democracy Falls in America: the Acquittal of Traitor Trump; At the end I am driven finally to reconsider the position of the great, flawed idol of my youth Malcolm X; by any means necessary.

      By any means necessary; this is a horrible, terrible principle of action, one fraught with endless possibilities of inhumanity and malign power, yet if we are forced to a resistance of survival as was Camus, who wrote for those who must claw their way out of the ruins of lost positions and face yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory or even survival, how else may we combat our dehumanization?

     We must never surrender hope, for our resistance can triumph over anything but the loss of our faith in ourselves and one another. So long as one of us remembers the dream of freedom, we may yet redeem our humanity.

      My answer to the Republican subversion of democracy remains NO!

     Yet beyond this, we must fight not merely against fascism but also for democracy and the universal rights of man. As we resist fascism to defend equality and freedom as our common human rights, so we must use force and violence against social and institutional systems, structures, and ideologies and not persons, for we may seek truth together nonviolently with those with whom we disagree as the signal virtue of democracy and humanism, even with our enemies as brother warriors.

     Resisting evil means resisting that of others against our universal humanity, but it also means resisting the seduction of evil and power and of our own use of force to compel others.

     Power is the evil impulse which births monsters.

     So often in history those who commit true atrocities are utterly convinced of the justice of their cause, Gott Mitt Uns, are informed and motivated by narratives of victimhood and have abandoned the self-questioning which is the fulcrum of a free society of equals. This, too, we must resist.

     For this is why revolutions, once power has been seized and tyranny overthrown, may become themselves tyrannies, and why I prefer to let others run amok and be ungovernable to the specter of authoritarian social control.

     Let us send no armies to enforce virtue.

     And remember always Nietzsche’s warning in Beyond Good and Evil; “He who fights monsters should be careful lest he thereby become a monster. And if thou gaze long into an abyss, the abyss gazes back into thee.”

     Further illumination may be found in Anthony Burgess’ masterpiece Napoleon Symphony, a tragedy of Napoleon and Beethoven’s Eroica and a novel whose discovery was a defining moment of my fourteenth year and has remained with me ever since, despite my teenage adoration of Napoleon as a hero of revolution and liberation, a universal genius and ideal of human being.

      Here is the ground of struggle between tyranny and resistance under imposed conditions of systemic unequal power in the use of social force and violence, and between seizures of power as ownership of identity versus the falsification of authorized identities in the struggle between the stories we tell about ourselves and those told about us by others; history, memory, identity.

     Read it as I did beneath a print of Klimt’s Beethoven Frieze, depicting a Shadow pantheon with the wonderful image of the rebel Titan Typhoeus as a chthonic ape and his three gorgon daughters to his left under signifying masks of Death, Madness, and Desire (I found Disease redundant and renamed her Desire as a better balance of forces, plus she is depicted as a three aspected goddess to the right as Lasciviousness, Wantonness, and Intemperance); really, what more could a boy ask for?

     And here is the dynamism of our relationship with our shadow self and all that we fear and experience as disgust and revulsion, fear of nature and of our instinctive selves externalized and projected as fear of otherness, loss of self and of control, and degradation to an animal state which drive identity politics and social constructions of race, gender, and class or caste which includes nationalism and sectarian faith, especially when overwhelming and pervasive fear and real existential threats are weaponized by authority in service to power, as Malcolm X was falsified by Elijah Muhammed’s Black Muslim separatist nationalism as his herald, in reaction against the greater historical and systemic evils and multigenerational trauma and inequality of white supremacist terror and the legacies of slavery.

    Processes of transformational change and social adaptation are chaotic and interdependent, and their causes are circular or more complex as we can see in the case of Malcolm X and liberation struggle, and in all such histories. This is one lesson we can learn from Malcolm X; there is no just authority. And those who claim to speak for you often do so as a primary strategy of fascisms of blood, faith, and soil and in your subjugation to tyranny.

    A second such lesson is that racism in general, and all divisions and social hierarchies of elite membership and exclusionary otherness, compel submission to authority through the weaponization of fear as an arbiter of our most important relationship, that of the conscious and unconscious or shadow self, which can be read in how we feel and think about nature and those truths which are immanent in nature and written in our flesh. We define ourselves through figures of otherness who represent unintegrated parts of ourselves and define the limits of the human; freaks, monsters, and all those beyond the boundaries of the Forbidden and that which we claim as ours.

     For this fear of nature as the origin of racism I have a simple solution; let us embrace our monstrosity, and perform violations of normality and transgressions of the Forbidden as sacred acts of Chaos in pursuit of truth.

    The third gift of Malcolm X to our limitless future possibilities of becoming human is a life lived in revolutionary struggle and resistance against systems, structures, and institutions of unequal power as direct interrogation and engagement with the state as embodied violence, and with the consequences of the use of social force.

     He died for our chance to learn these three things, how authority falsifies and subjugates us as a primary historical process, how racism and other inequalities of power are born of fear of the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves, and the dichotomous and bidirectional nature of violence and the dialectical processes of the use of social force in tyranny and terror and in resistance and revolution, and as a martyr and teacher of wisdom Malcolm X is a figure of liberation who belongs to all humankind.

      How can we disambiguate the violence of the “slave-owner who through cunning and violence shackles a slave in chains, and a slave who through cunning or violence breaks the chains” as Trotsky phrased it, of tyranny and carceral states from revolutionary struggle and liberation, of action in accord with our duty of care for others and our interdependence and solidarity from the enforcement of virtue and imperialism?

     As I wrote in my post of February 4 2022, A Stain of Cruelty: the Assassination of Abu Ibrahim al-Hashimi al-Qurayshi ; To paraphrase the line from Hamlet and Star Trek in season one, episode 13, The Conscience of the King; There’s a stain of cruelty on your armor, President Biden.

    We have answered terror and death with terror and death, and this is both tragic and shameful. Force cannot answer force, nor heal the flaws of our humanity.

    As written for CNN by Barbara Starr, Oren Liebermann, Jeremy Herb and Eyad Kourdi; “It was the biggest US raid in the country since the 2019 operation that killed ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.

     Biden spoke from the White House Thursday morning to announce that the operation had taken “a major terrorist leader off the battlefield.”

     “Thanks to the bravery of our troops, this horrible terrorist leader is no more,” Biden said from the Roosevelt Room. “Knowing that terrorist had chosen to surround himself with families, including children, we made a choice to pursue a Special Forces raid at a much a greater risk to our own people rather than targeting him with an airstrike.”

    Now and then Biden reminds us all that he was among the principal collaborators in Bush’s invasion of Iraq as imperial conquest and colonial plunder to seize the strategic resource of oil by which America maintains a global hegemony of wealth, power, and privilege, an addiction which will result in the extinction of humankind as a species, and in the authorization through the Patriot Act of a carceral state of brutal force and pervasive surveillance and thought control exceeded only by Xin Jinping’s holocaust of the Uighurs of Xinjiang, which has enabled the most massive theft of our freedoms in our history, including the McCarthy era, and the most bizarre and reprehensible regime of torture, most infamous in the crimes against humanity perpetrated at Guantanamo and other secret prisons for political enemies of the regime and its oligarchic, plutocratic, and corporate robber baron paymasters, including even the grisly hysteria of the Salem Witch Trials.

    Once again our heroes and champions are proven to have feet of clay, and I mourn the failure of moral vision and addiction to power and the use of force and violence of President Biden, our government, and America as a guarantor of universal human rights and a beacon of hope to the world.

    On this day and all too often, the Promethean Fire of the Torch of Liberty which illuminates the gates of our nation in New York Harbor did not reach across the wild seas to foreign shores. This is a great tragedy, and it is a tragedy which is ours and for which we must answer.

     The deaths of Abu Ibrahim al-Hashimi al-Qurayshi and his family as a consequence of America’s raid on his home, not an arrest for crimes provable in a court of law but political assassinations, are rightly being compared in the media to the assassination of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi by Trump. This situates Biden and Trump on an equal level of criminal amorality and state terror.

    Before the stage of the world and history, it also generates moral equivalence between ISIS and America, as our enemies intend by their provocations as a strategy of delegitimation of a regime. I use this myself as a democracy activist, for the art of revolution is about claiming the moral high ground and the delegitimation of authority and seizing control of the narrative.

    Sending armies and police to enforce virtue through violence and repression is not only evil, it is also stupid; for it plays into the hands of the enemy. As Shakespeare teaches us in Henry V; “When lenity and cruelty play for kingdom, the gentler gamester is the soonest winner.”

    There are still notable differences between Biden and Trump, and between the goals, values, and ideals of Democrats and Republicans, madness and treason among them. But today those differences became suddenly and horrifically more narrow, and I fear we will need more than the eye of a needle as a window to a better future.

    As written in my post of October 28 2019, Trump and al-Baghdadi: Parallel Lives and Reflections; The personal and historical forces which create tyrants and monsters among us have been a lifelong study of mine, aspects of a curiosity regarding the origins and nature of evil born of primary childhood traumas in the Bloody Thursday massacre ordered by Ronald Reagan against a student peace protest in Berkeley 1969 when I was nine and my near execution in Brazil at the age of fourteen defending street children from police bounty hunters, which echoes those of Maurice Blanchot in June 1944 by the Nazis and Dostoevsky’s in 1849 by Czarist police, informed by Jerzy Kosinski’s novel The Painted Bird and focused by the classic study of Adolf Hitler from his speeches and writings, The Psychopathic God by Robert G. L. Waite, both of which I read during high school. Thus I became fascinated by the intersections of literature, philosophy, history, and psychology, and chose the origins of evil as my lifelong field of study.

    As the world celebrates the death of al-Baghdadi, both tyrant and monster, and Trump claims credit in this the sole victory of his administration, as if for the trophy head of some dangerous beast shot by a guide while enjoying cocktails at the hunting camp, it may be interesting to compare the parallel lives, methods, and goals of Trump and al-Baghdadi.

      A full psychological and historical study of Trump and al-Baghdadi as figures of fascist terror and madness on a global political scale in the context of civilizational conflicts would require a book of Biblical proportions and thesis-level scholarship such as Waite’s brilliant work on Hitler. Here I note only some of the obvious alignments and congruences; both Trump and al-Baghdadi are megalomaniacs and psychopaths who seized power through manipulation of those who perceived themselves as victims and readily dehumanized others to change their status, using disruption of norms and a reimagination of reality through lies and misdirects to shape history, and enacted regimes of state terror and campaigns of religious and ethnic cleansing and of patriarchal misogyny and sexual violence against women.

     Of Trump we have a cornucopia of information; Dr Justin Frank’s book Trump on the Couch and The Dangerous Case of Donald Trump: 27 Psychiatrists and Mental Health Experts Assess a President by Bandy X. Lee are excellent resources, particularly illuminating on Trump’s erotic relationship with his daughter, the fantasies of violence and power which are rooted in his childhood relationship with his tyrannical and abusive father, and his inability to love or empathize with others as a result of his abandonment by his mother.

      Pathological lies, poor impulse control, and grandiose fantasies and delusions complete the picture of a narcissistic personality and psychopathic predator. Trump cannot distinguish truth from lies and delusions; his madness and childlike feeble mindedness, the tantrums and psychotic rages, the bullying and narcissism of a spoiled brat, does not however absolve him of responsibility for his actions, or those of the treasonous cabal of sex predators and fascists he has gathered around him.

     How Trump’s particular madness is expressed in our national policy is a horror which can described with precision; his fear of contamination and faecal fixation translate into his signature campaign against nonwhite others and a policy of ethnic cleansing and racist state terror, his misogyny into a patriarchal wave of legal disempowerment of women’s reproductive rights, his fragile ego,  identity confusion, and need for attention into a governance of Nuremberg-like rallies, the cultivation of despicable autocrats, and the obsessive vengeance against anyone who refuses to offer adoration and submission.

     Above all what unites Trump and his puppetmaster Putin, his model Hitler, and his mirror image al-Baghdadi, as monsters and tyrants who reflect one another and as parallel figures and historical forces is the theory of politics as theatre of cruelty, the state as embodied psychopathy and violence, and government as performance art.  

     For their performances of leadership as clowns of terror and madness provide mirror opposite images of the reign of the Roman Emperor described with wit and guile by Antonin Artaud in his great novel Heliogabalus; or, the Crowned Anarchist, a figure who disrupted norms as an agent of change and chaos to transform an inert and ossified society, whereas Trump and al-Baghdadi have acted as partners in reaction to disrupt civilization itself and return us to a pre-democratic barbarian tyranny.

     Trump cannot distinguish truth from lies and delusions; his madness and childlike feeble mindedness, the tantrums and psychotic rages, the bullying and narcissism of a spoiled brat, does not however absolve him of responsibility for his actions, or those of the treasonous cabal of sex predators and fascists he has gathered around him.

     Trump claims to have killed his dark reflection and shadow self by his spurious arrogation of a victory won by our intelligence and military services; but history will always see this second face behind his mask, a secret twin he bears into eternity, a face of power and twisted desires unrestrained by the laws and values of a democratic civilization and a free society of equals: the face of Trump’s heart of darkness, al-Baghdadi.

    So I wrote on October 28 2019; and so I must write now of Biden’s secret face and heart of darkness, Abu Ibrahim al-Hashimi al-Qurayshi, linked now for eternity as figures of terror, murderous retribution, and cruelty.

    State terror and imperialism has met sectarian and patriarchal terror as tyranny and organizations of institutionalized violence and power; we can only hope now that they will recognize their twin image in the mirror of death which war and acts of force and violence confront us with, and walk away from the precipice which threatens to consume us all.

    As Ken Kesey said in his historic speech to a peace protest against the war in Vietnam recorded in Tom Wolfe’s novel The Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test; “The way to end war is just walk away and say fuck it. Just walk away and say fuck it.”

     Every word of this remains true, in these and all cases of tyranny and the institutional terror of carceral states of force and control, of authorized identities and falsification by propaganda and rewritten histories, of imperial conquest and dominion and colonial exploitation and enslavement. It is also true now of Russia in the invasion of Ukraine.

    As I wrote here of Trump we may also say of his master Putin; for Traitor Trump is but a negative space and shadow cast by his original type, and both are atavisms of fear and force, chasms of emptiness which nothing can fill, no amount of dominion and control of others, displays of wealth and power  or vainglorious strutting, to which no sacrifices of things loved by others or the terror and pain of their victims can suffice, for such is the nature of psychopathy and of politics as a theatre of cruelty.

     What does this mean?

     For us in this moment and in the context of the question of violence and the social use of force, it means that in the unequal balance of power between Russia and Ukraine, wherein real people are dying because someone has the power to steal what they have, a predator for whom nothing is real or has meaning but force and power, we must find answer to the declaration of Ayn Rand’s monstrous protagonist Howard Roark in The Fountainhead as he commits rape; “The question isn’t who is going to let me; it’s who is going to stop me.”

     Who will stop Putin’s conquest of Ukraine?

    If they come for one of us, let them be met with all of us; not divided by hierarchies of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, nor defeated by learned helplessness and terror, but united in solidarity and refusal to submit as one unconquerable and united humankind.

     I am a hunter of fascists, and mine is a hunter’s morality. There is a simple test for the use of force; who holds power?

    For me, this is simple; the nation invading another is in the wrong. This is no different from chancing to discover a policeman kneeling on someone’s neck, in which case our duty of care for others requires us to save the life of the person who is being murdered right in front of us, regardless of any irrelevant details like which of them has the badge and the gun, the authority and the power, by any means necessary.

    Law serves power, and there is no just authority.

    Even if neither nation is a democracy, and victims of unequal power have no inherent moral burden of virtue as Shaw teaches us with the figure of Arthur Doolittle in My Fair Lady, one of them stealing the lives and freedom of the other as the right of sovereignty, self-determination, autonomy, and independence cannot be just, and must be opposed.

      By any means necessary.

      While the political origins of conflict are often ambiguous, its consequences for the people in the path of a conquest are not. As my long term goals remain a united humankind and a stateless society which has abandoned the social use of force and control and with it all laws, authorized identities, and the tyranny of other peoples ideas of virtue, and the emergence of a free society of equals from divisions of exclusionary otherness, elite hegemonies of wealth,  power, and privilege, and from fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, I stand with Ukraine and with any liberation movement of sovereignty and independence anywhere, and with the people of Russia against the oligarchy and Putin and for all democracy movements against tyranny.

     Let us stand in solidarity as a band of brothers, wherever men hunger to be free.

     Our duty of care for others sometimes requires us to place our lives in the balance with all those whom Frantz Fanon called the Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased. I am only one man, and not extraordinary, with nothing but my witness of history and my vision of our future possibilities of becoming human to hurl against the chasms of darkness and the terror of our nothingness in the face of overwhelming force and amoral imperial and carceral states.

     But I cannot be complicit in silence with these crimes against humanity, to which as with fascism there can be but one reply: Never Again! A rallying cry complicated by its popularization in the title of founder of the Jewish Defense League Meir Kahane’s book “Never Again!: A Program for Survival, its origin is in Isaac Lambdan’s 1926 poem Masada; “Never shall Masada fall again”; it first appeared  in its current form on signs written by the prisoners of Buchenwald after its liberation.

     Elie Wiesel defines the phrase in his novel Hostage; “Never again” becomes more than a slogan: It’s a prayer, a promise, a vow. There will never again be hatred, people say. Never again jail and torture. Never again the suffering of innocent people, or the shooting of starving, frightened, terrified children. And never again the glorification of base, ugly, dark violence. It’s a prayer.”

     Here I would declare Sic Semper Tyrannis, but this is a phrase from the shadows and legacies of our history from which we must emerge, and includes the assassinations of Julius Caesar and Abraham Lincoln, whose killers I despise and would not align myself with.

      I do not trust certainties or those who act in their name, Gott Mitt Uns bearing a history of atrocities and terror which has no equals, and includes the Crusades, the Inquisition, the Thirty Year’s War, and the Holocaust. As Voltaire wrote in his 1765 essay Questions sur les miracles; “Those who can make you believe absurdities, can make you commit atrocities.”

   Instead I will say with the magnificent Lt. Aldo Raine in Inglorious Basterds, and I hope in a way which preserves and reflects the moral ambiguity, contingency, and relativity of the original in the film; “Now that I can’t abide. How ’bout you, can you abide it?”

     Here are the references from my essay; first among them my theme song for Last Stands, which I posted on August 24 last summer as I joined the defense of Afghanistan after its fall:

Inglourious Basterds: Shoshanna Prepares for German Night

     The future chosen for us by those who would enslave us:

20 Days In Mariupol film trailer

     War as it is; brutal, cruel, horrific, and often absurd. But also

a ground of struggle in which our humanity is refined

and can be clawed back from the darkness.

2000 Meters To Andriivka – Official UK Trailer

The Undeserving: Alfred P. Doolittle’s Speech in My Fair Lady

The Conscience of the King: Star Trek Season 1, episode 13

By Any Means Necessary speech by Malcolm X

Mother Night by Kurt Vonnegut film

https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0117093/?ref_=ext_shr_lnk

Kenneth Branagh’s Henry V: St. Crispin’s Day Speech

The Magicians: Fear, Power, Force, and the Origins of Evil

Dr. Strangelove trailer

Oppenheimer Quotes the Bhagavad Gita 11.32.; I am become Death

Translations of the passage

Klimt’s Beethoven Frieze, detail of Typhoeus and his daughters

Rashomon Effects: Kurosawa, Rashomon and Their Legacies

by Blair Davis (Editor), Robert Anderson (Editor), Jan Walls (Editor)

Napoleon Symphony: A Novel in Four Movements, by Anthony Burgess

Their Morals and Ours: The Class Foundations of Moral Practice

by Leon Trotsky, John Dewey, George Novack, David Salner

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/184450.Their_Morals_and_Ours

The Groundings with My Brothers, by Walter Rodney

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1205543.The_Groundings_with_My_Brothers

Never Again! A Program for Survival, by Meir Kahane

Hostage, by Elie Wiesel

Why We Use Violence, text of Frantz Fanon’s Speech

Click to access hizbullah_why-we-use-violence.pdf

The Wretched of the Earth, by Frantz Fanon, Jean-Paul Sartre (Preface),

Dirty Hands, by Jean-Paul Sartre

The Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test, by Tom Wolfe

Heliogabalus; or, the Crowned Anarchist, by Antonin Artaud

The Fountainhead, by Ayn Rand

The Dangerous Case of Donald Trump: 27 Psychiatrists and Mental Health Experts Assess a President, by Bandy X. Lee

Trump on the Couch: Inside the Mind of the President, by Justin A. Frank

The Psychopathic God, by Robert G.L. Waite

The Painted Bird, by Jerzy Kosiński

The Torture Garden, by Octave Mirbeau

The Idiot, by Fyodor Dostoevsky, Anna Brailovsky (Translator)

The Instant of My Death / Demeure: Fiction and Testimony, by Maurice Blanchot, Jacques Derrida

Henry V, Folger Shakespeare Library, by William Shakespeare, Barbara A. Mowat (Editor), Paul Werstine (Editor), Michael Neill (Essay)

Beyond Good and Evil, by Friedrich Nietzsche

The New Annotated Frankenstein, by Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley, Leslie S. Klinger (Goodreads Author) (Editor), Guillermo del Toro (Introduction), Anne K. Mellor (Afterword)

1

Borne, by Jeff VanderMeer

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/31451186-borne

Wuthering Heights, by Emily Brontë, Richard J. Dunn (Editor), Charlotte Brontë (Commentary), Robert Heindel (Illustrator)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/6185.Wuthering_Heights

Death in Venice, by Thomas Mann, Michael Cunningham (Goodreads Author) (Introduction), Michael Henry Heim (Translator)

Lolita, by Vladimir Nabokov

Ring of Power: Symbols and Themes Love Vs. Power in Wagner’s Ring Circle and in Us : A Jungian-Feminist Perspective, by Jean Shinoda Bolen

Paradise Lost and Paradise Regained, by John Milton, Christopher Ricks (Annotations)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/336518.Paradise_Lost_and_Paradise_Regained

The Tempest, Folger Shakespeare Library, by William Shakespeare, Paul Werstine (Editor), David Lindley (Editor), Israel Gollancz (Preface & Glossary), Barbara A. Mowat (Editor)

The Power That Preserves (The Chronicles of Thomas Covenant the Unbeliever #3), by Stephen R. Donaldson

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2022/mar/04/lindsey-graham-suggests-putin-assassination-russia-ukraine?fbclid=IwAR3lDpoQX0wxnz28B30Vq50rBpl9qa2wRbJECd5Iu8rhet6V5FeoY7mDus0

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/mar/04/nato-chief-warns-of-worse-suffering-in-ukraine-and-russian-attacks-elsewher

e

https://www.huffpost.com/entry/ukraine-evacuation-halted-cease-fire_n_62234cf7e4b012a2628b24d8

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/mar/04/russia-appears-to-have-no-way-out-as-putin-goes-all-in-ukraine

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/mar/04/russia-ukraine-how-the-west-woke-up-to-vladimir-putin

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/mar/04/putin-wants-to-kill-us-totally-ukrainians-hold-firm-under-bombardment

   How does one read such a manifesto?

    Herein I write a manifesto of action as Socratic dialog and Swiftian satire, which as stated in the title questions “the Origins of Evil and the Social Use of Force, and of the State as Embodied Psychopathy and Violence”.

    As the motto of my publication Torch of Liberty declares, my intent is “to incite, provoke, and disturb.” 

    Consider also that I claim the Four Primary Duties of a Citizen as Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority, and that I do these things in performance as what Foucault called a truth teller, in the pursuit of truth as a sacred calling.

    In this essay I interrogate a set of interdependent problems which I believe are central to the project of becoming human we all share, and the consequences of the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force posed to us by the situation we face in this moment, and here I use the term moment in the ways that Jacques Derrida and Alain Badiou did, wherein a monstrous tyrant threatens nuclear war and the extermination of all humankind on a whim of infantile tantrum, and we must choose one or the other.

     It is a dilemma which like all use of social force makes us complicit in evil, a primary strategy of fascism in our subjugation, and which reproduces the conditions from which states arise as embodied psychopathy and violence, elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.

    Badiou claims events are fundamentally indeterminate and structured by the dialectics of possibility and impossibility, maybe-maybe not as my mother used to say to students who asked her for positional declarations, judgements, authorized versions, singing the words and bouncing her hands from side to side.

     For Derrida, as my friend Rene Troy Tun has described, “the event in its absolute singularity is thus resistant to cognitive description, critical objectification, interpretive reduction, and theoretical elaboration.”

    Here with this primary existential question of human being, meaning, and value I struggle to find synthesis; like the performance of our identities, this process need not be determinative or prescriptive, but a space of free creative play.

     If we have no answers, we must learn to ask better questions.

     In this tilting at windmills I use Milorad Pavić’s Dictionary of the Khazars as my model, a magisterial work which comes in male and female versions and whose meaning changes with a difference of seventeen lines between them.

    How if Vladimir Putin Should Be Assassinated? Do we save one life, that of a mad tyrant who will destroy us, and damn the world? 

    Such is my witness and confession.

 Dictionary of the Khazars, by Milorad Pavić

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/321566.Dictionary_of_the_Khazars

Works of Jacques Derrida

Works of Alain Badiou

                   Histories of the Black Sea

The Black Sea: A History, by Charles King

Black Sea: Dispatches and Recipes, Through Darkness and Light, by Caroline Eden

Empire of the Black Sea: The Rise and Fall of the Mithridatic World,

by Duane W. Roller

                 The Russia-Ukraine War, a reading list

A Message from Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelensky

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/62818027-a-message-from-ukraine?ref=rae_6

Ukraine: The Forging of a Nation, Yaroslav Hrytsak

Invasion: The Inside Story of Russia’s Bloody War and Ukraine’s Fight for Survival, Luke Harding

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/62042291-invasion?ref=rae_10

Our Enemies Will Vanish: The Russian Invasion and Ukraine’s War of Independence, Yaroslav Trofimov

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/80342131-our-enemies-will-vanish?ref=rae_1

War and Punishment: Putin, Zelensky, and the Path to Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine, Mikhail Zygar

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/63923934-war-and-punishment?ref=rae_8

The War Came to Us: Life and Death in Ukraine, Christopher Miller

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/62039265-the-war-came-to-us?ref=rae_12

The Russo-Ukrainian War: The Return of History, Serhii Plokhy

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/63326676-the-russo-ukrainian-war?ref=rae_4

The Gates of Europe: A History of Ukraine, Serhii Plokhy

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/25255053-the-gates-of-europe

The Folly of Realism: How the West Deceived Itself About Russia and Betrayed Ukraine, Alexander S. Vindman

 Intent to Destroy: Russia’s Two-Hundred-Year Quest to Dominate Ukraine,

Eugene Finkel

Ukrainian

22 березня 2026 року – річниця заснування у 2022 році бригади Авраама Лінкольна України в Маріуполі

Цього дня чотири роки тому я та інші американські добровольці, які згуртувалися на захист України в Маріуполі, присягнули на вірність один одному як бригада Авраама Лінкольна України, названа на честь легендарного підрозділу часів Громадянської війни в Іспанії, незалежного від будь-якого державного контролю та не вхідного до ланцюжка командування українських збройних сил, частиною яких є офіційний Міжнародний легіон, хоча деякі з нас також були в українській формі.

