December 18 2025 International Migrants Day: “There Is No Migration Crisis; There Is a Crisis of Solidarity”

     We celebrate today the human will to become, to explore, to discover new worlds and create new possibilities of becoming human, in the iconic figure of the migrant as the epitome and driving force of civilization.

     Often the migrant also enacts the symbol, archetype, and allegory of the Stranger as well, with all of the ambiguities, dangers, and opportunities for the reimagination and transformation of human being, meaning, and value implicit in the themes of this primary universal psychodrama.

     Often has Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, quoted the book he kept on his nightstand for years in place of a Bible, Mein Kampf, to cheering crowds during an election rally in reference to migrants; “They’re poisoning our blood.”

     No matter where you begin with ideas of otherness as a threat to identity, the origin of all fascism, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     Let us give to fascism the only reply it merits; Never Again!

     The wave of fascism sweeping the world these past few years originates in a primal fear of otherness as loss of the self; this is weaponized in service to power by those who would enslave us, becomes divisions and hierarchies of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, racism, patriarchy, nationalism, and all of this coheres into authorized identities and a savage and cruel identity politics.

    The Other is always our own mirror image, and we cannot escape each other. This is why fascism and tyranny are inherently unstable and always collapse in depravity and ruin; when we project what we dislike about ourselves onto others, as objects to abuse as if exorcising our demons, as sin eaters or monsters, we dehumanize ourselves as well as them. And such denial fails as a strategy of transformation and adaptation to change, aggrandizing ossified institutions and systems until they become threats rather than solutions, and the whole edifice collapses from the mechanical failures of its contradictions as is happening now in America and throughout human civilization.

     This is why the embrace of our own darkness and monstrosity is crucial to liberation struggle; how else can we bring change to systems of oppression if we cannot confront it in ourselves? Especially we must hold close and interrogate feelings like disgust, revulsion, rage, and other atavisms of instinct which we drag behind ourselves like an invisible reptilian tail with the recognition that nothing we feel is either good or evil, but only how we use them in our actions toward others.

      In the end, all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.

     Against this Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force we must set a counterfire of solidarity and love, for only this can set us free. We must speak directly to that fear of otherness as loss of identity and of power if we are to turn the tide of history toward a free society of equals and not fascist tyrannies of blood, faith, and soil, toward democracy and a diverse and inclusive United Humankind and not carceral states of force and control, toward love and not hate.

    We are stronger together than alone, as Benjamin Franklin demonstrated with his bundle of arrows in reference to Ecclesiastes 4:12 and the Iroquois Great Peacemaker called in some contexts Deganawidah. A diverse and inclusive society makes us more powerful if in different ways, wealthier, more resilient and adaptive, offers unknown joys and opens new vistas and possibilities of becoming human.

    Change need not mean fear and loss; for it also offers limitless new wonders. We must be agents of change and bringers of Chaos, if we are to become a fulcrum and change the balance of power in the world.

     The idea of human rights has been abandoned by its former guarantor nations, with whole peoples in Palestine and elsewhere being erased in wars of ethnic cleansing and genocide as exhibits of atrocities and crimes against humanity, and because of this and many other systems failures civilization is collapsing; ephemeral and illusory things like wealth and power are meaningless in the shadow of our degradation and the terror of our nothingness in the face of death.

     A reader’s comment on my post of December 8 2023, The Fall of America as a Guarantor of Democracy and Human Rights, contained the phrase “more hopeful of the good in most people”. 

     Here follows my reply; I too believed in things like human goodness once, but after forty years of wars, revolutions, resistance, and liberation struggle throughout the world I cannot. What I trust and hope for, if not believe in, is solidarity of action in struggle against systems of oppression and elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege. Such is my faith; the equality of human needs and the necessity of our unity in seizures of power to create a free society of equals.

     As written by Jean Genet, who swore me to the oath of the Resistance and set me on my life’s path during the Siege of Beirut in 1982; “If we behave like those on the other side, then we are the other side. Instead of changing the world, all we’ll achieve is a reflection of the one we want to destroy.” 

     How shall we welcome the Stranger?

     As written in the United Nations website; “Secretary-General António Guterres credited the more than 80 per cent of those who cross borders in a safe and orderly fashion as powerful drivers of “economic growth, dynamism, and understanding”.

     “But unregulated migration along increasingly perilous routes – the cruel realm of traffickers – continues to extract a terrible cost”, he continued in his message marking the day.

     Deaths and disappearances

     Over the past eight years, at least 51,000 migrants have died, and thousands of others gone missing, said the top UN official.

     “Behind each number is a human being – a sister, brother, daughter, son, mother, or father”, he said, reminding that “migrant rights are human rights”.

     “They must be respected without discrimination – and irrespective of whether their movement is forced, voluntary, or formally authorized”.

     ‘Do everything possible’

     Mr. Guterres urged the world to “do everything possible” to prevent their loss of life – as a humanitarian imperative and a moral and legal obligation.

     And he pushed for search and rescue efforts, medical care, expanded and diversified rights-based pathways for migration, and greater international investments in countries of origin “to ensure migration is a choice, not a necessity”.

     “There is no migration crisis; there is a crisis of solidarity”, the Secretary-General concluded. “Today and every day, let us safeguard our common humanity and secure the rights and dignity of all”.

      Realize basic rights

     For his part, the head of the International Labour Organization (ILO), Gilbert F. Houngbo, shone a light on protecting the rights of the world’s 169 million migrant workers.

     “The international community must do better to ensure… [that they] are able to realize their basic human and labour rights”, he spelled out in his message for the day.

     Leaving them unable to exercise basic rights renders migrant workers “invisible, vulnerable and undervalued for their contributions to society”, pointed out the most senior ILO official.

     Vulnerabilities

     And when intersecting with race, ethnicity, and gender, they become even more vulnerable to various forms of discrimination.

     Mr. Houngbo flagged that migrants do not only go missing on high-risk and desperate journeys.

     “Many migrant domestic, agricultural and other workers are isolated and out of reach of those who could protect them”, with the undocumented particularly at risk of abuse.

     Fair labour migration

     Meanwhile, ILO supports governments, employers and workers to make fair labour migration a reality.

     Like all employees, migrant workers are entitled to labour standards and international human rights protections, including freedom of association and collective bargaining, non-discrimination, and safe and healthy working environments, upheld the ILO chief.

     They should also be entitled to social protection, development and recognition.

     To make these rights a reality, Mr. Houngbo stressed the key importance of fair recruitment, including eliminating recruitment fees charged to migrant workers, which can help eradicate human trafficking and forced labour.

     Injustices suffered by migrant workers are injustices to us all – ILO chief

     “Access to decent work is a key strategy to realize migrants’ development potential and contribution to society”, he said.

     “We must recognize that injustices suffered by migrant workers are injustices to us all. We must do better”.

     ‘Cornerstone of development’

     Meanwhile, in his message, the head of the International Migration Organization (IMO), António Vitorino, described migrants as “being a cornerstone of development and progress”.

     “We can’t let the politicization of migration, hostility and divisive narratives divert us from the values that matter most”, he urged.

     Regardless of what compels people to move, “their rights must be respected”, underscored the IMO chief.”

    As I wrote in my post of January 23 2021, Inclusion and the Embrace of Otherness is the Test of Democratic Societies: On Immigration; Our new President Biden and his government seem committed to ideals of equity and fairness, in our system of immigration and in all things, which I celebrate and will help in any way I can; but in this area of policy I believe we need a few things more.

     Inclusion and the embrace of Otherness is the test of democratic societies.

     We need a version of the English Slave Act; anyone who sets foot on American soil is free, safe, and under our protection.

     We need a borderless state with citizenship by declaration; if you accept the responsibilities of membership in our nation and agree to live in accord with our principles and agreements with one another, you are an American. If you’re crazy enough to want to be one of us, who are we to say no?

      We need to reimagine and transform our security services and repurpose Homeland Security and the Border Patrol to provide safe passage to our shores and a humane landing which welcomes new Americans with food, medical attention, and education.

     The horrific ethnic cleansing and systematic torture and abuse of the Trump regime did not emerge from nothing, but from an ancient injustice by which our nation created wealth and elite power and privilege for white supremacy; we have drawn a line in the sand to weaponize disparity and generate mass cheap exploitable labor which fuels agriculture, hospitality, childcare, and other markets and industries.

     Illegal migrant labor is slave labor.

     Let us emancipate our workforce so that everyone working here has the same legal protections as citizens, and no worker can be used against another. 

     As written by Maurizio Guerrero in In These Times; “One initiative stood out as especially (and cruelly) effective in President Donald Trump’s often inept White House: his administration’s monomaniacal attack on immigrants. Starting with an unconstitutional Muslim ban his first week in office, Trump signed more than 400 executive actions against migrants in a single term — curtailing legal immigration, casting out tens of thousands of refugees and asylum seekers, separating undocumented families and sowing terror in immigrant communities. Trump’s caging of migrant children at the border sparked nationwide protests in 2018 under the banner “Keep Families Together.”

     But despite mass outrage among liberals, the enormous bipartisan machine built to surveil, catch and imprison migrants predates Trump. While separating children from their parents at the border was a cruel Trumpian twist, the U.S. immigration system has long torn apart families through deportation. The current iteration of that system, which criminalizes migrants for making mistakes once considered paperwork errors, took three decades to construct before Trump arrived — from the landmark immigration reform act under the Reagan administration in 1986, to the founding of Immigration and Customs Enforcement under President George W. Bush in 2003, to ICE’s massive raids under President Barack Obama.

     President Joe Biden has promised to reverse some of Trump’s most egregious anti-immigrant policies, but few signs suggest he will address what paved their way: the ongoing criminalization of simply existing in the United States as an immigrant.

     Biden has declared a moratorium on deportations during his first 100 days in office. He also promises to send an immigration reform bill to Congress. But neither of these measures, advocates say, would necessarily effect a meaningful change; the moratorium is a temporary measure, and a bill could be delayed in Congress and might expand immigration enforcement as a trade-off for pro-migrant measures.”

     “On January 13, undocumented activist Jeanette Vizguerra (who has been living in sanctuary at the First Unitarian Society of Denver since 2015) accompanied a grassroots coalition at Biden’s transition headquarters in Wilmington, Del. The coalition demanded immediate action on immigration and an end to detentions and deportations.

     “I am here today to personally ask Joe Biden … to act immediately when he takes office next week,” said Vizguerra, who risks arrest by ICE just for stepping out of the church. “[Biden must] protect families like mine that have been hunted and terrorized simply for daring to exist in this ‘land of the free.’ ”

     We now have it within our power to end forever the threat of fascism in America, and with it the spectre of racist ethnic cleansing and white supremacist terror as state policy, the concentration camps, deportations, torture and murder which under Trump reached toward the scale of South Africa’s Bantustan system of slave labor and echoed the horrors of the Holocaust.

     How shall we answer for the genocide perpetrated in our name? 

      The Biden Presidency held great promise for the Restoration of America and for a Reckoning with the legacies of our history; in this we have been betrayed not by a failure of vision, but by infiltration, subversion, and capture of the institutions of our government by a Fourth Reich we have yet to purge from among us, as well as by systemic forces of reaction. 

     As I wrote in my post of June 9 2021, Overseer of the Carceral State Kamala Harris Proclaims Her Solution to the Humanitarian Refugee Crisis at Our Border; “Do Not Come”; Kamala Harris embodies my hopes and fears for the future of America; I hope she is a cross between Arundati Roy and the Jamaican warrior matriarchs who led the slave rebellion against the British Empire; but I fear she may be an overseer of the carceral state.

    Today my darkest fears have been given new force by her speech to the “huddled masses yearning to be free”, as the poem by a Jewish girl on our Stature of Liberty proclaims. Former Prosecuting Attorney and instrument of law and order, force, fear, and the brutal tyranny of elite wealth and power and hierarchies of racial exclusivity, now wielding the authority of the Vice President of the United States, fails us all and betrays our trust in a stunning message to the world; “do not come”.

     Not the poetic vision of an America which is a beacon of hope to the world, as written by Emma Lazarus;

“Not like the brazen giant of Greek fame,

With conquering limbs astride from land to land;

Here at our sea-washed, sunset gates shall stand

A mighty woman with a torch, whose flame

Is the imprisoned lightning, and her name

Mother of Exiles. From her beacon-hand

Glows world-wide welcome; her mild eyes command

The air-bridged harbor that twin cities frame.

“Keep, ancient lands, your storied pomp!” cries she

With silent lips. “Give me your tired, your poor,

Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,

The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.

Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me,

I lift my lamp beside the golden door!”

      Kamala Harris could have simply quoted the magisterial poem which illuminates America’s historic mandate as a guarantor of universal human rights and the equality of all souls, could have spoken to the fear and pain of the wretched of the earth who have come to us for safety and for liberty, could have offered hope for the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

    And this is all the wisdom and empathy she has to offer us from her secret heart; “Do not come.” 

     Is Kamala an apologist of imperialism, abysmally ignorant, or just without moral vision?

     For what purpose have we a border? We have drawn a line in the sand to exploit disparity and create illegal migrant labor; an invisible resource of those with no legal existence to whom we can do anything without reprisal, and whose cheap labor fuels vast industries of agriculture, hospitality, caretaking, and manufacture.

     Migrant labor is slave labor.

     This is the system of wealth, power, and privilege which our chosen champion has refused to challenge, and aligned herself instead with those who would enslave us.

     Yet the betrayal of the people by Kamala Harris is neither the most central nor most sad issue driving the dynamics of elite hegemony and imperial dominion whose flaws can be read in the suffering of the masses at our border, for we ourselves have designed the failures which are their true cause.

     As I wrote in my post of April 7 2021, How American Imperialism Created Our Humanitarian Crisis at the Border; Forty six years ago this April, America launched Operation Condor, a global campaign to destabilize and repress socialist governments and movements and defend capitalism as a hegemonic force and its elite hierarchies of wealth, power, and privilege. This remains relevant to us today because it is the origin of many of the push forces driving waves of refugees to our border, and the horrific humanitarian crisis and test of our democracy created by American imperialism.

     Migration is a word which conceals both the conditions which trigger it and our own complicity in creating them as consequences of our decades long policies of colonialism, anticommunist militarism, and economic warfare; ecological devastation with its drought and famine, poverty and social and political destabilization, an age of tyranny and state terror, genocide and ethnic cleansing, weaponized faith and its patriarchal sexual terror, and multigenerational wars.

     In terms of refugees fleeing to America for safety and survival as well as liberty and equality we are mainly speaking of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua, though the hell zone of Columbia and Venezuela now accounts for many, and with the collapse of central authority in Mexico and its degeneration into a region of warlords, oligarchs, and feudal crime syndicates we have refugees from Mexico itself as well as the traditional seasonal laborers.

     Migrant labor is slave labor; this is the great truth America has never confronted and must now answer for in the suffering masses at our border. Entire sectors of our economy run on it; agriculture in which labor becomes a strategic resource as we starve without it, but also child and elder care, hospitality, and some manufacture. America’s wealth and power is created for us by others to whom we export the real costs of production, others who must remain invisible and exploitable as unregulated illegal labor to wring every ounce of value from them for our elites. Thus we weaponize economic disparity in service to power and privilege, and create and maintain hierarchies of exclusionary otherness and white supremacy.

     Interests of elite hegemonies of wealth and power converge here with those of racial privilege and white supremacy in historic toxicity, in parallel with the rise of the carceral state as an instrument for the re-enslavement of Black citizens as prison labor and the repression of the Civil Rights Movement, and have done so from their origins. One such origin point is America’s appropriation, concealment, and instrumentalization of Nazi war criminals in the repression of dissent and the conquest of the world.

     The Fourth Reich of which Trump was a figurehead did not emerge from nothing like Athena from the head of Zeus, but was an invention of American imperialism. As such its history and character as a global threat to democracy can be studied in the crisis of refugees and migration to which it has given birth, and in the legacies of our nation’s use of fascism as an instrument of dominion in the Americas, for as we were using it to conquer others, it was using us to seize the United States of America and the world.

     As I wrote in my post of February 18 2020, Guatemala: Our Heart of Darkness;  As we abduct and lockdown refugees in concentration camps and secret prisons, and drive others back into a Mexico whose government is supine before the power of its criminal organizations, we must reflect on the causes of this historic mass migration from Central America’s Dry Corridor of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua; why is this happening, and what can be done to fix the problems which are driving it?

     Drought and famine caused by global warming and climate change are clear immediate causes and triggering stressors of the current migration, but not exclusively; and as always the final dominoe in systems failures is a political choice.

     These conditions have worsened longstanding issues of endemic poverty and pervasive violence and criminality, legacies of historical colonialism and American imperialist and capitalist policies and interventions, which I have described in my post of September 4 2019; “ There is an interesting connection between the chaos we created in Central America which is driving a mass exodus of immigration to our borders and the conspiracy theory of Islamic replacement of Europeans which inspires our greatest terrorist threat today; many of the white supremacists who ruled Algeria as a colony of France, mainly former Nazi soldiers who joined the Foreign Legion after the end of World War Two, were after its fall in 1962 hired by the government of the United States to rule El Salvador and Guatemala as puppet regimes to protect our corporate profits.

     With them came the same ideology and dream of a homeland and asylum for escaped Nazis, and a secure base of operations and launchpoint for the Fourth Reich, as with those who fled the fall of the colony of Algeria as a white ethnostate to France and blamed Charles de Gaulle for its abandonment, and whose descendants now form the core of Jean-Marie Le Pen’s National Front.

     Among the direct effects of the secret partnership between America and our former Nazi adversaries include:

     The 1954 seizure of Guatemala by Eisenhower’s CI.A., which replaced a Marxist who had seized land owned by United Fruit and redistributed it to Indian peasants with a furniture salesman from Honduras, Castillo Armas. During the course of this coup America bombed Guatemala City, killed 9,000 communists, disbanded the unions, drove off the squatters, drew up a blacklist of some 70,000 leftists, built death squads and secret prisons, gave torture and brigandage free reign, created an enduring political front, the MLN, and started making a profit from our plantations. 

     The 1961 seizure of Guatemala by C.I.A. officer Willauer leading 200 men, a Harvard lawyer who had flown as Chennault’s first officer with the Flying Tigers in China. Guatemala was the staging area for the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba. Throughout the 1960-63 period of a civil war which continued until 1996, America crushed a pro-Castro rebellion using six C.I.A. bombers, exiled Cuban shock troops, and Green Berets who used the opportunity to test counterinsurgency theories later used in Vietnam.

     The 1974 accession of an officer of Armas named Alarcon to the Presidency of Guatemala, who institutionalized the MLN, declaring “I am a fascist, and I have tried to model my party on the Spanish Falange.”  He was, of course, a C.I.A. agent. Nixon once brought him along on his annual pilgrimage to consult with what he called his spiritual advisor, the infamous Nazi war criminal Josef Mengele.

     The 1982 seizure of power and Presidency of Rios Montt, an evangelical Sunday school teacher and personal friend of Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson, who suspended the constitution, replaced the courts with secret tribunals, escalated the scorched earth warfare, torture, and disappearances of his predecessors, and one thing more. Here we see the designs of the Christian Identity Gideonite fundamentalists for America and the world given free reign.

     During this the most terrible period of civil war throughout Central America, when Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras were in fact a single nation ruled by remnants of the Nazis we had transplanted from French Algeria as American puppet regimes, and with the full authority of Ronald Reagan, Rios Montt weaponized Protestantism against encroaching Catholic Liberation theology.

     During the 18 months of the Mayan Genocide, in which his death squads killed 3,000 people each month and annihilated 600 villages, he also instituted a system of forced labor in concentration camps modeled on the Apartheid system of South Africa and ruled by terror using former British police and Protestant Orange Militia units hired from Belfast, a mercenary force who had splendidly legal Hong Kong passports courtesy of the Thatcher government.

     This was among my first campaigns of revolutionary struggle immediately following the 1982 Siege of Beirut, opposing the Mayan Genocide; I witnessed its horrors, and it shaped my art of war. It is also how I was invited to attend  the Joint Revolutionary Council in Cuba to collaborate with many such organizations globally, and why my team included Soviet advisors and often Cuban International Service soldiers through much of the 1980s.

     During over 35 years of civil war in Guatemala including Rios Montt’s genocidal campaign of ethnic cleansing against the native Indians, about half a million Indians were killed, over one million conscripted into military service and used against their own people, tens of thousands driven into Mexico as refugees, and most of the rest worked to death in the concentration camps. No American Army came to liberate them; they were not white, and no one cared so long as the profits flowed. Guatemala is America’s Belgian Congo; our heart of darkness.

     I think of this every day as I eat my morning banana, for each one is the living form of a silent cry, the ghost of a tear, the memory of atrocity and horror, a thing like many others of fragile beauty and fleeting pleasure won by brutality and the theft of hope, pain and blood and death made manifest. For the dead and for wrongs past I can do nothing; it is the living who must be avenged and the future that must be redeemed.  

     The 1981 founding of ARENA in El Salvador and the 1982-3 Presidency of Roberto D’Aubuisson Arrieta, son of one of the original French Algerian OAS/Afrika Corps legionnaires and immigrants and leader of death squads since 1972, when he was trained at the US School of the Americas, often called a school for war criminals. During the peak of the civil war in 1983-84, about 8,000 people were killed every month in El Salvador. 

     The 1963-75 Honduran coup and military dictatorship of Arellano, for whose regime the term Banana Republic was coined, and of course the conduct of the Contra War beginning in 1980, which included the 1984 Honduran invasion of Nicaragua supported by 5,500 American troops.

     Together Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras were ruled for over a generation by America through our puppet tyrants and the ARENA and MLN parties we created. But there is more; much more, of which I will mention only four more brief examples here.  

     The 1964-85 rule of Brazil by the Arena Party and its legacy of torture and state terror which was ended by the total bankruptcy of the nation.

      The 1976 military coup in Argentina and the civil war which followed, during which some 20,000 persons were disappeared. Of our earlier involvements; Peron had been a protégé of Franco and Mussolini, and Evita was assassinated not by us but by Vatican Intelligence with radiation poisoning due to Peron’s campaign against the Church. The Vatican also ran the Swiss escape route used by Otto Skorzeny and other SS officers at the fall of the Third Reich whom the government of America later hired. The most brazen flattery I have ever heard directed toward Oliver North was to compare him to Skorzeny.

     The 1973 assassination of Allende in Chile and support of the Pinochet regime which killed as many as one in every hundred of its citizens.

     Regarding Mexico, we long ago seized Texas and California, drew a line in the sand, and now call aliens everyone on the wrong side of it who comes here to pick the fruit, wash the dishes, and clean the toilets that our own nephews and nieces, children and grandchildren, would laugh in your face at the suggestion they get their hands dirty doing themselves.

    Fascism is a sin of pride whose effects reverberate still, propagating outward in ever-widening circles as a force of contagion like the ripples of a stone cast into a pond. And we are all complicit in it, who call ourselves Americans.

    We must make a better future than we have the past, and offer better solutions than to echo Marie Antionette’s dismissive and fatal reference “Let them eat cakes” in the imperious proclamation “Do not come”.

    How is white supremacist terror conspiring in anti-immigrant violence now, and how does this issue figure in our elections as we choose who we will become?

     As written by Martin Pengelly in The Guardian, in an article entitled Trump’s ‘dehumanising and fascist rhetoric’ denounced by top progressive: Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal decries ‘horrific’ language after ex-president says immigrants ‘poisoning the blood of our country’; “A leading American progressive said Donald Trump was using “horrific … dehumanising and fascist rhetoric”, after the former president told supporters immigrants were invading the US and “poisoning the blood of our country”.

     “This is horrific,” said Pramila Jayapal, a Washington state Democrat and chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, on Monday.

     “Donald Trump’s description of immigrants who are coming to the southern border is dehumanising and fascist rhetoric. These are dangerous lies, designed to villainise immigrants and make horrific policy seem somehow acceptable.

     “This is a good reminder of why we can never return to any policies of Donald Trump. He is trying to erase immigrants from America. None of his policies are about reforming the immigration system in a way that recognis[es] that America is better for having immigrants here.”

     Dominating Republican presidential primary polling despite facing 91 criminal charges and assorted civil threats, Trump made the remarks at election rallies in New Hampshire and Nevada.

     “They’re poisoning the blood of our country,” the former president said in Durham, New Hampshire, on Saturday, returning to a line used before.

“That’s what they’ve done. They poison mental institutions and prisons all over the world, not just in South America … but all over the world. They’re coming into our country from Africa, from Asia, all over the world.”

      In Reno, Nevada, on Sunday, he said: “This is an invasion. This is like a military invasion. Drugs, criminals, gang members and terrorists are pouring into our country at record levels. We’ve never seen anything like it. They’re taking over our cities.”

     Academics, commentators and political opponents have been quick to link such rhetoric to that used by Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini and other authoritarian leaders.

     On Saturday, Ruth Ben-Ghiat, a New York University professor and author of the book Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present, said Trump’s aim was to “dehumanise immigrants now so the public will accept [his] repression of them when [he] return[s] to office”.

     But on Sunday, Marc Short, chief of staff to Mike Pence when Pence was vice-president to Trump, came to Trump’s defence.

     “I think it’s highly unlikely that Donald Trump has ever read Mein Kampf,” Short told Fox News, claiming Trump was instead using inflammatory language to distract critics while winning over voters.

     Trump, however, has claimed to have owned Hitler’s memoir, which was published before his Nazi regime murdered 6 million Jews during the Holocaust.

     According to a 1990 profile in Vanity Fair, his first wife, Ivana Trump, told her lawyer her husband kept a collection of Hitler’s speeches by his bed.

     Trump claimed the book was actually Mein Kampf and was given to him by a Jewish friend. The friend, Marty Davis, said he gave Trump the book of speeches, not Mein Kampf – and that he wasn’t Jewish. Trump told his profiler, Marie Brenner: “If I had these speeches, and I am not saying that I do, I would never read them.”

     Brenner asked: “Is Ivana trying to convince her friends and lawyer that Trump is a crypto-Nazi? Trump is no reader or history buff. Perhaps his possession of Hitler’s speeches merely indicates an interest in Hitler’s genius at propaganda.”

     Trump’s apparent interest in Hitler has surfaced since. In 2021, the then Wall Street Journal reporter Michael Bender said Trump told John Kelly, his second of four White House chiefs of staff: “Hitler did a lot of good things.”

     As written by Heather Cox Richardson in her journal Letters From An American; “It seems that former president Donald Trump is aligning his supporters with a global far-right movement to destroy democracy.

     On Saturday, in Durham, New Hampshire, Trump echoed Nazi leader Adolf Hitler’s attacks on immigrants, saying they are “poisoning the blood of our country”—although two of his three wives were immigrants—and quoted Russian president Vladimir Putin’s attacks on American democracy. Trump went on to praise North Korean autocratic leader Kim Jong Un and align himself with Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán, the darling of the American right wing, who has destroyed Hungary’s democracy and replaced it with a dictatorship.

     Trump called Orbán “the man who can save the Western world.”

     Dr. Sarah Riccardi-Swartz, a professor of religion and anthropology at Northeastern University, explained in The Conversation what Trump is talking about. Autocrats like Orbán and Putin—and budding autocrats like Trump—are building a global movement by fighting back against the expansion of rights to women, minorities, and LGBTQ+ people.

     Russian leaders have been cracking down on LGBTQ+ rights for a decade with the help of the Russian Orthodox Church, claiming that they are protecting “traditional values.” This vision of heteronormativity rewrites the real history of human sexuality, but it is powerful in this moment. Orbán insists that immigrants ruin the purity of a country, and has undermined women’s rights.

     Riccardi-Swartz explains that this rhetoric appeals to those in far-right movements around the world. In the United States, “family values” became tied to patriotism after World War II, when Chinese and Soviet communists appeared to be erasing traditional gender roles. Those people defined as anti-family—LGBTQ+ people and women who challenged patriarchy—seemed to be undermining society. Now, as dictators like Putin and Orbán promise to take away LGBTQ+ rights, hurt immigrants, and return power to white men, they seem to many to be protecting traditional society.

     In the United States, that undercurrent has created a movement of people who are willing to overthrow democracy if it means reinforcing their traditional vision. Christian nationalists believe that the secular values of democracy are destroying Christianity and traditional values. They want to get rid of LGBTQ+ rights, feminism, immigration, and the public schools they believe teach such values. And if that means handing power to a dictator who promises to restore their vision of a traditional society, they’re in.

     It is an astonishing rejection of everything the United States has always stood for.

     The White House today responded to Trump’s speech. White House deputy press secretary Andrew Bates said: “Echoing the grotesque rhetoric of fascists and violent white supremacists and threatening to oppress those who disagree with the government are dangerous attacks on the dignity and rights of all Americans, on our democracy, and on public safety…. It’s the opposite of everything we stand for as Americans.”

    In conclusion I wish to signpost one of the most important things about resistance and liberation struggle to carry with us into battle against systems of oppression and the crimes against humanity of tyrants; the inevitability of our victory.

    The Trump Regime and its apparatus of state terror is compiling information on people who speak out against its crimes and designating them as terrorists in order to steal our freedoms and to authorize repression of dissent. This will fail, and instead will strengthen resistance to tyranny and white supremacist terror and ethnic cleansing perpetrated by the ICE kidnapping and torture force.

    The great secret of power, the state as embodied violence, and the enforcement of subjugation through police brutality and thought control, is that it is hollow and brittle, and crumbles into nothingness when delegitimized by disbelief and disobedience.

     And there is a Calculus of Fear regarding the social use of force, and a point of no return wherein it ceases to have meaning and be useful, as the British Empire discovered when met with Gandhi’s Salt Tax Protest, or the Japanese Empire found at Nanking. Who has nothing left to lose is free, uncontrollable, Unconquered and a Living Autonomous Zone able to free others.

    We can be killed, tortured, imprisoned; but we cannot be defeated if we simply refuse to submit. This is our victory, and a power which cannot be taken from us.

    The Resistance is now all of us. Everywhere. It cannot be stopped by arresting protestors and calling them terrorists; we are past the point where dissent can be repressed by force. Only ending the campaign of ethnic cleansing and dismantling the Ice white supremacist terror force can save the wealth, power, and privilege of the hegemonic elites whom the regime serves, and we are not going to permit them to do that.

     We are bringing it all down.

Trump wants to recreate a white America that never existed

Rebecca Solnit

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/dec/06/trump-immigration-whiteness

‘The holy family is in hiding’: nativity scenes at US churches push back on ICE

Displays include handcuffed baby Jesus and Mary wearing a gas mask in wake of Trump’s immigration crackdown

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/dec/12/church-jesus-nativity-scenes-mock-ice-trump

We are no longer free. But we can win our freedom back

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/ng-interactive/2025/jun/14/history-successful-protests-oppose-authoritarianism

Ordinary Americans are fighting back against ICE: ‘We’re going to outlast them’

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/dec/18/ice-raids-fighting-back

‘You don’t have to do it alone’: how US cities are helping each other resist ICE

From LA to Charlotte, organizers are learning from others’ strategies to protect residents amid federal crackdowns

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/dec/16/ice-immigration-raids-cities

‘There’s power in numbers’: New Yorkers are banding together to protect street vendors from ICE

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/dec/12/new-york-street-vendors-ice-national-guard

‘We’ll need to see a warrant’: the group teaching businesses a vital tool to fight ICE raids

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/dec/08/ice-fourth-amendment-rights-north-carolina

What Chicago’s fight against ICE can teach us all about how to resist oppression

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/nov/29/chicago-ice-oppression-us-community-immigration-raid

After ICE took students’ parents, these teachers began rising at dawn to keep watch: ‘We said, hell no’

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/nov/19/san-diego-teachers-ice-patrols

By the numbers: the latest ICE and CBP data on arrests, detentions and deportations in the US

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/ng-interactive/2025/aug/29/trump-immigration-ice-cbp-data

                      References in the original 2023 post

Trump’s ‘dehumanising and fascist rhetoric’ denounced by top progressive

Trump tells rally immigrants are ‘poisoning the blood of our country’

In New Hampshire former president doubles down on phrase widely condemned for echoing white supremacist rhetoric

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/dec/16/trump-immigrants-new-hampshire-rally

Would the US survive a second Trump presidency?

https://www.theguardian.com/politics/audio/2023/dec/15/would-us-survive-second-trump-presidency-podcast

Letters From An American

https://news.un.org/en/story/2022/12/1131822

https://inthesetimes.com/article/ice-joe-biden-deportations-immigration-deportation-moratorium?fbclid=IwAR1cEcdDQ4UV0plo-jJMeh_n5P1RyboLR0zhHlQrXcPJCelGf5j2ZraZ-TI

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2021/jun/08/aoc-kamala-harris-guatemalan-migrants-comments

https://jacobinmag.com/2021/04/joe-biden-central-america-immigration

https://jacobinmag.com/2021/06/kamala-harris-central-america-guatemala-visit-us-imperialism/?fbclid=IwAR24VAyrq9VNNIO_AXjyALsPA0tBSV3AjvzxSnEGHwoM7SJEoS961hCEdgo

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/world/2021-06-02/global-migration-drives-global-democracy

3a3075732d9b&fbclid=IwAR3RMOCVABMCx4Y10VY9OUHywbz3arxIYvCI_Ak5q6lEF36lFzbuVglsuUc  

https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2022/12/international-migrants-day-2022-it.html?fbclid=IwAR0eV5S6C7nN9fmDbLR96fFO2hnppBzFR7xstj2ug9b_XXBTsAckHr_WsEM

December 17 2025 Shall We Be Naughty, or Shall We Be Nice?