Така сила пропонує можливості дій, які зазвичай перевищують можливості бійців у формі, чим ми повною мірою скористалися. Завдавати шкоди ворогові серед своїх та в тилу – це особлива радість. Це врівноважується повсюдним фактом, що бійці без форми не захищені Женевською конвенцією, і якщо їх візьмуть у полон, їх розстріляють як шпигунів. Це гра для тих, кому нічого втрачати, або для кого особисте виживання не є умовою перемоги. Звідси мій термін для таких дій – Останні битви.

Для мене є речі, яким ми повинні протистояти, якщо хочемо залишатися людьми, і наш обов’язок піклуватися про інших нічого не коштує. Ми повинні завжди і вічно діяти в солідарності, союзництві та як гаранти людяності один одного, і вибиратися з руїн, щоб зробити ще один Останній бій, незважаючи на надію на перемогу чи навіть виживання. Ось що означає жити як людина, нічого більше чи менше.

Не пропонувати цілі, не попереджати, не залишати слідів; такі мої принципи дії.

Чому Маріуполь? Моє дослідження проблеми, засноване на відомих планах і намірах Путіна щодо глобального імперського завоювання та панування у відродженні Російської імперії, показало контроль над Чорним морем як ключ до його вторгнення в країни Середземномор’я. Крим був під російською окупацією, але залишається вразливим без сухопутного шляху, а Маріуполь був найближчим великим портом. Одеса залишається відкритою завдяки своєму унікальному статусу бастіону злочинних синдикатів, які також перебувають під захистом іноземних держав, що покладаються на неї, будучи де-факто піратським королівством, яке Росія використовує як задні двері; Це залишило Маріуполь. Як я писав у своєму дописі від 18 квітня 2022 року «Останній бій у Маріуполі: Бій на сталеливарному заводі»; Росія хоче завоювати Україну з тієї ж причини, з якої Японія вторглася в Маньчжурію; тому що це промисловий центр і житниця, з якої можна розпочати завоювання світу, а тепловодні порти Маріуполь та Одеса є ключовими для цього імперського плану панування, а також для контролю над сухопутним коридором до Криму. Шістдесят п’ять портів Чорного моря з’єднують Румунію, Болгарію, Грузію, Молдову, Туреччину, Росію та Україну, і всі вони з Середземномор’ям, панування над яким Росія давно оскаржує з Туреччиною в Лівії та Сирії. Якщо Росія має намір після завоювання України завоювати Східну Європу, захоплення румунського порту Констанца відкриє весь Дунайський регіон для вторгнення. Чорне море залишається таким же важливим для панування в Середземномор’ї, Східній Європі, Північній Африці та Близькому Сході, як це було, коли Мітрідат VI Понтійський боровся за нього у своїх війнах з Римською імперією, або в битві при Галліполі, яку ми, здається, приречені повторити в Криму та на українському узбережжі, включаючи Маріуполь.

Ми повинні захопити контроль над Чорним морем або перешкодити Росії зробити це, щоб заперечити його використання як стартового майданчика для імперського російського завоювання та панування в Середземномор’ї, Європі, Африці та Близькому Сході.

Тож я писав, коли російська армія оточила місто та почала збирати його громадян для негайної страти або відправлення до таборів рабської праці в Росії, і коли я організовував втечу для близько чотирьохсот тих, хто вижив. Ми перегрупувалися у Варшаві, і багато хто став керівним складом осередків, що діяли в Росії проти режиму Путіна, які складалися переважно з польських та емігрантів-російських та українських добровольців, а також членів європейської розвідки та спільноти спеціальних операцій. Тож, хоча ми зазнали невдачі в обороні Маріуполя, з його руїн народився новий збройний Опір.

Поки що, попри численні спроби, Путін вислизає від нас; але ми справді вбили Пригожина, якого я вважав своїм колегою серед ворогів і прямим опонентом, і знищили його владу у групі Вагнера, яка тепер входить до складу російської армії і більше не може виляти собакою.

Маріуполь займає особливе місце в моїй уяві разом з облогою Сараєво, подіями, які визначають межі людського, настільки жахливими вони були. Російський геноцид і знищення Маріуполя характеризувалися організованими масовими вбивствами, зґвалтуваннями та катуваннями цивільного населення, мобільними фабриками канібалізму, які перетворювали людей на армійські пайки, використанням нової гіпербаричної зброї терору як крематоріїв для приховування злочинів, а також викраденням і поневоленням дітей. Все це бачив світ і я.

раніше і, безсумнівно, знову буде; мене також не турбувало те, що мене поховали в обвали тунелю під бомбардуванням, і я кілька годин виповзав звідти крізь останки мертвих і серед втрачених голосів вмираючих, яким я не міг допомогти. Але я провів пару днів, блюючи та долаючи стадії шоку, коли дізнався, що російська армія та їхні партнери, злочинний синдикат під назвою «Колекціонери метеликів», робили з деякими викраденими дітьми та дівчатами, яких привезли до спеціальних установ на військових базах далеко в Росії; тортурували борделі, чиї видовища транслювалися всьому світу через даркнет у шоу, які, сподіваюся, ви не можете собі уявити.

В Україні різниця між свободою та тиранією призводить до кровопролиття та стає моральним абсолютом. А на задуманий жах і огиду тотальної війни, яку практикувала Росія та створили Франко та Гітлер, випробувані в Герніці та Маріуполі, ми повинні відповісти відмовою підкорятися та насильством визвольної боротьби проти гноблення.

Увесь Опір — це війна з ножем, бо хто не поважає жодних законів і жодних обмежень, не може ховатися за жодними. Будь-якими необхідними засобами, як говорить вислів, введений Сартром у його п’єсі 1948 року «Брудні руки» та прославлений Малкольмом Ікс.

До всіх тиранів я звертаюся словами Шекспіра з «Юлія Цезаря», підкресленими Нельсоном Манделою в книзі, відомій як Біблія острова Роббін, щоб дозволити прямі дії проти режиму апартеїду; Sic Semper Tyrannis.

March 21 2026 On Poetry Day: Poetic Vision as Reimagination and Transformation of Our Possibilities of Becoming Human

     Here in five acts as in a theatrical performance of myself do I offer my thoughts on Poetry Day.

      Act One

     A definition of terms, or What is Poetry?

      First before all must be the true names of things.

      Words matter. They can divide us, and they can unite us. Words can exalt and defile; they can shape our images and possibilities of becoming human and create or limit the worlds to which we can aspire, they can replace stones we hurl at one another and heal the pathology of our disconnectedness.

     Always treasure words, for they represent the kinds of thoughts we are able to have and harbour imaginal creative power.  We bear them forward as memories, histories, identities, like the shells of fantastic sea creatures; sounds which are analogies of form or what Gaston Bachelard called coquilles au parole.

     So also do they bear us forward, and await their moment of wakefulness as seeds of becoming.

     Act Two

     Being an Apology for my digressive ars poetica; my writing style is idiosyncratic and strange, but so am I.

      Once I sailed on the Lake of Dreams, was wooed by Beauty but claimed by Vision; and in such visions I fell into a sea of words, images, songs, histories, layered and interconnected with one another like a web of reflections and the echoes of voices lost in time, a wilderness of mirrors which capture and distort and extend ourselves infinitely in all directions.

     Here is a shadow self of our histories which we drag around behind ourselves like an invisible reptilian tale and tail, legacies from which we must emerge to create ourselves anew and those which we cannot abandon without losing who we are.

     Here my intertexts are manifest, seize and shake me with tumultuous voices and untrustworthy purposes, for where do our histories end and we begin?

     We cannot escape each other, my shadows and I.

     Act Three

      An offering, ephemeral as memories borne by perfume and soaring on the wind, up into the gaps of reality through the gates of our dreams, to the Infinite, free from the flags of our skin, of which only echoes and reflections remain, etched upon our histories by the lightning of illumination to balance against the terror of our nothingness. 

     Sounds and Echoes

     Once there was a sound

Without a shell to echo it

     Not the vast roar and thunder

Of the sea

     And her moonstruck tides

Chaos and the birth of universes

     Undulating with the splendor of life

In all our thousands of myriads

     Limitless possibilities of becoming

Dance with the Impossible in rapture and terror

    Hope and despair, faith in each other as solidarity of action

Versus the pathology of our disconnectedness

     And the lightning shatters us with fracture and disruption,

Sublimes the chasms of darkness we are lost in

     A negation which is also a gift

Opening spaces of free creative play

     Such is the embrace of death as liberation

From the limits of our form,

    The flaws of our humanity,

And the brokenness of the world.

     We escape the spirals of our shell

Soar among celestial spheres

     Become exalted and defiled

Free and nameless as wild things

     I am sound and echo

Abandoning the shell I have sung myself free from

     Where am I now?

     Act Four

     Manifestoes of Action; poetry as revolutionary struggle. 

     As I wrote in my post of October 14 2021, On Art as Poetic Vision, Transgression, Seizure of Power, Reimagination, and Transformation: a Manifesto;  Why do I write?

    I offer here a manifesto of art as poetic vision, reimagination and transformation in the contexts of the performance of identities and in the guerilla theatre of political action and revolutionary struggle.

     Art is transgressive when it challenges and violates our ideas of normality and the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue, it is a seizure of power and refusal to submit to authorized identities which confers freedom and autonomy through becoming self-created and self-owned, Unconquered and beyond subjugation by force and control, and it is poetic vision as Surrealist reimagination and transformation when it depicts and guides our passage through the labyrinth of time, history, memory, and the falsification of our captured and distorted images in the wilderness of mirrors, lies, and illusions, to enact our rapture and exaltation, our transcendence into realms of dream and of vision wherein rules do not apply and when it seizes us with truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh.

     All true art defiles and exalts.

      Art is intended to question and transform the rules and substance of human being, meaning, and value; to discover within the boundaries and interfaces, the silent and empty places of change and the limitless adaptive potential of systems, of unknowns, disconnects, misaligned juxtaposition and strange angles of view, new possibilities of becoming human.

      I first understood the power of the unknown as a force of liberation as a boy whose bedroom wall was a collage of Bosch prints, curious and strange, which I would project myself into as dream gates. William S. Burroughs, beatnik friend of my father the counterculture theatre director, would show up for dinner without warning and tell weird fairytales into the night; he also drew curious figures into the collage of heavens and hells, and here was a definition of art and of its purpose; transformation of the possibilities of becoming human through reimagination and ecstatic poetic vision.

     This is why I claim as the purpose of my writing to incite, provoke, and disturb; change and growth originate in disruption, fracture, and chaotization, and in the four primary duties of a citizen; to question, mock, expose, and challenge authority.

      As we learn from John Cage in music, Harold Pinter in theatre, and Piet Mondrian in art, it is the blank spaces which define and order meaning; and in history it is the silenced and erased voices to which we must listen most carefully, for here the emptiness speaks to us of secret power and of the key functions and relationships which authority must conceal to maintain its hegemony over us.

     This free space of play, of the unknown as unclaimed space and the adaptive potential of a system, whose boundaries like the known shores on our maps of becoming human frame the range of choices and act as authorized identities and an intrinsic limit on freedom as future possibilities, remains outside and beyond all limits and systems of knowledge, like Gödel’s Theorem; no matter how much we learn and shift the boundaries of the known universe, the Infinite remains as vast as before, conserving ignorance.

     If so the task of becoming human involves Bringing the Chaos; reimagination and transformation, the violation of normalities and transgression of boundaries of the Forbidden to free us of the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue and of authorized identities, to create limitless possibilities of becoming human as seizures of power.

     Order appropriates; Chaos autonomizes.

     As I wrote in my post of December 21 2022, We Are the Toys of Santa’s Workshop, and We Are Made of Words; On this day of winter solstice, darkest of all our days, and possibly as democracy itself begins to die from lack of faith as Tinkerbell warns us with the ritual command to clap our hands lest the faeries die, as Russia and China test our will and threaten to unleash global nuclear war and the fall of civilization, as the survival or extinction of our species hangs in the balance under threats of war, pandemic, and ecological catastrophe, as the Pentagon on this day only one year ago issued rebukes without accountability as tacit authorization to the fascist infiltrated and subverted military units on the brink of mutiny and civil war, it is good to remember who we are, who we have chosen to be, and who we wish to become.

     Now is the time to rage against the dying of the light.

     When those who would enslave us come for any one of us, let them find an America and a humankind not subjugated with learned helplessness or divided by exclusionary otherness and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, but united in solidarity and resistance.

     And in refusal to submit we become Unconquered and free.

     Owning our stories as the songs of ourselves is a primary human act in which we become autonomous and self-created beings; this is the first revolution in which we all must fight, the seizure of power over the ownership of ourselves.

     Always there remains the struggle between the masks that others make for us, and those we make for ourselves.

     We all have one problem in common as we grow up; each of us must reinvent how to be human.

      The first question we must ask of our stories is this; whose story is this?

     If we imagine the processes of our construction as a vast workshop like that of Santa’s elves, I believe that the parts of our assemblage are words and the rules for using them to create meaning as grammar.

     As a high school student I discovered Ludwig Wittgenstein and his disciple James Joyce, and claimed their project of re-invention of the human as my own. Where Wittgenstein provided us with a tool kit for constructing meaning in the  Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, Joyce attempted to use it to create a universal human language in his great novel Finnegans Wake, a work which he began in 1922 with the German publication of the TLP and which occupied the rest of his life, as a response like that of Yeats in The Second Coming and of T.S. Eliot in The Wasteland to the collapse of civilization in three successive waves of mechanical failures of civilization as systems of order from their internal contradictions, the First World War, the Easter Rising of 1916, and the Russian Revolution of 1917.

     He envisioned a united humankind wherein war is no longer possible, a world without emperors and kings or the carceral states and colonialist empires they rule with their silly little flags and terrible divisions and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.

     In this cause Joyce chose language as the lever of change, for he shared a primary insight with Wittgenstein that language determines the kinds of thoughts we are able to have and is therefore our primary ground of being and identity, and its corollary that when all rules are arbitrary we must change the rules to own the game. As my father once said to me, never play someone else’s game.

     Joyce was a master of languages and chose this as his instrument for the reimagination and transformation of human being, meaning, and value, and for the rebirth of civilization.

     And this love of languages as free creative play in which we ourselves are the artifact and product of our art is what caught my attention and created my teenage identification with Joyce. For I love languages and had grown up with three voices; English as my primary and home language, though shaped by immersion in the rhythms and phrases of the King James Bible and the Dutch language of the Reformed Church which surrounded me in the town where I was raised. Languages are a hobby of mine, often grounded in reading books which have immeasurably shaped my own writing and speaking style and turn of phrase.

      Chinese is my second language from the age of nine, study which included Traditional Chinese inkbrush calligraphy and conversation with my teacher of martial arts, Taoism, Zen Buddhism,  Chinese and Japanese literature, and much else, who spoke, in addition to superb British English full of Anglo-Indian and Shanghailander idiom, the Wu dialect of Shanghai and the Standard Cantonese of Hong Kong, as well as Mandarin, Japanese, and other languages, having served in the Chinese military from 1924 when he joined the Whampoa Military Academy through the Second World War, escaping the horrors of the Cultural Revolution in 1969 when my father arranged for him to teach me. He was a window into other worlds and times to me, was Sifu Dragon.

     As my third language I studied French in school rather than English from seventh grade through high school. This Defining Moment bears interrogation; during seventh grade I took the AP English test given to high school seniors for university credit and tested out of English classes through senior year of high school. This was among tests arranged by my parents and teachers who conspired to force me into high school two years early, and had tried with math the previous year, which I absolutely refused but for one class, where I traded seventh grade English for Freshman French literature and language, a chance I fell upon with ravenous delight.

     The French teacher was a blonde goddess, and here imagine the reporter Rita Skeeter played by Miranda Richardson who corners Harry Potter in the broom closet in The Goblet of Fire, who motivated her students by offering a trip to Paris, with her, after graduation from high school for the best senior French student each year; competition for this honor was fierce, and I was a very, very good student. Thanks for the soft landing in high school, Miss Starring.

     Brazilian Portuguese was my fourth language, though limited to conversational proficiency, legacy of a formative trip in the summer of my fourteenth year just before starting high school.

     It was during that summer, my first solo foreign travel, to train as a fencer with a friend from the tournament circuit for the Pan American Games planned to be held there the following year, that I witnessed a crime against humanity, the massacre of street children who had swarmed a food truck, a trauma and disruptive event followed by weeks in which I helped them evade the police bounty hunters who ruled the streets as apex predators.

     From the moment I saw what the guards were shooting at beyond the walls of the palace in which I was a guest, I chose my side, and I place my life in the balance with those whom Frantz Fanon called the Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased.

     We all seek paths of healing from trauma, and of hope and the redemptive power of love in transforming the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world. I found such paths in literature as poetic vision, and in our languages and our stories as instruments with which we can operate directly on our psyche and take control of our adaptation and the evolution of human consciousness as an unfolding of intention. This I call the Narrative Theory of Identity, and for this primary insight I owe the effects of reading Joyce’s Finnegans Wake.

      In Joyce I found a figure I could identify with who was also struggling to parse and bring meaning to a primary trauma which exposed the hollowness and edifice of lies and illusions of which our world is made, in his case the fall and ruin of civilization itself from the mechanical failures of its internal contradictions. I had begun my search for meaning and my Freshman year of high school by reading Anthony Burgess’ Napoleon Symphony, a novel which questioned my hero Napoleon and illuminated two of my other heroes Beethoven and Klimt, then turned to the study of language itself; S. I. Hayakawa’s Language in Thought and Action, Alfred Korzybski’s Science and Sanity: An Introduction to Non-Aristotelian Systems and General Semantics, and Wittgenstein’s TLP, before discovering Joyce.

     James Joyce’s linguistics scholarship was immense; he took Italian as his third academic language, taught himself Dano-Norwegian as a teenager to read his adored Ibsen in the original, and his modern languages degree cites Latin, Italian, French, German, and Norwegian. He loved languages and studied them as a game, as do I; his adult fluency included Arabic, Hebrew, Sanskrit, Russian, Finnish, Polish, Chinese, Japanese, and Modern Greek.

     All of this went into his masterpiece Finnegans Wake, written in a private language filled with games and experiments of the Italo Calvino-Georges Perec variety according to the principle of Wittgenstein that because all rules are arbitrary they can be reimagined and changed at will and ourselves with them, a language densely layered with literary allusions and references, loaned and invented words, and of signs with multiple meanings like the paths of a labyrinth. You need a working knowledge of several languages to get the jokes; no wonder I loved him.

    I’m not sure it’s intended to communicate anything, so coded and laden with puzzles is his new language; like the notation for the principles of a system by which to create and order the universe. He spent the rest of his life searching for the lost runes able to break and reforge the oaths and bindings of existence, to renew ourselves and our world; perhaps he found them.

     Though I may claim no such realization of a guiding vision of our limitless possibilities of becoming human though I find reflection in his Quixotic quest to create and affirm that which is human in us, Joyce in Finnegan’s Wake demonstrated for me a great truth which has illuminated my understanding ever since; we are made of our ideas and of our stories, and forged with our words and our languages.

     We are what Gaston Bachelard called shells of speech, coquilles au parole, bearers of stories as memory, history, and identity, shaped by the passage of time and our interdependence with each other as prochronisms or the histories expressed in our forms of how we solved problems of adaptation and change.

      Are we not the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to one another?

     Can we not then change and transform ourselves with our stories through reimagination and poetic vision, as new and beautiful things freed from the legacies of our histories and the limits of other people’s ideas of virtue, beauty, and truth?

      Let us seize the stories of which we are made, and become glorious.

     As I wrote in my post of August 24 2020, The Transformative Power of Art: a Manifesto; The transformative power of art, its ability to reframe our ideas about self and other, to shift boundaries, reassign values, reclaim history and identity from silence, erasure, marginalization, and the authorization of inequalities of power and divisions of exclusionary otherness; these are among the vital functions which make art a primary human and social activity.

     Art as poetic vision precedes and parallels politics as a means of changing our civilization and the possibilities of human being, meaning, and value; it represents a power held by autonomous individuals and communities against the tyranny of state force and control. Politics is a social art which is primary to our interdependent human nature and processes of becoming human. Through our words, images, and performance we can question, mock, expose, and challenge authority and incite, provoke, and disturb others in bringing transformational change to the systems and structures within which we are embedded, and I hope liberate us from them.

     Art is life, for it involves us personally and directly in processes of adaptive growth and in renegotiation of our social contracts and relationships with others, both personal and political, and informs and motivates the performance of our identities.

     If we are caught in a rigged game, we must change the rules and terms of struggle. “Rules are made to be broken” to paraphrase General MacArthur; order destabilized, authority delegitimized, traditional systems and structures interrogated, limits transgressed, force and control resisted and abandoned, and new truths forged and possibilities of becoming human discovered.

      We must question, expose, mock, subvert, transgress, and challenge   authority whenever it comes to claim us. For there is no just authority.

     Let us seize control of our own narrative and representation, of our memory, history, and identity.

     Let us be unconquered, masterless, and free.

     Let us be bringers of chaos, joy, transformation, and revolution.

     As I wrote in my post of December 30 2021, The Year in Review; In these last days of 2021, my thoughts turn to the year in review; to Defining Moments, both for myself as a witness of history and for the world as informing, motivating, and shaping forces of human being, meaning, and value and of memory, history, and identity, the stories of which we are made, and to the causes I have championed and the threats to our future possibilities of becoming human which remain.

     Herein I write as a sacred calling to pursue the truth, and in the role Foucault described as a truth teller in reference to parrhesia and the four primary duties of a citizen; to question authority, expose authority, mock authority, and challenge authority.

     As the motto of my publication Torch of Liberty proclaims, my intent is to provoke, incite, and disturb, and I hope that you have found my daily journal useful as a resource for international antifascist action and resistance, revolutionary struggle, liberation and democracy movements, forging networks of allyship and solidarity, founding autonomous zones, and seizures of power both personal and political.

     During my years as a Forensics teacher and debate coach, I began the first day of each new year with a demonstration of purpose. On my desk I would place a solid base with the words; “This is a fulcrum”. Across it I would set a teeter totter saying; “It balances a lever.” And finally; “When your parents ask you what you’re learning in Forensics, tell them you’re learning to become a fulcrum, and change the balance of power in the world.” Such is my hope now for us all.

    Truth telling as an ars poetica is about the regenerative and transformational power of truth in the sense that Keats used when he spoke of beauty, “I am certain of nothing but of the holiness of the Heart’s affections and the truth of Imagination—What the imagination seizes as Beauty must be truth—whether it existed before or not—for I have the same Idea of all our Passions as of Love they are all in their sublime, creative of essential Beauty.”

    But truth telling is also about poetic vision as reimagination and transformation; to dream an impossible thing and make it real, as Alice teaches us when recounting the Six Impossible Things in her battle with the Jabberwocky. On the way to fight a dragon, and seeing it for the first terrible time, Alice remarks to the Mad Hatter in Tim Burton’s beautiful film; “That’s impossible.”

    To which the Hatter says, “Only if you believe it is.”

    “Sometimes, I believe in six impossible things before breakfast.”

     “That is an excellent practice, but just now, you really might want to focus on the Jabberwocky.”

     Just so.

      Act Four

      A benediction

      May yours be days of glory and of freedom, of luminous transgressions and the exaltation of the unconquerable human spirit, of truthtelling and revelation, of the performance of unauthorized identities as guerilla theatre and of communal celebrations of our diversity and the limitless possibilities of human being, meaning, and value, of the ecstatic rapture and vision of living beyond all boundaries, in which nothing is Forbidden.

     In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear and how we use our power; do something beautiful with yours.                     

     Act Five

     A coda in the form of Modern American Literatures reading lists, which like all reading lists that claim to represent a canon of literature is nothing less than a set of authorized identities.

     Here I have disambiguated Modern American Poetry from authors who cannot be represented among the six ethnicities to make it easier for people to find authors who speak for them and offer spaces to grow into, as the original purpose of my lists, which eventually included 27 national literatures, was for choice reading for high school students free from state and school board control or any criteria other than quality.

                      Jay’s Revised Modern Canon 

                      Modern American Literature 2025 Edition

Native American Literature

African American Literature

Hispanic American Literature

Jewish American Literature

Asian American Literature

Modern American Literature: Hawai’I

                      American Poetry

 (everyone who won’t fit in the previous categories)

     The Language of Life, Bill Moyers ed.