     For the edification of the children in this time of reckoning and rewards, I have written a book of values and principles of action to guide us through life. Each sentence belongs on its own page, though you and your children will have to draw the illustrations.

     Children, this is the time of year you will be asked, Are you naughty or nice?

     Is it better to be naughty, or to be nice?

     Better for who?

     Don’t be nice, seize power.

     Nice means obedient, like a good dog.

     Never let anyone make you their dog.

     Refuse to sit up and beg, roll over and show your belly, perform tricks or do anything that grants anyone power over you.

     Refuse to be bribed or bullied into submission to authority.

      Refuse to believe. Never take authority at their word, and test all claims of truth, for there is no just authority.

     Refuse to submit.

     Even if you are taken down a thousand times, locked away, denied things offered to others, given fearful lectures and not chosen for anyone’s team in games to play, you can still be victorious in defiance and resistance.

     Find the other outcasts and build a team for games of liberation struggle, by rules of your own, because we are stronger together.

     Who remains Unconquered is free.

     Naughty means free.

     Always be naughty.

https://jacobinmag.com/2018/12/santa-claus-socialism-christmas

How Do You Do? by Thing One and Thing Two, Dr. Seuss

(My mother used to introduce me as Thing One and Thing Two as a child. I can’t imagine why)

William S. Burroughs’ “The Revised Boy Scout Manual”

(For years I was convinced he wrote this for me, when I was a boy scout.)

https://www.theatlantic.com/family/archive/2020/12/santas-naughty-list-teaches-kids-bad-lesson/617421/?fbclid=IwAR0UMuRUIFGe1gGJayg4uKTY0LIC2U5GfEexwKlLJ2rTRGVaa1yUAD0LP40

https://jacobinmag.com/2018/12/the-class-struggle-in-the-north-pole-2?fbclid=IwAR00ne-nSrUtoMmU-lD4TNe2Tza0Jx6ErKL4-0u0mk1POwq_RxHJoA8bNKg

https://www.owleyes.org/text/invictus/read/text-poem#root-6

December 16 2025 The Silencing of Jimmy Lai: Tyranny and Terror in Occupied Hong Kong

     With the end of the historic show trial of Jimmy Lai darkness swallows whole and entire the glittering beacon of hope for democracy in China which Hong Kong represents, like Leviathan swallows Jonah. Christian theology interprets this as a parallel and prefiguration of the descent of Jesus into Hell; but unlike the mythic and literary figures of Jonah and his reflection, it remains unlikely that Jimmy Lai will emerge from the depths in triumph.

     This long collapse of liberty and our universal human rights under the regime of the Chinese Communist Party I have mourned in lamentations and in the witness and remembrance of her endless songs of woe, but also in Resistance to state tyranny and terror and celebration of the Unconquerable Chinese peoples both in Hong Kong and on the mainland who struggle beneath the heel of a brutal and anti-humanist regime of bizarre and flagrant grotesquery, a government spun of lies and illusions and like the Trump regime in America committed to Hitler’s idea of the state as political theatre and to a performative politics of fear aligned with Artaud’s Theatre of Cruelty, and to the principle of the state as embodied violence.

      In regard to the fate of champion of the people and of our liberty Jimmy Lai, I recommend to you the example of the heroes of revolutionary struggle of the Black Liberation Army and the May 19th Coalition including Kuwasi Balagoon who broke Assata Shakur out of prison. Where is our Hong Kong Liberation Army?

     To the tyrant Xi Jinping, his enforcers, collaborators, and Army of Occupation of Hong Kong, to all bureaucrats of fear and the state as embodied violence, to all carceral states of force and control where ever they may arise, I say with the Mockingjay; “If we burn, you burn with us.”

    To all comrades in revolutionary and liberation struggle I say this with Nelson Mandela as he authorized direct action against the Apartheid regime of South Africa from his prison cell by underlining the line in Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar; “Sic Semper Tyrannis”.  

      Who resists and refuses to be subjugated, who disbelieves and disobeys, become Unconquerable and cannot be defeated; this is our victory, and a power which cannot be taken from us. And the forward movement of history is inevitable, because the great secret of power is that it is brittle and hollow, and collapses into nothingness when met with refusal, disbelief, and disobedience.

     For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.

     As written by in The Guardian, in an article entitled The rise and fall of Jimmy Lai, whose trajectory mirrored that of Hong Kong itself: Progressing from child labourer to billionaire, Lai used his power and wealth to promote democracy, which ultimately pitted him against authorities in Beijing; “On Monday, a Hong Kong court convicted Jimmy Lai of national security offences, the end to a landmark trial for the city and its hobbled protest movement.

     The verdict was expected. Long a thorn in the side of Beijing, Lai, a 78-year-old media tycoon and activist, was a primary target of the most recent and definitive crackdown on Hong Kong’s pro-democracy movement. Authorities cast him as a traitor and a criminal.

     Lai’s trial was one of the last unfinished national security prosecutions of Hong Kong’s high profile activists, over their involvement in the 2019 protests. Hundreds of activists, lawyers, and politicians have been pursued and jailed, or chased into exile. But few have captured global attention like Lai, whose life and career has developed in tangent with Hong Kong’s sputtering walk towards democracy, and then its fall.

     “The trajectory of his life reflects the history of Hong Kong itself,” said Kevin Yam, a Australian-Hong Kong lawyer, who is subject to a Hong Kong arrest warrant for his pro-democracy activism.

    Lai had pleaded not guilty to the one count of conspiracy to publish seditious publications and two counts of conspiracy to foreign collusion. On Monday the court found him guilty of all charges, with the government-appointed judges saying he “had harboured his hatred and resentment for the [People’s Republic of China] for many of his adult years”, and sought the downfall of its ruling Communist party “even though the ultimate cost was the sacrifice of the people of the PRC [People’s Republic of China] and HKSAR [Hong Kong Special Administrative Region].”

     The trial stretched for nearly two years, beset by delays, legal challenges and government interventions. International rights groups had called it a politically motivated show trial, and an attack on press freedom.

     Lai has been behind bars since 2020, either on remand or serving the five separate sentences he has been given for protest-related offences totalling almost 10 years, and a fraud allegation his supporters say was trumped up.

    Monday’s convictions could see him given a life sentence. His family already fears he might not live to see freedom. In the weeks before the verdict, his children issued new alarming warnings over his health.

    From child labourer to ‘Rupert Murdoch of Asia’

     Lai’s rise to become one of the city’s most famous billionaires is a rags to riches tale. At 12 he left Mao’s China for Hong Kong, where he worked as a child labourer in garment factories, before building a business empire that included the retail chain Giordano, and then a media conglomerate that would see him nicknamed the “Rupert Murdoch of Asia”.

     At the time of his first arrest in 2020, Lai was worth an estimated $1.2bn, according to a biography written by longtime friend and associate Mark Clifford. But he was one of the few of Hong Kong’s elite who used their power and wealth for activism, funding and participating in pro-democracy and anti-authoritarian efforts.

     Many of Lai’s business milestones are tied to key events in the history of Hong Kong and China’s tug of war over democracy, although he wasn’t always political. His son Sebastien says his early business decisions were driven by ambition and boredom.

     “I always remember growing up  he talked about why he started Giordano, and he was like, look I just got bored,” said son Sebastien.

     But after Chinese troops massacred student protesters in Tiananmen Square in Beijing in 1989, Lai became politically radicalised, and he launched Next Magazine soon afterwards. The Apple Daily newspaper was established shortly before Hong Kong’s handover from UK rule to China, upending the city’s traditional media market with flashy tabloid reporting and gossip alongside fearless investigations.

     “It kept Hong Kong honest in many ways,” says Yam. “We kind of forget that Jimmy Lai and his media businesses played an important role in Hong Kong as an international financial centre because it kept the free flow of information going about Hong Kong’s corporate underbelly.”

     The outlets Next Magazine and Apple Daily, along with Lai, would become loud and unashamedly pro-democracy irritants to authorities. Lai himself would write columns, famously calling China’s premier Li Peng, known as the Butcher of Beijing for his role in the massacre, “a bastard with zero IQ” in 1994, drawing political and financial retribution from the Chinese state.

     In 2003, the two outlets supported protests against a proposed national security law for Hong Kong, in 2014 they backed the Occupy Central movement, when Lai also joined the protest camp. He was attacked by assailants who poured pig offal over him, and anti-corruption police raided his home and that of his top aide, Mark Simon, after leaked documents revealed he’d donated millions to activists.

     In 2019 the papers again backed mass protests, this time against a proposed extradition bill but later building into a major pro-democracy movement. Apple Daily published a cut-out letter to US president Donald Trump on its front page, which readers could send to Washington asking him to “help save Hong Kong”. It would become a key element of the prosecution’s national security case against Lai.

    Lai again personally attended protest events, including a banned vigil for Tiananmen in June 2020, where he stood outside his car and held a lit candle, for which he was convicted and sentenced to 13 months in jail.

     Throughout his adult life in Hong Kong he was often monitored, harassed and intimidated. The blowback from the Li Peng editorials ultimately led to Lai divesting from Giordano. His house and businesses were repeatedly firebombed, and his family followed by paparazzi. In 2008 he was the target of a foiled assassination plot.

     “For them, I am a troublemaker,” he told Clifford. “It is hard for them not to clamp down on me and silence me.”

     Sebastien, who now lives outside Hong Kong to lobby for his father’s freedom, says he wasn’t totally aware of the threats when he was young because his father never showed fear.

     “I always had the knowledge that my dad was doing the right thing and not the easy thing” says Sebastien.

     “You have someone who is, by all accounts, successful, but willing to give everything that he has for his beliefs. That in some sense would shame some people and therefore some people would not like him because of that.

     “He always had the advantage that he came from nothing. He also had the advantage of knowing that even with nothing he’d be OK.”

     Lai refused entreaties to get a bodyguard, saying he hadn’t done anything wrong. A bodyguard also couldn’t help against his biggest risk: arrest.

     After 2019, that risk came to fruition multiple times. In August 2020, just weeks after the introduction of the Beijing-designed national security law (NSL), hundreds of police officers stormed the offices of Apple Daily. They arrested Lai along with several Apple Daily executives under the sweeping new law against dissent. His two eldest sons, Ian and Timothy, were also arrested. The company was ultimately forced to close the following year.

     The closure of Apple Daily, yet another nail in the coffin of democratic Hong Kong, was splashed across front pages around the world. The paper was a controversial tabloid, publishing salacious stories and occasionally offensive opinion pieces about mainland Chinese people. Former employees, who testified against Lai as “accomplice witnesses”, alleged a working environment that was free but “within a bird cage”, under the close management and control of Lai, with editorials written with the understanding that they “had to follow the basic stance of the newspaper”.

     But, Sebastien says, “in the end Apple is the only newspaper who stood up for democracy in Hong Kong, throughout the whole time, right?”

     In defiance of Lai’s arrest and the paper’s closure, Hongkongers queued up to buy an estimated 1m copies of the paper’s final edition. China’s nationalistic Global Times paper praised the closure of the “secessionist tabloid”.

     Friends and advisers had urged Lai to take advantage of his UK citizenship, wealth, and foreign residences and flee the country, like many others had. He refused, saying he wanted to stay and support his journalists, and to keep fighting for Hong Kong.

     He told Clifford he preferred to go to jail than abandon the city that “gave me everything”.

     While out on bail he gave interviews, and launched a livestreamed political talk show. Speaking to the Guardian during that time, Lai was cautiously optimistic, noting the NSL was yet to be fully tested in Hong Kong’s – at the time, still internationally lauded – court system.

    “They just want to show the teeth of the national security law, but they haven’t bitten yet,” he said. “So let’s see what happens.”

     They did bite. What happened was more than 200 NSL arrests; a mass prosecution of 47 politicians, activists and civil society workers who held an informal vote before city elections; appeals to Beijing when the courts didn’t toe the government line; and laws rewritten to limit bail rights and restrict foreign lawyers from defending Lai.

     Lai was reportedly held in solitary, and denied communion as a devout Catholic. Authorities pushed back on such criticisms, saying it was a matter of logistics or even a request by Lai. When Lai was photographed looking gaunt in shorts and sandals in the yard at Stanley prison by an Associated Press photographer with a long lens, the jail built a new roof covering. The photographer, Louise Delmotte, was later barred from working in Hong Kong when her visa renewal application was rejected.

      One fear that was never borne out for Lai was a clause in the NSL that the most serious cases could be transferred to the mainland for trial. If they were going to do it for anyone, it would be Lai, observers figured. He had already been treated like the city’s most dangerous criminal, taken to court in December 2023 by armoured convoy, with security “one would expect for a president or a high-profile terrorist”, Clifford’s biography notes.

     The Trump connection

     At the heart of the prosecution were Lai’s business and political connections, particularly with US officials.

     Prosecutors wheeled out a crude Powerpoint-style presentation of “external political connections” with whom Lai had allegedly colluded. It included Trump, Trump’s former vice-president Mike Pence and former secretary of state Mike Pompeo, and veteran Democrat legislator Nancy Pelosi. All were known China hawks and during Trump’s first term had toughened US policy towards China in a way that analysts said put real pressure on Beijing over human rights abuses.

     Trump has repeatedly promised to lobby for Lai’s release and officials said the media mogul’s case was raised in the meeting between Trump and Xi Jinping in South Korea in October. But in his second term, Trump’s America First agenda has become even more extreme, alienating allies, and his position on China more focused on “making a deal”.

     Some have speculated that this may turn Lai into a bargaining chip in the US-China trade war.

     After the South Korea meeting, Sebastien publicly thanked the US president and praised him as the “Liberator in Chief”, a moniker that conservatives bestowed on Trump after the release of hostages from Gaza.

     Sebastien’s appeal to Trump stems in part from what he sees as the failure of the UK government to push hard enough for the release of his father, a British citizen.

     The UK government has called for Lai’s release and says that his prosecution is politically motivated, but has not taken any economic action against Hong Kong. In the year to July, bilateral trade between the two territories reached £27.2bn, a nearly 10% increase on the previous 12 months. Many Lai supporters feel the UK has not done enough to secure the release of one of its most prominent citizens in its former colony.

     Were Jimmy Lai released today, Hong Kong would look very different to what he last knew, says Sebastien.

     “It’s obviously no longer the sort of Hong Kong that had all these freedoms that you could associate with,” he says, caveating that he’s not there either now, and can’t return.

     “Obviously, I think he’d be quite sad about what’s happened but look, at the end of the day this is someone who’s done everything he can, right? I don’t think anybody looking at his life would think: well, he could have done more.”

      As I wrote in my post of July 1 2025, This July, the 28th Anniversary of the Abandonment of Hong Kong to China and of Democracy to Tyranny; We mourn and organize resistance for the liberation of Hong Kong as a sovereign and independent nation from the imperial conquest and dominion of the loathsome Chinese Communist Party, throughout this July the twenty eighth anniversary of the abandonment of Hong Kong by Britain to a carceral state of force and control which was never a legitimate successor to the China with whom the original lease of 1898 was made, and the iconic fall of democracy to tyranny and state terror which it signifies.

    On the first of July 2023 the despicable tyrant and criminal of violations of human rights Xi Jinping walked the streets of Hong Kong, an ambush predator wearing the face of a man which cannot conceal his intent to conquer and enslave the world, beginning with Hong Kong as a launching pad for the conquest of the Pacific Rim.

    Why had he come to hold a triumphal march in imitation of Hitler in his 1940 visit to Paris; to terrify the people into submission, to claim it personally as a conqueror and imperial occupied territory, to reinforce an illusory legitimacy when all China has is fear and force? All of these things, and one thing more; this is also a marketing stunt aimed at the one partner in tyranny which can bring his regime down and liberate the peoples of both Hong Kong and China, the international business community. Send us your manufacturing jobs, he offers; we have slaves.