     Leaves of Grass, Walt Whitman

Walt Whitman: The Song of Himself, Jerome Loving

Walt Whitman: The Measure of His Song, Jim Perlman (Editor)

Walt Whitman, on his birthday May 31

     Tender Buttons, Gertrude Stein

Reading Gertrude Stein: Body, Text, Gnosis, Lisa Cole Ruddick

Charmed Circle: Gertrude Stein and Company, James R. Mellow

Gertrude Stein, on her birthday February 3

     The Poetry of Robert Frost, Robert Frost, Latham ed

 Robert Frost: A Life, Jay Parini

     The Complete Poems of Emily Dickinson (edited by Thomas H. Johnson), Emily Dickinson

The Passion of Emily Dickinson, by Judith Farr

Emily Dickinson, on her birthday December 10

     Complete Poems, The Complete Prose of T. S. Eliot: The Critical Edition 8 Volume Set (Ronald Schuchard Editor), T.S. Eliot

Dove Descending: A Journey into T.S. Eliot’s Four Quartets, Thomas Howard

T.S. Eliot’s the Waste Land (Bloom’s Modern Critical Interpretations), Harold Bloom

T.S. Eliot: An Imperfect Life, Lyndall Gordon

T.S. Eliot, on his birthday September 26

    The Complete Poems 1927-1979, Elizabeth Bishop

 Elizabeth Bishop: Her Poetics of Loss, Susan McCabe

     W.H. Auden; poems selected by John Fuller

W.H. Auden: a commentary, John Fuller

     Collected Poems, William Carlos Williams

William Carlos Williams (Bloom’s Major Poets) Harold Bloom ed

William Carlos Williams, on his birthday September 17

     Opus Posthumus, Wallace Stevens

Wallace Stevens: The Poems of Our Climate, Harold Bloom

Wallace Stevens, on his birthday October 2

     Collected Poems, 1912-1944, Hippolytus Temporizes and Ion, Helen in Egypt, Tribute to Freud: Writing on the Wall and Advent, HERmione, Palimpsest, White Rose and the Red, The Sword Went Out to Sea: Synthesis of a Dream, (as Delia Alton), H.D.

The H.D. Book, Robert Duncan

     The Dream Songs, John Berryman

     A, Complete Short Poetry, Le Style Apollinaire: The Writing of Guillaume Apollinaire, Bottom: On Shakespeare, Prepositions +: the Collected Critical Essays, Louis Zukofsky

    Upper Limit Music: The Writing of Louis Zukofsky, Louis Zukofsky and the Poetry of Knowledge, The Poem of a Life: A Biography of Louis Zukofsky, Mark Scroggins 

     The Collected Poems, The Bell Jar, The Unabridged Journals of Sylvia Plath

(Karen V. Kukil Editor), Sylvia Plath

Red Comet: The Short Life and Blazing Art of Sylvia Plath, The Grief of Influence: Sylvia Plath and Ted Hughes, Heather Clark

Chapters in a Mythology: The Poetry of Sylvia Plath, Judith Kroll

Sylvia Plath, on her birthday October 27

     Selected Poems, 1945–2005, Robert Creely

     Collected Poems 1947-1997, Poems for the Nation: A Collection of Contemporary Political Poems, Deliberate Prose – Essays 1952 to 1995, The Best Minds of My Generation: A Literary History of the Beats, Spontaneous Mind: Selected Interviews 1958-1996, The Fall of America Journals, 1965–1971, Alan Ginsberg

The Poem That Changed America: “Howl” Fifty Years Later, Jason Shinder ed

I Celebrate Myself: The Somewhat Private Life of Allen Ginsberg, Bill Morgan

Allen Ginsberg, on his birthday June 4

     Revolutionary Letters 50th Anniversary Edition, Spring and Autumn Annals, The Poetry Deal, Diane di Prima

     Mountains and Rivers Without End, The Gary Snyder Reader: Prose, Poetry, and Translations, Gary Snyder

     A Coney Island of the Mind: Poems, Lawrence Ferlinghetti

     Jaguar of Sweet Laughter: New and Selected Poems,  I Praise My Destroyer: Poems, Origami Bridges: Poems of Psychoanalysis and Fire, Diane Ackerman

     Selected Poems, Michael McClure

     The Complete Poems, Anne Sexton

Anne Sexton: A Biography, Diane Wood Middlebrook

     The Maximus Poems, The Collected Poems of Charles Olson: Excluding the Maximus Poems (George F. Butterick Editor), Muthologos: Lectures and Interviews, Charles Olsen

What Does Not Change: The Significance of Charles Olson’s “The King-Fishers”, Charles Olson’s Reading: A Biography, Ralph Maud

The Grounding of American Poetry: Charles Olson and the Emersonian Tradition, Stephen Fredman

      Ground Work I: Before the War, Ground Work II: In the Dark, Selected Poems,  Roots and Branches, Robert Duncan

Imagining Persons: Robert Duncan’s Lectures on Charles Olson, An Open Map: The Correspondence of Robert Duncan and Charles Olson, Bertholf editor

Gnostic Contagion: Robert Duncan & the Poetry of Illness, Peter O’Leary

On Opening the Dreamway, James Hillman

A Poet’s Mind: Collected Interviews with Robert Duncan 1960-1985, Wagstaff

An Opening of the Field: Jess, Robert Duncan, and Their Circle, Michael Duncan

Robert Duncan, on his birthday January 7

     The Collected Poems of Amy Clampitt, Amy Clampitt

     The Complete Poems of A. R. Ammons: Volume 1 (1955-1977), Volume 2 (1978-2005), Set in Motion: Essays, Interviews, and Dialogues, A.R. Ammons

     The Collected Poems, New & Selected Essays, Tesserae: Memories & Suppositions, Denise Levertov

A Poet’s Revolution: The Life of Denise Levertov, Donna Hollenberg

     The Collected Poems of Philip Lamantia

Hypodermic Light: The Poetry of Philip Lamantia and the Question of Surrealism, Steven Frattali

Philip Lamantia, on his birthday October 23

     The Dead and the Living, Strike Sparks: Selected Poems 1980-2002, Stag’s Leap: Poems, Arias, Sharon Olds

     Selected Poems, Robert Bly

     Collected Poems: 1950-2012, Adrienne Rich

     The Problem of the Many, Timothy Donnelly 

     Averno, The Triumph of Achilles, Faithful and Virtuous Night, Proofs and Theories, American Originality, Louise Gluck                             

     The Lost Spells, Robert Macfarlane                     

     Patti Smith Collected Lyrics, 1970-2015, Just Kids, M Train, Year of the Monkey, Devotion, Patti Smith                                      

                 Best World Poetry

                  Germany

The Novices of Sais, Novalis, Paul Klee (Illustrator)

Sonnets to Orpheus, Rilke

Thus Spake Zarathustra, Nietzsche

The Lost Gold of Exploded Stars: complete poems, Georg Trakl

Breathturn into Timestead: The Collected Later Poetry, Paul Celan

Conjurations: poems of Sarah Kirsch

             Britain & Ireland

The King James Bible, William Tyndale

The Tempest, Midsummer Nights Dream, Shakespeare

Complete Poems and Selected Letters, John Keats

Rhyme of the Ancient Mariner, Kublai Khan, Coleridge

Complete William Blake

Lord Byron: The Major Works, McGann ed

John Milton: The Major Works, Goldberg & Orgel eds

Finnegans Wake, Ulysses, James Joyce

Opened Ground: Selected Poems 1966-1996, Seamus Heaney

Selected Poems & Three Plays, Yeats, Rosenthal ed.

Selected Poems, Prose Occasions 1951-2006, Thomas Kinsella

Crow, Tales From Ovid, Cave Birds: an Alchemical Romance, Birthday Letters, Howls & Whispers, Gaudette, The Oresteia, Prometheus on his Crag, Ted Hughes

Autumn, Winter, Spring, Summer, Ali Smith

                           China

Bright Moon, White Clouds: Selected Poems of Li Po, Li Po, J.P. Seaton

 (Translator)

The Selected Poems of Tu Fu, Du Fu, David Hinton (Translator)

                     Eastern Europe

Chanson Dada: Selected Poems, Tristan Tzara

New and Collected Poems: 1931-2001, Czesław Miłosz

                     France

The Flowers of Evil, Charles Baudelaire

Rimbaud: complete works, Rimbaud, Schmidt ed

Treasures of the Night: collected poems, Jean Genet

Verlaine: Selected Poems

 Pierre Reverdy, Caws ed

 Selected Writing, Apollonaire

Mallarme: Prose and Poetry, Caws ed

     Stone Lyre: Poems of Rene Char, René Char, Nancy Naomi Carlson (Translator), The Word as Archipelago The Word as Archipelago, René Char, Robert Baker (Translator), Selected Poems, René Char, Mary Ann Caws (Editor)

               India

Mirabai: Ecstatic Poems, Mīrābāī, Robert Bly & Jane Hirshfield (Translators)

Love Song of the Dark Lord: Jayadeva’s Gitagovinda, Miller trans

Collected Poems, Jeet Thayil

Golden Gate, Vikram Seth

              Islamic Peoples

Concerto al-Quds, Mihyar of Damascus: His Songs, Adonis

Unfortunately, It Was Paradise: Selected Poems, Mahmoud Darwish

Rumi: the Big Red Book, Coleman Barks

The Rub’ai yat of Omar Khayyam, Stubb & Avery eds

Keeping Time with Blue Hyacinths: Poems, Sholeh Wolpé

The Book of Mansur Hallaj: Selected Poems & The Tawasin, Mansur al-Hallaj,

Paul Smith (Translator)

Iraqi: Selected Poems, Iraqi, Paul Smith  (Translator)

Divan of Hafez Shirazi, Hafez, Paul Smith  (Translation)

Divan of Sadi, Saadi, Paul Smith  (Translator)

                         Japan

Basho’s Narrow Road, Sato trans

Matsuo Bashō, Basho and His Interpreters: Selected Hokku with Commentary, Dew on the Grass: The Life and Poetry of Kobayashi Issa, The Path of Flowering Thorn: The Life and Poetry of Yosa Buson, Makoto Ueda

The Life and Zen Haiku Poetry of Santoka Taneda, Sumita Oyama

River of Stars: Selected Poems, Yosano Akiko

I Wait for the Moon: 100 Haiku of Momoko Kuroda, Momoko Kuroda, Abigail Friedman (Translator)

                    Jewish People

The Fullness of Time: Poems by Gershom Scholem

The Poetry of Yehuda Amichai, Alter ed

Hovering at a Low Altitude: The Collected Poetry of Dahlia Ravikovitch

Poems 1962-2020, Louise Glück

                  Latin America

Selected Poems, Jorge Borges

Five Decades: 1925-1970, Pablo Neruda

Selected Poems, Octavio Paz

Poems of Cesar Vallejo

Extracting the Stone of Madness: Poems 1962 – 1972, Alejandra Pizarnik

               Russia

Collected Poetry, Alexander Pushkin

Pale Fire, Vladimir Nabokov

                Scandinavia

Journeys in Dream and Imagination: The Hallucinatory Memoir of a Poet in a Coma, Artur Lundkvist, Carlos Fuentes (Introduction)

Selected Poems, Tomas Transtromer

             Spain

The Selected Poems, Federico García Lorca

March 20 2026 Eid al Fitr

وبينكم

May joy and peace be with you and yours

     May you find love to balance our fear, joy to balance the terror of our nothingness, hope to balance despair, beauty to balance the horror of war and violence, vision and illumination with which to reimagine and transform ourselves and liberate us from systems of unequal power, and the faith to use all of this to heal the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     As written by Kahlil Gibran in The Gravedigger; “Once, as I was burying one of my dead selves, the grave-digger came by and said to me, “Of all those who come here to bury, you alone I like.”

      Said I, “You please me exceedingly, but why do you like me?”

      “Because,” said he, “They come weeping and go weeping—you only come laughing and go laughing.”

      In this celebration of Eid Al Fitr, love like you have laughed in the face of your executioner, bring joy, hope, and faith in solidarity with others.

        With Ramadan ends the time of truce, and as I now contemplate the possibilities for making mischief for tyrants such as Netanyahu and his criminal regime of genocide, ethnic cleansing, kleptocracy, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, and his co conspirators in America including the criminal Trump regime, questions of justice in its myriad forms and dimensions arise yet again to shape my ideas of struggle in the liberation of Palestine and the anti imperialist struggle for the sovereignty, independence, and self determination of Iran.

    Nor will I forget or abandon my sacred calling to bring a Reckoning for my brothers and sisters in resistance and revolutionary struggle in Kashmir, Myanmar, and wherever men hunger to be free. 

     Herein a Gordian Knot of dilemmas and conflicting values, goals, and ideals shift and change like a mirage; bringing a Reckoning to perpetrators of violence and restoration of balance to their victims, in a world with few innocent and many who are both perpetrators and victims.

ن عادلا في الميزان كما يوجه سورة 55 الرحمن 9 من القرآن الكريم

     “Be just unto the balance”,  as Surah 55 Ar Rahman 9 of Holy Quran commands.

     How may we be just unto the balance with those who do not regard us as fellow human beings, and to whom all outsiders beyond whatever boundaries of us and them are not truly human and merit no human rights?

     Where does the balance of justice and of our humanity lay?

     How may we disambiguate the crimes of and Reckoning owed by monstrous tyrants of imperialist states and that of the subjects in whose name they act? Wherein lies complicity?

     When confronted by Rashomon Gate Events wherein we choose our fates and the sets of possibilities of becoming human within which we will live, how may we disambiguate that which exalts us from that which degrades and dehumanizes?

     Always we are captives of the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, from which only love has the power to redeem us and return to us our souls.

     In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.   

Sheikh AbdurRahman Sudais-Surah Ar-Rahman w/ English Trans

The Madman: His Parables and Poems, Kahlil Gibran

Arabic

٠ مارس ٢٠٢٥ عيد الفطر

ودام الفرح والسلام بينكم وبينكم

ليحل عليكم وعلى أحبائكم الفرح والسلام.

أتمنى أن تجدوا الحب الذي يُوازننا ويُخلصنا من الخوف، والفرح الذي يُوازن رعب العدم، والأمل الذي يُوازن اليأس، والجمال الذي يُوازن رعب الحرب والعنف، والرؤية والنور الذي نُعيد بهما تصور أنفسنا ونُغيرها ونُحررها من أنظمة القوة غير المتكافئة، والإيمان الذي يُمكّننا من استخدام كل هذا لشفاء عيوب إنسانيتنا وكسر العالم.

كما كتب خليل جبران في “حفار القبور”: “ذات مرة، بينما كنت أدفن أحد موتاي، مر بي حفار القبور وقال لي: من بين جميع الذين يأتون إلى هنا للدفن، أنتَ وحدك من يُعجبني.”

قلتُ: “أنت تُرضيني كثيرًا، ولكن لماذا تُحبني؟”

“لأنهم”، كما قال، “يأتون باكين ويذهبون باكين، وأنت تأتي ضاحكًا وتذهب ضاحكًا فقط.” في هذا الاحتفال بعيد الفطر، أحبّوا كما ضحكتم في وجه جلادكم، وانشروا الفرح والأمل والإيمان تضامنًا مع الآخرين.

مع حلول رمضان، ينتهي زمن الهدنة، وبينما أتأمل الآن في إمكانيات إلحاق الأذى بالطغاة مثل نتنياهو ونظامه الإجرامي القائم على الإبادة الجماعية والتطهير العرقي والفساد وجرائم الحرب والجرائم ضد الإنسانية، وشركائه في أمريكا، بمن فيهم نظام ترامب المجرم، تتجدد أسئلة العدالة بأشكالها وأبعادها المتعددة لتشكل أفكاري عن النضال من أجل تحرير فلسطين.

هنا، تتشابك المعضلات والقيم والأهداف والمُثُل المتضاربة وتتغير كالسراب؛ محاسبة مرتكبي العنف وإعادة التوازن لضحاياهم، في عالم قليل الأبرياء وكثير من الجناة والضحايا.

ولن أنسى أو أتخلى عن دعوتي المقدسة لمحاسبة إخوتي وأخواتي في المقاومة والنضال الثوري في كشمير وميانمار، وفي كل مكان يتوق فيه الرجال إلى الحرية.

ن عدلا في الميزان كما يُوجَّه سورة الرحمن 55 من القرآن الكريم

اعدلوا في الميزان كما يُوجَّه سورة الرحمن 55 يوجهنا القرآن الكريم في الآية التاسعة:

كيف نُنصف في الميزان مع من لا يعتبروننا بشرًا، والذين لا يُعتبرون جميع الغرباء، مهما كانت حدودنا، بشرًا حقيقيين، ولا يستحقون أي حقوق إنسانية؟

أين يكمن ميزان العدل وإنسانيتنا؟

عندما نواجه أحداث بوابة راشومون التي نختار فيها مصائرنا ومجموعات الاحتمالات لنصبح بشرًا ونعيش في ظلها، كيف نُميز بين ما يُعلينا وما يُهيننا ويُجرّدنا من إنسانيتنا؟

دائمًا ما نكون أسرى لخاتم فاغنر من الخوف والقوة والجبروت، الذي وحده الحب قادر على تخليصنا منه وإعادة أرواحنا إلينا.

في النهاية، كل ما يهم هو ما نفعله بخوفنا، وكيف نستخدم قوتنا

March 19 2026 As the Iran War Engulfs the Middle East, Anniversary of the Trump & Netanyahu Joint Bombing Attacks In the Campaign Of Genocide: Netanyahu Bombs Civilian Aid Corridor In Gaza To Divide It Into Bantustans As Trump Bombs Yemen To Break Our Counter Blockade of the Israeli Blockade of Humanitarian Aid

    In a fiendish and horrific atrocity and war crime, Netanyahu and Trump on this day one year ago coordinated a dual-front bombing campaign of genocide against the Palestinians; Netanyahu bombs a civilian aide corridor to divide Gaza into Bantustans as Trump bombs Yemen to break our counter blockade of the Israeli blockade of humanitarian aid.

     Such monstrous crimes now find echoes and reflections in the Iran War, Israel’s mad dream of imperial conquest and dominion of her neighbors to subjugate them in a Greater Israel, purchased with American taxes and lives.

     Genocide, ethnic cleansing, and slavery, designed famine and war crimes against children and other civilians; this is the state of Israel in all her horror and terror, and now of Vichy America under the Trump regime and his Theatre of Cruelty.

     Israel and America together are Atrocity Regimes of no laws but authoritarian rule by force and fear, no morality but hate, no grand dreams of our humanity and citizenship as equals but nightmares of fascist race, faith, and national identity. 

      Herein we witness again a great and terrible truth; no matter where you begin with ideas of kinds of people, with hierarchies and taxonomies of belonging and exclusionary otherness, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     The future of the whole Middle East may be read in the scrying glass of the Yemen and Palestine theatres of World War Three, which one year ago prefigured the crisis in the Straight of Hormuz and the Gulf States theatre of the Iran War.

     How did we come to this pass, bombing the people we should be allied with in liberation struggle?

      As I wrote in my post of January 12 2024, Victorious Red Sea Campaign Globalizes the Gaza War; A victorious Red Sea Campaign and counter-blockade of Israel by allies of Palestinian liberation struggle, the Houthi of Yemen, long an arm of the Iranian Dominion in protracted conflict with the Arab-American Alliance in sectarian civil war become a Great Powers proxy war, has with genius and daring in commerce raiding isolated Israel from material support for her war of terror and ethnic cleansing, and globalized the conflict.

     America and Britain have attacked Houthi targets in Yemen in reply, as South Africa brings charges against Israel for genocide and crimes against humanity.

     The counter blockade has been victorious in isolating Israel from support in balance to their war crime of blocking humanitarian aid to Gaza. Now as Israel’s co conspirators in ethnic cleansing America and Britain viciously murder the champions of humanity in Yemen, we must bring the war home and demonstrate that no one may dehumanize another from any safe haven anywhere on earth. And should any such regime of state terror send arms to Israel, those ships must be sunk at sea or destroyed in port throughout the world. 

     Israel has made a killing jar of Gaza, but a bigger one can be placed around it by giving terror no safe haven anywhere. Our amoral and tyrannical President Biden has failed to use the best means of pressure to win an end to Israels campaign of genocide in BDS; by his complicity we are left with only direct action and war to the knife in Resistance.

       What is War to the Knife? A phrase and idea of conflict and struggle which come to us unchanged from Old Norse in the time of the Vikings; Krieg Pa Kniven, fitting for a unifying principle of action of a global pirate brotherhood of liberation struggle such as that of the Free Port of Hodeidah from which I now write.

     All Resistance is war to the knife, for who respects no laws and no limits may hide behind none.

      Who are the Houthis and how did the US and UK strikes on Yemen come about? As written by Archie Bland and Bethan McKernan in The Guardian, in an article of the same title; “The US and UK have launched airstrikes on more than a dozen sites used by the Iranian-backed Houthis in Yemen, according to US officials.

     The strikes are the most significant military response to the Houthis’ persistent campaign of drone and missile attacks on commercial ships in the Red Sea, which began after Israel’s war in Gaza broke out. Here’s how we got here:

     Who are the Houthis?

     The Houthis are a Yemeni militia group named after their founder, Hussein Badreddin al-Houthi, and representing the Zaidi branch of Shia Islam. They emerged in the 1980s in opposition to Saudi Arabia’s religious influence in Yemen. The group, which has an estimated 20,000 fighters and whose official name is Ansar Allah, runs most of the west of the country and is in charge of its Red Sea coastline.

      What is the group’s relationship with Iran and the war in Gaza?

     The Houthis are backed by Iran as part of its longstanding hostility with Saudi Arabia and are supporting Hamas in the war in Gaza. Soon after the Hamas massacre on 7 October, the Houthi leader Abdul Malik Al-Houthi said his forces were “ready to move in the hundreds of thousands to join the Palestinian people and confront the enemy”.

     What has been happening in the Red Sea?

     The Red Sea, one of the world’s most densely packed shipping channels, lies south of the Suez canal, the most significant waterway connecting Europe to Asia and east Africa. Yemen is situated along the sea’s south-east coast, where it meets the Gulf of Aden.

     Shortly after the start of the Gaza war the Houthis began launching missile and drone attacks at vessels in the Red Sea, most of which were intercepted by US and Israeli countermeasures.

     The situation escalated on 19 November, when militants used a helicopter to seize a car carrier chartered by a Japanese company and linked to an Israeli businessman, abducted the crew. The Houthis said all vessels they perceived as linked to Israel or its allies would “become a legitimate target for armed forces”.

     Multiple attacks on vessels followed, mostly without success, but many shipping companies nevertheless decided to bypass the Red Sea route and divert around South Africa’s Cape of Good Hope, significantly adding to journey times and cost.

     How has the US responded?

     On 18 December the US announced the formation of Operation Prosperity Guardian in response to the Houthi attacks.

     The US refrained from direct confrontation until 31 December, when US Navy helicopters fired on a group of small boats attempting to board a container ship that had requested their protection. The deaths of 10 militants marked a new phase in the crisis.

     On 9 January US and British warships shot down 21 drones and missiles fired by the Houthis, in what London called the largest such attack in the area. On 10 January, Antony Blinken, the US secretary of state, said further attacks could prompt a western military response.

     What was happening in Yemen before the Gaza war?

     The Houthis had been gaining support around the turn of the century from Shia Yemenis fed up with the corruption and cruelty of the longtime authoritarian president and Saudi ally, Ali Abdullah Saleh, particularly during the aftermath of 9/11 and the US invasion of Iraq. Popular protests and several assassination attempts forced Saleh to resign in 2012.

    In 2014 the Houthis allied with their former enemy Saleh to seize the capital, Sana’a, and overthrew the new western-backed president, Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi, a year later. After Hadi was forced to flee, the exiled Yemeni government asked its allies in Saudi Arabia and the UAE to launch a military campaign, also backed by the west, to drive out the Houthis.

     A catastrophic civil war ensued that the UN estimated led to 377,000 deaths and displaced 4 million people by the end of 2021.

     The Houthis in effect won the war. An April 2022 ceasefire prompted a significant decline in violence, and fighting has largely remained in abeyance despite the official expiry of the truce in October.

     How were the attacks by the Houthis seen in Yemen and Saudi Arabia?

      Some Yemenis see the Houthi operations as a legitimate means of exerting pressure on Israel and its allies in defence of Palestinian civilians, and analysts say the Houthis’ intervention has helped shore up their domestic support. The militants also believe attacks in the Red Sea can make them a more significant global player, synonymous with Yemen as a whole despite the presence of an internationally recognised government in the south of the country.

    Meanwhile, the Saudis are attempting to normalise relations with Iran, and finalise a peace deal that could recognise Houthi control of the north of Yemen. They have been anxious about any response from the US that could complicate its effort to withdraw from the country.

     What does this mean for the future of humankind? As written in an editorial in the World Socialist Web Site, in an article entitled The US/UK attack on Yemen and the global eruption of imperialist war; “The World Socialist Web Site unequivocally condemns Thursday’s attack by the United States and United Kingdom against Yemen. With no popular mandate, with no congressional or parliamentary authorization, without even an attempt at a serious explanation, the Biden administration in the US and the Sunak government in the UK have carried out an illegal act of war against an impoverished nation.

     The attack on Yemen is a major escalation of the developing war in the Middle East. Since the beginning of Israel’s genocide in Gaza, the US and its imperialist allies in NATO have overseen a massive militarization of the region, directly targeting Iran. This is itself part of an expanding global war, including the US-NATO war against Russia and the developing economic and military conflict against China.

     US President Joe Biden did not even see fit to go on national television to explain the launching of a new war, under conditions in which there is overwhelming popular opposition to the expansion of war in the Middle East. As the Pentagon was planning to attack Yemen, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin was admitted to the intensive care unit of Walter Reed Hospital, with the knowledge of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff but unbeknownst to the president. This bizarre episode underscored the reality that US war-making is operating on autopilot, increasingly outside the pretense of civilian oversight.

     As always, the rationale provided to justify the war is a pack of lies. Biden declared that the missile strikes were “defensive” and “a direct response to unprecedented Houthi attacks.” The American media, with the same breathless reporting that has accompanied every US military operation, proclaims that a country with a gross domestic product 700 times smaller than the United States is carrying out “intolerable” actions, against which the American military is “forced” to defend itself. Overnight, Yemen’s Houthis have been turned into a new bogeyman, requiring urgent military action without any discussion or explanation.

     In coordination with the Israeli genocide in Gaza, the United States has dispatched to the Middle East a massive military armada, consisting of two aircraft carrier battle groups, multiple guided missile destroyers, an unknown number of submarines and dozens of warplanes. These forces have provided logistics, reconnaissance, and target selection to Israel, in a deliberate effort to provoke retaliation from Iran and its allied forces such as the Houthis.                                                                                                                                                                                                                              

     Yet, supposedly it is Yemen that is the “aggressor,” carrying out “unprecedented attacks” on US military forces deployed in the Red Sea, thousands of miles from the US border. American imperialism, which has a military larger than that of the next 10 countries combined, claims to be waging a “defensive” war on the other side of the world against a small, oppressed and impoverished country.”