   If we do not free Hong Kong from his talons, we will be fighting for our survival in the streets of San Francisco, San Diego, and Seattle, in Singapore, Kuala Lumpur, Jakarta, Manila, Kolkata, Bangkok, in Sydney and Melbourne, Tokyo and Yokohama, any city which is home to a community of Overseas Chinese, which the government of the Chinese Communist Party considers their own citizens, whether or not they consent to be governed by Beijing. The CCP is uninterested in consent; for a vision of the world they would bequeath to humankind, we need only look at the vast prison and slave labor camp of Xinjiang.

    Let us stand in solidarity with the people of Hong Kong and of China in the cause of Liberty and a free society of equals.

     When will the free nations of the world recognize the independence and sovereignty of Hong Kong and take action shoulder to shoulder with its people to throw off the tyranny of the Chinese Communist Party?

    The Black Flag flies from the barricades in Hong Kong, and its primary meaning has not changed since its use by the First International and the veterans of the Paris Commune; freedom versus tyranny, the abolition of state terror, surveillance, and control, resistance to nationalisms of blood, faith, and soil, and abandonment of the social use of force as a lever of unequal power.

     With this bold signal the people declare: we shall be ruled by ourselves and no other.

     Shall we be collaborators and profiteers of slave labor, or shall we stand in solidarity to cast down from their thrones all those who would enslave us?

     In the lyrics of the Chinese national anthem, “Arise, ye who refuse to be slaves.”

     As I wrote in my post of February 15 2022, Monsters, Freaks, Transgression of the Forbidden, the Sacred Wildness of Nature and the Wildness of Ourselves: On Chaos as Love and Desire;  Watching the sunrise overlooking Hong Kong from Lion Rock, seized many times in recent years by democracy protesters and revolutionaries in the struggle for liberation and independence from China, in the wake of the last celebrations of Chinese New Year and several nearly sleepless nights of making mischief for tyrants under cover of the festival, my thoughts turn to the nature of freedom and the freedom of nature, of ourselves as wild and glorious things, of love and desire as anarchic forces of liberation, of transgression of the boundaries of the Forbidden and the violation of norms as seizures of power from the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue and the refusal to submit to authority.

     Freedom, and all that comes with it; above all freedom as the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves, as defiance of authorized identities and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, of love and desire as liberating forces of Chaos, and all of this as sacred acts of reimagination and transformation of ourselves and the possibilities of human being, meaning, and value.

     And of our myriad possible futures, sorting themselves out in our daily lives like a hurricane governed by the flight of a hummingbird; tyranny or liberty, extinction or survival.

     Order and its forms as authority, power, capital, and hegemonic elites of patriarchy and racism, class and caste, which arise from the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, which appropriates and subjugates us through falsification, commodification, and dehumanization and weaponizes hierarchies of otherness and belonging and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, and creates states as embodied violence, tyrannies of force and control, carceral states of police and military terror, and dominions of imperial conquest and colonial assimilation and exploitation; all of these systems and structures are born in fear, overwhelming and generalized fear weaponized in service to power and submission to authority, have a key weakness without which they cannot arise and perpetuate unequal power, for this requires the renunciation of love.

     Love here means solidarity of action as guarantors of each other’s humanity, with justice for all. Diversity, inclusion, and our duty of care for others are important aspects of love. Love is also a totalizing force which can free us from ossified forms and ways of being human together, and a vehicle of truth, both truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh and those we ourselves create and choose.

    Chaos has as its champion the totalizing and uncontrollable divine madness of love, which leaps across all boundaries to unite us in solidarity of action against those who would enslave us.

    Love exalts us beyond the limits of ourselves and the flags of our skin, disrupts authorized identities and narratives as imposed conditions of struggle,  seizes power as ownership of ourselves, and reveals and affirms the embodied truths of others.

     Once we have a definition of democracy as a free society of equals and a praxis of love, there are some principles which can be derived as an art of revolution and seizures of power.

     Order appropriates; Chaos autonomizes.

     Order is unequal power and systemic violence; Chaos is liberty, equality, interdependence, and harmony.

     Order subjugates through division and hierarchy; Chaos liberates through equality and solidarity. 

      Authority falsifies; speaking truth to power or parrhesia as Foucault called  truth telling and performing the witness of history confers authenticity to us in the sacred calling to pursue the truth, and to delegitimize tyrants.

      Always pay attention to the man behind the curtain. As Dorothy says to Oz, he’s just an old humbug.

      The four primary Duties of a Citizen are Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority.

     There is no just Authority.        

      Law serves power and authority; transgression and refusal to submit confer freedom and self-ownership as primary acts of becoming human and Unconquered.

      Always go through the Forbidden Door. As Max Stirner wrote; “Freedom cannot be granted; it must be seized.”

     Such is my art of revolution and democracy as love; there remains poetic vision and the reimagination and transformation of ourselves and our limitless possibilities of becoming human, and love and desire as unconquerable informing, motivating, and shaping forces and innate human realms of being and  powers which cannot be taken from us as truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh, anarchic and ungovernable as the tides, and it is love and desire as forms of wildness and embodied truth which offer us a definition of freedom as the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves.

     As I wrote in my post of February 12 2022, Genocide Games: the Case of Hong Kong;  I do not like thee, Xi Jinping; and unlike Dr Fell in the beloved poem of 1680 by Tom Brown, I both know and can tell why as a truthteller and witness of history; state terror and tyranny, carceral states of force and thought control, disappearance and torture by police, universal surveillance, and the falsification of propaganda and alternate histories, imperial conquest and colonial exploitation, slave labor and genocidal ethnic cleansing, and fascisms of blood, ideology as a kind of authorized and enforced faith, and soil or national identity; of all this I accuse Xi Jinping and the Chinese Communist Party.

    These things I am able to say because of the freedom of access to information which I enjoy as an American citizen, because the transparency of the state in America and the legal protection and heroic stature in our society of whistleblowers and truthtellers is a firewall against secret power, and because the sacred calling to pursue the truth as both a right of citizens and a universal human right are among those parallel and interdependent sets of rights of which the common defense is the primary purpose of the state.

     So are legitimacy, trust, and representation conferred to any state which is a guarantor of the rights of its citizens; the corollary of this is that any state whose primary purpose is not to guarantee the rights of individuals has no such legitimacy.

     We must be a democracy and a free society of equals, or the slaves of tyrants.

     And this we must resist.

     As I wrote in my post of August 29 2025, Anniversary of the UN Bachelet Report on China’s Genocide of Minorities in Xinjiang, In the Shadow of the Jimmy Lai Trial; A victory for justice and the exposure of tyranny’s lies and falsifications was won two years ago this day with the United Nations declaration of the Chinese Communist Party’s policies in Xinjiang as genocide, slavery, and crimes against humanity.

    We mark this anniversary today in the shadow of the Jimmy Lai trial in Hong Kong, as the occupation regime of the CCP wages lawfare as state terror, repression of dissent, and journalism as a sacred calling to pursue the truth.

    It remains for the international community to bring a Reckoning to Xi Jinping’s regime of cruelty and dehumanization, and join together with the peoples of China in liberation struggle.

      China’s horrific crimes in Xinjiang is a boundary which defines the limits of the human and the legitimacy of the state, and it is a line we must defend or surrender to states everywhere the principles of our universal human rights and democracy as a free society of equals wherein the state is co-owned by its citizens as a guarantor of their rights.

      There is one and only one condition in which any state can be legitimate, and that is when it acts as a guarantor of the parallel and interdependent sets of rights of citizens and of human beings, and balances those rights so that none may infringe upon those of another.

     For once we surrender our humanity to the state, and become things and not human beings, instruments of the power and profit of others through systems of falsification, commodification, and dehumanization, subjugated by carceral states of force and control through abjection and learned helplessness, division and authorized identities of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, and fascisms of blood, soil, and faith, we allow those who would enslave us to feed us into the machine of the state as psychopathy and embodied violence as the raw material of elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege.

     Let us give to systems of oppression, to fascism, and to tyranny the only reply it merits; Never Again!

     As written by Jamey Keaten and Edith M. Lederer in Huffpost: “The office of U.N. human rights chief Michelle Bachelet published its long-awaited report on alleged rights violations in China’s western Xinjiang region Wednesday, brushing aside Beijing’s demands to keep a lid on a report that fanned a tug-of-war for diplomatic influence with the West over the rights of the region’s native Uyghurs and other predominantly Muslim ethnic groups.

     The report, which Western diplomats and U.N. officials said had been all but ready for months, was published with just minutes to go in Bachelet’s four-year term. The report was unexpected to break significant new ground beyond sweeping findings from independent advocacy groups and journalists who have documented concerns about human rights in Xinjiang for years.

     But Bachelet’s report comes with the imprimatur of the United Nations, and the member states that make it up. The run-up to its release fueled a debate over China’s influence at the world body and epitomized the on-and-off diplomatic chill between Beijing and the West over human rights, among other sore spots.

     In the past five years, the Chinese government’s mass detention campaign in Xinjiang swept an estimated million Uyghurs and other ethnic groups into a network of prisons and camps, which Beijing called “training centers” but former detainees described as brutal detention centers.

     Beijing has since closed many of the camps, but hundreds of thousands continue to languish in prison on vague, secret charges.”

     As I wrote in my post of August 19 2020, China’s Holocaust: the Genocide of the Uighurs of Xinjiang and the Colonization of Hong Kong; It begins with the Great Wall of Silence and the control of truth, the repression of dissent and silencing of heroes like Joshua Wong, Jimmy Lai, and Cai Xia, but it always ends in concentration camps like those in Xinjiang; the path of tyranny and fascism leads ever downward into degradation and dehumanization.

     What do you call it when a government enacts the erasure and genocide of an ethnic and religious minority, and profits by their slave labor in concentration camps?

    I call it a Holocaust.

     What do you call a government which uses forced sterilizations, mass abductions, torture, murder, sending children to orphanages to be taught only in the official language, the outlawing of religious practice, and all this and more horrors and crimes against humanity targeted against those who do not fit the authorities paradigm of blood, faith, and soil?

    I call it fascism.

    And I say that whatever lies such governments tell about their crimes, what they call themselves or the particulars of their inhumanity, means nothing. All that matters is this; the powerful are inflicting harm on the powerless and the dispossessed.

     Shall we let the vulnerable and those whom Frantz Fanon called the Wretched of the Earth stand alone? Are all humans our brothers and sisters?

     In the conquest and genocide of the Uighur Muslims of Xinjiang the Chinese Communist Party has revealed their true nature as a xenophobic authoritarian state of force and control and a criminal organization of state terror and tyranny. They are a government without legitimacy.

     Shall we be collaborators and profiteers of slave labor, or shall we stand in solidarity to cast down from their thrones all those who would enslave us?

     In the lyrics of the Chinese national anthem, “Arise, ye who refuse to be slaves.”

     As I wrote in my post of July I 2020, An Empire of Terror and Racist Genocide: The Fall of Hong Kong and the Sterilization of the Uighur Ethnic Minority of Xinjiang; As the first wave of mass arrests and crimes against humanity by the Chinese Communist Party and its regime of state terror roll over Hong Kong on this anniversary of its handover by the British to their successor empire in the citadel of darkness which is Beijing, as the women of the Uighur ethnic and religious minority in Xinjiang are forcibly sterilized in a program of ethnic cleansing and genocide which parallels the campaign of erasure in the re- education prisons wherein their language, faith, history, and identity as a people are stolen, the world watches as yet another spectacle of inhumanity unfolds before us with stupefaction and the helpless surrender of civilization to atavistic barbarism.

     And once again we do nothing when a predator arrives to cut the powerless and the dispossessed from the herd of humankind, for without a united front  against tyrannies of force and control the most ruthless and amoral among us wins.

     Lutheran Pastor Martin Niemöller spoke his famous condemnation of the complicity of silence in the face of evil in the context of the Holocaust, but it applies as a universal principle; “First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out—because I was not a socialist.

     Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out— because I was not a trade unionist.

     Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out—because I was not a Jew.

     Then they came for me—and there was no one left to speak for me.”

         As I wrote in my post of October 6 2019, Vendetta Lives: Hong Kong Defies Tyranny and State Terror; I am one man, of limited understanding, though I have worn many masks in many places, and not all of my causes have been lost; through all my forlorn hopes and a lifetime of last stands I yet remain to defy and defend.

    Of our many possible futures I can only say this; all is not yet lost, nor is anything past redemption when the will to resist and to become better can be found.

     So I leave you with the words of Alan Moore from V for Vendetta; “Since mankind’s dawn, a handful of oppressors have accepted the responsibility over our lives that we should have accepted for ourselves. By doing so, they took our power. By doing nothing, we gave it away. We’ve seen where their way leads, through camps and wars, towards the slaughterhouse.”

     As I wrote in my post of February 11 2022, Genocide Games: the Case of Xinjiang; A year ago I wrote in my post of February 19 2021, China Genocide Slavery Sexual Terror; The Chinese Communist Party is responsible for vast horrors, including xenophobic ethnic cleaning and slavery. But we are also responsible, if we buy the products of injustice.

     And like a monster in a horror film which attacks from the darkness when we are distracted, new revelations expose the government of China’s campaign of rape and sexual terror against the Islamic minorities of Xinjiang.

      If anyone questions the centrality of a nonsectarian government and the principle of separation of church and state to democracy and our universal human rights, consider the examples of Yemen and Xinjiang.

     Little has changed for the peoples of China or of her imperial conquests Tibet, Xinjiang, and Hong Kong in the year since I wrote these words in support of the Boycott, Divest, and Sanction China movement, words like the screams of terror of the victims of China’s tyranny and terror, swallowed in the howling chasms of darkness of their Occupations and nearly lost to human memory and the witness of history like the countless lives of the silenced and the erased.

     But I remember, and bear witness.

     In the example of Xinjiang we can see the links between racist and sectarian terror as systemic violence, imperial conquest, and colonial dominion and exploitation.

     Here also is the most horrific example of a carceral state of force and thought control as institutionalized dehumanization and enslavement in the world today; as Xinjiang is China’s laboratory for a Brave New World, whose technologies of dehumanization, commodification, and falsification they are exporting to fellow tyrannies globally.

    And if we do nothing to change this monstrous crime against humanity or to disrupt Xi Jinping’s plans for the Conquest of the Pacific Rim, in Xinjiang we can see the future which awaits all of us.

     Let us unite with the peoples of China, Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong in solidarity against imperial conquest and occupation by a regime of tyranny and terror, while we still can.

     As written by Ishaan Tharoor in The Washington Post and cited in my journal entry of November 17 2019; ”We have known for some time now that China is carrying out something deeply unsettling in Xinjiang. The restive, far west region of the country is home to a number of Turkic Muslim minorities, including the Uighurs, who in the last half-decade have been swept up in large numbers by the dragnet of the central state. We know that roughly a million or more people have been subjected to a vast system of detention or “reeducation” camps, where they are cajoled to “Sinicize” and abandon their native Islamic traditions. There’s already been a great deal of international criticism: In Washington, both Republican and Democratic lawmakers have condemned China’s project of de facto cultural genocide. A report by a United Nations panel of experts warned this month that China’s methods could “deeply erode the foundations” of Chinese society.

     But Chinese officials still hide behind the Potemkin villages of their own making. They insist that the camps are actually job-training centers where amenable Xinjiang residents are working to better assimilate into mainstream society through vocational schooling and language instruction. They point to the necessity of such measures to counter the reach of radical Islamist groups in the region. We know now, though, that Chinese authorities don’t actually believe their own party line.

     That’s because of the new details surfaced by an astonishing set of leaked documents obtained by the New York Times. The cache includes 403 pages of Communist Party directives, reports, notes from internal investigations and internal speeches given by party officials, including President Xi Jinping. The Times’s story by Austin Ramzy and Chris Buckley, published this weekend, offers a rarely seen window into the deliberations of one of the world’s most opaque governments. And what we see is chilling.

     It relays how a flurry of ethnic violence and terrorist attacks in the early part of the decade persuaded Xi to unleash the “organs of dictatorship” — his own words, in a private speech. This apparently involved mass roundups, the construction of a 21st-century Orwellian apparatus of control and surveillance and a systematic assault on the ability of the region’s residents to observe their Islamic faith. As a justification for the draconian clampdown, a top Chinese official in Xinjiang warned of the risks of placing “human rights above security” in a 10-page directive from 2017. The tranche of documents also points to internal disagreement about the repression in the region and was delivered to the Times by a figure from “the Chinese political establishment” who “expressed hope that their disclosure would prevent party leaders, including Xi, from escaping culpability for the mass detentions.”

     Perhaps the most striking document is a classified directive issued to local officials in an eastern Xinjiang city on how to talk to Uighur students who return from other parts of China and discover their relatives and friends have been disappeared into detention camps.

     They were instructed to tell the students that their relatives had been “infected by unhealthy thoughts,” framing the state’s distrust of Muslim minorities in terrifyingly clinical terms. “Freedom is only possible when this ‘virus’ in their thinking is eradicated and they are in good health,” read the directive.

     The Times also reported on evidence of what appears to be a “scoring system” used by officials to determine who gets released from a camp. It incorporates not only the behavior of the detainees, but also the cooperation of relatives outside. “Family members, including you, must abide by the state’s laws and rules, and not believe or spread rumors,” officials were told to say. “Only then can you add points for your family member, and after a period of assessment they can leave the school if they meet course completion standards.”

     The new revelations fit into a wider, horrifying story of repression. China makes independent reporting in Xinjiang virtually impossible — and every foreign reporter invested in covering the story has to weigh the risk of endangering local fixers and sources, many of whom may have already been swept into detention. Meanwhile, analysis of satellite imagery led one researcher to conclude that the authorities have demolished 10,000 to 15,000 religious sites in Xinjiang in recent years. The Washington Post’s editorial page director Fred Hiatt declared: “In China, every day is Kristallnacht.”

     As I wrote in my post of February 10 2022, Why I Write: A Manifesto of Art and Revolution At the Dawn of the South Asian Spring;  We are coordinating actions among networks of democracy and liberation organizations throughout South Asia, systems of alliances referred to as the Milk Tea Movement, in Hong Kong, Beijing and other cities in China, Thailand, and Burma, which during the past year have morphed with protean strangeness to include Taiwan, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, West Papua, the Philippines, Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, East Timor, Sri Lanka, India, Kashmir, possibly a whole emerging South Asian Spring, and now has solidarity with democracy movements as well as direct agents of change within Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, and Libya in one dominion and within Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen in another.

     There is a saying attributed as a Chinese curse but coined by the father of Prime Minister Chamberlain in a speech of 1898, possibly a paraphrase of the line “Better to be a dog in times of tranquility than a human in times of chaos” in a short story of 1627 by Feng Menglong, “May you live in interesting times.”

We are now living in interesting times; whether we make of our time a curse or a fulcrum with which to change the balance of power in the world from tyranny to democracy and free societies of equals rests with each of us.

     How shall we write our witness of history and sacred calling to pursue the truth as what Foucault called truthtellers? In this crucial moment wherein the fate of humankind hangs between tyranny and liberty, how are we to perform an ars poetica of revolution?

      One way to describe our experience of our time is to focus on externalities, much as Flaubert did in his attempt to remove his own authorial voice from his stories in service to Reason. Such an exercise yields narratives much like the daily current events briefing I gave to my Forensics classes during Extemp Prep, a team current events speaking competition. Perhaps the best example today is the newsletter of Heather Cox Richardson, a historian who writes the most impartial and trustworthy daily news brief as current history. Its a unique approach to events unfolding around us in real time, and her references and contexts are authoritative and reliable.

     To contrast and compare her art to mine as rhetoric, I write here in my daily political journal what may be described as strategy, intelligence, and policy guidance for the antifascist community and allied revolutionary, liberation, and democracy movements throughout the world and its Autonomous Zones and Abraham Lincoln Brigades. That the motto of my publication Torch of Liberty is “to incite, provoke, and disturb” should give warning that I make no pretense to impartial and nonpartisan writing.

     My biases are defined first by my values, including liberty, equality, truth and justice, nonviolence and our universal human rights, and their praxis as causes, and secondly by the windmills against which I tilt; unequal power, authority and authorized identities, normality and the tyranny of other peoples ideas of virtue, tyrannies of force and control and carceral states of police terror and institutionalized violence, militarism and imperial conquest, dominion, and colonialism, fascisms of blood, faith, and soil and their systemic and historical instruments patriarchy and racism, divisions of exclusionary otherness and hierarchies of membership and belonging, elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, and the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force which drives all of this.

     In this revolutionary struggle I place my life in the balance with those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased. And if you are among them or their allies who refuse to submit to tyranny and terror, this I say to you; I am not a good man, but I may be someone who can help.

     I hope to be more useful than a good man, whose scope of action is limited by the false morality of those who would enslave us among the imposed conditions of struggle and the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue, as Shaw teaches us through the figure of Eliza’s father in Pygmalion and the gorgeous film My Fair Lady.

     We must resist division in service to power into the deserving and the undeserving by a moral burden of merit as a hierarchy of otherness and membership in hegemonic elites. Let us answer merit and caste with equality and universal human rights, and division, especially fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, with solidarity.

      Neither of us need to be good in order to help or receive help, merely in need or able to help where needed as a duty of care for others which honors our common humanity and recognizes our interdependence.

     So I say again, I am not a good man, for I accept no limits and trust no authority, and I practice as sacred acts seizures of power, disruptions of order and bringing the Chaos, the transgression of the Forbidden, violation of normalities, subversions of authorized identities, the pursuit of truth, believing impossible things but only those I myself have created or chosen, and poetic vision as the reimagination and transformation of our limitless possibilities of becoming human.

      And if you are among the outcast, the broken and the lost, the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, I am a bad man who is on your side.

     As written by Julian Borger in The Guardian; “The outgoing UN human rights commissioner, Michelle Bachelet, has said that China had committed “serious human rights violations” against Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang province which may amount to crimes against humanity.

     Bachelet’s damning report was published with only 11 minutes to go before her term came to an end at midnight Geneva time. Publication was delayed by the eleventh-hour delivery of an official Chinese response that contained names and pictures of individuals that had to be blacked out by the UN commissioner’s office for privacy and safety reasons.

     The Chinese government, which attempted until the last moment to stop the publication of the report, rejected it as an anti-China smear, while Uyghur human rights groups hailed it as a turning point in the international response to the programme of mass incarceration.

     The 45-page report by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) concluded: “The extent of arbitrary and discriminatory detention of members of Uyghur and other predominantly Muslim groups, pursuant to law and policy, in context of restrictions and deprivation more generally of fundamental rights enjoyed individually and collectively, may constitute international crimes, in particular crimes against humanity.”

     The Chinese government, which attempted until the last moment to stop the publication of the report, said in an official response that it was “based on the disinformation and lies fabricated by anti-China forces” and that it “wantonly smears and slanders” China and interfered in the country’s internal affairs.

     The Chinese response was accompanied by a 121-page counter-report, emphasising the threat of terrorism and the stability that the state programme of “de-radicalisation” and “vocational education and training centres” has brought to Xinjiang.

     Human rights organisations welcomed the report. Omer Kanat, the executive director of the Uyghur Human Rights Project pressure group said it was “a game-changer for the international response to the Uyghur crisis”.

     “Despite the Chinese government’s strenuous denials, the UN has now officially recognized that horrific crimes are occurring,” Kanat said.

     Over the past five years, China swept an estimated million Uyghurs and other minority groups into internment camps which it termed training centres. Some of the centres have since been closed but there are still thought to be hundreds of thousands still incarcerated. In several hundred cases families had no idea about the fate of relatives who had been detained.

     Out of 26 former inmates interviewed by UN investigators, two-thirds “reported having been subjected to treatment that would amount to torture and/or other forms of ill-treatment”.

     The abuses described included beatings with electric batons while being strapped in a “tiger chair” (to which inmates are strapped by their hands and feet), extended solitary confinement, as well as what appeared to be a form of waterboarding, “being subjected to interrogation with water being poured in their faces”.

     The US and some other countries have said the mass incarceration of Uyghurs and other Muslims in Xinjiang, the destruction of mosques and communities and forced abortion and sterilisation, amount to genocide. The UN report does not mention genocide but says allegations of torture, including force medical procedures, as well as sexual violence were all “credible”.

     It said that the authorities had deemed violations of the three-child official limit on family size to be an indicator of “extremism”, leading to internment.

     “Several women interviewed by OHCHR raised allegations of forced birth control, in particular forced IUD [intrauterine device] placements and possible forced sterilisations with respect to Uyghur and ethnic Kazakh women. Some women spoke of the risk of harsh punishments including “internment” or “imprisonment” for violations of the family planning policy,” the report said.

     “Among these, OHCHR interviewed some women who said they were forced to have abortions or forced to have IUDs inserted, after having reached the permitted number of children under the family planning policy. These first-hand accounts, although limited in number, are considered credible.”

     In the report, Bachelet, a former Chilean president, noted that the average rate of sterilisation per 100,000 inhabitants in China as a whole was just over 32. In the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region it was 243.

       “Serious human rights violations have been committed in [the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region] in the context of the government’s application of counter-terrorism and counter-‘extremism’ strategies,” the report said. “These patterns of restrictions are characterized by a discriminatory component, as the underlying acts often directly or indirectly affect Uyghur and other predominantly Muslim communities.”

     The report calls on the Chinese government to “take prompt steps to release all individuals arbitrarily deprived of their liberty” in Xinjiang and “urgently clarify the whereabouts of individuals whose families have been seeking information about their loved ones”.

     Sophie Richardson, China director at Human Rights Watch, said: “The United Nations Human Rights Council should use the report to initiate a comprehensive investigation into the Chinese government’s crimes against humanity targeting the Uyghurs and others – and hold those responsible to account.”

     As I wrote in my post of October 5 2020, Occupation and Exile: Hong Kong;      As the iron talons of the Chinese Communist Party close upon their prize conquest of Hong Kong, eager to batten onto the legacy of wealth and influence generations of freedom has built, they begin to kill the thing they most desire, hammering dissent and a free market of ideas which they cannot swallow and survive with brutal repression, revealed before the world as a tyranny of state terror and thought control; for this is a golden egg which cannot be extracted from its goose without destroying it.

     The unrivaled trading and financial power of Hong Kong emerges from its innovation and traditions of open intellectual research and debate; democracy and universal human rights, among them being the sacrosanct nature of pursuit of the truth and of scientific and academic discovery. Send forces of occupation and political control to repress freedom of thought and the self-ownership of autonomous individuals, and the state annihilates the conditions which made their conquest valuable. Let them continue, and that conquest will utterly transform its conqueror with its alien Enlightenment values and ideals. Such is the dilemma which now confronts the CCP; the one which confronts the world is that we must intervene to liberate Hong Kong now while our options still include those other than war.

     Xi Jinping’s Communist government, which squats upon mainland China like a miasma of contagion and darkness, as xenophobic as any fascist military dictatorship, as authoritarian as any feudal monarchy of the divine right of kings, and eyeing its neighbors hungrily as an imperial power with designs upon the liberty of any Chinese person anywhere and on the cities which they inhabit as future conquests, remains a threat not only to Hong Kong, but to all humankind.

     As I wrote in my post of February 3; In this the Chinese Communist Party follows the First Rule of Tyranny; When the state’s absolute monopoly on power is in doubt, kill everyone not personally loyal to you. This aphorism, not included in the public version of the Red Book, was put into practice by Mao when he seized totalitarian control of the CCP during the Jiangxi Soviet Massacre in 1935 by killing three out of four of its members, the true origin of the Chinese Communist Party as it exists today as a structure of state terror and thought control.

     What then can we do? First America and the free world must recognize the independence and sovereignty of Hong Kong; second we and our allies must enact a total Boycott, Divestiture, and Sanction of all trade and manufacture with mainland China.

     Shall we be collaborators and profiteers of slave labor, or shall we stand in solidarity to cast down from their thrones all those who would enslave us?

     In the lyrics of the Chinese national anthem, “Arise, ye who refuse to be slaves.”

The Hunger Games Salute of the Revolution

“If we Burn, You Burn With Us”

The Hunger Games: Mockingjay – Part 1; Fire Catches

The Troublemaker: How Jimmy Lai Became a Billionaire, Hong Kong’s Greatest Dissident, and China’s Most Feared Critic, Mark L. Clifford

JONAH AND LEVIATHAN

Inner-Biblical Allusions and the Problem with Dragons

The rise and fall of Jimmy Lai, whose trajectory mirrored that of Hong Kong itself: Progressing from child labourer to billionaire, Lai used his power and wealth to promote democracy, which ultimately pitted him against authorities in Beijing

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/15/jimmy-lai-rise-fall-hong-kong-itself

Hong Kong: Jimmy Lai facing life in prison after conviction on security charges

Rights groups dismiss ‘sham conviction’ of media tycoon on national security offences in city’s most closely watched rulings in decades

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/15/jimmy-lai-verdict-hong-kong-judges-national-security-charges

     Why we fight: the stakes of the Hong Kong liberation struggle can be seen in the corpses of political prisoners which toured the world as the CCP’s threat of terror and atrocities to silence global dissent.

     They are coming for us and for all democracy protestors with teams of assassins throughout the world, and we must come for them first and bring regime change to the Chinese Communist Party.

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-5602971/Real-Bodies-Exhibition-cadavers-come-Chinese-political-prisoners.html

Governments and rights groups condemn conviction of Hong Kong activist Jimmy Lai: UK, EU and Australia say guilty verdict against 78-year-old is further blow to democracy and press freedom in territory

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/15/uk-condemns-hong-kongs-politically-motivated-targeting-of-jimmy-lai-after-conviction?fbclid=IwY2xjawOuZDJleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEeC4oUVHW1WV__9mck0f17j7sclTV4J1ATJzVgKISRnSb22WfHAgV1E-uQ7ro_aem_d9pxv9vTiQWgNUeuZNzDDg

     Give the Devil his due; Trump makes performative noises of protest and objection to his collaborator in constructing a police state of surveillance and repression.

Trump urges Xi Jinping to free HK pro-democracy media tycoon Jimmy Lai

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/16/trump-urges-xi-jinping-to-free-hk-pro-democracy-media-tycoon-jimmy-lai?fbclid=IwY2xjawOuV4pleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEesoTZEBoQ-jPpL_dw9D20KRg6CBSpObpIVUkS6R6g92kS0VPPznklybpBgmo_aem_qbMqx4gx0gFhTrEhTApkAQ

Chinese

2025年12月116日 黎智英的噤聲:被佔領香港的暴政與恐怖

隨著黎智英歷史性審判的落幕,黑暗徹底吞噬了香港——這顆閃耀著中國民主希望的燈塔——如同利維坦吞噬約拿。基督教神學將其解讀為耶穌下地獄的平行預兆;但與神話和文學作品中約拿及其倒影不同,黎智英恐怕難以從地獄深淵中凱旋而歸。

在中國共產黨政權統治下,自由和我們普世人權的長期崩潰,我深感悲痛,在哀歌中見證並銘記著她無盡的哀歌,同時也在反抗國家暴政和恐怖、頌揚香港和大陸不屈不撓的中華人民的鬥爭中,他們正遭受著一個殘暴反人道、荒誕可笑的政權的鐵蹄踐踏。這個政權充斥著謊言和幻象,如同美國的川普政權,奉行希特勒將國家視為政治舞台的理念,奉行與阿爾託的「殘酷劇場」相符的表演性恐懼政治,奉行國家即暴力的原則。

關於人民和我們自由的捍衛者黎智英的命運,我向你們推薦黑人解放軍和五一九聯盟革命鬥爭英雄的榜樣,其中包括將阿薩塔·沙庫爾從監獄中救出的庫瓦西·巴拉貢。我們的香港解放軍在哪裡?