     How will this unfold over time?

     As written by Patrick Wintour, Diplomatic editor in The Guardian, in an article entitled Houthis show resolve that western strikes will be hard pushed to shake; “The near-official slogan of the Houthi movement is: “God is the Greatest / Death to America / Death to Israel / A curse upon the Jews.” Crowds of supporters in the group’s northern Yemen strongholds have been chanting it for more than 20 years, ever since the phrase was brought back from Tehran at the turn of the century, when it was first directed at the then Yemeni president, Ali Abdullah Saleh.

     So those who claim the Houthis are not serious in attempting to block Israeli-linked trade in the Red Sea underplay the extent to which the defence of Palestine is a foundational principle of the Houthi movement, and highly popular among Yemeni people. The rebel stance over the past two months has afforded this relatively obscure Shia group a status in recent weeks that even Hezbollah in Lebanon cannot claim. They are deeply authoritarian, but skilled mobilisers of popular opinion.

     And as far back as 2014, Houthi leaders discussed with clerics in Tehran how “the road to Jerusalem” lay through the Red Sea.

     The narrowness of the Bab el-Mandab strait is a gift from geography. In August 2018, the Houthis attacked two Saudi oil tankers to challenge Riyadh. Knowing that a third of Israel’s trade was with the far east, the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, responded by warning Iran and the Houthis not to block the waterways.

     Houthi attacks since then have been marked by elements of bravado – but also sophisticated improvisation.

     Starting in October and early November, Houthi forces launched missile and drone barrages targeting the Israeli port town of Eilat – even downing a US-made MQ-9 drone in the Red Sea region on 9 November. However, as the month progressed, the targets increasingly reverted to international shipping.

     On 14 November, the Houthi military spokesperson, Yahya Sarea, announced that the group would “not hesitate” to target Israeli ships. Five days later, on 19 November, Sarea expanded the threat to any ships in the Red Sea flying the Israeli flag or operated or owned by Israeli companies. He also called on other Red Sea countries to assist in identifying Israeli-affiliated ships, which often sail without flags.

    Within hours, Houthi forces pulled off a PR coup by hijacking the Galaxy Leader, a Japanese-operated cargo ship with links to the Israeli billionaire Abraham Ungar. The group released footage of the assault, in which masked men leapt from helicopters on to the ship and held the crew at gunpoint. The Houthis still have the ship, and their social media influencers suggest it could be a destination for tourists or even wedding parties.

     By 9 December, with weekly big demonstrations stoked in the Yemeni capital, Sana’a, the Houthi leadership announced it would target all ships sailing to Israel regardless of ownership. It has been proud to publish pictures of the joint operations room in Hodeidah, a port that the west now regrets deciding not to try to recapture in 2019.

     The Houthis were also willing to tweak the noses of the Gulf monarchies. As a neo-state actor – unlike Iran-backed militias in Iraq – the Houthis have also been keen to denounce them, especially their enemy Saudi Arabia, for failing to match its solidarity with Palestine.

     For instance, the Houthi leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, in a speech on 14 November said: “The scene in Saudi Arabia, while Gazans are murdered, is a form of moral and humanitarian apostasy and contrary even to tribal customs.” He denounced the series of international business conferences and cultural events in the kingdom as “the season of dancing and depravity”.

     This also puts the Houthis’ many internal enemies potentially at a disadvantage, unsure whether to condemn Houthi adventurism or risk the appearance of abandoning the cause of Gaza.

     For the most part, the Houthis’ domestic opponents, such as the increasingly influential president of the Southern Transitional Council, Aidarous al-Zubaidi, have not held back from criticising the group. On 18 December, Zubaidi visited the Bab el-Mandab strait area saying he was “leading defence efforts against Iranian-backed Houthi hostilities” challenging strategic trade routes. Tareq Saleh, a member of the anti-Houthi Presidential Leadership Council, also promised to protect the Bab el-Mandab strait.

     Even after Thursday’s attacks, the deputy head of the department for media at the Yemeni General People’s Congress, Abdel Hafeez al-Nahari, blamed the reckless and adventurous actions of the Houthis.

     One possibility is that the UAE and Saudi Arabia will decide to increase the price the Houthis pay by increasing their support to the forces in the south of Yemen, arguing that advances by land, and not missiles launched from offshore fleets, will eventually dislodge the Houthis.

     At some point, the Houthis may fear they are throwing away too much to help Gaza. The faction is almost entirely reliant on imported foodstuffs and nearing bankruptcy, so throwing away the financial benefits of the potential peace deal with the Saudis – including the payment of outstanding civil service wages – would be a big sacrifice.

     Ultimately, it may be the spoils of peace – rather than the threat of western war – that will persuade the Houthis to hold back.”

   On what stage of history is this morality play performed?

    As I wrote in my post of August 17 2020, Divide and Conquer; A Program For Audiences of the Tragedy of Yemen; Plutocratic oligarchy, water scarcity, diminishment of oil wealth, the disruption and impoverishment of a labor shift due to Western policies and traditional kleptocracy which transformed masses of agricultural workers into an urban precariat with few and uncertain jobs and no social safety net, unwinnable sectarian wars and the legacy of a thousand years of rule by Shia imams which the Houthis were founded to restore; the origins of conflict in Yemen are complex but triggered by a struggle to control dwindling resources between elites and those who do the hard and dirty work for them.

     Ecological disaster and economic collapse, results of our civilization’s dependence on oil and its status as a strategic resource, have in Yemen demonstrated the fate which awaits us all if we cannot abandon fossil fuels. Yemen will be without water in a generation if nothing changes; the wells which sustained agriculture are running out, and with them the food supply. Villages have become ghost towns, cities shantytowns, and the people vulnerable, and that was before the war. Those not waiting to die became angry, and acted to seize their nation and their survival from those who had stolen it.

     Yemen exploded in Revolution during the Arab Spring; the metropolis of Sana’a was in continual social transformation and struggle from 2011 through 2013. The call for democracy and an end to the Saleh regime, corruption, nepotism, plunder by the wealthy which had leveled the labor and middle classes, and the abolishment of sectarian divisions were common throughout the Arab world, and resonate today with the global Reckoning which began in April of 2019 in Sudan.

     In Yemen the Arab Spring lasted years because the military split into factions; Ali Abdullah Saleh’s rival Ali Mohsen al Ahmar joined the Islah quasi-Islamist opposition party as protector of the protestors, at the head of his army. Revolution became a civil war.

     Collapse of a transitional government brokered by America over the terms of its proposed Constitution triggered a realignment in 2014, the Houthis who had fought Saleh, whose government had been overthrown in 2011, for years joining with his supporters. With the Houthi seizure of Sana’a and the north and their army about to capture the transitional government in Aden, its President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi fled to Saudi Arabia and asked for intervention.  A Civil War became a Great Powers Proxy War.

      So began the current war in March of 2015, with the bombing and invasion of Yemen by the Coalition of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Sudan, and Senegal, with America providing thousands of air strikes, special operations and other direct military support, weapons, diplomatic cover, and underwriting the cost. The UAE and much of the Coalition sees Islah as an arm of the Muslim Brotherhood; Islah sees them as puppets of American imperialism.

     The UAE counters the Houthi regime in the north by using Salafi militias to control the South, including the Southern Transitional Council which seized Aden in 2019 and in April of this year has declared its independence from the UN and Coalition backed government; Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula has long been a powerful member of the Southern alliance, and held the large port city of Mukalla for a year from 2015 to April 2016. ISIL has declared the South a caliphate, and all three of these groups fight each other and the Coalition government in exile in Saudi Arabia as well as the Houthis and Iran.

      Ali Abdullah Saleh, who had ruled Yemen from Unification in 1990 til 2012 and north Yemen since 1978,, broke with the Houthis in 2017; he was killed and his army defeated in two days of street fighting in Sana’a, leaving a Houthi pro-Iranian faction in sole control of the North. You may have noticed that I capitalize the terms North and South here; they were two very different nations until unification in 1990, the North a traditional Shia society, the South a Socialist state forged by its liberation struggle from the British Empire, which had been the Crown Colony of Aden from 1839 to 1967, Sunni by faith and ethnically and culturally Arabian rather than Persian. 

     As al-Jazeera observes, “Commentators in the Arab Gulf States often claim that Iran now controls four Arab capitals: Baghdad, Damascus, Beirut and Sana’a.” I regard this as a fact beyond dispute; two Great Powers conflicts of dominion are playing out in the Middle East concurrently, one between Turkey and Russia, the other between Iran and the Arab-American alliance led by our colony Israel.

     Nor can the costs of this conflict in Yemen be disputed; fifteen thousand civilians killed, eight million hungry from famine, one million cholera victims, twenty two million in need of assistance. In a devastating sectarian war which has totalized the destruction of infrastructure and social institutions, the Sunni Arab Coalition has blockaded Yemen to cut off the Shia Houthi Islah from support by Iran.

     It was not always thus, this litany of woes, this broken mirror of our flaws and image of the failure of our systems, wherein ecological catastrophe has brought economic and political ruin and the horrors of war. Once Yemen was beautiful and wealthy, smelled of frankincense and myrrh, and was a crossroads of global trade. It can be so again.

     Here is a Rashomon Gate dilemma of civilizational scale; from the Arab viewpoint they are engaged in a war of survival against the conquest of the Arabian Peninsula by Iran in a pincer movement from its southern tip in Yemen and from the north in Syria and Lebanon, and from Iran’s viewpoint they are defending a traditional and isolated ally against a merciless Arab conquest aimed directly at their faith and a rapacious American imperialism whose objective is assimilation of their people and exploitation of their resources.

     Yemen is a humanitarian disaster, and it is an American humanitarian failure. Our fingerprints are all over this crime scene. We must reclaim our heart and return to the vision of our founders as guarantors of democracy and the rights of autonomous individuals to freedom of religion, and abandon and foreswear all use of force in matters of conscience and faith. We must stop fueling this destructive war, and let people believe as they choose.

     Who stands between each of us and the Infinite serves neither.

     Of course there is nothing unique in Trump bombing Yemen; in January 2024 Biden became the second American President to try to kill me personally, the first being then-Governor Ronald Reagan in 1969. And Trump has merely stood aside while others did the bombing, as he was put in power to do by his agent handler and puppetmaster Vladimir Putin; I first realized Trump is a Russian agent when he was taking the Oath of Office after the Stolen Election of 2016, with Russian bombs falling on American service men he had abandoned in Syria.

     We began this year by bringing a Reckoning for Syria with her liberation from  Russia’s puppet Assad regime, proving that Russia is not invincible and can be beaten; with luck we may do the same here in America with the Trump regime.

       And in the balance of history between liberty and tyranny is not only the fate of democracy in America, but also the survival of the Palestinians and the Ukrainians, and so much more besides; our humanity and the possibilities of becoming human.

      As I wrote in my post of March 19 2024, Israel Unleashes the Third Horseman: Famine in Gaza; Netanyahu now rides upon his black horse of famine, bringing his mad dream of the Final Solution of the Palestinian Problem with all of its attendant shadows lingering from the Holocaust.

    As the passage in Ezekiel 14:21 warns us when the Infinite unleashes the “Four disastrous acts of judgement” to bring a Reckoning against the Elders of Israel for crimes of idolatry, the use of social force obeys Newton’s Third Law of Motion and creates its own Resistance.

    Israelis and Palestinians are one people divided by history, divisions shaped in service to power by those who would enslave us.

    Perhaps Aynn Rand saw truly in this one prediction of the collapse of our civilization from the mechanical failures of its internal contradictions, as she is often paraphrased from her novel The Fountainhead; “The question isn’t who is going to let me; it’s who is going to stop me.”

    If we wish to preserve our humanity, our reply must always be “All of us, in solidarity as guarantors of each other’s universal human rights and an emerging United Humankind.”

     The Gaza War has as its major theme the question of human rights, and if such an idea will have a place in whatever future we may choose. Here then is a retrospective of my witness of history of this conflict, and of its consequences for human being, meaning, and value, and of the choices we make about how to become human together.

     As I wrote in my post of January 25 2024, O Israel, Ask Not For Whom the Bell Tolls; We celebrate this glorious victory of solidarity over division in the Trial of Israel, with joy and dancing in the streets.

       O Israel, ask not for whom the bell tolls.

      Though for now it stops short of a call for ceasefire and a ruling of Israeli guilt in genocide, this judgement is a stunning and swift victory for the liberation of Palestine which finds Israel guilty of genocidal intent, war crimes, and other crimes against humanity in a way which delegitimates the state of Israel itself as a regime of tyranny and state terror and an outlaw nation of imperial dominion and colonial enslavement and theft, as well as the brutal Netanyahu settler regime which has made of the Holy Land a vast Auschwitz.

     And all of this plays out on the stage of the world as exposure and truthtelling of atrocities and calculated state terror perpetrated not against criminals who committed atrocities on October 7, but against civilian populations who had nothing to do with it; seventy percent of the victims of Israeli terror are women and children. How does a child being Palestinian hurt you?

    But of course to the fascists of the Netanyahu regime, only people like themselves are truly human, and this mass death and terror is what happens when you begin with such ideas of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, identitarian politics, nationalism, theocratic tyranny, and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil. No matter where you begin along this spectrum of fear and hate, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     While South Africa leads the championing of our humanity, and has ignited a global anticolonial rebellion against the dominion of Europe and America, two parallel and interdependent storylines trace across the Trial of Israel like leprosy; the attack on the hospital at Khan Younis, and the complicity of Biden the Baby Killer and America along with the UK in Israeli ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.

     In balance against such forces of darkness we now have two historic victories; the success of the Red Sea Campaign in counter-blockading the Israeli blockade of humanitarian aid to Gaza, and the international solidarity of liberated colonies in calling out an emperor who has no clothes in the Trial of Israel.

     As I wrote in my post of November 29 2023, International Day of Solidarity With Palestine; On this International Day of Solidarity with Palestine, I write to apply the Occam’s Razor of simplification to the complex and emotionally charged issue of Palestinian-Israeli relations and the problem of the double minority by asking a question; what best serves the joy of humankind?

      So many other ways to construct such a question, especially as principles of becoming human through revolutionary struggle and seizures of power under imposed conditions of struggle which include falsification, commodification, and dehumanization as systems of oppression; of death, learned helplessness, abjection, horror, and divisions of authorized identities?

     How best to create a free society of equals as a United Humankind through secular democracy and universal human rights?

     How to balance our uniqueness as individuals within a diverse and inclusive society?

      How to level all hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness and annihilate all systems of unequal power?

      How to bring the Chaos, disruption, fracture, change, and democratization of elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, and escape the legacies of our history and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil?

      How to reimagine and transform the limitless possibilities of human being, meaning, and value?

      How to free ourselves and each other under imposed conditions of struggle which require violence and the use of social force in seizures of power, without becoming the authority we struggle against and using force and violence to enforce our own ideas of virtue?

      Israeli atrocities and war crimes in the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians has confronted us all with our complicity in evil, and the world is whiplashed in horror and abjection as our leaders betray us and abandon the principle of universal human rights by which our civilization is sustained, a civilization now in processes of collapse and subversion by fascism at the dawn of the Age of Tyrants. But this also means everything is in question, power can be seized, and new futures chosen, if we act in solidarity in times of chaos as a space of free creative play.

     As Guillermo del Toro teaches us in Carnival Row; “Chaos is the great hope of the powerless.”

     Clearly we must have true equality if our rights and liberties are to remain universal in the shadow of state force and control. So also are freedom and equality possible only when we are free of authorized divisions of exclusionary otherness and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.

     What prevents us, here in America and throughout the world, from seeing this humanitarian disaster as it is? First are elite interests of wealth and power, which have created an American colony and imperialist military giant for the purposes of dominance of the Middle East and control of the strategic asset of oil, of which Traitor Trump’s diplomatic campaign on behalf of recognition of the state of Israel by her neighbors is among the most recent forms of the historic and perfidious Arab-American Alliance, another is Biden the Baby Killer’s hugging the war criminal Netanyahu and sending a Navy ship to help terrorize civilians rather than break the Israeli blockade of humanitarian aid and silence the bombs of ethnic cleansing.

     That we have used the threat of Iranian influence and the ancient Sunni-Shia vendetta to divide and conquer the region, legitimize the conflicts in Yemen and Gaza as test cases of our hegemony, and destabilize democracy movements in Lebanon, Iraq, and Iran as well as perpetuate the disenfranchisement and ethnic cleansing of the people of Palestine by Israel speaks to America’s true motives; not to champion peace and freedom, but to secure wealth and power through war and tyranny.

     I believe the secondary cause of our blindness to the injustices of the Palestinian-Israeli situation is a legacy of the Holocaust and how we process historical narratives of victimization. Once anointed as a victim, and crowned with a white hat of blameless innocence, that figure in our imagination becomes incapable of wrongdoing in any other way. We think in terms of Good and Evil as a cosmic struggle of dichotomous forces, and of showdowns at high noon in the Westerns which are primary narratives of imperial colonialism and the apologetics of power, not in terms of the flaws of our humanity. Absolutes are simpler.

     Ambiguity and moral relativization disrupt authorized identities and systems of oppression; this is their great value in revolutionary stuggle.

     We are all capable of both good and evil actions, of misunderstandings, conflicted and nuanced feelings and responses, and failures of compassion. And we tend to ignore rather than confront things like moral grey areas which make us uncomfortable; this is called cognitive dissonance reduction, and it means we tend to keep doing things we know are wrong if we have a good story to justify our actions and the belief that God is on our side. The most terrible atrocities in history have been perpetrated in this way.

     Here I must say plainly that I support the creation of a secular democracy in which all human beings, Palestinian and Israeli alike, are exactly equal both in fact and under the law, that I support the Boycott, Divestiture, and Sanction of the state of Israel and the liberation of Palestine from Occupation and Blockade, and that Israel as presently constituted is a fascist tyranny of state terror which is guilty of crimes against humanity in the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people.

     A post has typified the bifurcated and dichotomous dialogs which have attached themselves to the war in Gaza; it says “If you have the power to turn off your enemy’s food, water, and energy, and attack them at your leisure, you are the bad guy.”

     To this someone relied; “If you have the power to attack, rape and kidnap over 200 hostages, and hide them in a hospital, you are the bad guy.”

     Here follows my reply, in one paragraph; Yes, we are all bad guys here. The use of social force has no justifications; but as resistance struggle against imposed conditions of unequal power, it may be necessary. The violence of the tyrant, the conqueror, the occupier, or the slave master cannot be compared to the violence used by the slave to break his chains. What has happened here is that both Hamas and the Netanyahu regime have delegitimated themselves in war crimes and unforgivable acts of terror which violate our universal rights. Both seek to subjugate the people in whose name they claim to act to make them complicit, a primary strategy of terror. And only love and solidarity of action against Hamas and the state of Israel by the people of Israel and Palestine together can overcome state tyranny and terror.

     This leaves us with the question asked by Tolstoy and Lenin in very different works, one which founded the principles of nonviolent resistance used by Gandhi and Martin Luther King, the other which began the Russian Revolution; What is to be done?

     For myself and my comrades, we have a clear and simple mandate of action in three parts; Unite the Israeli and Palestinian peoples as equal citizens in a democratic secular state wherein faith and ethnicity have no legal standing, defend all civilian noncombatants, their universal human rights, and their access to humanitarian aid, and bring a direct and personal Reckoning to all war criminals on both sides.

     As a child in 1969 at an event with my mother that began as a protest against the Occupation of Palestine and American responsibility for its injustices by investment of the University of California and other state institutions, in People’s Park Berkeley, Bloody Thursday May 15, I was in the front line when the police opened fire on the crowd; this was my first death and rebirth, by which I mean Most Sincerely Dead and without life signs for some while, when for a moment I stood outside of time and beheld the possible futures, timelines, and alternate realities which propagated from that moment, the limitless possibilities of becoming human and the terrible chance of a coming age of fascist tyranny, war, the fall of civilization, and the extinction of humankind which may yet come to pass if we cannot reimagine and transform ourselves and our society, and find healing for the flaws of our humanity, the origins of evil in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, and the brokenness of the world.

    Over fifty years later, I fought in the defense of al Aqsa and the Third Intifada; will we still be fighting for our humanity and our liberty fifty years from now, or fifty thousand?

     My hope is that our successors in future generations will have forged a free society of equals and abandoned the use of social force, will have no tyranny or state terror to resist, and can live their lives in joy and love and not in struggle as have I.  

     We must dream better dreams, and stand together in solidarity of action to make them real.

     Who do we want to become, we humans?

     Let us choose one another and not the wealth, power, and privilege of hegemonic elites, equality, diversity, and inclusion and not the divisions and hierarchies of exclusionary otherness, liberty and not the centralization of power and authority to a carceral state owned by the wealthy, democracy and not tyranny, hope and not fear, love and not hate.

     As I wrote in my post of May 10 2021, The Defense of al Aqsa: Liberty versus Tyranny in Jerusalem; We may have witnessed the advent of a Third Intifada this night, in the Defense of al Aqsa and the street fighting in Gaza which followed, ignited by the perfidy and imperial conquest of a xenophobic and fascist state of Israel which regards no one but their own tribe and faith as truly human, and which has perpetrated an unprovoked and deadly attack as an act of state terror and a crime against humanity on the peaceful worshippers at one of the most sacred mosques in the Islamic world, a demonstration of power and dominion which follows weeks of provocations, assaults, and acts of propagandistic dehumanization against the people of Palestine.

      Like the Second or al Aqsa Intifada which lasted four years from 28 September 2000 to 8 February 2005, unresolved issues of an Occupation now in its fifty fourth year since the June 7 1967 Conquest of Old Jerusalem by Israel, which the State of Israel celebrated according to the Hebrew calendar as Jerusalem Day today by attacking al Aqsa, and a Catastrophe ongoing now for seventy three years since Nakba Day May 15 1948, have coalesced around the symbolic value of al Aqsa, which has a contested dual identity as the Temple Mount in Judaism.

     Chances of de-escalation and averting a war depend now not on local factors but on the response of the international community, for history has here become a trap which collapses to ensnare us in its jaws, and outside forces must liberate us from the failures of our system’s internal contradictions.

     Will America disavow and renounce its colony of Israel, Queen of her imperial policy in the Middle East and control of the strategic resource of oil? Can international unity and the pressure of Boycott, Divestiture, and Sanction free us from the tyranny and terror of an Apartheid regime as it did in South Africa?

     Or is war the only reckoning humankind can offer, or will accept?

     As written by Ishaan Tharoor in The Washington Post; “On Monday night, militants in the Gaza Strip and the Israeli military exchanged rocket fire and airstrikes amid a deadly escalation of violence. Hamas and Islamic Jihad, armed groups based in blockaded Gaza, launched a barrage of rockets that landed near Jerusalem and in parts of southern Israel, injuring at least one person. Israeli airstrikes in retaliation killed at least 20 people in Gaza, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry, including nine children.

     Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the “terrorist groups” in Gaza had “crossed a red line” with their rocket attacks. But the latest explosion of hostilities has a long tail, following numerous aggressive actions by both Israeli security forces and far-right Jewish supremacist groups in Jerusalem. Two weeks ago, bands of Jewish extremists, including some settlers from the West Bank, marched through Palestinian-populated areas of the holy city, chanting “Death to Arabs,” attacking bystanders and damaging Palestinian property and homes. Israeli attempts to evict a number of Palestinian families in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah — a microcosm of what Palestinians view as part of a long history of dispossession and erasure at the hands of the Israeli state — had stirred Palestinian solidarity protests in various parts of the occupied territories and Israel proper.

     It also raised tensions ahead of the commemoration of Jerusalem Day on Monday, an official Israeli holiday celebrating the capture of the city during the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. A planned annual march by far-right ultranationalist Israelis was called off after authorities rerouted its path at the last minute.    Large numbers still made their way to the Western Wall and sang an extremist vengeance song against Palestinians.

     “The Hamas rocket attacks, which included the first strikes against Jerusalem in several years, came after running clashes among Israeli police, Palestinian protesters and far-right Jewish Israelis around the Old City,” my colleagues reported. “Among the hundreds injured were seven who were hospitalized in serious condition, according to the Palestinian Red Crescent. Video footage circulated on social media of Israeli police officers brutally beating a detained Palestinian man.”

      How can America support the state of Israel in tyranny and terror, conquest and plunder? It’s a question asked in tones of outrage, sorrow, and bafflement since the advent of the Nakba on May 15 1948, the Day of Catastrophe which began the Occupation of Palestine and the systematic enslavement and genocide of its people in the wake of the Israeli conquest of Jerusalem. How is this legitimized?

      A friend has recently reframed this question for me; “I loved and embraced the Jewish tradition, joining a synagogue and working alongside its Rabbi. When I witness the treatment of Palestinians by the Jewish government of Israel, I am overwhelmed by feelings of confusion and anger. Unable to reconcile this immorality, I question the very foundation of my faith. Where is the good and moral uprising of international Jewish voices condemning the government’s path? I’ve lost faith in being Jewish.”

     What is clear to me is that this crisis of faith is also an existential crisis of identity, a situation of utmost gravity and danger which also holds the potential for reimagination and transformative rebirth, a personal echo of a parallel civilizational crisis from which humankind and the global community of nations must find a way to emerge and free ourselves of the legacies of our history. Here is my reply:

     The state of Israel is not identical with the Jewish faith, though the fascist-imperialist faction which Netanyahu represents would like everyone to think so. 

    A nation based on the assignment of its citizens to a tribal identity, the sectarian weaponization of faith in service to power and an authorized national identity, a military society with universal compulsory service, and a reconstructed Hebrew language of national unity has used identity politics to subjugate its citizens to the centralized power of tyranny; Israel is a fascist state of blood, faith, and soil no less than that of the Nazis.

     Add to this toxic mix a kleptocratic regime which has propagandized narratives of historical victimization to legitimize massive theft and imperial conquest of other people’s nations and one thing is clear; Israel has learned the wrong lessons from the Nazis.

     You may know from my many references to the incident in my writing that I am an antifascist, sworn to the Oath of the Resistance by Jean Genet in 1982 in Beirut, during our fight against the Israeli invasion and siege. In the forty years after, I have been a hunter of fascists and a revolutionary engaged in struggle for the liberation of humankind against fascisms of blood, faith, and soil and against tyranny and authoritarian regimes of force and control, for democracy and its ideals of freedom, equality, truth, and justice, and for our universal human rights. In this cause I place my life in the balance with all those whom Frantz Fanon called the Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased.

      A Palestinian homeland, and justice for its people, has been among my goals since that summer so long ago. Like the goal of liberation of Ireland from British colonial rule, it remains to be achieved. In question is the idea of freedom and citizenship as the sovereignty and independence of peoples from foreign colonialism and authoritarian tyranny, and the primacy of a nonsectarian state free from divisions and hierarchies of faith, for who stands between each of us and the Infinite serves neither.

     I also support the idea of an Israeli homeland, and see no reason these two states, Palestine and Israeli, should be mutually exclusive or antagonistic. Why must citizenship be bound by the limits of geography, or states by borders?

     Why must one people’s Return mean another’s Exile?

     To be clear, I am on the side of anyone threatened with hate crime regardless of any other factors; in riot and war my test for the use of force is simple; who holds power?

     I am on the side of all those whom Frantz Fanon named The Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased. This applies equally to Jews and Muslims, Israel and Palestine, and any other human beings regardless of who they are, and especially without any moral burden of merit as Shaw teaches us with the character of Alfred P. Doolittle in My Fair Lady.

     Let us send no armies to enforce virtue.

     Some Israelis who would disagree with me on the question of Palestine and militarism in imperial conquest and regional dominion have been allies in the cause of hunting Nazis, but are blind to their own complicity in this evil due to seeing themselves as victims and defenders of victims rather than perpetrators of crimes against humanity.

     This is about fear, and the destructive cycle of abuse and violence. Not membership in any group or authorized identities of belonging, hierarchies of the elite and the elect, and divisions of exclusionary otherness. The origins of violence and the social use of force are universal, historical, and systemic, and absolutely not in any mythical evil impulse, original sin, or inherent depravity of man.

     The Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force belongs to no one, but to apersonal systems of unequal power. I understand all too well how power makes us feel safe, the seductive beauty of weapons which make us arbiters of virtue, and how elite membership confers entitlement; this works the same for nations as for individuals, in the playground, prison yard, and contested public spaces like the Temple Mount which is also al Aqsa. 

     When faith is appropriated by authority for legitimation in identity politics, identity itself becomes confused and ambiguous. To become free, we must seize ownership of ourselves as self-created and autonomous beings.

     This is why the primary duties of a citizen are to question authority, expose authority, mock authority, and challenge authority.

     Always there remains the struggle between the masks others make for us and those we make for ourselves; this is the first revolution in which we all must fight.

     I think of the problem of human evil and its cycle of fear, power, and force in the case of states which become the tyrannies they fought to liberate themselves from, and this is true of anticolonial revolutionary states generally because of the historical legacies of victimization and the imposed conditions of struggle, in this way; victims often become abusers because their identity is organized around power as the only means of escape and survival in a world wherein no one can be trusted.

     When trust has been abrogated and proven empty and without meaning, when the capacity to bond with and feel the pain of others in empathy has been broken and one is without pity or remorse, when fear is overwhelming and generalized and has been shaped by authority to the service of power, victims learn that only power has meaning and is real. We must not allow our abusers to become our teachers.

     While every such issue has its own unique origins and history, the problem itself is universal, and relates to what one fears, and how that fear is shaped by authority as identity. From our perspective as Americans interpreting events in the classic problem of the double minority typified by Israel and Palestine, how we perceive issues has much to do with how they are framed by our informing and motivating sources.

      In the end we are defined by what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.

      The first question to ask of any story, and the most important, is simple; whose story is this?

      We are lost in a wilderness of mirrors, of lies and illusions, falsifications of ourselves, distorted images and reflections, echoes and authorized identities which disfigure, disempower, and steal our souls.

      How shall we answer those who would enslave us? Our authenticity and autonomy is realized through seizure of power, and the reimagination and transformation of ourselves and humankind as a free society of equals.

      We Americans tend to see things in terms of white hats and black hats, as in the Western films which serve as origin myths and archetypes of our national character. Once victim status has been conferred, such groups and persons become white hats and good guys, incapable of evil and diametrically opposed to whomever must then be black hats. It’s a terrible way of choosing national policy.

     Sadly, we humans can be good and evil at once, the flaws of our humanity echo and reflect the brokenness of the world. It is a truth proven once again tonight in al Quds or Jerusalem depending on to whom one is speaking and in what language, as Gaza burns from the onslaught of an Israeli Defense Forces run amok much the same as the night almost four decades ago in Beirut when they tried to burn Genet and I alive in our café, as a dozen human beings from whom everything but hope has been stolen swear vows to each other to hold a position covering the escape of the women and children trapped by the Israeli attack until all are safe, in a final defense not of al Aqsa Mosque, magnificent and beautiful and filled with significance, monument to the human impulse to reach beyond ourselves and to the limitless possibilities of becoming human, a stage fit for the glorious deaths of heroes, but of the disembodied screams of strangers among the nameless warrens of a derelict antiquity.

     Against the chasms of emptiness and nihilistic barbarism of a world of darkness and fire, of fear and force, I have only words to offer, and I write to you what I have said to my comrades who have chosen to stand with me; I’ve lost count of Last Stands, but I’ve risked everything against impossible odds and survived more times than I can remember, and all that matters is that we abandon neither ourselves nor one another, that we refuse to submit, for this is the moment of our freedom, and it can never be taken from us.

      From this night, Palestine is free, for we can be killed, but we cannot be conquered.         

          As I wrote in my post of November 4 2023, Stand With Humankind: On Today’s Global Rally For Palestine; Since the disruption and fracture of our ideas of universal human rights in the October 7 terror attack perpetrated by the Netanyahu regime of Israel and their partners in theocratic tyranny Hamas which delegitimized both and destabilized the world order, a great struggle between democracy and  tyranny, love and hate, hope and fear has been raging in Gaza, where the fate of humankind hangs in the balance and our future possibilities of becoming human are being chosen in the great game of chance that is war.

     Here, as in far too many times and places, a few unconquerable heroes and those who stand with them in solidarity as a band of brothers against the darkness of barbarian atavisms of brute fear and force and a nihilistic regime wherein only power has meaning and fear is the only means of exchange, die in the forlorn hope of buying with their lives time for civilization to awaken to the threat of fascist tyranny and imperial conquest.

      How will we answer the test of our humanity in this moment of existential threat? Who do we want to become, we humans? A free society of equals or a world of masters and slaves?

     For these are the stakes of this game in which we now play; liberty or tyranny.

    Today the Rally For Palestine throughout the world demonstrates our solidarity as guarantors of each other’s universal human rights, a glorious defiance of fear weaponized in service to power by authority and of the fascisms of blood, faith, and soil through which they divide and subjugate us.  

     For this time of darkness and sectarian violence ends only when both Israelis and Palestinians, one people divided by history, unite to liberate each other from those who claim to rule in their name and as mouthpieces for a god of universal brotherhood and love of which they have made instead an idol of cruelty and death.

     Who stands between each of us and the Infinite serves neither.

     When those who would enslave us come for us, as they always do, let them find not a people subjugated by learned helplessness nor divided by hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness, but a United Humankind unconquerable in solidarity and refusal to submit.

     To tyranny and fascism there can be but one reply; Never Again!

     Why is it important to resist our dehumanization and those who would enslave us, and to reply to the terror of our nothingness with refusal to submit and solidarity with others, regardless of where or when such existential threats arise, who is under threat or any divisions of identitarian politics weaponized by conquerors to isolate their victims from help?

     How much of our humanity can we claw back from the darkness in refusal to submit to those who would enslave us, and in solidarity with each other?

     We must each of us face our own Gate of Fire, as did the Spartans at Thermopylae, and choose.

    What are we worth, if we permit ruthless bandit kings to commit atrocities, genocides, plunder and enslave others?

     What is western civilization worth, if we will not live up to our fine words?   And fine words they remain, such as these written by Thomas Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence in 1776, a synthesis and revisioning of ideas from Hobbes, Locke, Montesquieu, Voltaire, and Rousseau; “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.”

     What is America, if not a guarantor of democracy and our universal human rights, and a beacon of hope to the world?

    To paraphrase America’s Pledge of Allegiance not as an oath to a nation but as the declaration of a United Humankind; We, the People of Earth, pledge ourselves to each other, as one humankind, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.

    Let us reply to tyranny and terror with the words written by J.R.R. Tolkien between 1937 and 1955 in his luminous reimagination of the Second World War and the conflict of dominion which immediately followed it between tyranny and democracy, first against fascism and then between the allies who defeated it as spheres of dominion and systems of economic and political organization but both for different dreams of a free society of equals, in the iconic speech of Aragorn at the Black Gate in The Return of the King which unites ethos, logos, pathos, and kairos; “A day may come when the courage of men fails, when we forsake our friends and break all bonds of fellowship, but it is not this day. An hour of wolves and shattered shields, when the age of men comes crashing down, but it is not this day. This day we fight.”

     War transforms the question of our authorship of ourselves with existential primacy; where do we ourselves end, and others begin? How may we negotiate this boundary of the Forbidden and interface with alien realms of human being, meaning, and value, with division and hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness or with solidarity, diversity, and inclusion, with fear or with love?

     This is a war of tyranny and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil against democracy and a free society of equals, for the idea that we all of us have meaning and value which is uniquely ours and against enslavement and the theft of our souls.

     Within the limits of our form, of the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world, we struggle to achieve the human; ours is a revolution of Tikkun Olam, a Hebrew phrase meaning repair of the world which refers to our interdependence and duty of care for each other as equals who share a common humanity.

     I’m sure all of us here know what Shlomo Bardin meant when he repurposed the phrase from the Kabbalah of Luria and the Midrash, but what do I mean by this?

     There are only two kinds of actions which we human beings are able to perform; those which affirm and exalt us, and those which degrade and dehumanize us.

     We live at a crossroads of history which may define the fate of our civilization and the future possibilities of becoming human, in the struggle between tyranny and liberty and between solidarity and division, and we must each of us choose who we wish to become, we humans; masters and slaves, or a free society of equals?

     In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.

      There are no Palestinians, no Israelis; only people like ourselves, and the choices they make about how to be human together.

     As I wrote in my post of October 24 2023, I Stand With Humankind Against Theocratic Tyranny and Terror: the Hamas-Israel War Unfolds As the Sacrifice of Innocents to Power; When Rome was once engulfed in famine riots, the Emperor was asked if the ships in Egypt should load grain to feed the people or sand for the arena to divert them. “Load sand” was the infamous reply; and it seems it is still true today.

      What can I say that has not already been said, what can I do that has not already been done, hundreds of times over across decades of Resistance to fascisms of blood, faith, and soil of every kind and description, to carceral states of force and control, to violations of our universal human rights and the idea central to democracy and our civilization that all human beings are equal and worth exactly the same, regardless of hierarchies of belonging and otherness, whether they are ours or different blood, faith, nationality?

     How can I demonstrate that it is better to be a free society of equals than a prison world of masters and slaves?

     Above the lands regarded as holy by three faiths a bone white moon like a dead fish eye regards us with implacable wrath in our horror and monstrosity, a rotten and poisonous holiness perverted by authorities who subjugate us by claiming to speak in the name of the Infinite and a ground of struggle not merely between them but also between humanity and dehumanization, barbarism, atavisms of instinct, and what madness and evil may together do as fear and faith are weaponized by those who would enslave us.

       In reference to an article entitled Biden says West Bank settlers ‘pouring gasoline on fire’ as Israel prepares for Gaza ground invasion, I wrote; Biden the Baby Killer sputters incoherent threats at people who resist their subjugation, dehumanization, brutal repression of dissent, and genocide by the Occupation. “Who are you to fight back, you slaves, you nonwhite filth”, Biden spits in fury at the glorious defiance of those who hunger to be free. American is a shameful and squalid factory of death.

     In reply to Lina Khatib’s article in The Guardian entitled Despite their rhetoric, neither Iran nor Hezbollah want an escalation of war in the Middle East. Here’s why, I wrote; I hope this has it right, but I fear our enemies wish to provoke massive death and destruction among their own peoples to forge unity and delegitimize western values. They will sacrifice anything to engineer a conflict of civilizations. And they have partners within the Israeli alt right and diaspora just as Hamas does, eager to perpetuate and secure their dominion and hegemony over their own Jewish people.

      This whole ritual breaking of taboos as war crimes by Hamas is a performance designed to provoke retaliation as war crimes by Israel, to dehumanize and criminalize Israelis caught between the lies and tyranny of the state and the fear of an enemy willing to demonize itself, fear weaponized in service to power by both Hamas and her partner in terror Israel. Yet there remains an escape clause in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force; the redemptive power of love.

      Let us unite to liberate each other, the Jews from the state of Israel and the Palestinians of Gaza from Hamas. For those who stand between each of us and the Infinite serve neither.

      And to the words of Queen Rania of Jordan as reported by Christiane Amanpour of CNN, I replied; Shocking to me as well, though sadly unsurprising. Our ideology of human rights is an apologetics of imperial and colonial power. This disruptive event of the shocking Hamas attack is designed to delegitimize Israel, America, and the whole ideology of democracy and human rights, and if we play this game by such rules of escalation and revenge the enemy wins, and our civilization falls.

     Why bomb Gaza, except to kill the children of others in trade for your own killed children? I very much doubt that the leaders of Hamas have trapped themselves in the killing box of Gaza, nor that if I were to say to Israel; I will bring you the heads of your enemies, in trade for the lives of the people of Palestine who have nothing to do with the criminals who abducted and murdered the children of Israel, that this offer would be accepted.

     For the Final Solution to the Palestinian Problem so long dreamed of by Netanyahu and his settler-thief regime of theocratic imperialists reveals the true intention of the regime as genocide, and I suspect the attack was planned jointly by Hamas and Israel or by an unknown third force whose interests are opaque but clearly inimical to the peace and democracy process that was thriving across sectarian lines before the attack. The sabotage of the anti-Netanyahu democracy movement in Israel and of the peace and solidarity movement to unite Palestine and Israel is the true purpose and primary result of the Hamas attack.

     Whose wealth and power is founded on selling arms to Israel? Now we see why Biden is pitching a Holocaust of the Palestinians rather than liberating Gaza from Hamas as the natural consequence of this humanitarian tragedy.

     As I wrote in my post of October 17 2023, Chaos Is the Great Hope of the Powerless: Case of the Hamas-Israel War;  A wise friend has questioned my valorization of Chaos as a principle of change in the context of Black Saturday, a term which describes the Hamas attack on Israel and the immense forces of terror, death, destruction, fracture, grief, rage, and revenge it unleashed, becoming a single tide of darkness.

     Thank you once again for your kindness and your wisdom.

     In this moment of tragedy I am thinking of Chaos as a disruptive force of fracture and change which has stripped us bare of our ideologies to reveal the fragile humanity beneath, and may be leveraged for liberty or tyranny by how we respond as a species and global civilization. As Guillermo del Toro writes in Carnival Row, Chaos is the great hope of the powerless.

     What do I hope for now, for the peoples of Israel and Palestine?  That both may unite to free each other, but first we will need universal humanitarian aid to any one on either side of these lines of division, and a Reckoning for the war crimes of both Hamas and Israel. For Israel took the bait, and gave Hamas the victory; they are now equal as war criminals without legitimacy.

    Israel took the bait, and the world is calling them out for war crimes; this may be end of the Netanyahu alt right regime and the dawn of a new Middle East. I was absolutely expecting Biden and allies to enable Israels Final Solution to the Palestinian Problem; in this I rejoice to be wrong about human nature. Maybe the idea of human rights is not dead. As my mother used to sing to students who asked her to make authorizing statements about anything, artifact of a Shakespeare in Thirty Minutes theatrical show that toured nationally with some of her students in it, bouncing her open hands left and right; Maybe, maybe not, Maybe, maybe not.

     No one seems to have noticed publicly that this means Israeli intelligence has been infiltrated. It is also possible that unknown puppetmasters have infiltrated and seized control of both Hamas and Israel, for purposes which are unclear and antithetical to the interests and well being of either. We wander lost in a Wilderness of Mirrors, friends.

      What Reckoning, for crimes against humanity by an organization of terror which has long been a vanguard of anticolonial revolutionary struggle under the imposed conditions of Occupation, slavery, and a genocidal Blockade?

      Not the totalization of the general population of Palestinians in a genocidal campaign of ethnic cleansing as Netanyahu wishes and Hamas intends as a strategy of delegitimation of the Israel state in the moral equivalence of terror, for if Israel, her patron America, and the international community accept the terms of struggle offered by Hamas they too become organizations of terror, and Hamas wins.

     This is a decolonial revolution, and victory goes to the side who can establish the legitimacy and moral supremacy of their story. As my father taught me, Never play someone else’s game.

     Hamas also wishes in this provocation to weld the peoples of Gaza to them; this is a primary strategy of fascism and tyranny, to make the people in whose name you claim to act complicit in unforgiveable crimes. Always beware those who claim to speak and act in your name as a strategy of your subjugation.

     A third layer of meaning here is the ambiguity of the geopolitical and world-historical forces beyond the Holy Land; Russia, her ally Iran and the Iranian Dominion of Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen, especially the Assad regime of Syria which has sent forces into Israel as a client state of Russia and Iran, and Hezbollah, which offers many of the social services of a government and may be in the process of emergence as an independent state, or a true empire in the transnational sense like the Holy Roman Empire. The great question here is; has Russia opened a new front of her plan of global conquest and made this a theatre of World War Three?

      How does one answer all of this? How bring a Reckoning for the terror of Hamas without authorizing and becoming complicit in the greater terror of Israel’s looming genocide of the Palestinians?

       The forms that might take give me pause, for they will determine our future, and though I know what I myself must do I do not like it, and am calling out here in my journals, where I work through the consequences of my decisions before acting on them, for unknown possibilities I myself cannot envision.

     Yes, my friend, Chaos has profoundly destructive forms; death among them, ruin and civilizational collapse, the negation of all we have claimed as our identity, but all are also measures of the adaptive range of systems, and can give birth to new forms from this liberated energy. And as you point out, all forces operate in opposite directions at once, creating their own opposition. These are not moral forces in balance, but ambivalent forces which contain each other in recursion.

     So, while our nations try to shatter each other’s truths with overwhelming force and mass terror, I must find a path of least force to salvage what I can of our humanity, and I hope I will not fail as I did at Mariupol and Panjshir.

    This may be all we have as humans lost in chasms of darkness and a Wilderness of Mirrors, this refusal to abandon each other to dehumanization, but like our refusal to submit to authority it is a power which cannot be taken from us, even in imposed conditions of struggle designed to produce abjection and learned helplessness, or rage and tribalization as identity politics and the manufacture of consent to be fed into engines of death for the wealth, power, and privilege of hegemonic elites and tyrannies.

     Such ephemeral and insubstantial things, like whispered prayers to abyssal unknowns, figments of love, hope, faith, which belong to the shadows, the delusions of grandeur of beasts harnessed to systems of oppression by others who yet dream that we might become more.

    Dream with me.

     Embrace our absurdity as flawed things wrestling with immense forces of falsification, commodification, and dehumanization in a mad quest to become human, under imposed conditions of struggle typified by atrocities designed to produce abjection, learned helplessness, and despair, as we are consumed by the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force in service to elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege whose primary weapon is division and hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness as identity politics and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.

     Against all of this we have only our solidarity with each other, the redemptive power of love, our refusal to submit or to believe and trust authority which frees us as Unconquered and self created beings and Living Autonomous Zones, and our poetic vision in the reimagination and transformation of ourselves. Powers which cannot be taken from us, and which can seize the power of those who would enslave us.

     This is why I practice the art of believing impossible things, but only those I myself have chosen or created. And crucially, act to make them real. And in this case we must bring a Reckoning to the perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity regardless of who they may be or in the name of what cause they act, and silence the drums of war.

     Dream with me, but act in solidarity to make it real.

     As the Mad Hatter says to Alice; “That is an excellent practice, but right now you might want to focus on the Jabberwock.” 

    Just so.

     As I wrote in my post of October 11 2023, Palestine Versus Israel Round Ad Nauseum In An Endless Litany of Woes, Atrocities, and Horrors; Forward: to my comrades in the Palestinian Resistance:

     Hello everyone;

    I have some thoughts on the recent events in Gaza, Gaza where I have fought  and lost someone I loved, and actions by Hamas whom I have fought alongside and count as my brothers in revolutionary struggle; actions which include the taking of hostages and murder of families, war crimes which have made peace impossible in the near future and have delegitimized the cause of liberation of Palestine by making it ambiguous with dehumanization and atrocities. Such is the nature of power, and of fear weaponized in service to power.

    This now is my Resistance in the cause of the peoples of Palestine and Israel, a people divided by history and sectarian theocratic terror. I question the origins and motives of such actions, which trade a tactical goal of demonstrating that Netanyahu’s alt-right monsters cannot deliver the security by which they subjugate Israel, for a strategic one of legitimacy, and will not only weld American support to the tyrant but grant him permission and immunity for the Final Solution of the Palestinian problem he has long dreamed of.

     How can we salvage something of our humanity from this?

     Herein I invite question, and dreams of a better future than we have the past.

     Thank you for hearing me.

       Hamas has brought the Chaos to the American Empire and disrupted the legitimation of Israel by the Arab American Alliance versus the Imperial Dominion of Iran, and in reaction to the relentless genocide of the Palestinians by the state of Israel now captured by Netanyahu and his alt right band of thieves.

     Here now is the fulcrum of change and reckoning for seventy years of Israeli state terror and imperial conquest in an amoral and loathsome apartheid regime which inverts the values of its founding by becoming the death camps its citizens escaped, and betrays the hope and ideal of a refuge from hate and sectarian division as a reflection of the nazis from whom they have internalized oppression as fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.

     Hamas has shattered all of this, potentially, with the myth of state surveillance and control as useful and effective means of subjugation of the slave castes of any state, and the myth of the invincibility and supremacy of Israeli intelligence and military hegemony of which it is a figure of the might of carceral states, tyrannies, and empires, and the calculated reprisals by Israel which will follow are designed by Hamas in this provocation to delegitimize Israel and fracture the solidarity of her allies and collaborators in terror, of which America remains the principal sponsor and villain.

     So many of the reactions to this tragedy both here among my friends and in the news media seem baffled, caught in the forks of a classic dilemma in which our heroes and our villains trade places, for in this stunning slave rebellion wherein the victims of genocide and erasure have attacked their masters, the Wretched of the Earth with whom we might normally empathize have violated two of our most cherished moral values and rules of conduct; they are not defending but attacking, which makes justifications for war and the use of social force irrelevant though this ahistorical interpretation of events ignores seventy years of oppression and authorizes the conqueror by classifying the liberation struggle of their victims as terrorism, an argument we can therefore nullify as pro Israeli misdirection and the apologetics of power, and a second and far more serious point; Hamas has taken hostages and killed civilians, war crimes which violate our universal human rights and place the perpetrators beyond all laws and all limits.

     A friend has written an apology for statements born of compassion which might be confused with support of Israel as a state rather than as a people, a distinction which makes all the difference; and to this I have written the following reply:

     There are no good guys in this story, just a people divided by history brutalizing each other with a savagery that threatens our humanity itself. I have fought in Gaza and lost someone there, and from my witness of history I say there is only one kind of truth which does not become a Rashomon Gate when faith is weaponized in service to power by those who would enslave us, and this is true of both sides in this or any war; Who is bleeding? Who is suffering? Who requires acts of grace and mercy? 

     Not who merits compassion, for often there are no innocent, and as Shaw teaches us in Pygmalion with the iconic speech of Alfred Doolittle this places a moral burden on victims which is unjust; merely who is suffering and needs our help, in this moment, always the only time we have.

     Solidarity of action, resistance, and liberation struggle all come after this; Tikkun Olam, a Jewish concept of reparative justice and praxis or the action of values, which I often describe as healing the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     You have nothing to apologize for; states work very hard to confuse and conflate legitimation of the state with narratives of victimization, for who wears the white hat is a hero and beyond question. All states do this, for it is the nature of power to become centralized as force and control. Among the true horrors of identity politics is awakening to realize that one is the beneficiary of a genocide, of slavery, of patriarchy, of unequal power in any form.

     So we are lost in Atherton’s Wilderness of Mirrors; lies, illusions, rewritten histories, falsification. But it is my fate to question all things, and many of them do not bear the test of unbelief.

     Always pay attention to the man behind the curtain.

     In this case I question the origins and motives of a blitzkreig which demonstrates the vulnerability of Israel, a tactical objective, at the cost of strategic goals; the immediate results include unifying global support of Israel and dividing the crucial solidarity between the anti-Netanyahu democracy and peace movements within Israel from the liberation struggle of their slave caste, the Palestinians.

     Cui Bono? Neither Palestinians nor Israelis, though in the imperial totalitarian state of Israel and its fascisms of blood, faith, and soil they share a common enemy. Netanyahu and his regime benefit, though his promise of security for the people of Israel has been proven illusory and the feared Israeli intelligence and military a paper tiger as Hamas intended; whether this weakens or strengthens his hand is yet to be seen.

     Security is an illusion, one convenient for tyrants in the manufacture of consent to be subjugated. In this area of liberation struggle the victory of Hamas in breaching the Wall has been an unambiguous good.

     Bring down the Wall, all the walls. Not only the walls of our borders and prisons, but the walls of ideas between peoples most of all. In the long run, only this will bring us peace and a United Humankind.

     To make an idea about a kind of people is an act of violence.

     No matter where you begin with divisions of belonging and exclusionary otherness, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     Why, O Israel, reproduce the conditions of your historic trauma as the prison guards, with others cast in your former role? Why, when we could be guarantors of each other’s universal human rights in a free society of equals?

     Let us emerge from the legacies of our history, and create ourselves anew.