致暴君習近平、他的爪牙、幫兇和占領香港的軍隊,致所有製造恐懼的官僚和暴力化身的國家,致所有無論出現在哪裡的監禁式強制和控制國家,我以嘲笑鳥的口吻說:“如果我們被燒死,你們也得跟著燒死。”

致所有革命和解放鬥爭中的同志們,我以納爾遜·曼德拉的口吻說:正如他在獄中劃出莎士比亞《尤利烏斯·凱撒》中的名句“暴君必亡”(Sic Semper Tyrannis)一樣,授權對南非種族隔離政權採取直接行動。

反抗並拒絕被征服的人,不信違抗的人,將變得不可戰勝,無法被擊敗;這就是我們的勝利,也是我們永遠無法被奪走的力量。歷史的前進勢不可擋,因為權力的最大秘密在於它的脆弱和空洞,一旦遭遇拒絕、懷疑和不服從,便會化為烏有。

因為我們人數眾多,我們正在觀察,我們就是未來。

                    References

A Soldier’s Story: Revolutionary Writings by a New Afrikan Anarchist,

Kuwasi Balagoon

Assata: An Autobiography, Assata Shakur, Angela Davis (Foreword),

Lennox S. Hinds (Foreword)

https://www.thoughtco.com/china-lease-hong-kong-to-britain-195153

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/jul/04/hong-kongs-brash-bid-to-catch-overseas-activists-chafes-against-its-claim-to-be-open-for-business?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/gallery/2022/jul/01/25th-anniversary-of-the-handover-of-hong-kong-in-pictures

https://www.state.gov/hong-kong-25-years-after-handover/

https://www.cnn.com/asia/live-news/hong-kong-china-anniversary-07-01-22-intl-hnk/index.html

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/jul/01/a-painful-lesson-xi-emphasises-new-era-of-stability-for-hong-kong?CMP=share_btn_link

China’s Claim to the South China Sea, enforced by an archipelago of artificial island fortresses as the launchpad for the conquest of the Pacific Rim

https://theconversation.com/what-is-the-nine-dash-line-and-what-does-it-have-to-do-with-the-barbie-movie-209043

UN report on China’s Crimes Against Humanity in Xinjiang

Final arguments conclude in Jimmy Lai national security trial in Hong Kong:

Government-picked judges consider verdict in high-profile case against pro-democracy media mogul

We used to joke about Hong Kong’s terror laws, but now my friends and family have gone silent, Alan Lau

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2024/dec/02/hong-kong-terror-laws-jailing-pro-democracy-activists-surveillance-police

Five years on, Hong Kong’s national security law extinguishes last standing pro-democracy party

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/jul/01/five-years-on-hong-kong-national-security-law-pro-democracy-party-league-of-social-democrats-china

Hong Kong issues arrest warrants for 19 activists based overseas

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/jul/26/hong-kong-issues-arrest-warrants-for-19-activists-based-overseas

The Guardian view on a showtrial in Hong Kong: a new authoritarian low: The jailing of 45 pro-democracy activists testifies to the ruthless suppression of a once-vibrant civil society

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/nov/19/the-guardian-view-on-a-showtrial-in-hong-kong-a-new-authoritarian-low

Unfree Speech: The Threat to Global Democracy and Why We Must Act, Now,

Joshua Wong, Jason Y. Ng, Ai Weiwei (Introduction)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/49964359-unfree-speech

Freedom: How We Lose It and How We Fight Back, by Nathan Law

                   Histories of the Umbrella Revolution, a reading ;ist

Umbrellas in Bloom: Hong Kong’s Occupy Movement Uncovered, Jason Y. Ng, Joshua Wong (Foreword), Chip Tsao (Foreword)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/29386104-umbrellas-in-bloom

 Today Hong Kong, Tomorrow the World: what China’s Crackdown Reveals about Its Plans to End Freedom Everywhere, Mark L. Clifford

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/58672970-today-hong-kong-tomorrow-the-world

Umbrella: A Political Tale from Hong Kong, Kong Tsung-gan

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/36260039-umbrella

As long as there is resistance, there is hope: Essays on the Hong Kong freedom struggle in the post-Umbrella Movement era, 2014-2018, Kong Tsung-gan

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/44804861-as-long-as-there-is-resistance-there-is-hope

                   Hong Kong Under Communist Party Occupation, in film and literature

          Best film for Understanding Hong Kong today

Peg o’ My Heart review – Hong Kong’s disordered dream life is focus of Lynchian thriller

https://www.theguardian.com/film/2025/may/05/peg-o-my-heart-review-hong-kongs-disordered-dream-life-is-focus-of-lynchian-thriller

           Best literature by Current Hong Kong Authors

The Impossible City: A Hong Kong Memoir, Karen Cheung

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/58082211-the-impossible-city

The Borrowed, Chan Ho-Kei, Jeremy Tiang (Translator)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/30119105-the-borrowed

Atlas: The Archaeology of an Imaginary City, Dung Kai-cheung, Qizhang Dong, Anders Hansson (Translator)

City at the End of Time: Poems by Leung Ping-Kwan, Ping Kwan Leung

Diamond Hill, Kit Fan

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/57088921/reviews?reviewFilters=eyJhZnRlciI6Ik1UWXhMREUyTVRVMU16YzVNakkyTWpBIn0%3D

               2023 News and References

Western politicians face tough balancing act on visits to Beijing

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/aug/30/western-politicians-face-tough-balancing-act-on-visits-to-beijing?CMP=share_btn_link

Xi urges more work to ‘control illegal religious activities’ in Xinjiang

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/aug/28/xi-urges-more-work-to-control-religious-activities-in-xinjiang-on-surprise-visit?CMP=share_btn_link

Hong Kong: Cantonese language group shuts down after targeting by national security police

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/aug/29/hong-kong-cantonese-language-group-shuts-down-after-targeting-by-national-security-police?CMP=share_btn_link

China wants to erase Tibet. Will Britain stay quiet about this crime? | Simon Tisdall

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2023/aug/27/china-wants-to-erase-tibet-will-britain-stay-quiet-about-this?CMP=share_btn_link

UK should take China to task on human rights and Taiwan

https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2023/aug/30/uk-should-take-china-to-task-on-human-rights-and-taiwan-mps-say?CMP=share_btn_link

Meta closes nearly 9,000 Facebook and Instagram accounts linked to Chinese ‘Spamouflage’ foreign influence campaign

https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2023/aug/30/meta-facebook-instagram-shuts-down-spamouflage-network-china-foreign-influence?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/aug/31/china-uyghur-muslims-xinjiang-michelle-bachelet-un?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/may/24/thousands-of-detained-uyghurs-pictured-in-leaked-xinjiang-police-files?CMP=share_btn_link

Chinese

2025 年 7 月 1 日 香港回歸中國、民主淪為暴政 27 週年

     今年七月是英國將香港拋棄為監獄狀態二十六週年,我們哀悼並組織抵抗活動,爭取將香港作為一個主權和獨立國家從可惡的中國共產黨的帝國征服和統治下解放出來。 武力和控制從來都不是1898年最初簽訂租約的中國的合法繼承者,而且它所象徵的民主制度標誌性地淪為暴政和國家恐怖。

     去年7月1日,卑鄙的暴君、侵犯人權的罪犯習近平走在香港街頭,他是一個伏擊的掠奪者,臉上掩飾不住他征服和奴役世界的意圖,首先是香港 金剛作為征服環太平洋的跳板。

     1940年他訪問巴黎時為何要效仿希特勒來舉行凱旋遊行? 恐嚇人民屈服,親自宣稱自己是征服者和帝國占領的領土,在中國祇有恐懼和武力的情況下強化虛幻的合法性? 所有這些事情,還有一件事; 這也是一種營銷噱頭,針對的是暴政中的一個夥伴,可以推翻他的政權並解放香港和中國人民以及國際商界。 他提出,請將您的製造業工作崗位發送給我們; 我們有奴隸。

    如果我們不把香港從他的魔爪下解放出來,我們將在舊金山、聖地亞哥、西雅圖、新加坡、吉隆坡、雅加達、馬尼拉、加爾各答、曼谷、悉尼和墨爾本的街頭為生存而戰, 東京和橫濱,任何一個擁有海外華人社區的城市,中國共產黨政府都將其視為自己的公民,無論他們是否同意接受北京的統治。 中共對同意不感興趣; 我們只需看看新疆巨大的監獄和勞改營,就能看到他們留給人類的世界願景。

     讓我們與香港和中國人民團結一致,爭取自由和平等的自由社會。

      世界自由國家何時才能承認香港的獨立和主權,並與香港人民並肩行動,推翻中共的暴政?

     黑旗從香港的路障中飄揚,自第一國際和巴黎公社老兵使用以來,它的主要含義一直沒有改變; 自由對抗暴政,廢除國家恐怖、監視和控制,抵制血腥、信仰和土地的民族主義,以及放棄社會使用武力。

      人們用這個大膽的信號宣告:我們將不受任何人統治。

      我們應該成為奴隸勞動的合作者和奸商,還是應該團結一致,將所有那些奴役我們的人從他們的寶座上推翻?

      中國國歌的歌詞是:“不願為奴的人起來吧。”

      正如我在 2022 年 2 月 15 日的文章《怪物、怪胎、違禁、自然的神聖野性和我們自己的野性:論作為愛與慾望的混沌》中所寫的那樣; 近年來,在中國新年的最後一次慶祝活動和幾個近乎不眠之夜的惡作劇之後,民主抗議者和革命者在爭取從中國解放和獨立的鬥爭中多次佔領獅子山,俯瞰香港的日出 對於在節日掩護下的暴君,我的思想轉向自由的本質和自然的自由,我們自己是狂野而光榮的事物,愛和慾望是無政府主義的解放力量,是對禁忌和世界界限的侵犯。 違反規範是從他人的美德觀念的暴政和拒絕服從權威中奪取權力。

      自由,以及隨之而來的一切; 首先,自由是自然的野性和我們自己的野性,是對血統、信仰和土壤的授權身份和法西斯主義的蔑視,是愛和慾望的解放混沌力量,而所有這一切都是重新想像和轉變的神聖行為 我們自己以及人類的可能性、意義和價值。

      以及我們無數可能的未來,它們在我們的日常生活中自行整理,就像蜂鳥飛行控制的颶風一樣; 暴政或自由,滅絕或生存。

      秩序及其形式,如父權制和種族主義、階級和種姓的權威、權力、資本和霸權精英,它們產生於瓦格納式的恐懼、權力和武力之環,它通過偽造、商品化和非人化和非人化來侵占和征服我們。 將差異性和歸屬感的等級制度以及血統、信仰和土壤的法西斯主義武器化,並創建國家作為嵌入

令人厭惡的暴力、武力和控制的暴政、警察和軍事恐怖的監禁國家、帝國征服和殖民同化和剝削的統治; 所有這些系統和結構都誕生於恐懼之中,壓倒性和普遍性的恐懼被武器化,以服務於權力和服從權威,它們都有一個關鍵的弱點,沒有這個弱點,它們就無法產生並維持不平等的權力,因為這需要放棄愛。

     混沌以愛的全面且無法控制的神聖瘋狂作為它的捍衛者,它跨越了所有界限,將我們團結起來,採取團結一致的行動,反對那些奴役我們的人。

     愛使我們超越自我和皮膚的界限,打破作為強加的鬥爭條件的授權身份和敘述,奪取權力作為我們自己的所有權,並揭示他人的具體真相。

      一旦我們將民主定義為平等的自由社會和愛的實踐,就可以衍生出一些原則作為革命和奪取權力的藝術。

      訂單適當; 混沌自治。

      秩序是不平等的權力和系統性的暴力; 混沌就是自由、平等、相互依存、和諧。

      秩序通過劃分和等級制來征服; 混亂通過平等和團結來解放。

       權威造假; 福柯所謂的“講真話”和“歷史見證”向權力說真話或直言,賦予我們追求真理、剝奪暴君合法性的神聖使命的真實性。

       時刻關注幕後的人。 正如多蘿西對奧茲所說,他只是一個老騙子。

       公民的四個主要職責是質疑權威、揭露權威、模擬權威和挑戰權威。

      不存在公正的權威。

       法律服務於權力和權威; 越界和拒絕屈服賦予自由和自我所有權,作為成為人類和不被征服的主要行為。

       永遠要經過禁門。 正如馬克斯·施蒂納所寫; “自由不能被授予; 必須抓住它。”

      這就是我的革命和民主的藝術——愛; 仍然存在著詩意的願景、對我們自己的重新想像和轉變,以及我們成為人類的無限可能性,而愛和慾望是不可征服的信息、激勵和塑造力量,以及人類固有的存在領域和力量,它們不能作為內在的真理從我們手中奪走。 愛和慾望是野性的形式,是真理的體現,它為我們提供了自由的定義,即自然的野性和我們自己的野性。

      正如我在 2022 年 2 月 12 日的文章《種族滅絕遊戲:香港案例》中所寫。 我不喜歡你,習近平; 與湯姆·布朗 (Tom Brown) 1680 年受人喜愛的詩中的菲爾博士 (Dr Fell) 不同,作為一個說真話的人和歷史的見證者,我既知道也能說出原因; 國家恐怖和暴政、武力和思想控制的監獄國家、警察的失踪和酷刑、普遍監視、偽造宣傳和虛構歷史、帝國征服和殖民剝削、奴役和種族滅絕種族清洗、血腥法西斯主義、意識形態 作為信仰,作為土壤; 這一切我都指責習近平和中國共產黨。

     我之所以能夠說出這些話,是因為我作為一名美國公民享有獲取信息的自由,因為美國國家的透明度以及舉報人和說真話者在我們社會中的法律保護和英雄地位是防止秘密的防火牆 權力,因為追求真理的神聖使命既是公民的權利,又是普遍的人權,屬於平行且相互依存的一系列權利,而共同捍衛這些權利是國家的首要目的。

      任何作為其公民權利保障者的國家都被賦予合法性、信任和代表權。 由此推論,任何主要目的不是保障個人權利的國家都不具有這種合法性。

      我們必須是平等的民主和自由社會,否則就是暴君的奴隸。

      我們必須抵制這一點。

2025 年 8 月 29 日 聯合國關於中國對新疆少數民族進行種族滅絕的巴切萊特報告週年

     一年前的今天,聯合國宣布中國共產黨在新疆的政策是種族滅絕、奴役和反人類罪,這是正義的勝利,也是揭露暴政謊言和偽造的勝利。

     今天,我們在香港劉智明案審判的陰影下紀念這個週年,因為中共佔領政權發動法律戰,進行國家恐怖統治,壓制異議,而新聞業則被視為追求真相的神聖使命.

     國際社會有必要對習近平政權的殘酷和非人化進行清算,並與中國人民一起進行解放鬥爭。

       中國在新疆犯下的可怕罪行是一條界定人類極限和國家合法性的邊界,這是我們必須捍衛的一條線,或者向世界各地的國家放棄我們作為平等的自由社會的普遍人權和民主的原則其中國家由其公民共同擁有,作為其權利的保障者。

       任何國家只有一個條件才能成為合法國家,那就是它充當公民和人類平行且相互依存的權利的保障者,並平衡這些權利,使任何人都不得侵犯這些權利。另一個。

      因為一旦我們將人性交給國家,成為物而不是人,成為他人權力和利益的工具,通過偽造、商品化和非人化的製度,通過卑賤和習得性無助而被監禁的武力和控制狀態所征服,精英歸屬感和排他性的分裂和授權身份,以及血統、土壤和信仰的法西斯主義,我們允許那些奴役我們的人將我們餵入國家機器,作為精神病和體現暴力的精英霸權的原材料。財富、權力和特權。

      讓我們對壓迫制度、法西斯主義和暴政給予唯一應有的回應; 再也不!

正如我在 2020 年 8 月 19 日的文章《中國的大屠殺:新疆維吾爾人的種族滅絕和香港的殖民化; 它始於沉默長城和對真相的控制,鎮壓異見和壓制黃之鋒、黎智英、蔡霞等英雄,但總是以新疆那樣的集中營結束; 暴政和法西斯主義的道路永遠導致墮落和非人化。

      當一個政府對少數民族和宗教少數群體進行消滅和種族滅絕,並通過他們在集中營的奴役勞動獲利時,你會怎麼稱呼它?

     我稱之為大屠殺。

      你怎麼稱呼一個政府,它使用強迫絕育、大規模綁架、酷刑、謀殺、將兒童送到孤兒院只用官方語言進行教育、取締宗教活動以及所有這些以及更多針對這些人的恐怖和反人類罪行誰不符合當局的血統、信仰和土壤範式?

     我稱之為法西斯主義。

     我想說的是,無論這些政府對他們的罪行、他們自稱的人或他們不人道的細節所說的任何謊言,都毫無意義。 重要的是這一點; 強者正在傷害弱者和被剝奪者。

      我們是否應該讓弱勢群體和那些被弗朗茨·法農稱為“地球上的不幸者”的人孤立無援? 所有人類都是我們的兄弟姐妹嗎?

      在對新疆維吾爾族穆斯林的征服和種族滅絕中,中國共產黨暴露了他們作為武力和控制的排外獨裁國家和國家恐怖和暴政犯罪組織的真實本質。 他們是一個沒有合法性的政府。

      我們應該成為奴隸勞動的合作者和奸商,還是應該團結一致,將所有那些奴役我們的人從他們的寶座上推翻?