     What happens next?

     Disruptive and polarizing events often confront us with a choice; who is your white hat and who your black hat in this story? Whose play will you back when they enter the arena at high noon? We will begin to become human when we free ourselves of this tyranny of good and evil, so vulnerable to the lies and misdirection of those who would enslave us and who claim to speak and act in our name, especially in theocracies. For as Voltaire wrote; “Those who can make us believe absurdities can make us commit atrocities”. Gott Mitt Uns; it is the most terrible battlecry, for it authorizes anything.

       Today the empire begins to strike back, as Biden declares that America will stand with Israel, with the state and not her people mind you, in the abominable reprisals Netanyahu promises, having been handed by his enemies immunity and sanction for the Final Solution to the Palestinian Problem he has so long dreamed of. Both this immediate trigger event of total war and the conditions which created it are consequences of American complicity, for we as a nation have failed to enact the Boycott, Divest, and Sanction policies against Israeli state terror and tyranny which might have prevented it, and if we are to be liberators and not conquerors we must at minimum now pressure Israel to lift the Blockade of Gaza and recognize Hamas as its legitimate government. Let us send humanitarian aid, not armies.

      Netanyahu and Biden have declared intentions to answer force and fear with greater force and fear, as Israel accepts the offer of the moral equivalence of terror by her partner in this dance, Hamas. This will bring not lesser but greater terror, not democracy and a free society of equals but the centralization of power to totalitarian states of force and control. From the perspective of Israel and America or of any state, this is the true purpose of external threats.

     As my father once said; “Politics is the art of fear, and fear is the basis of human exchange. Fear is an untrustworthy servant and a terrible master; so, whose instrument will it be?”

     Of the recursive forces of fear, power, and force which are the true origin of evil and of its forms as violence, war, police states, I say to you this one true thing; fear and force cannot answer fear and force. Only love can do this, and the redemptive power of love can free us from the Wagnerian Ring of Power, from falsification, commodification, and dehumanization.

     Why are we each others jailors, and not each others liberators?

       Here is the memorial I wrote for my friend, assassinated in Gaza by an Israeli sniper during the fighting over two years ago; June 21 2022, We Balance the Terror of Our Nothingness With the Joy of Total Freedom, the Flaws of Our Humanity With the Redemptive Power of Love, and the Brokenness of the World With Our Absurd Hope For the Limitless Possibilities of Becoming Human;    Death is the ultimate life disruptive event, the mirror image of Chaos as creative force and the adaptive potential of a system.

     This day I have re-enacted the stages of grief process as I relive an event of a year ago, caught in the labyrinth of its story, and as always with such complexes of memory, history, and identity I emerge through its passage with changed perspective.

     Some stories can shatter our lives, but also free us from the legacies of history and the limits of our former selves.

    This is a story which has become interwoven with my annual reading of Sartre’s works in celebration of his birthday, a juxtaposition which I find wholly appropriate, illuminating, and strangely hopeful.

    Are we not the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others? 

     We choose our friends and lovers from among those reflections which embody qualities we wish to assimilate to ourselves or fully integrate into our consciousness and personality; and it is the interface between these two bounded realms, the Ideal and the Real, which I am driven to interrogate today.

     Here is where the art of questioning lives, at the intersection of Socratic method and classical rhetoric, the dialectics of history, and the problematization of our motives, feelings, and processes of ideation through the methods of psychotherapy.

      We speak of the juxtaposition of imaginal and actual realms of being as a form of Dadaist collage as pioneered by Tristan Tzara and instrumentalized as methodology by William S. Burroughs which creates the universe of our experience, of the discontiguous, relative, ambiguous, and ephemeral nature of truth described by Akutagawa in Rashomon Gate and the methods of fiction exemplified by Raymond Queneau  as applied to identity and self construal, and idealizations of masculine and feminine beauty as dyadic forces of the psyche which work themselves out through our relationships with ourselves and with others. These three parallel and interdependent processes shape who we become, and how we instrumentalize others in our self creation.

     We must first own the fact that dealing with our memories of someone is not the same as the lived experience of our history; it is all one sided and has been moved into an interior space of performance, and in which reimagination and transformation is ongoing. The map is not the territory, as Alfred Korzybski teaches us, nor is our idea of a person equal to the actual person themselves.

     What parts of myself do I embody as a figural space into which to grow in the character whom I have thought of as Cleopatra, with all of the ambivalence, power, legacies of cultural history, and liminality such an identification implies, how do I imagine her now, and what kind of story have I cast us in?

     I think of her now in terms of Rachel McAdams’ wily, sophisticated, and transgressive Irene Adler in Sherlock Holmes, as she became throughout the twelve years of our work in liberation struggle for the independence of Palestine, with elements of Millie Bobby Brown’s fearless, brilliant, and utterly without boundaries Enola Holmes as she began, bearing onward the colours of a beloved and presumed martyred family member in the course of investigating his disappearance. I am reasonably certain that this is not how she saw herself.

     For illumination as to how a Palestinian woman might imagine herself, the characters she may choose to play as role models and the stories she may embody as ritual enactments, even a highly unusual one such as she, we may look to the wonderfully rich culture of Palestine’s female film directors and authors; of auteurs Annemarie Jacir, Maysaloun Hamoud, Mai Masri, and Farah Nabulsi, and of novelists Susan Abulhawa, Liana Badr, Ghada Karmi, Sahar Khalifeh, Hala Alyan, and Sahar Mustafah.

     Bearing in mind that all such reading lists are nothing less than a set of authorized identities. As Margaret Atwood so splendidly demonstrates in her works, our intertexts are primary in the construction of our identities, including those of sex and gender, as mimesis and as dialectical processes of history.

     And this is where it never ceases to be fascinating, the study of human being, meaning, and value and the limitless possibilities of becoming human. For in the sphere of our relationships with others, parallel and interdependent with our relationships between the masculine and feminine halves of our psyche, each co-evolves with the other in recursive processes of growth and adaptation to change in the construction of identity.

     I say again; we interpret the actions of others and form relationships on the basis of our self-construal and ideas of ourselves, and we use our relations with real people to shape who we wish to become.

       How does this work out in real life? As a personal example of the discontiguous gaps of meaning in the interfaces between bounded realms of masculine and feminine personae, a free space of creative play, I offer the artifacts of memory of a figure which may or may not align with the martyr I know only by her Code Name: Cleopatra.

      Of the Last Stand in which we met and forged an alliance, betrayed and caught in a trap which we turned against our enemies who had trapped themselves in with us, which I think of as the final battle scene in the film  Mr & Mrs Smith, this operatic quest was set in motion by the conflict of dominion between Hamas and al Qaeda in Gaza during August of 2009, during which the forces of light prevailed over those of darkness in the victory of Hamas, with Israel playing each against the other through infiltration agents, spies, deniable assets, and use of a special Recon team masquerading as various Arab factions to commit atrocities against presumed rival Arab groups in a classic policy of divide and conquer. This space of play was complicated by clan vendettas such as hers, and the usual political and religious fragmentation, crime syndicates, mercenary forces, tribalism, corruption, and the shadow wars of foreign states.

     Our paths crossed several times over the next twelve years, always in memorable circumstances, sometimes as allies and others as rivals, often as both. Which of these is the real and true version of her, or of myself? Such iterations of our images are without number, like the captured and distorted selves in funhouse mirrors aligned to reflect into infinity.

     Wilderness of Mirrors, a phrase from T.S. Eliot’s Gerontin, is one I use to describe the pathology of falsification of ourselves through propaganda, lies and illusions, rewritten histories, state secrets, alternate realities, authoritarian faith which devours truths. This I contrast with its opposite, journalism and the witness of history as the sacred quest to pursue the truth. We are made counterfeits of ourselves by systems of elite hegemonic power such as patriarchy, and by those who would enslave us, through capture of our stories as theft of the soul.

     James Angleton, evil genius of the C.I.A.’s Counterintelligence Service on whom John Le Carre based his character of George Smiley, infamously used the phrase in this sense as well, and it has become universalized throughout the intelligence community he shaped and influenced during the Second World War and its aftermath the Cold War. Writing in reference to David Martin’s biography of himself entitled Wilderness of Mirrors, Angleton described it as a “myriad of stratagems, deceptions, artifices, and all the other devices of disinformation which the Soviet bloc and its coordinated intelligence services use to confuse and split the West … an ever fluid landscape where fact and illusion merge.” And of course, everything he ascribed to the Soviets was true of himself, his own agency, and America as well, and of all states, for all are houses of illusion.

     The Netflix telenovela Operation Mincemeat uses the phrase, in a story about the creation of a fictitious officer bearing documents designed to trick the Nazis into preparing for the invasion of Europe somewhere other than Sicily, a series I watched with rapt attention because each of us is created by our stories exactly like this false identity attached to the body of a derelict. Within each of us, a team of authors, archetypes and transpersonal figures like the anima which concerns us here, create our personae through stories, a network of memories, histories, and identity; and they do so for their own purposes, which we do not always understand.  

     As T. S. Eliot has written in Gerontin, “After such knowledge, what forgiveness? Think now

History has many cunning passages, contrived corridors

And issues, deceives with whispering ambitions,

Guides us by vanities”

      We are such stuff as dreams are made on, as Shakespeare teaches us in Act IV, Scene 1 of The Tempest, a line spoken by Ariel. For if we are ephemeral and insubstantial beings, constructions of our stories, this also means that the ontological nature of human being is a ground of struggle which can be claimed by seizures of power.

      The first question to ask of a story is, whose story is this?

      Always there remains the struggle between the stories we tell about ourselves and those told about us by others; the masks we make for ourselves and those made for us by others.

      This is the first revolution in which we all must fight, the struggle for ownership of ourselves.

      Who then shall we become? Asks our self of surfaces, images, and masks which each moment negotiates our boundaries with others. 

     To which our secret self, the self of darkness and of passion, the self that lives beyond the mirror and knows no limits, unbound by time and space and infinite in possibilities, replies; Who do you want to become? 

     As I wrote in my post of June 21 2021, The Hope of Humankind: On Becoming Autonomous Zones as Agents of Chaos and Transformative Change;      A friend has written in despair of our significance and hope for the liberation of humankind, of the impactfulness of our lives and our struggles which balance the flaws of our humanity against the monstrous and vast forces of a system of dehumanization, falsification, and commodification; for to be human is to live in a state of existential crisis and struggle for the ownership of ourselves.

     Today is the birthday of Jean Paul Sartre, and so this event finds me reading once again his magnificent reimagination of Jean Genet in Saint Genet: Actor and Martyr; Genet who set me on my life’s path with the Oath of the Resistance in Beirut during the summer of 1982.

     Israeli soldiers had set fire to the houses on my street, and called for people to come out and surrender. They were blindfolding the children of those who did and using them as human shields.

     We had no other weapon than the empty bottle of champagne we had just finished with our breakfast of strawberry crepes; I asked “Any ideas?”, at which he shrugged and said “Fix bayonets?”

     And then he gave me a principle of action by which I have lived for thirty nine years now; “When there is no hope, one is free to do impossible things, glorious things.”

     He asked me if I was going to surrender, and I said no; he smiled and replied, “Nor will I.” And so he swore me to the Oath he devised in 1940 in Paris at the beginning of the Occupation for such friends as he could gather, reworded from the oath he had taken as a Legionnaire. He said it was the finest thing he ever stole; “We swear our loyalty to each other, to resist and yield not, and abandon not our fellows.” So it was that I became the bearer of a tradition now over eighty years old and forged in the most fearsome and terrible conflict the world has ever known, shortly before I expected to be burned alive in the first of many Last Stands.

     This was the moment of my forging, this decision to choose death over subjugation, and ever since being struck by it I have been a bell, ringing. And like the Liberty Bell with its iconic crack, I am broken open to the suffering of others and the flaws of our humanity. This has been the greatest gift I have ever been given, this empathy borne of a sacred wound, and I shall never cease the call to liberty, nor hesitate to answer as I am able the call for solidarity with others.

     This morning I awoke to a call to identify the body of a friend missing and believed killed in Gaza by Israeli terrorists in the savage street fighting which followed the rocket attacks of last week, which I was unable to do; I searched for my friend in this sad and ruined form, like the skin of a wild thing which has sung itself utterly away, and could recognize nothing.

    Where is my friend, agile, lithe, mercurial, fearless, insightful and quick witted, who always had four scenarios running and three escape routes, who survived against impossible odds through improvisation and leveraging chaos, whose vision could discern true motives within the secret chambers of the human heart and play them like an instrument as songs of rapture and terror, who chameleon-like and protean could shift identities as needed and behind their masks move among her enemies unseen?

      I never knew her true name; perhaps she no longer had one, as is true for so many of us who play the Great Game of futures and the possibilities of becoming human, a term popularized by Rudyard Kipling in the novel Kim. My own names are numberless as the stars, like those of an actor who has played multitudes of roles in films and theatres of many kinds.

     She first entered my orbit during the victorious struggle of Hamas against al Qaeda for dominion of Gaza in August of 2009 in Rafah, an Egyptian Palestinian drawn into the maelstrom of war like countless others by family duty and vendetta.

    Yet she said no to authority at great peril when she could have said yes and become a slave, stood in solidarity with others when she could have run; this was a choice, one which confers agency, autonomy, and self-ownership as a seizure of power in a limited and deterministic context. Refusal to submit is the primary human act, one which cannot be taken from us, wherein we become Unconquered and free, and able to liberate others.

     So it is that we may escape the wilderness of mirrors in which we wander, a realm of lies and illusions, captured and distorted images, falsification and the theft of the soul. For the authentic self, the image which we seize and claim as our own, flies free of its mad circus of seductions and traps. Hence we achieve our true selves and form, in rapture and exaltation as beings of our own uniqueness.

    Impossible that such grandeur could be reduced to its material form, like the abandoned shell of a fantastic sea creature which has grown beyond its limits and moved on, to realms unknown.

     The lines spoken by Hamlet while holding the skull of his friend Yorick came unbidden to my thoughts; “Here hung those lips that I have kissed I know not how oft. Where be your gibes now? your gambols? your songs? your flashes of merriment, that were wont to set the table on a roar? Not one now, to mock your own grinning?”

     For twelve years you danced with death, and danced away laughing, until today.

     Farewell, my friend; I’ll see you in the eyes of the defiant ones, who bear your fire onward into the unknown, and with it I hope your laughter. Our successors will need both fire and laughter, if the future we win for them is to be equal to its price, and worth living in.

     Our lives are like the dragon’s teeth sown in the earth by the Phoenician prince Cadmus from which warriors arise; from each, multitudes. For we live on as echoes and reflections in the lives of others, in the consequences and effects of our actions, in the good we can do for others which gathers force over time, and in the meaning, value, and possibilities we create.

     How can choosing death and freedom be better than submission to authority and its weaponization of fear and force?

     My experience of accepting death in confronting force and violence finds parallels in the mock executions of Fyodor Dostoevsky and Maurice Blanchot, and I’m not done challenging state terror and tyranny and forces of repression. I’m going to stand between people with guns and their victims in future, as I have many times in past, and here I find resilience among my motivating and informing sources; Sartre’s total freedom won by refusal to submit, and Camus’ rebellion against authority which renders force meaningless when met by disobedience, give me the ability to claw my way out of the ruins and make yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory or even survival.

     And all who are mortal share these burdens with me. In this all who resist subjugation by authority are alike as Living Autonomous Zones, bearing seeds of change; we can say with the figure of Loki; “I am burdened with glorious purpose.”

     We are all Nikolai Gogol’s hero in Diary of a Madman, caught in the wheels of a great machine he services, like Charlie Chaplin in his film Modern Times. But we know that we are trapped and enslaved, and we know how and why; we know the secrets of our condition which our masters would keep silent, and in refusing to be silent we can free ourselves and our fellows. This Michel Foucault called truth telling; a poetic vision of reimagination and sacred calling to pursue the truth which bears transformative power.

     So here I offer all of you words of hope for moments of despair, the horror of meaninglessness, the grief of loss, and the guilt of survivorship.

     Your voice has defied our nothingness, and resounds throughout the chasms of a hostile and dehumanizing world; gathering force and transformative power as it finds a thousand echoes, and begins to awaken refusal to submit to authority and to heal the pathology of our falsification and disconnectedness. 

    The voice of even one human being who bears a wound of humanity which opens him to the pain of others and who places his life in the balance with those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth, the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, who in resistance to tyranny and terror, force and control, becomes unconquered and free, such a voice of liberation is unstoppable as the tides, an agent of reimagination and transformation which seizes the gates of our prisons and frees the limitless possibilities of becoming human.

    Despair not and be joyful, for we who are living Autonomous Zones help others break the chains of their enslavement simply by condition of being as well as action; for we violate norms, transgress boundaries of the Forbidden, expose the lies and illusions of authority, and render the forces of repression powerless to compel obedience.

      This is the primary revolutionary struggle which precedes and underlies all else; the seizure of ownership of ourselves from those who would enslave us.  

     Such is the hope of humankind.

             References

Tear Down the Wall, by Pink Floyd

What Is to Be Done? Vladimir Lenin

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1108378.What_Is_to_Be_Done_?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_18

The Posthuman Dada Guide: Tzara & Lenin Play Chess,

Andrei Codrescu

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/6201244-the-posthuman-dada-guide?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_5

Carnival Row telenovela trailer

Rashomon  film trailer

The Portable Voltaire

Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams and Distortions, Lucy Hughes-Hallett

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/505261.Cleopatra

Margaret Atwood’s Fairy-Tale Sexual Politics, Sharon Rose Wilson

Zazie in the Metro, Raymond Queneau

Science and Sanity: An Introduction to Non-Aristotelian Systems and General Semantics, Alfred Korzybski

Origin of the Ayn Rand paraphrase

https://www.snopes.com/fact-check/ayn-rand-quote/

The third horseman: Famine, detail from The Apocalypse Tapestry, 1382

 Photo taken by Remi Jouan, CC BY-SA 3.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=19130477

Operation Mincemeat trailer

The Waste Land and Other Poems, T.S. Eliot

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/400412.The_Waste_Land_and_Other_Poems?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_10

Wilderness of Mirrors: Intrigue, Deception, and the Secrets that Destroyed Two of the Cold War’s Most Important Agents, David C. Martin

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/575784.Wilderness_of_Mirrors?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_21

The Tempest full film

Saint Genet: Actor and Martyr, Jean-Paul Sartre

Kim, By Joseph Rudyard Kipling New Updated And Fully Annotated Edition

Alas Poor Yorick scene, Kenneth Branagh’s Hamlet

The Marriage of Cadmus and Harmony, Roberto Calasso

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/753252.The_Marriage_of_Cadmus_and_Harmony?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_11

The Instant of My Death / Demeure: Fiction and Testimony, Maurice Blanchot,

Jacques Derrida

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/351381.The_Instant_of_My_Death_Demeure?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_23

The Idiot, Fyodor Dostoevsky, Anna Brailovsky (Translator)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/12505.The_Idiot?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_10

Glorious Purpose- montage of Loki films & telenovella

The Collected Tales of Nikolai Gogol, Nikolai Gogol

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/252981.The_Collected_Tales_of_Nikolai_Gogol

Modern Times trailer, Charlie Chaplain

Fearless Speech, Michel Foucault

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/257781.Fearless_Speech

The Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/66933.The_Wretched_of_the_Earth?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_12

Arabic

19 مارس 2026: ذكرى هجمات القصف المشتركة بين ترامب ونتنياهو في إطار حملة الإبادة الجماعية؛ نتنياهو يقصف ممر المساعدات المدنية في غزة لتقسيمها إلى “بانتوستانات”، بينما يقصف ترامب اليمن لكسر حصارنا المضاد للحصار الإسرائيلي المفروض على المساعدات الإنسانية.

في عمل وحشي ومروع وجريمة حرب نكراء، قام نتنياهو وترامب – في مثل هذا اليوم قبل عام – بتنسيق حملة قصف مزدوجة الجبهات تهدف إلى الإبادة الجماعية ضد الفلسطينيين؛ فبينما يقصف نتنياهو ممر المساعدات المدنية لتقسيم قطاع غزة إلى “بانتوستانات” (جيوب معزولة)، يقصف ترامب اليمن لكسر الحصار المضاد الذي فرضناه نحن رداً على الحصار الإسرائيلي للمساعدات الإنسانية.

إن مثل هذه الجرائم البشعة تجد الآن أصداءً وانعكاسات لها في “حرب إيران”؛ ذلك الحلم الذي صاغته إسرائيل لتحقيق الغزو الإمبراطوري والسيطرة على جيرانها بهدف إخضاعهم وضمهم إلى “إسرائيل الكبرى”، وهو حلمٌ تم شراؤه بأموال دافعي الضرائب الأمريكيين وأرواحهم.

الإبادة الجماعية، والتطهير العرقي، والاستعباد، والمجاعات المُصممة عمداً، وجرائم الحرب المرتكبة ضد الأطفال وغيرهم من المدنيين؛ هذا هو وجه دولة إسرائيل بكل ما فيه من رعب ووحشية، وهو الآن أيضاً وجه “أمريكا الفيشية” في ظل نظام ترامب وما يسميه بـ “مسرح القسوة”.

تشكل إسرائيل وأمريكا معاً “أنظمة وحشية” لا تعترف بأي قوانين سوى الحكم السلطوي القائم على القوة والخوف، ولا تعرف أي أخلاق سوى الكراهية، ولا تحمل أي أحلام سامية تتعلق بإنسانيتنا ومواطنتنا المتساوية، بل لا تنتج سوى كوابيس عنصرية وفاشية قائمة على العرق والدين والهوية القومية الضيقة.

وهنا، نشهد مرة أخرى حقيقة عظيمة ومروعة؛ فمهما كان المنطلق الذي تبدأ منه في تصنيف البشر وتحديد “أنواعهم” المختلفة، ومهما انغمست في بناء التسلسلات الهرمية والتصنيفات المعقدة للانتماء و”الآخرية” الإقصائية، فإنك ستجد نفسك حتماً في النهاية واقفاً عند بوابات “أوشفيتز”.

إن مستقبل منطقة الشرق الأوسط بأسرها يمكن قراءته واستشرافه من خلال “مرآة الغيب” المتمثلة في مسارح العمليات العسكرية في اليمن وفلسطين، والتي تُعد بمثابة جبهات لـ “الحرب العالمية الثالثة”؛ وهي الجبهات التي تنبأت – قبل عام واحد – بالأزمة التي اندلعت لاحقاً في مضيق هرمز ومسرح العمليات في دول الخليج ضمن سياق “حرب إيران”.

كيف وصلنا إلى هذا المنحدر الخطير؟ وكيف أصبحنا نقصف الشعوب التي كان الأجدر بنا أن نتحالف معها في نضالها من أجل التحرر؟

Persian

۱۹ مارس ۲۰۲۶، سالگرد حملات بمباران مشترک ترامپ و نتانیاهو در کارزار نسل‌کشی: نتانیاهو راهروی کمک‌های غیرنظامی در غزه را بمباران می‌کند تا آن را به بانتوستان‌ها تقسیم کند، در حالی که ترامپ یمن را بمباران می‌کند تا محاصره متقابل ما علیه محاصره کمک‌های بشردوستانه اسرائیل را بشکند.

در یک جنایت و جنایت جنگی وحشیانه و وحشتناک، نتانیاهو و ترامپ یک سال پیش در چنین روزی، یک کارزار بمباران نسل‌کشی در دو جبهه علیه فلسطینیان را هماهنگ کردند. نتانیاهو یک راهروی کمک‌های غیرنظامی را بمباران می‌کند تا غزه را به بانتوستان‌ها تقسیم کند، در حالی که ترامپ یمن را بمباران می‌کند تا محاصره متقابل ما علیه محاصره کمک‌های بشردوستانه اسرائیل را بشکند.

چنین جنایات هولناکی اکنون در جنگ ایران، رویای ساخته شده اسرائیل برای فتح و سلطه امپریالیستی بر همسایگانش برای مطیع کردن آنها در یک اسرائیل بزرگ، که با مالیات و جان آمریکایی‌ها خریداری شده است، پژواک و بازتاب می‌یابد.

نسل‌کشی، پاکسازی قومی و برده‌داری، قحطی طراحی شده و جنایات جنگی علیه کودکان و سایر غیرنظامیان؛ این دولت اسرائیل با تمام وحشت و ترورش است، و اکنون ویشی آمریکا تحت رژیم ترامپ و تئاتر ظلم او.

اسرائیل و آمریکا با هم رژیم‌های قساوت هستند که هیچ قانونی جز حکومت استبدادی با زور و ترس، هیچ اخلاقی جز نفرت، هیچ رویای بزرگی از انسانیت و شهروندی ما به عنوان برابر، بلکه کابوس‌های نژاد، ایمان و هویت ملی فاشیستی ندارند.

در اینجا ما دوباره شاهد یک حقیقت بزرگ و وحشتناک هستیم؛ مهم نیست که با ایده‌های انواع مردم، با سلسله مراتب و طبقه‌بندی‌های تعلق و دیگری بودنِ طردکننده از کجا شروع کنید، همیشه به دروازه‌های آشویتس می‌رسید.

آینده کل خاورمیانه را می‌توان در آینه دیدبانی صحنه‌های یمن و فلسطین جنگ جهانی سوم خواند، که یک سال پیش بحران تنگه هرمز و صحنه کشورهای خلیج فارس در جنگ ایران را پیشگویی کرد.