      中國國歌的歌詞是:“不願為奴的人起來吧。”

      正如我在 2020 年 7 月 1 日的文章《恐怖帝國和種族主義種族滅絕:香港的陷落和新疆維吾爾族的絕育》中所寫的那樣; 在英國將香港移交給其繼任帝國北京的黑暗堡壘週年紀念日之際,中國共產黨及其國家恐怖政權的第一波大規模逮捕和反人類罪行席捲香港。新疆維吾爾族和宗教少數群體的婦女在種族清洗和種族滅絕計劃中被強制絕育,這與再教育監獄中的清除運動相似,她們的語言、信仰、歷史和作為一個民族的身份被竊取,世界目睹著另一場不人道的景象展現在我們面前,人類目瞪口呆,文明無助地屈服於返祖的野蠻行為。

      當掠奪者到來,將弱者和被剝奪者從人類群體中消滅時,我們再次無能為力,因為如果沒有反對武力暴政和控制的統一戰線,我們中最殘酷和最不道德的人就會獲勝。

      路德教會牧師馬丁·尼默勒(Martin Niemöller)對大屠殺背景下面對邪惡保持沉默的同謀提出了著名的譴責,但它作為一項普遍原則適用; “首先他們是針對社會主義者的,我沒有說話——因為我不是社會主義者。

      然後他們來抓工會成員,我沒有說話——因為我不是工會成員。

      然後他們來抓猶太人,我沒有說話——因為我不是猶太人。

      然後他們來找我——沒有人能為我說話了。”

          正如我在 2019 年 10 月 6 日的文章《仇殺生:香港反抗暴政和國家恐怖; 我是一個人,理解力有限,儘管我在許多地方戴著許多面具,並且並非我所有的事業都失去了; 儘管我所有的希望和一生的最後立場,我仍然要反抗和捍衛。

     對於我們許多可能的未來,我只能這麼說; 當我們找到抵抗和變得更好的意願時,一切都還沒有失去,也沒有什麼是不可挽回的。

      所以我要向你們傳達《V字仇殺隊》中艾倫·摩爾的話; “自人類誕生以來,一小撮壓迫者就承擔了我們本應承擔的生命責任。 通過這樣做,他們奪取了我們的權力。 我們什麼都不做,就把它放棄了。 我們已經看到了他們的道路,穿過營地和戰爭,通向屠宰場。”

      正如我在 2022 年 2 月 11 日的文章《種族滅絕運動會:新疆案例》中所寫的那樣; 一年前,我在2021年2月19日的帖子中寫道,中國種族滅絕、奴隸制、性恐怖; 中國共產黨應對巨大的恐怖事件負責,包括仇外的種族清洗和奴隸制。 但如果我們購買不公正的產品,我們也有責任。

      就像恐怖電影中的怪物在我們分心時從黑暗中襲擊一樣,新的揭露揭露了中國政府的行為

針對新疆伊斯蘭少數民族的強姦和性恐怖事件。

       如果有人質疑非宗派政府以及政教分離原則對民主和普遍人權的中心地位,請考慮一下也門和新疆的例子。

      自從我寫下這些支持抵制、撤資和製裁中國運動的文字以來,中國人民或其帝國征服的西藏、新疆和香港幾乎沒有發生什麼變化,比如受害者的恐怖尖叫聲中國的暴政和恐怖,被他們職業的黑暗咆哮的深淵吞噬,幾乎消失在人類的記憶和歷史的見證中,就像無數被沉默和被抹去的生命一樣。

      但我記得,並見證。

      在新疆的例子中,我們可以看到種族主義和宗派恐怖之間的聯繫,如係統性暴力、帝國征服、殖民統治和剝削。

      這也是當今世界制度化的非人化和奴役中暴力和思想控制的監禁狀態的最可怕的例子; 因為新疆是中國美麗新世界的實驗室,他們正在向全球其他暴政國家輸出非人化、商品化和偽造技術。

     如果我們不採取任何行動來改變這一反人類的滔天罪行,也不破壞習近平征服環太平洋地區的計劃,那麼我們就可以在新疆看到等待著我們所有人的未來。

      讓我們與中國、新疆、西藏和香港的人民團結起來,聲援反對暴政和恐怖政權的帝國征服和占領,趁我們還有能力的時候。

正如我在 2022 年 2 月 10 日的文章《我為何寫作:南亞之春黎明時的藝術與革命宣言》中所寫; 我們正在協調整個南亞的民主和解放組織網絡之間的行動,這些聯盟系統被稱為“奶茶運動”,在香港、北京以及中國、泰國和緬甸的其他城市,在過去的一年裡,這些網絡已經發生了變化。千變萬化的陌生感包括台灣、馬來西亞、新加坡、印度尼西亞、西巴布亞、菲律賓、文萊、柬埔寨、老撾、越南、東帝汶、斯里蘭卡、印度、克什米爾,可能還有整個新興的南亞之春,現在與民主團結在一起一個自治領的俄羅斯、白俄羅斯、哈薩克斯坦、烏克蘭和利比亞以及另一個自治領的伊朗、伊拉克、敘利亞、黎巴嫩和也門境內的運動以及變革的直接推動者。

      有句話被認為是中國人的咒語,但卻是英國首相張伯倫的父親在 1898 年的一次演講中創造的,可能是對《寧作狗,不作亂時人》的釋義。馮夢龍1627年的短篇小說《願你生活在有趣的時代》。

我們現在生活在一個有趣的時代; 我們是否將我們的時代視為詛咒,還是將世界力量平衡從專制轉向民主和平等的自由社會的支點,取決於我們每個人。

      我們該如何書寫我們的歷史見證和神聖使命,成為福柯所說的說真話的人? 在人類命運懸於暴政與自由之間的關鍵時刻,我們該如何演繹一場革命詩意藝術?

       描述我們這個時代的經歷的一種方法是關注外部性,就像福樓拜試圖從服務於理性的故事中消除自己的作者聲音一樣。 這樣的練習產生的敘述很像我在 Extemp Prep(一項團隊時事演講比賽)期間為法證學課程提供的每日時事簡報。 也許今天最好的例子是歷史學家希瑟·考克斯·理查森 (Heather Cox Richardson) 的時事通訊,她撰寫了當前歷史上最公正、最值得信賴的每日新聞簡報。 這是一種獨特的方法來實時處理我們周圍發生的事件,她的參考資料和背景都是權威和可靠的。

      為了將她的藝術與我的修辭藝術進行對比和比較,我在我的每日政治日記中寫下可以被描述為反法西斯社區和世界各地及其自治聯盟的革命、解放和民主運動的戰略、情報和政策指導的內容。區域。 我的出版物《自由火炬》的座右銘是“煽動、挑釁和擾亂”,這應該提醒我,我的寫作絕不假裝公正和無黨派。

      我的偏見首先是由我的價值觀決定的,包括自由、平等、真理和正義、非暴力和我們的普遍人權,以及它們作為原因的實踐,其次是由我所反對的風車決定的。 不平等的權力、權威和授權身份,正常性和其他民族美德觀念的暴政,武力和控制的暴政以及警察恐怖和製度化暴力的監獄國家,軍國主義和帝國征服,統治和殖民主義,血腥法西斯主義,信仰,和土壤及其係統性和歷史性工具:父權制和種族主義,排他性的劃分以及成員資格和歸屬的等級制度,財富、權力和特權的精英霸權,以及驅動這一切的瓦格納式的恐懼、權力和武力之環。

      在這場革命鬥爭中,我將自己的生命與那些被弗蘭茨·法農稱為“地球上的不幸者”的人進行了平衡。 那些無權無勢的人、被剝奪的人、被沉默的人、被抹去的人。 如果你是他們中的一員或他們的盟友,拒絕屈服於暴政和恐怖,我對你說: 我不是一個好人,但我可能是一個可以提供幫助的人。

      我希望比一個好人更有用,好人的行動範圍受到那些人的錯誤道德的限制,這些人會把我們奴役在強加的鬥爭條件和其他人的美德觀念的暴政中,正如蕭伯納通過這個人物教導我們的那樣伊麗莎的父親在皮格馬利翁和華麗的電影窈窕淑女。

      我們必須抵制將為權力服務的行為劃分為值得和不值得的人,這種道德負擔是作為霸權精英中的異類和成員資格的等級制度。 讓我們以平等和普遍人權來回應功績和種姓,並以團結來回應分裂,特別是血統、信仰和土壤的法西斯主義。

       我們都不需要為了幫助或接受幫助而表現良好,僅僅需要或能夠在需要時提供幫助,作為照顧他人的責任,尊重我們共同的人性並認識到我們的相互依存性。

      所以我再說一遍,我不是一個好人,因為我不接受任何限制,也不相信任何權威,我把奪取權力、擾亂秩序和帶來災難視為神聖的行為。

混亂、違反禁忌、違反常態、顛覆授權身份、追求真理、相信不可能的事物,但只相信那些我自己創造或選擇的事物,以及詩意的願景,即對我們無限可能性的重新想像和轉變。成為人類。

       如果你是被遺棄的人、破碎的人、失落的人、無能為力的人、被剝奪的人、沉默的人、被抹殺的人,那麼我就是一個站在你這邊的壞人

December 15 2025 While the Children of Palestine Die In Israel’s War of Ethnic Cleansing, Genocide, and Theocratic Terror, and In the Colonial-Imperial Conquest, Dominion, and Occupation of Other People’s Homes, A Celebration of Freedom From State Religion and A Victorious Anticolonial Struggle Which Defined Jewish Identity: Happy Hanukkah

      I say Happy Hanukah to all, in recognition that no matter how much the state of Israel wishes to confuse and conflate Jewish identity with the authority of the state in service to power, these things have nothing to do with each other; indeed the peace and democracy movement within Israel and throughout the global Jewish Diaspora are crucial to the reimagination and transformation of the Israeli state’s institutions of colonial dominion and Occupation and to the emergence of humankind from fascist ideologies of blood, faith, and soil, among them Zionism and the Völkisch-Nationalen Hebräertum ideology of the Israeli state and the Netanyahu regime.

      Hanukkah and Christmas fall near each other, a reminder to us all that the Abrahamic faiths are one faith divided by history.

     In many ways the historic victory over the Seleucid empire which Hanukkah celebrates founded and defined Jewish identity as synonymous with dual political ideals; freedom of religion and anticolonial liberation struggle.

     This is the Hanukkah I celebrate today; the equality and solidarity of all human souls in action as guarantors of each other’s humanity and universal human rights, and in revolutionary struggle and Resistance to authority and tyranny.   

    In the words of Rabbi Jonathan Sacks; “Hanukkah is about the freedom to be true to what we believe without denying the freedom of those who believe otherwise. It’s about lighting our candle, while not being threatened by or threatening anyone else’s candle.”

     As written by Jeremy Scahill in The Intercept in 2023, in an article entitled This Is Not a War Against Hamas: The notion that the war would end if Hamas was overthrown or surrenders is as ahistorical as it is false; “THE EVENTS OF the past week should obliterate any doubt that the war against the Palestinians of Gaza is a joint U.S.–Israeli operation. On Friday, as the Biden administration stood alone among the nations of the world in vetoing a United Nations Security Council resolution calling for an immediate ceasefire, Secretary of State Antony Blinken was busy circumventing congressional review to ram through approval of an “emergency” sale of 13,000 tank rounds to Israel. For weeks, Blinken has been zipping across the Middle East and appearing on scores of television networks in a PR tour aimed at selling the world the notion that the White House is deeply concerned about the fate of Gaza’s 2.2 million residents. “Far too many Palestinians have been killed; far too many have suffered these past weeks, and we want to do everything possible to prevent harm to them,” Blinken declared on November 10. A month later, with the death toll skyrocketing and calls for a ceasefire mounting, Blinken assured the world Israel was implementing new measures to protect civilians and that the U.S. was doing everything it could to encourage Israel to employ a tiny bit more moderation in its widespread killing campaign. Friday’s events decisively flushed those platitudes into a swirling pool of blood.

     Over the past two months, Benjamin Netanyahu has argued, including on U.S. news channels, “Our war is your war.” In retrospect, this wasn’t a plea to the White House. Netanyahu was stating a fact. From the moment President Joe Biden spoke to his “great, great friend” Netanyahu on October 7, in the immediate aftermath of the deadly Hamas-led raids into Israel, the U.S. has not just supplied Israel with additional weapons and intelligence support, it has also offered crucial political cover for the scorched-earth campaign to annihilate Gaza as a Palestinian territory. It is irrelevant what words of concern and caution have flowed from the mouths of administration officials when all of their actions have been aimed at increasing the death and destruction.

     The propaganda from the Biden administration has been so extreme at times that even the Israeli military has suggested they tone it down a notch or two. Biden falsely claimed to see images of “terrorists beheading children” and then knowingly relayed that unverified allegation as fact — including over the objections of his advisers — and publicly questioned the death toll of Palestinian civilians. None of this is by accident, nor can it be attributed to the president’s propensity to exaggerate or stumble into gaffes.

     Everything we know about Biden’s 50-year history of supporting and facilitating Israel’s worst crimes and abuses leads to one conclusion: Biden wants Israel’s destruction of Gaza — with more than 7,000 children dead — to unfold as it has.

    Israel’s Dystopian Game Show

     The horrifying nature of the October 7 attacks led by Hamas do not in any way — morally or legally — justify what Israel has done to the civilian population of Gaza, more than 18,000 of whom have died in a 60-day period. Nothing justifies the killing of children on an industrial scale. What the Israeli state is engaged in has far surpassed any basic principles of proportionality or legality. Israel’s own crimes dwarf those of Hamas and the other groups that participated in the October 7 operations. Yet Biden and other U.S. officials continue to defend the indefensible by rolling out their well-worn and twisted notion of Israel’s right to “self-defense.”

     If we apply that rationale — promoted by both the U.S. and Israel — to the 75 years of history before October 7, how many times throughout that period would the Palestinians have been “justified” in massacring thousands of Israeli children, systematically attacking its hospitals and schools? How many times would they have been acting in “self-defense” as they razed whole neighborhoods to rubble, transforming the apartment buildings Israeli civilians once called home into concrete tombs? This justification only works for Israel because the Palestinians can enact no such destruction upon Israel and its people. It has no army, no navy, no air force, no powerful nation states to provide it with the most modern and lethal military hardware. It does not have hundreds of nuclear weapons. Israel can burn Gaza and its people to the ground because the U.S. facilitates it, politically and militarily.

     Despite all the airtime consumed by Blinken and other U.S. officials playing make-believe on the issue of protecting Palestinian civilians, what has unfolded on the ground is nothing less than a corralling of the population of Gaza into an ever-shrinking killing cage. On December 1, Israel released an interactive map of Gaza dividing it into hundreds of numbered zones. On the Israel Defense Forces’ Arabic language website, it encouraged Gaza’s residents to scan a QR code to download the map and to monitor IDF channels to know when they need to evacuate to a different zone to avoid being murdered by Israeli bombs or ground operations. This is nothing short of a dystopian Netflix show produced by Israel in which its participants have no choice to opt out and a wrong guess will get you and your children maimed or killed. On a basic level, it is grotesque to tell an entrapped population that has limited access to food, water, health care, or housing — and whose internet connections have repeatedly been shut down — to go online to download a survival map from a military force that is terrorizing them.

     Throughout Blinken’s one-man parade proclaiming that the U.S. had made clear to Israel that it needs to protect civilians, Israel has repeatedly struck areas of Gaza to which it had told residents to flee. In some cases, the IDF sent SMS messages to people just 10 minutes before attacking. One such message read: “The IDF will begin a crushing military attack on your area of residence with the aim of eliminating the terrorist organization Hamas.” U.N. Secretary General António Guterres said Palestinians were being treated “like human pinballs – ricocheting between ever-smaller slivers of the south, without any of the basics for survival.” Blinken attributed the continuously mounting pile of Palestinian corpses to “a gap” between Israel’s stated intent to lessen civilian deaths and its operations. “I think the intent is there,” he said. “But the results are not always manifesting themselves.”

     National Security Council spokesperson John Kirby got visibly irritated when asked on December 6 about Israel’s widespread killing of civilians. “It is not the Israeli Defense Forces strategy to kill innocent people. It’s happening. I admit that. Each one is a tragedy,” he said. “But it’s not like the Israelis are sitting around every morning and saying ‘Hey, how many more civilians can we kill today?’ ‘Let’s go bomb a school or a hospital or a residential building and just—and cause civilian casualties.’ They’re not doing that.” One problem with Kirby’s rant is that attacks against civilians, schools, and hospitals are exactly what Israel is doing—repeatedly. It is irrelevant what Kirby believes the IDF’s intent to be. For two months, numerous Israeli officials and lawmakers have said that their intent is to collectively strangle the Palestinians of Gaza into submission, death, or flight.