چگونه به این مرحله رسیدیم، بمباران مردمی که باید در مبارزه آزادی‌بخش با آنها متحد باشیم؟

                  News of 2026: Iran, Palestine, and Lebanon Theatres of War

War in Iran, chaos in the Gulf, repression in the west: and the thread that binds them all is Palestine

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/mar/16/war-iran-gulf-west-palestine-occupation-us?fbclid=IwY2xjawQoGA9leHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEeiAojEpLFW6z4iomn2FCoELly-k8gkhikPQVX4DzjCMrjOC7fYGtd1XVqmGk_aem__P0q7T7w_0EbphUogKOAlg

Iran could be the US’s Boer war: a hollow victory that marks the beginning of the end of empire

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/mar/19/iran-us-boer-war-victory-empire-economy?fbclid=IwY2xjawQpCgBleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEekHskTfbHm2l2GHVCWHY4S4_F5ZQ6WoDGwPmyhj0gIVqaHTaKnxG5PLTZGx4_aem_3zlgD6laoNIhWvNMSdWrXA

Trump thinks brute force will arrest the US’s decline. His heavy-handed actions in Iran are only accelerating it

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/mar/19/donald-trump-brute-force-us-decline-iran-war?fbclid=IwY2xjawQpCkxleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEekeVRGKfWwqo3lfju5qhntPY9boHxW3pZNt84mns-L3D0jXmQvW28SVWwLj8_aem_wT_xy74Aefn7Xnra0ibb-g

We need to be honest about Iran – and how our rampant greed for oil is causing mayhem

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/mar/19/iran-greed-oil-capitalism-regimes?fbclid=IwY2xjawQpCrNleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEe5-2rTi0xDv0d47jrQ4E7ohFm1O36FtWasQ8v0N6U6Tb72AXhr7DMInFwujg_aem_tQHNRE_rk-9pmOJtzCFGjw

The war on Iran cost the US $12.7bn by day six. Here’s how it’s been spent – in charts

https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2026/mar/19/us-iran-war-cost?fbclid=IwY2xjawQpC05leHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEeNhBARev0t5S8jFBtxLf73HdUsiP2vesuSDo275luXF6zKervbnBh-FzCUs4_aem_sNGe8INBqELW5x-YaXyamA

As Israel prepares to implement the ‘Gaza model’ in Lebanon, where is the international reaction?

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/mar/18/israel-gaza-model-lebanon-international-reaction-sanctions?fbclid=IwY2xjawQoFM1leHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEeyFNu3TRXjvCYToAL7qKdTbYBlOTKTc8j_ykbX2Zu4ULBrhzn-zXqHYmulBc_aem_caoAqg9X8P2hOTqDrWOtpw

Israel faces stiff Hezbollah resistance as it attempts to push deeper into Lebanon

Trump needs to reject Netanyahu’s quest for a forever war

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/mar/18/trump-netanyahu-iran-war?fbclid=IwY2xjawQoFQ5leHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEeiDkCUWjNNdzNBoGasA4maKTm_MasV7GWSIUs8zoYFl7laEHetXudg9zD9k4_aem_jzR4DxzpBLpRKSOPKV93oQ

Trump now calls war reporting ‘treason’. His attacks on the press are escalating fast

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/mar/18/trump-media-war-reporting-treason?fbclid=IwY2xjawQoFbZleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEemFILG6ROW_4w24AU4c_2WqIvLDxrYIoeH3gzeLsg8rMgOD1CvFiH_8UT9g4_aem__5tL2nTG9TG_7AejP3Eg4g

Here’s the news from Iran – Donald Trump is making America lose wars again

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/mar/15/us-iran-war-donald-trump-failure?fbclid=IwY2xjawQoGL1leHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEet2UZcjeQkUlSXSk5rlei3JW2od_8gZpq2e5EiRJk5b5Ibmb83UcAqiGJXHQ_aem_F5wsrhQoqq8fgmADb5aVUg

How ignorance, misunderstanding and obfuscation ended Iran nuclear talks

Negotiators had reached agreement on key issues despite Trump team’s idiosyncratic approach. Two days later, war began

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/mar/18/ignorance-misunderstanding-obfuscation-iran-nuclear-talks-trump?fbclid=IwY2xjawQoFgFleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEeRZ9DvokZTWpLjkmJaHSLTgS–Bl2Vl1twev5XuPbRkg5TLzJ7oYVbo5GDAU_aem_hxyKhT1EgKjoZyeX2lopyw

Trump’s Iran war has cost Americans at least $11bn already. And that’s just the start

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/mar/17/trump-iran-war-cost-americans-11-billion?fbclid=IwY2xjawQoFrVleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEeMZXQJQ8Ku4T6S5uYux8rHnCkQNiK_7hWLltVytrfLnhGKRj026FeSLz7pHc_aem_wlrKj_mVNyg1Don-yIz2aA

The Guardian view on Trump’s war with Iran: if the US is winning, why ask Nato for help?

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/mar/16/the-guardian-view-on-trumps-war-with-iran-if-the-us-is-winning-why-ask-nato-for-help?fbclid=IwY2xjawQoFw9leHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEe7bAIAXofMkOo0qVB0sEMimrercrCVrZ_rlBhbkqVda0DZ716xL1-_nbLypI_aem_IgBhcUn9JMuQTHypJ_wkEw

Iran’s Hormuz blockade is its most powerful card against Trump and Israel. It won’t back down easily

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/mar/16/iran-strait-of-hormuz-blockade-trump-israel?fbclid=IwY2xjawQoF0VleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEe4FFP2VASuupy1CtSRwy3Y3uz-1oPA5VICu5IGPQmBiJG1qT3e_0xFdkkbZg_aem_cw23ret9PZUj9TrKp4X5hw

Trump’s threats to Nato reveal glaring absence of any strategy on Iran

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/mar/16/donald-trump-nato-threats-glaring-absence-iran-strategy?fbclid=IwY2xjawQoF7ZleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEeAuviSe_x8psy5UjwLpHhsjaNkFqBCyVYa-Lcw_8fRRz9EIVh99r01bSVWOQ_aem_kp78O34LYZqz7rZP9EAbNQ

‘You are all worse than each other’: anti-regime Iranians turn on Trump

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/mar/14/anti-regime-iranians-turn-on-trump-us?fbclid=IwY2xjawQoGT9leHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEe2UpsGKo7lNydv7s6bq7p9mcZVn5ci3PyzOj9UbefgeExfd7MCmUfkhLPyAc_aem_LdZ46qy0XV-bIBjMkXQzwg

Entire families wiped out and towns emptied as Israel’s war on Lebanon intensifies

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/mar/14/lebanon-israel-hezbollah-war-deaths?fbclid=IwY2xjawQoGY5leHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEeqUMoT4Mqj5OHOwiXP7MllYZnIRpUTC2jMqgzikhKBonsXE6W1ooFz2HBDUc_aem_PX5dTeszUqDAJnI5sjmAqA

The Guardian view on the Iran war and international law: it’s worse than a mistake; it’s a crime

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/mar/13/the-guardian-view-on-the-iran-war-and-international-law-its-worse-than-a-mistake-its-a?fbclid=IwY2xjawQoGe5leHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEe4to4lL2WcWK5E22kymGwRCTt3NjFaF_arlexu2ZoH2dAo0xihrJHSs_mAOQ_aem_fncU8ip5YaBBC3It3tN6Vg

             News of 2025:  Palestine and Yemen Theatres of War

Netanyahu banks on political dividends as he restarts Gaza war

Israeli strikes latest bloody chapter in war of extraordinary civilian casualties

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/mar/19/israeli-strikes-latest-bloody-chapter-in-war-of-extraordinary-civilian-casualties

Israel launches ‘limited ground operation’ to retake Netzarim corridor in Gaza

Israeli protesters say airstrikes are ‘cover’ for Benjamin Netanyahu to keep power

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/mar/18/israeli-protesters-say-airstrikes-are-cover-for-benjamin-netanyahu-to-keep-power

Netanyahu will never accept peace. Where will his perpetual war lead next?

Simon Tisdall

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/mar/18/gaza-benjamin-netanyahu-israel-hamas-palestinian-territories

                      News of 2024

Middle East crisis: famine ‘imminent’ in northern Gaza, UN report says, as EU foreign policy chief calls area ‘open air graveyard’ – as it happened

https://www.theguardian.com/world/live/2024/mar/18/middle-east-crisis-live-israel-gaza-palestine-al-shifa-live-updates?CMP=share_btn_url

UN says Israeli restrictions on Gaza food aid may constitute a war crime

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/mar/19/un-israeli-restrictions-gaza-food-aid-war-crime-hunger?CMP=share_btn_url

I asked colleagues about starvation in Gaza. They said there is no precedent for what is happening | Devi Sridhar

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/mar/06/colleagues-starvation-gaza-no-precedent-famine?CMP=share_btn_url

The Guardian view on famine in Gaza: a human-made catastrophe | Editorial

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/mar/19/the-guardian-view-on-famine-in-gaza-a-human-made-catastrophe?CMP=share_btn_url

The US/UK attack on Yemen and the global eruption of imperialist war

https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2024/01/13/dlzo-j13.html?fbclid=IwAR0fWfcmJykvcC4dftPgSBEDj_z_XAH9dDDw-m9OgbYDPipu6dQpVpW63DI

Houthis show resolve that western strikes will be hard pushed to shake

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/jan/12/houthis-yemen-show-resolve-that-us-uk-western-airstrikes-will-be-hard-pushed-to-shake?CMP=share_btn_link

Red Sea crisis could shatter hopes of global economic recovery

‘Unacceptable’: Biden denounced for bypassing Congress over Yemen strikes

Critics on left and right furious that president failed to seek congressional approval for strikes against Houthi militants

US and UK intent on turning Red Sea into a bloodbath, says Turkey

Strikes against Yemen raise fears of wider escalation and expose tensions between European Union and US

Global trade falls amid Houthi attacks on merchant ships in Red Sea

Who are the Houthis and how did the US and UK strikes on Yemen come about?

How Houthi anger with Israel is reshaping the Middle East conflict

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/jan/13/how-houthi-anger-with-israel-is-reshaping-the-middle-east-conflict?CMP=share_btn_link

South Africa’s genocide case against Israel is imperfect but persuasive. It may win

https://jacobinmag.com/2017/05/yemen-civil-war-houthis-saleh-saudi-arabia-drone-warfare

https://jacobinmag.com/2015/04/yemen-revolution-arab-spring-saudi-arabia

https://jacobinmag.com/2015/05/saudi-arabia-yemen-bombing-houthis

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2016/06/key-facts-war-yemen-160607112342462.html

Arabic

 12 يناير 2024 اذهب يا فريق الانتفاضة! حملة البحر الأحمر المنتصرة تعولم حرب غزة

      إن حملة البحر الأحمر المنتصرة والحصار المضاد المفروض على إسرائيل من قبل حلفاء النضال من أجل التحرير الفلسطيني، والحوثيين في اليمن، الذراع الطويلة للهيمنة الإيرانية في صراع طويل الأمد مع التحالف العربي الأمريكي في الحرب الأهلية الطائفية، تصبح حربًا بالوكالة بين القوى العظمى، لقد عزلت الغارات التجارية، بعبقرية وجرأة، إسرائيل عن الدعم المادي لحربها الإرهابية والتطهير العرقي، وعولمت الصراع.

      رداً على ذلك، هاجمت أمريكا وبريطانيا أهدافاً للحوثيين في اليمن، بينما وجهت جنوب أفريقيا اتهامات ضد إسرائيل بارتكاب جرائم إبادة جماعية وجرائم ضد الإنسانية.

      لقد انتصر الحصار المضاد في عزل إسرائيل عن الدعم المتوازن لجريمة الحرب المتمثلة في منع وصول المساعدات الإنسانية إلى غزة. الآن، بينما يقوم المتآمرون مع إسرائيل في التطهير العرقي، أمريكا وبريطانيا، بقتل أبطال الإنسانية بشراسة في اليمن، يجب علينا أن نعيد الحرب إلى الوطن ونثبت أنه لا يجوز لأحد تجريد إنسان آخر من أي ملاذ آمن في أي مكان على وجه الأرض. وإذا أرسل أي نظام إرهاب دولة أسلحة إلى إسرائيل، فلابد من إغراق تلك السفن في البحر أو تدميرها في الموانئ في جميع أنحاء العالم.

      لقد صنعت إسرائيل غزة بمثابة وعاء للقتل، ولكن من الممكن وضع وعاء أكبر حولها من خلال عدم منح الإرهاب ملاذاً آمناً في أي مكان. لقد فشل رئيسنا غير الأخلاقي والمستبد بايدن في استخدام أفضل وسائل الضغط لوضع حد لحملة الإبادة الجماعية الإسرائيلية في حركة المقاطعة وسحب الاستثمارات وفرض العقوبات؛ ومن خلال تواطؤه، لم يتبق لنا سوى العمل المباشر والحرب حتى السكين في المقاومة.

        ما هي الحرب بالسكين؟ عبارة وفكرة عن الصراع والصراع تصل إلينا دون تغيير من اللغة الإسكندنافية القديمة في زمن الفايكنج؛ كريج با كنيفن، مناسب لمبدأ العمل الموحد لأخوية القراصنة العالمية للنضال من أجل التحرير مثل ميناء الحديدة الحر الذي أكتب منه الآن.

      كل المقاومة هي حرب بالسكين، فمن لا يحترم أي قوانين ولا حدود لا يجوز له أن يختبئ وراء أي شيء.

Persian

12 ژانویه 2024 برو انتفاضه تیمی! کمپین پیروزمندانه دریای سرخ جنگ غزه را جهانی می کند

      کمپین پیروزمندانه دریای سرخ و محاصره متقابل اسرائیل توسط متحدان مبارزات آزادی‌بخش فلسطین، حوثی‌های یمن، بازوی طولانی سلطه ایران در درگیری طولانی با اتحاد عربی و آمریکایی در جنگ داخلی فرقه‌ای تبدیل به جنگ نیابتی قدرت‌های بزرگ شد. با نبوغ و جسارت در حمله تجاری، اسرائیل را از حمایت مادی از جنگ ترور و پاکسازی قومی منزوی کرده و درگیری را جهانی کرده است.

      آمریکا و بریتانیا در پاسخ به اهداف حوثی ها در یمن حمله کرده اند، زیرا آفریقای جنوبی اسرائیل را به اتهام نسل کشی و جنایت علیه بشریت مطرح می کند.

      محاصره متقابل در انزوای اسرائیل از حمایت در برابر جنایت جنگی آنها در ممانعت از کمک های بشردوستانه به غزه پیروز بوده است. اکنون که توطئه‌گران اسرائیل در پاکسازی قومی آمریکا و بریتانیا قهرمانان بشریت را در یمن وحشیانه به قتل می‌رسانند، ما باید جنگ را به خانه برگردانیم و نشان دهیم که هیچ‌کس نمی‌تواند دیگری را از هیچ پناهگاه امنی در هیچ کجای زمین از انسانیت خارج کند. و اگر چنین رژیم ترور دولتی به اسرائیل اسلحه بفرستد، آن کشتی ها باید در دریا غرق شوند یا در بندرهای سراسر جهان نابود شوند.

      اسرائیل یک کوزه کشتار از غزه ساخته است، اما می‌توان کوزه بزرگ‌تری را در اطراف آن قرار داد و به وحشت پناهگاه امنی نداد. بایدن رئیس جمهور غیراخلاقی و ظالم ما از بهترین ابزار فشار برای پایان دادن به کارزار نسل کشی اسرائیل در BDS استفاده نکرده است. با همدستی او ما تنها با اقدام مستقیم و جنگ به چاقو در مقاومت باقی می‌مانیم.

        جنگ به چاقو چیست؟ عبارت و ایده ای از درگیری و مبارزه که بدون تغییر از نورس قدیم در زمان وایکینگ ها به ما می رسد. کریگ پا نایون، مناسب برای یک اصل متحد کننده عمل یک برادر دزدان دریایی جهانی مبارزه آزادیبخش مانند بندر آزاد حدیده که اکنون از آن می نویسم.

      تمام مقاومت ها جنگی است تا به چاقو، زیرا کسی که به هیچ قانونی و هیچ محدودیتی احترام نمی گذارد، نمی تواند پشت هیچ کدام پنهان شود.

March 18 2026 Anniversary of the Founding of the Paris Commune

     We celebrate today the one hundred fifty fourth anniversary of the founding of the Paris Commune, a glorious legacy of Resistance in which all humankind shares. It conjures for me visions of the Bacchantes, a society of women revolutionaries who printed tickets with an image of the god of ecstasy and poetic vision on one side and the address of an enemy of the people on the other, bearing the legend “good for burning”. Distribution of the lottery tickets was through street runners as if it were an illegal gambling ring, something of no real interest to the police; teams bearing axes and torches would converge on the target as a flash mob.

     An ancestor of mine was one of them, called the Red Queen in reference to the character in Alice in Wonderland due to her signature method of assassination, a friend of figures of the Commune including Karl Marx, Gustave Courbet, Arthur Rimbaud, Victor Hugo, Emile Zola, and a comrade of Louise Michel; she was among the members of the Garde Militaire of the Commune who later immigrated to San Francisco as an intact unit, with their banners and uniforms.

      The secret society of revolutionaries descended from the original Garde Militaire of the Commune throughout the world remains among the most influential of covert military organizations which are independent from and not authorized by any nation, though clearly not unique in this. I have always enjoyed the splendid irony that many of the world’s criminal syndicates originate exactly as the intelligence and special operations communities which are their counterparts and opposing forces do, as a final court of appeal of the people against tyrants and systems of oppression; crime and law enforcement, revolution and tyranny, the secret policeman and the rebel, arise together and are interdependent. As I have often written, the use of force obeys Newton’s Third Law of Motion and creates its own counterforce of resistance.

     As her descendent and successor in revolutionary struggle, the Red Queen provides me with an informing, motivating, and shaping source; among her principles of action are the following: 

     First, always go for the enemy leadership and decapitate the bosses.  Literally, with an ax; then burn everything they own and everything they use to create wealth and power to the ground. The wealth of elites must be totalized if we are to take their power, just as their heirs must be purged to destroy the class system of inherited wealth, power, and privilege.

     Second, always strike without warning and anonymously with overwhelming force when and where the enemy is weakest.

      Third, never use the same trick twice; or rephrased be unpredictable to achieve surprise.

      I imagine her as a combination of Helena Bonham Carter’s Eudoria Holmes in Enola Holmes, which depicts the key figures of Suffragette history Emmeline Pankhurst and her daughter Sylvia, Rachel McAdams’ Irene Adler in Sherlock Holmes, and Michelle Pfeiffer’s Catwoman in Batman Returns.

     When you dream of ur-sources of historical identity and archetypal figures who can act as guardians and guides of the soul and provide spaces to grow into, dream big.

     Sustained and relentless waves of liberation actions and revolutionary struggle continue to hammer the world’s tyrannies of authoritarian force and control and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil with massive protests and electoral activism, and as we did in the Autonomous Zones of Seattle, Portland, and New York and hundreds more throughout the world, we will emerge victorious from the fight against unequal power and oppression because whosoever refuses to submit to force and defies authority and those who would enslave us becomes Unconquered and free. Each of us is a Living Autonomous Zone, ungovernable as the tide, uncontrollable as the wind; we are wild things, who serve no masters.

     The Black Flag flies from the barricades in al Quds-Jerusalem, Moscow, Hong Kong, Atlanta, Los Angeles, Minneapolis, Barcelona, and dozens of other cities in every continent of earth, and its primary meaning has not changed since its use by the First International and by Louise Michel, veteran of the Paris Commune entitled the Red Virgin of Montmartre, who first flew it as an anarchist banner when she led the Paris worker’s revolt of March 9 1883; freedom versus tyranny, refusal to submit to authority, the abolition of state terror, surveillance, and control, resistance to nationalisms of blood, faith, and soil, and abandonment of fear as the basis of human exchange and the social use of force as a principle of human organization.

     With this bold signal the people declare: we shall be ruled by none.

     Vive la Commune!

La Commune (Paris, 1871), Peter Watkins Auteur, 1ª parte

Eliane Annie Adalto, Pierre Barbieux,  Bernard Bombeau

La Commune 1871 (2ème partie)

Chants de la Commune

The Paris Commune: Anarchy in the French Republic

The Paris Commune by Karl Marx. Audiobook of 1871 Address to the Int’l Workingmen’s Association

Storming heaven: The Paris Commune

            Ideas of my ancestor the Red Queen

Helena Bonham Carter’s Eudoria Holmes in Enola Holmes

Rachel McAdams’ Irene Adler in Sherlock Holmes

Michelle Pfeiffer’s Catwoman in Batman Returns

            the Paris Commune, a reading list

Paris Babylon: The Story of the Paris Commune, Rupert Christiansen

Rabble! A story of the Paris Commune, Geoffrey E. Fox

Massacre: The Life and Death of the Paris Commune of 1871, John M. Merriman

Communal Luxury: The Political Imaginary of the Paris Commune, Kristin Ross

The Red Virgin: Memoirs of Louise Michel, Louise Michel, Bullitt Lowry,

Elizabeth Gunter (Editors)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/691816.The_Red_Virgin

Writings on the Paris Commune, Marx, Engels, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Lenin

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/4682739-writings-on-the-paris-commune

Surmounting the Barricades: Women in the Paris Commune, Carolyn J. Eichner

The Emergence of Social Space: Rimbaud and the Paris Commune, Kristin Ross,

Terry Eagleton (Foreword)

The Paris Commune: A Revolution in Democracy, Donny Gluckstein

https://www.versobooks.com/blogs?post_author=367506

https://www.marxists.org/history/france/paris-commune/index.htm

https://jacobinmag.com/2021/03/paris-commune-radical-change-history-revolution

https://jacobinmag.com/2015/05/kristin-ross-communal-luxury-paris-commune

http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/pariscommune/lenincommune.html

https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1871/civil-war-france/index.htm

http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bakunin/pariscommune.html

http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/kropotkin/pcommune.html

https://jacobinmag.com/2021/03/paris-commune-bolsheviks-win-a-revolution

https://jacobinmag.com/2016/04/james-connolly-paris-commune-easter-rising-tactics

https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/5027-alternative-futures-of-the-paris-commune

https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/2717-under-the-flag-of-the-universal-republic-essential-paris-commune-reading-list?fbclid=IwAR1B3c91jfM_UEbXmgmBq2fl7nhfS4rcTzhEOO36jVPcOmBdkUnzZ1CHsR0

https://www.counterfire.org/articles/history/22167-karl-marx-and-the-paris-commune

https://www.counterfire.org/articles/opinion/22168-clr-james-on-the-paris-commune-they-showed-the-way-to-labour-emancipation-anniversary-marx

https://www.counterfire.org/articles/opinion/19679-marx200-the-paris-commune-and-the-marx-family

https://www.historicalmaterialism.org/book-review/everyday-life-paris-commune

March 17 2026 A Heritage of Resistance: the Unconquered Irish, on St Patrick’s Day

      An ancient length of iron rests hidden among my tools, pitted and scarred from many battles and acts of sabotage, artifact of a heritage of resistance which reaches back into antiquity and connects us with the lives of others who refused to submit to authority; in this case the unconquered Irish.

    A workingman’s tool that can be used as a weapon, this is a traditional iron crow, a term whose first written use was in a poem in 1386 which describes the wicked triangular punch like a crow’s beak at the terminus of its curved handle, now called a crowbar, wrecking bar, or infamously as Edward Abbey did a monkeywrench, and normally now with wedged clawfoot prybars at both ends instead of just the foot, originally a pirate’s boarding weapon and breaching tool which by the early 1400’s had developed into the bec de corbin; Joan of Arc’s helmet has a strike imprint from one along the cheekplate.

    I will tell you two stories of the origins of this fragment of our history, one American and the other of the Old World. Both are true, if in different ways.

    Probably forged by my partner Theresa’s grandfather, the great socialist politician and labor organizer John F. McKay, blacksmith by trade though he published and edited several newspapers, and carried by him as a walking stick for some thirty years, this particular crowbar struck fear into company thugs and strikebreakers and brought hope to workingmen and their families.

      He began life as do many Americans, bearer of a historical legacy of survival and resistance; his father Hugh McKay had been a schoolteacher kidnapped at Inverness into service in the British Navy, who had killed or grievously wounded a British officer in a sword duel aboard ship, and was released by a sympathetic jailer before he was to be hanged. He jumped ship and swam the St Lawrence River to freedom in America.

      As an Industrial Workers of the World unionist and with his friend Eugene V. Debs, John F. McKay defied and challenged authority throughout the world to forge a better future in which no worker can be used against another. He began this life work as a Montana state senator in 1918-1922; for union organizing among the miners and loggers he was excommunicated by the Church, and defeated an assassin sent against him.

     An infamous event from this period was the Centralia Massacre of November 11 1919, in which a local Washington State headquarters of the IWW was attacked by members of the American Legion who had been called on by the town council to restore order during a strike; they surrounded and fired on the building, and a young IWW man who happened to be a World War One veteran fired back, killing several of them. The remaining strikebreakers stormed the building, killed several of the office staff, and castrated, dragged behind cars, and lynched others. Their mutilated bodies were hung about town; captured survivors were convicted on trumped up charges and given sentences of 25 years. From this abattoir emerged a champion of the people; I believe this event began John F. McKay’s shift from political to direct action. At the end of his term in the senate he became a full time IWW organizer.

     In 1930 he moved to Spokane and founded the All Worker’s Party, and with the hundreds of men he organized kept thousands of people alive during the Great Depression, by raiding trains for food to distribute while his teams turned the power and water back on for families who had no cash to pay the utilities with, among other things.

     And with this wrecking bar in his fist he fought for liberty, equality, and justice for the rest of his life.

     Before we reach back into antiquity to share a second origin story, here are my recommendations for reading into the history of Ireland; Say Nothing by Patrick Radden Keefe, Tim Pat Coogan’s 1916: One Hundred Years of Irish Independence, The Troubles: Irelands Ordeal 1966-1996, and Wherever Green is Worn: the Story of the Irish Diaspora, and Fintan O’Toole’s The Irish Times Book of the Century and The History of Ireland in 100 Objects.

     As we move further in time from our point of reference, possibilities multiply, meanings change, and futures become ambiguous; so it is with the past as well. So we turn from history to myth, and an origin story from which the Clan McKay  constructs its identity.    

     Possibly this crowbar is the haft of the ax of Sigurd the Mighty, Norse King of Orkney, who in 892 became the only man in history to have been bitten to death by a decapitated head. It happened this way; that in a great battle he struck off the head of Maelbrighte the Poisonous, Gaelic King of Moray, whose line were the last independent Irish rulers of Scotland, the original ancestor being anointed king by St Patrick himself, and a direct ancestor of all persons McKay and MacKay from Niall of the Nine Hostages, High King of Tara. Sigurd the Mighty tied the head of Maelbrighte the Poisonous to his saddle, and the head bit his leg which became infected and killed him.

      After generations of war the grandchildren of these two kings who had killed each other in battle united in marriage, becoming like many Scots a blend of Irish and Viking, figures of the origins of Scotland. The great ax was a wedding present, and a peace treaty.

     The malefic ax, consecrated to the Viking trickster god of battle, magic, and poetry, Odin, whose name means Master of Ecstasy and Fury, referring to the twin arts of poetry and war, and on the other side to the Irish Crow of Battle, death, time, magic, and transformation, the goddess Morrigan, Queen of Death and Nightmares, in equal part, as a peace offering at a wedding which unified the two peoples in the historic struggle for dominion, and signaled the birth of a new nation.

      Thus multigenerational trauma and vendetta became the forge of a new nation. Sociologists call it the Brazilian Solution; described by Ciara Nugent and Thais Regina in Time “As Brazil emerged from the slavery era in the 1900s, elites in the country promoted an idea of the country as a “racial democracy”—a supposedly harmonious mixing of Indigenous, white European, and Black African cultures. But at the same time, politicians, the media and academics also encouraged the descendants of enslaved Africans and indigenous communities to marry and have children with the descendants of white colonizers. Some conservative Brazilians still idealize their country as a racial democracy, where racial discrimination or conflict cannot exist.”

     I believe this practice began with Alexander the Great requiring his soldiers to marry Afghan women and so render everyone blood relatives rather than imperial colonists and indigenous subjects. I wonder how well it would work for Double Minority nations like Israel and Palestine or in Northern Ireland; the unification of the Irish Kingdom of Albany whose dual capitals were Belfast and Inverness may be a poor example, as it did not have a comparable problem of sectarian division as national identity, Catholic versus Protestant and Jewish versus Muslim.

     Though clearly absurd for any state to enforce a policy of intermarriage en masse, and fraught with peril and vile abuses of power, one could begin by sending all the children to the same schools together as we do in America, and let nature take its course. It remains a primary goal of public education, wherein everyone begins as equals and mixes freely to level all divisions of class, race, and faith, which is why Lincoln enacted the system after the Civil War. 

      In Northern Ireland, one would of course begin with an independent and sovereign nation, committed to our universal human rights and total decolonization at all levels of society and realms of human being, meaning, and value, with a secular state where all are equal before the law and no divisions or institutions of faith are authorized.

     Thus the wrecking bar of the great John McKay and possibly a relic of the peace that united the Irish and Norse peoples of Scotland sings to me of liberty and equality, and of the redemptive power of love to free us from the legacies of our history.

     And so this battered thing of dual origins and secret history waits among the other tools of my trade, that of resistance, chaos, anarchy, transgression, revolution, and the frightening of the horses.

     Of these it whispers secrets, awakens lost histories, restores forbidden senses of awareness and vision, opens doors of possibilities, and sends beautiful, terrible dreams of things which may have been or yet may be.

     Such is the legacy of humankind, which belongs to all of us. Seize and use it without fear, and build a better humanity and a better future for us all.

Belfast film trailer

 On the film Belfast

https://focusfeaturesguilds2021.com/belfast/conversations?fbclid=IwAR0jQ-9ULoSSk36o–8CNOvx5X7xOC4bF2MG8NEvtY1fNLyFJ3Opg-N0FRc

The Wind That Shakes the Barley film

https://archive.org/details/TheWindThatShakesTheBarleyFULLMOVIE

Crowbar of John McKay, possibly haft of the ax of Sigurd the Mighty, Norse King of Orkney. Who in 892 became the only man in history to be bitten to death by a decapitated head.

             Ireland, a reading list

Say Nothing: A True Story of Murder and Memory in Northern Ireland,

by Patrick Radden Keefe

Sinn Féin: A Hundred Turbulent Years, Brian Feeney

The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers’ Party,

Brian Hanley, Scott Millar

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/6871859-the-lost-revolution

Out of the Ashes: An Oral History of Provisional Irish Republicanism, Robert W. White

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/35049661-out-of-the-ashes?ref=rae_2

Rebel Hearts: Journeys Within the IRA’s Soul, Kevin Toolis

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/667816.Rebel_Hearts?ref=rae_6

Bandit Country: The IRA and South Armagh, Toby Harnden

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/438231.Bandit_Country?ref=rae_3

Tim Pat Coogan’s Author page on Goodreads, with all his published works

Fintan O’Toole’s Author Page

Colm Tóibín’s Author Page

Seamus Heaney’s Author Page

Samuel Beckett’s Author Page

James Joyce’s Author Page

https://www.goodreads.com/author/show/5144.James_Joyce

Flann O’Brien’s Author Page

https://www.goodreads.com/author/show/15248.Flann_O_Brien

Oscar Wilde’s Author Page

W.B. Yeats’ Author Page

Thomas Kinsella’s Author Page

https://www.goodreads.com/author/show/42958.Thomas_Kinsella

The Books That Define Ireland, Bryan Fanning, Tom Garvin

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/20795033-the-books-that-define-ireland

Reading in the Dark,  Seamus Deane

TransAtlantic, Colum McCann

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/16085517-transatlantic?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_29

Breakfast on Pluto, Patrick McCabe

      The question remains of how to Resist; how to make of our lives, whole and entire, a glorious and heroic performance of Resistance and defiance of Authority and its systems of oppression, force, and control?

     Herein I look to the iconic figure of a Joan of Arc of our time; as I wrote in her eulogy.

July 26 2023 Sinead O’Connor’s Glorious Legacy of Resistance; “Fight the Real Enemy”

    We have lost a Pythian seer who revealed truths we did not wish to see, one too beautiful for this world, for these truths.

     But the legacy of glorious Resistance she left for us all endures, freed now from the limits of its form in one tiny and delicate woman who would not stay down, who at terrible costs rose again and again to fight on in solidarity with those whose voices have been stolen, and sing liberty for them against the vast unanswerable forces of our oppression.

     As written by Sylvia Patterson in The Guardian, in an article entitled Nothing compares: how Sinéad O’Connor’s fearless activism helped change the world; “They tried to bury me,” she says. “They didn’t realise I was a seed.”

      Let us live as did she; as Dragon’s Teeth, our lives sown in the design of time and our human nature as seeds of change, transformation, and rebirth.

     Sinead O’Connor was broken and driven mad by the forces of systemic oppression with which she wrestled, especially those of theocratic tyranny and sexual terror embodied in the Church and its authorized identities of patriarchal subjugation and dehumanization of women, though such are sadly universal to our historical civilization and not limited to any organization of faith or other determination by context, yet she refused to abandon her sacred mission to pursue the truth nor wavered in her lifelong cause as an artist to bring healing to the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world through her transcendent songs of ourselves.

     Though reviled, mocked, and made outcast like Don Quixote she never hesitated to tilt at the windmills that might be giants. She held her demons close, in a titanic struggle her form could neither contain nor withstand, and like Ahab hurled defiance into the endless chasms of nothingness which surround us and our fragile and ephemeral islands of light as human being, meaning, and value; “To the end, I shall grapple with thee.”

     No more magnificent life is possible than this, and no greater glory; as written on the tomb of Nikos Kazantzakis, “I believe nothing, I hope for nothing; I am free.”

     This is her monument; the songs she gave us all in hope that one day we may all become free, and the actions we her successors may perform to make the dream real.

     This night, listening to her ethereal voice wailing in lamentation for the injustices of our history, I have wept, I have raged, I have been seized with her visions of our possible futures and shaken in the fist of her voice, and I have found new purpose and illumination. As the leader of the Matadors said when they rescued me from the police death squad the summer of my fourteenth year; “We can’t save everyone. But we can avenge.”

    For the dead we can do nothing; it is the living who must be avenged, and the future which must be redeemed.

     We may say of Sinead O’Connor what is said of Vincent Van Gogh in Doctor Who; “She transformed the pain of her tormented life into ecstatic beauty. Pain is easy to portray, but to use your passion and pain to portray the ecstasy and joy and magnificence of the world; no one had ever done it before, perhaps no one will ever do it again. To my mind, that strange, wild woman was not only among the world’s greatest artists, but also one of the greatest human beings who ever lived.”

Nothing Compares (2022) Official Trailer | Documentary https://youtu.be/HpukP81tdOg

Rememberings, Sinead O’Connor

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/53968505-rememberings

War, Bob Marley’s Song, cover by Sinead O’Connor

The Foggy Dew – Sinéad O’Connor & The Chieftains

Sinéad O’Connor – Nothing Compares 2 U

Sinead O’Connor sings Roger Waters Mother The Wall Live at Berlin

Sinead O’Connor – You Made Me The Thief Of Your Heart

Sinead O’Connor – Thank You For Hearing Me

Sinead O’Connor Youtube channel

https://music.youtube.com/channel/UC3N6q2-7iltxJ2kQFJPEJWA

Nothing compares: how Sinéad O’Connor’s fearless activism helped change the world/ The Guardian

Controversy never drowned out the astonishing songcraft of Sinéad O’Connor

https://www.theguardian.com/music/2023/jul/26/controversy-never-drowned-out-the-astonishing-songcraft-of-sinead-oconnor?CMP=share_btn_link

Sinead O’Connor: the angelic skinhead for whom love, intelligence and madness were inseparable | Simon Hattenstone

https://www.theguardian.com/music/2023/jul/27/sinead-oconnor-mental-health-struggles-parental-abuse?CMP=share_btn_link

Sinéad O’Connor: ‘I’ll always be a bit crazy, but that’s OK

https://www.theguardian.com/music/2021/may/29/sinead-oconnor-ill-always-be-a-bit-crazy-but-thats-ok-rememberings?CMP=share_btn_link

Nothing Compares/ Journal of the Plague Years

‘She trembled with the truths she had to tell’: Sinéad O’Connor by friends, fans and collaborators

https://www.theguardian.com/music/2023/jul/27/sinead-oconnor-tribute-by-friends-fans-and-collaborators?CMP=share_btn_link

Dr Who: Vincent Van Gogh Visits the Gallery

March 16 2026 American History and Government For Citizenship, a reading list

       My friend Tevin who works at our gym, and with whom I enjoy conversing of an evening, has asked me what to read for his US citizenship test; herein is my reading list for the project.

       An immigrant from the Caribbean, he is brilliant, witty, curious about everything as was I when young, a flawless speaker of English with no accent whatever who sounds like a university professor, and doesn’t have the historical or social context that someone who grew up here does; this gap he intends to bridge.

      By lack of context I mean he didn’t know who the Black Panthers were when it came up in conversation, heroes of mine whom I feel a young Black man should know about.

      But of course for the purpose of citizenship one must begin with a general overview of our history and depth readings in our founding documents and how they embodied the Humanist philosophy of the Enlightenment as liberty, equality, and anti-imperial revolutionary struggle.

     Beyond that I wish to offer readings in the history and literature of the African American diaspora, which provides models of becoming human and illumination into the social group he will be joining in becoming a US citizen.

       American History and Government For Citizenship, a reading list

These Truths: A History of the United States, Jill Lepore

     Read this book first if you are new to America or did not grow up here, with decades of acculturation and historical references at your command.

A People’s History of the United States: 1492 – Present, Howard Zinn

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/2767.A_People_s_History_of_the_United_States?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_11

     The classic work that changed how our history was taught, and remains a foundational text. Read it along with Jill Lepore’s brilliant history.

Give Me Liberty!: An American History. High School Edition, Eric Foner

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/54565244-give-me-liberty

     This is the standard textbook for AP American History in American high school; intended for seniors in the Academic Placement program, like British A levels, who will be testing at year’s end for university credits, as these classes replace freshman university ones and so save both time and money for university-bound students as well as greatly increasing odds of admission to top tier institutions. I taught AP classes for many years, and while nothing can replace the open debate with ones peers a classroom offers, you can read the same texts.

     It’s a thousand pages long, with media website learning support and teaching materials; it’s the book I advise reading if this is a new area of scholarship, and a whole course at Senior high school or Freshman university level.  

     For teens and adults with high English literacy who may be planning a university education, schools and educational settings, and scholars new to the field. Its possible every American high school student applying to university did this course, so here’s where you win competitive parity.

     Next, a couple good books on the Constitution and the issues it attempts to solve. Very useful for the citizenship test, and for performing citizenship as a co-owner of the state.

The U.S. Constitution: Explained–Clause by Clause–for Every American Today,

Ray Raphael

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/35553704-the-u-s-constitution

We Hold These Truths: Understanding the Ideas and Ideals of the Constitution,

Mortimer J. Adler

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/572571.We_Hold_These_Truths?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_36

Constitutional Myths: What We Get Wrong and How to Get It Right, Ray Raphael

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/13587012-constitutional-myths

      Up next is a deep dive into our early history as it shaped our nation.

The Idea of America: Reflections on the Birth of the United States, Gordon S. Wood

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/9912249-the-idea-of-america

    A superb work on the ideological sources of America.

Power and Liberty: Constitutionalism in the American Revolution,

Gordon S. Wood

    By the Pulitzer winning historian, on the issues that created our Constitution.

The Radicalism of the American Revolution, Gordon S. Wood

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/6956.The_Radicalism_of_the_American_Revolution

     You can spend a lifetime on the American Revolution; this is the best place to begin.

The Enlightenment: The Pursuit of Happiness 1680-1790, Ritchie Robertson

     Where all this nonsense about liberty and equality came from, wonderfully told.

The Dream of Enlightenment: The Rise of Modern Philosophy, Anthony Gottlieb

     A very clear and concise guide to Humanism, encoded in our Constitution.

    And a couple books on the Civil War and Reconstruction

The Second Founding: How the Civil War and Reconstruction Remade the Constitution, Eric Foner

Stony the Road: Reconstruction, White Supremacy, and the Rise of Jim Crow,

Henry Louis Gates Jr.

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/40909438-stony-the-road?ref=rae_2

Guide to the US Citizenship test

                      African-American History

       As I wrote in my post of February 3 2026, A Reading List for Black History Month As Resistance; This year’s Black History Month in America will be different from all that have come before, and I hope from all those yet to come, for it has been erased from our federal holidays by the Fourth Reich regime of Rapist In Chief Traitor Trump, white supremacist terrorist clown and degenerate monster and freak, who wishes to erase Black and other nonwhite people with their history. This I cannot abide, to quote the magnificent Lt Aldo Raine from Inglorious Basterds; can you abide it?

      And Lt Aldo Raine shows us precisely how to deal with Nazis like Trump and all his witless and amoral minions who would enslave or annihilate us and all who are different from themselves.

     Let us remember always the great principle of Malcolm X; “By any means necessary”. For all Resistance is War to the Knife, and those who respect no limits and no laws may hide behind none.

     Now we must demonstrate our solidarity with each other, disbelieve and disobey all authorities who seek to divide and subjugate us, and celebrate our stories each and every day in open and public defiance and liberation struggle on the stage of the world and history. Perform an Act of Refusal to Submit to state terror, ethnic cleansing, silence and erasure, and dehumanization each and every day, and do so with joy in our diversity and infinite uniqueness, in our guarantorship of each other’s parallel and interdependent universal human rights and rights as citizens, and in our transgression of boundaries of the Forbidden.

      We all have a common problem to solve as we grow up and become human; each of us must reinvent how to be human. Always there remains the struggle between the masks others make for us and those we make for ourselves. This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the struggle for ownership of ourselves.

     To make an idea about a kind of people is an act of violence. To tell the stories of others who are silenced by systems of oppression and the legacies of our history is an act of genocide or of liberation struggle, depending on whether or not one is amplifying the voices of the oppressed in solidarity and allyship.

     The first question to ask of any story is, Whose story is this?

     We come now to the question of the Canon; Whose stories are we to teach? And this is a question embedded in another like a set of puzzle boxes; Who decides?   

     A reading list is nothing less than a set of authorized identities; herein I hope to offer figures in which we can all find reflections of ourselves, and imaginal spaces to grow into. I choose them first on the basis of being voices of the community which they represent, interrogate, and offer models of possible identities for, second for quality, cultural significance, and relevance.

The 1619 Project: A New Origin Story, Nikole Hannah-Jones, The New York Times Magazine

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/57717410-the-1619-project?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_4

Four Hundred Souls: A Community History of African America, 1619-2019,

Ibram X. Kendi  (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/54998251-four-hundred-souls?ref=rae_0

Stamped from the Beginning, Ibram X Kendi

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/25898216-stamped-from-the-beginning?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_26

Creating Black America: African-American History and Its Meanings 1619 to the Present, Nell Irvin Painter

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/256971.Creating_Black_Americans?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_27

Life Upon These Shores: Looking at African American History, 1513-2008, Henry Louis Gates Jr

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/11798200-life-upon-these-shores?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_27

 The Atlantic World: 1450-2000, Toyin Falola

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/4119478-the-atlantic-world

    The African Diaspora is a field of study all by itself, but this is the finest general history, which is useful in understanding African-American social and cultural history.

Black against Empire: The History and Politics of the Black Panther Party, Bloom & Martin

The King Years: Historic Moments in the Civil Rights Movement, Taylor Branch

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/13547411-the-king-years

The Dead Are Arising: The Life of Malcolm X, Les Payne, Tamara Payne

Say Their Names: How Black Lives Came to Matter in America, Curtis Bunn,

Michael H. Cottman, Patrice Gaines, Nick Charles, Keith Harriston

They Can’t Kill Us All: The Story of Black Lives Matter, Wesley Lowery

                        African-American Literature

      Dreams Of My Father, Barak Obama

     Between the World and Me, We Were Eight Years In Power, Ta-Nehisi Coates

     When They Call You a Terrorist: A Black Lives Matter Memoir, Patrisse Khan-Cullors & Asha Bandele, Angela Y. Davis (Foreword)

     A Testament of Hope: the essential writings and speeches of Martin Luther King, James Washington editor

 The Autobiography of Martin Luther King Jr, Clayborne Carson ed

     Black Feminist Thought, Black Sexual Politics, Patricia Hill Collins

     Malcolm X: a life of reinvention, Speaking Truth to Power: essays on race, resistance, & radicalism, Manning Marable

     Roots, The Autobiography of Malcom X, Alex Haley

     The Black Panthers Speak, Foner ed

     Black Power: the Politics of Liberation, Stokely Carmichael

     The Angela Davis Reader

     The Cornel West Reader, Black Prophetic Fire, Hope on a Tightrope: words and wisdom, Cornel West

     I Am Not Your Negro (Peck ed), Go Tell It On The Mountain, Just Above My Head, Jimmy’s Blues and other poems, The Price of the Ticket: collected nonfiction 1948-1985, James Baldwin: The Last Interview and other conversations, James Baldwin

     The Souls of Black Folk, W.E.B. DuBois

W.E.B. Du Bois: Biography of a Race, 1868-1919, David Levering Lewis

     Up From Slavery, Booker T. Washington

     I Love Myself When I Am Laughing, and Then Again: a Zora Neal Hurston Reader, Alice Walker ed, Zora Neal Hurston

Zora Neale Hurston: Critical Perspectives Past And Present (Amistad Literary Series) Henry Louis Gates Jr., Kwame Anthony Appiah

     Native Son, Black Boy, The Richard Wright Reader, Richard Wright

Richard Wright: Critical Prespectives Past And Present, Gates & Appiah eds

     Cane, Jean Toomer

     The Free-Lance Pallbearers, The Plays, New & Collected Poems 1964-2006, Going Too Far: essays, Mixing It Up: essays, Neo-Hoodoo Manifesto, Ishmael Reed

      The Women of Brewster Place, Gloria Naylor

     All Night Visitors, Clarence Major

     Kindred, Parable of the Sower, Parable of the Talents, Bloodchild and Other Stories, Octavia E. Butler

     Invisible Man, Ralph Ellison

Ralph Ellison’s The Invisible Man, Harold Bloom ed

    The Color Purple, Living by the Word, The Temple of My Familiar, We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Inner Light in a Time of Darkness, Hard Times Require Furious Dancing: New Poems, The World Will Follow Joy: Turning Madness into Flowers , The Way Forward Is with a Broken Heart, Alice Walker

Alice Walker’s The Color Purple (Bloom’s Modern Critical Interpretations) Harold Bloom ed

    A Langston Hughes Reader

Langston Hughes: Critical Perspectives Past And Present, Gates & Appiah eds

    I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings, Wouldn’t Take Nothing for My Journey Now, Complete Stories, Maya Angelou

    The LeRoi Jones/ Amiri Baraka Reader, The Fiction of LeRoi Jones, The Autobiography of LeRoi Jones, S.O.S. : Poems 1961-2013, Amiri Baraka

     Beloved, Song of Soloman, The Bluest Eye, A Mercy, Jazz, Desdemona, Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination (the Harvard Lectures), Toni Morrison

Toni Morrison: Critical Perspectives Past and Present, Henry Louis Gates Jr. &  Kwame Anthony Appiah eds

      Bedouin Hornbook, Djbot Baghostus’s Run, Atet A. D., Bass Cathedral, School of Udhra, Whatsaid Serif,  Splay Anthem, Nod House, Blue Fasa, Nathaniel Mackey

     Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches, The Collected Poems, The Collected Plays, ZAMI: a new spelling of my name, Audre Lorde

    John Henry Days, The Underground Railroad, The Nickel Boys, Colson Whitehead

     Homegoing, Yaa Gyasi

     The Devil in Silver, Lucretia and the Kroons, Big Machine, The Ballad of Black Tom, The Changeling, Victor Lavalle

     Don’t Let Me Be Lonely: an American Lyric, Citizen: an American Lyric, Claudia Rankine

     Feminism is for Everybody: Passionate Politics, Ain’t I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism, Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center, Black Looks: Race and Representation, Yearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural Politics, Outlaw Culture: Resisting Representations, bell hooks

     Jean-Michel Basquiat: Words Are All We Have, Basquiat: The Unknown Notebooks, Jean-Michel Basquiat

     The Shadow King, Maaza Mengiste 

    The Hill We Climb and Other Poems, Amanda Gorman

     The Prophets, Robert Jones, Jr. 

     Palmares, Gayl Jones 

     Sho, Douglas Kearney  

      Living Weapon: Poems, Rowan Ricardo Phillip

      Postscript: On the Uses of Literature In Constructing Identity

          Such a long and amazingly diverse list! As you may know from my writing on literature, I choose only what merits inclusion in the canon, which I define as an authorized set of possible identities, on the basis of quality alone. If the work can stand alongside Shakespeare and T.S. Eliot, it’s in; and all of the works on my reading lists meet that standard. I marvel at how far we have come as a civilization and a nation since I began teaching forty four years ago.

     For my semester of student teaching as required for the California English Teaching Credential I chose Alex Haley’s Autobiography of Malcolm X as my subject, which involved writing lesson plans and activities, tests, essay questions, and gathering context readings, all of which I revised throughout the term as I discovered I’d been assigned by happy chance to a school where the Principal was one of Malcolm X’s proteges and a community for whom the Black Panthers were folk heroes and sometimes the parents of my students. All of these personal witnesses to history had differing interpretations of what amounted to a secret history of resistance.

      From them I learned something of incalculable value for a lifelong student of the intersections of literature, history, psychology, and politics; no work exists in isolation, but is a living thing which shapes and is shaped by its readers as both idea and experience. Each of us has his own Malcolm X, his own King Lear and Orlando; we bear within us myriads of reflections and potentialities, and all of them are equally true.

     To all of the authors of our civilization and our nation, who have created and thrown open the gates of possibility and becoming human, I thank you.

    To all those who in reading have journeyed with me on this grand voyage of discovery, and who have charted their own topologies of human meaning and value, I thank you.

                 African American History, a retrospective of my writing

January 7 2026 Anniversary of the 1923 Burning of Rosewood

January 11 2026 Why Are Police Evil? Police Are Evil When States Are Evil, and States Are Inherently Evil, For All States Are Embodied Violence: the Case of Tyre Nichols

January 19 2026 A Figure of Our Best Selves: Martin Luther King Day, In the Shadow of A Figure Of Our Worst Selves and the Anniversary of the Inauguration of Traitor Trump

February 17 2026 In Memoriam Jesse Jackson

February 21 2026 Malcolm X Day

March 7 2026 61st Anniversary of Selma’s Bloody Sunday

April 4 2025 How Can We Live the Truth Taught to Us By Martin Luther King?

May 13 2025 Anniversary of the 1978 Move Commune Bombing by Philadelphia Police

May 25 2025  Anniversary of George Floyd’s Murder and The Meaning of the Black Lives Matter Protests as Revolutionary Struggle Against Racist Police Terror As A System of Oppression

May 31 2025 In the Shadow of White Supremacist Terror: Legacies of the 1921 Tulsa Massacre

June 19 2025 Liberation, Memory, History, and Human Being: the Case of Juneteenth and a Narrative Theory of Identity

July 9 2025 Anniversary of the 14th Amendment: Free At Last?

July 17 2025 John Lewis Good Trouble Lives On Day

July 27 2025 Remembering Black Lives Matter and the 2020 Summer of Fire: What We Hope For

August 7 2025 Institutional White Supremacist Terror, Vote Suppression, Dehumanization and Theft of Black Citizenship: Case of the Texas Gerrymandering Walkout on the 60th Anniversary of the 1965 Voting Rights Act

August 12 2025 The Legacy of Charlottesville and the Murder of Heather Heyer, As Trump Begins the Federal Occupation of Washington D.C

August 20 2025 Four Centuries of Slavery and Resistance in America Begin

August 28 2025 Get Your Knee Off Our Necks: Anniversary of the 1963 March on Washington Led By Dr Martin Luther King in the Years of the Fall of America

September 14 2025 What Madness, Idiocy, and Evil May Together Do: Trump and the Case of the “Cat Eating Haitians” Lie

October 16 2025 A Useful Past: the Black Panthers   

November 3 2025 Echoes of the 1920 Ocoee Massacre: Vote Suppression and White Supremacist Terror in Our Elections

November 10 2025 Remember, And Bring A Reckoning For White Supremacist Terror: the Case of the Wilmington Massacre of 1898

December 2 2025 International Day for the Abolition of Slavery and Anniversary of the Execution of John Brown

December 4 2025 Anniversary of the Assassination of Fred Hampton, Founder of the Rainbow Coalition

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