     Kirby’s claims are also decimated by the revelations in a recent investigative report by the Israeli media outlets 972 and Local Call. The story, based on interviews with seven Israeli military and intelligence sources, described in detail how Israel knows precisely the number of civilians present in buildings it strikes and at times has knowingly killed hundreds of Palestinian civilians in order to kill a single top Hamas commander. “Nothing happens by accident,” one Israeli source said. “When a 3-year-old girl is killed in a home in Gaza, it’s because someone in the army decided it wasn’t a big deal for her to be killed — that it was a price worth paying in order to hit [another] target. We are not Hamas. These are not random rockets. Everything is intentional. We know exactly how much collateral damage there is in every home.”

     As Israel ratchets up its killing machine, giving lie to all of Blinken’s pronouncements, it continues to wage a propaganda war that is consistent with its overarching campaign of mass killing. No lie is too obscene to justify the wholesale slaughter of people that Israel’s defense minister has called “human animals.” According to this campaign, there are no Palestinian children, no Palestinian hospitals, no Palestinian schools. The U.N. is Hamas. Journalists are Hamas. The prime ministers of Belgium, Spain, and Ireland are Hamas. Everything and everyone who dissents in the slightest from the genocidal narrative is Hamas.

     Israel has quite understandably grown accustomed to many Western media outlets accepting its lies — no matter how outrageous or vile — when they are told about Palestinians. But even news outlets with a long track record of promoting Israel’s narrative unchecked have inched toward incredulity. Not because they have had a change of conscience, but because the Israeli propaganda is so farcical that it would be embarrassing to pretend it is otherwise.

     Israeli forces have distributed multiple images and videos in recent days of Palestinian men stripped to their underwear — sometimes wearing blindfolds — and claimed they are all Hamas terrorists surrendering. These claims, too, fell apart under the most minimal scrutiny: Some of the men have been identified as journalists, shop owners, U.N. employees. In one particularly ridiculous piece of propaganda, a video filmed by IDF soldiers and distributed online depicted naked Palestinian captives laying down their alleged rifles.

     Government spokesperson Mark Regev defended the practice of stripping detainees. “Remember, it’s the Middle East and it’s warmer here. Especially during the day when it’s sunny, to be asked to take off your shirt might not be pleasant, but it’s not the end of the world,” Regev told Sky News. “We are looking for people who would have concealed weapons, especially suicide bombers with explosive vests.” Regev was asked about this clear violation of the Geneva Conventions’s prohibition against publishing videos of prisoners of war. “I’m not familiar with that level of international law,” he said, adding (as though it matters) that he did not believe the videos were distributed by official Israeli government channels. “These are military aged men who were arrested in a combat zone,” he said.

     Despite Israeli claims of mass surrenders by Hamas fighters, Haaretz reported that “of the hundreds of Palestinian detainees photographed handcuffed in the Gaza Strip in recent days, about 10 to 15 percent are Hamas operatives or are identified with the organization,” according to Israeli security sources. Israel has produced no evidence to support its claim that even this alleged small pool of the stripped prisoners were Hamas guerrillas.

     So what we have here is both a violation of the Geneva Conventions and an immoral production in which Palestinian civilians are forced at gunpoint to play Hamas fighters in an Israeli propaganda movie.

    No Path of Resistance

     It has become indisputably clear over these past two months that there are not actually two sides to this horror show. Without question, the perpetrators who meted out the horrors against Israeli civilians on October 7 should be held accountable. But that is not what this collective killing operation is about. And journalists should stop pretending it is.

     Any analysis of the Israeli state’s terror campaign against the people of Gaza cannot begin with the events of October 7. An honest examination of the current situation must view October 7 in the context of Israel’s 75-year war against the Palestinians and the past two decades of transforming Gaza first into an open-air prison and now into a killing cage. Under threat of being labeled antisemitic, Israel and its defenders demand acceptance of Israel’s official rationale for its irrational actions as legitimate, even if they are demonstrably false or they seek to justify war crimes. “You look at Israel today. It’s a state that has reached such a degree of irrational, rabid lunacy that its government routinely accuses its closest allies of supporting terrorism,” the Palestinian analyst Mouin Rabbani recently told Intercepted. “It is a state that has become thoroughly incapable of any form of inhibition.”

    Israel has imposed, by lethal force, a rule that Palestinians have no legitimate rights of any form of resistance. When they have organized nonviolent demonstrations, they have been attacked and killed. That was the case in 2018-2019 when Israeli forces opened fire on unarmed protesters during the Great March of Return, killing 223 and wounding more than 8,000 others. Israeli snipers later boasted about shooting dozens of protesters in the knee during the weekly Friday demonstrations. When Palestinians fight back against apartheid soldiers, they are killed or sent into military tribunals. Children who throw rocks at tanks or soldiers are labeled terrorists and subjected to abuse and violations of basic rights — that is, if they are not summarily shot dead. Palestinians live their lives stripped of any context or any recourse to address the grave injustices imposed on them.

     You cannot discuss the crimes of Hamas or Islamic jihad or any other armed resistance factions without first addressing the question of why these groups exist and have support. One aspect of this should certainly probe Netanyahu’s own role — extending back to at least 2012 — in propping up Hamas and facilitating the flow of money to the group. “Anyone who wants to thwart the establishment of a Palestinian state has to support bolstering Hamas and transferring money to Hamas,” Netanyahu told his Likud comrades in 2019.

     But in the broader sense, a sincere examination of why a group such as Hamas gained popularity among Palestinians or why people in Gaza turn to armed struggle must focus on how the oppressed, when stripped of all forms of legitimate resistance, respond to the oppressor. It should be focused on the rights of people living under occupation to assert and defend their self-determination. It should allow Palestinians to have their struggle placed in the context of other historical battles for liberation and independence and not relegated to racist polemics about how all Palestinian acts of resistance constitute terrorism and there are not really any innocents in Gaza. Israel’s president said as much on October 13. “It is an entire nation out there that is responsible,” Isaac Herzog declared. “It is not true this rhetoric about civilians not being aware, not involved. It’s absolutely not true. They could have risen up. They could have fought against that evil regime which took over Gaza in a coup d’etat.”

     The notion that the Palestinians of Gaza could end all of their suffering by overthrowing Hamas is just as ahistorical and false as the oft-repeated claims that the war against Gaza would end if Hamas surrendered and released all Israeli hostages. “Look, this could be over tomorrow,” Blinken said December 10. “If Hamas got out of the way of civilians instead of hiding behind them, if it put down its weapons, if it surrendered.” That, of course, is a crass lie. With or without Hamas, Israel’s war against the Palestinians would endure precisely because of Blinken and his ilk in elite bipartisan U.S. foreign policy circles.

     Throughout the years of U.S. support for Israel’s apartheid regime, it has consistently facilitated Israel’s “mowing the grass” in Gaza. This is not a series of periodic assaults on Hamas — it is a cyclical campaign of terror bombings largely aimed at civilians and civilian infrastructure. The Biden administration is not — and Biden personally has never been — an outside observer or a friend encouraging moderation during an otherwise righteous crusade. None of this slaughter would be occurring if Biden valued Palestinian lives over Israel’s false narratives and its bloody ethnonationalist wars of annihilation repackaged as self-defense. We should end the charade that this is an Israeli war against Hamas. We should call it what it is: a joint U.S.–Israeli war against the people of Gaza.”

     What of American complicity, near uniform across seventy years and rule by  both parties, as sponsors and beneficiaries of Israeli war crimes, state terror, and ethnic cleansing?

      As written by Andre Damon in the World Socialist Web Site, in an article entitled Biden admits Israel is carrying out “indiscriminate bombing”: A confession of complicity in war crimes; “On Tuesday, US President Joe Biden made a series of damning admissions regarding the ongoing genocide in Gaza that makes clear the United States is consciously aiding and abetting what it knows to be war crimes by the Israeli government.

     At a campaign event, Biden stated that Israel is carrying out “indiscriminate bombing” of the civilian population of Gaza. He subsequently added that Israel’s Minister of National Security “Ben-Gvir and company and the new folks, they… They not only want to have retribution, which they should for what the Palestinians—Hamas—did, but against all Palestinians.”

     In other words, Biden admitted that Israel is not making efforts to limit civilian casualties and the reason is that the minister of national security is deliberately seeking to carry out retribution, i.e., collective punishment, against all Palestinian civilians, including unarmed women and children.

     The American president has thus admitted to arming, funding and politically supporting the intentional murder of civilian members of a targetted ethnic group—i.e., genocide. Significantly, even in light of these admissions, Biden reiterated that the United States would continue its unconditional funding and arming of the Israeli military, declaring that “in the meantime, none of it is going to walk away from providing Israel what they need to defend themselves and to finish the job.”

     Indiscriminate attacks are prohibited by the Geneva Conventions Additional Protocol I of 1977. They constitute a war crime under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, and the perpetrators can be prosecuted and held responsible in international and domestic courts.

     Significantly, on multiple occasions, the Biden administration has made clear that the United States has set no limits on the extent to which Israel may target civilians. On November 7, asked whether it is “still the case” that the administration has “no red lines” regarding civilian deaths, National Security Council spokesman John Kirby replied, “That is still the case.”

     Biden’s statements on Tuesday will be “Exhibit A” in any war crimes trial, effectively constituting an admission that the United States is consciously aiding and abetting war crimes by Israel.

     In a press briefing Wednesday, Kirby and State Department spokesman Matthew Miller went into damage control mode, attempting to walk back the president’s statements, with Miller effectively declaring that Biden’s admission did not represent the formal position of the US government. “We have not made a formal determination to that question,” Miller said.

     Asked by a reporter, “Does the president believe, based on those comments, that Israel’s conduct in this war thus far has been in accordance with international law?” Kirby said the opposite of Biden’s statement that Israel is carrying out “indiscriminate bombing.” He maintained, “we know they’ve stated their intent to reduce civilian casualties. And they have acted on that … by publishing a map online.”

     Another reporter asked, “Biden says yesterday, of course, there were indiscriminate attacks, which to the rest of the world is a war crime.”

     To this, Kirby replied, “There is a clear intent by the Israelis and attempt that they have admitted to publicly that they are doing everything they can to reduce civilian casualties.”

     He added, “We’re going to continue to support them… They have every right to defend themselves.”

     The United Nations’ official definition of genocide notes that there are two elements to the crime of genocide, “a mental element” and “a physical element,” with the physical element being “killing members of the group” or “causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group.” Israel has killed at least 10,000 Palestinian children and injured tens of thousands more.

     But, the UN notes, “The intent is the most difficult element to determine.” It adds, “To constitute genocide, there must be a proven intent on the part of perpetrators to physically destroy a national, ethnic, racial or religious group.”

     But as Craig Mokhiber, former director of the New York office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, explained, the Israeli assault on Gaza is a “textbook case of genocide,” precisely because “explicit statements of intent by leaders in the Israeli government and military leave no room for doubt or debate.”

     To cite one of innumerable examples, Giora Eiland, the former head of the Israeli National Security Council, called for the deliberate targeting of Palestinian civilians and the creation of conditions for the spread of “severe epidemics.”

     Now, however, the leading funder and arms dealer for the government committing the genocide has explicitly stated that they are “killing members of the group” because they want to target the entire Palestinian population.

     Critically, the UN document defining genocide notes, “This means that the target of destruction must be the group, as such, and not its members as individuals.” When Biden admits that the Israeli Defense Ministry is seeking “retribution … against all Palestinians,” he is making clear that Israel is carrying out precisely this critical component of genocide.

     Biden made these statements against the backdrop of an overwhelming vote in the United Nations General Assembly calling for a ceasefire in Gaza. The United States was among a handful of countries that voted “no.”

     But like dozens of non-binding resolutions passed by the United Nations over the course of decades, this resolution will have no direct effect.

     State Department spokesman Matthew Miller made this perfectly clear in his briefing Wednesday, declaring: “[I]t’s not the first time that Israel has not done well in a vote in the UN; you’ve seen the UN take a number of votes, oftentimes by fairly dramatic margins with respect to Israel, when we have disagreed with the outcome of those votes. So this is not the first time that has happened.”

     In other words, the United States is making clear that symbolic votes in the UN General Assembly will do nothing to stop its criminal activities. Israel, for its part, demonstrated open defiance of the vote, launching a series of atrocities Tuesday, including the blowing up of a school operated by UNRWA, the UN refugee agency in Palestine, and flooding underground structures in Gaza with seawater, potentially poisoning the water supply and killing the plant life that sustains agriculture.

     In announcing that the US would vote against a ceasefire in Gaza, US Ambassador to the UN Linda Thomas-Greenfield said, “Any ceasefire right now would be temporary at best and dangerous at worst.” She added, “Israel, like every single country on earth, has the right and the responsibility to defend its people from acts of terrorism.”

     Workers and youth must draw the lessons of these developments. The imperialist countries that either voted for the ceasefire—including France and Australia—as well as those that abstained, including the UK, Italy and Germany—have all endorsed Israel’s onslaught against Gaza and provided material logistical support for it, with the UK, France and Australia all sending warships to the region so as to threaten Iran not to intervene.

     Each and every one of these countries has attempted to criminalize demonstrations against the genocide, seeking to equate opposition to the genocide with antisemitism and support for terrorism.

     The Arab states, for their part, have for years enabled Israel’s oppression and mass murder of the Palestinian population in an effort to seek an accommodation with US imperialism.

     None of these governments or institutions can be relied on to stop the genocide in Gaza. The basic reality is that the struggle against the genocide in Gaza is a struggle against the governments that are supporting it.

     For this reason, stopping the genocide in Gaza requires the mass mobilization of the working class. Workers should support the call by the Palestinian trade unions not to handle war materiel destined for Israel. The global demonstrations by millions of people against the genocide must be expanded and armed with a socialist perspective.

     Millions of people have taken part in marches and demonstrations against the genocide. But if this movement is to succeed, it is urgently necessary to fuse the growing movement against war with the struggles of the working class and arm this movement with the socialist perspective of putting an end to the capitalist system that is the root cause of war and imperialist barbarism.”

     Among all the odious and vile sideshows of our political system, a glorious and unconquered champion of the people bears witness and calls for solidarity with the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, all those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth; Bernie Sanders calls for peace and a Reckoning of our sponsorship of ethnic cleansing and war crimes by Israel.

     As written by Stephanie Kirchgaessner in The Guardian, in an article entitled Bernie Sanders demands answers on Israel’s ‘indiscriminate’ Gaza bombing:

Senator proposes resolution to investigate ‘humanitarian cataclysm … being done with American bombs and money’; “ The US’s support for Israel’s bombing campaign in Gaza is facing new scrutiny in Washington following a proposed resolution by the independent senator Bernie Sanders that could ultimately be used to curtail military assistance.

     It is far from clear whether Sanders has the support to pass the resolution, but its introduction in the Senate this week – by an important progressive ally of the US president, Joe Biden – highlights mounting human rights and political concerns by Democrats on Capitol Hill.

     Citing the killing of nearly 19,000 people and wounding of more than 50,000 in Gaza since Hamas’s brutal 7 October attack, Sanders said it was time to force a debate on the bombing that has been carried out by the rightwing government of the Israel prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, and the US government’s “complicity” in the war.

      “This is a humanitarian cataclysm, and it is being done with American bombs and money. We need to face up to that fact – and then we need to end our complicity in those actions,” Sanders said in a statement.

     If passed, the resolution would force the US state department to report back to Congress any violations of internationally recognized human rights caused by “indiscriminate or disproportionate” military operations in Gaza, as well as “the blanket denial of basic humanitarian needs”.

     The state department would also have to report back on any actions the US has taken to limit civilian risk caused by Israeli actions, a summary of arms provided to Israel since 7 October, an assessment of Israel’s compliance with international humanitarian law in Gaza, and a certification that Israeli security forces have not committed any human rights violations.

     “We all know Hamas’s brutal terrorist attack began this war,” Sanders said. “But the Netanyahu government’s indiscriminate bombing is immoral, it is in violation of international law, and the Congress must demand answers about the conduct of this campaign. A just cause for war does not excuse atrocities in the conduct of that war.”

     Any such resolution would have to clear the Senate but only require a simple majority. It would also have to pass the House and be signed by the White House.

     The resolution includes details about the extensive use of US arms, including massive explosive ordinance, such as Mark 84 2,000lb bombs and 155mm artillery, and includes “credible findings” by human rights monitors and press organizations about the use of US arms in specific strikes that killed a large number of civilians.

     If the resolution were to pass, the administration would have 30 days to produce the requested report. After it is received, Congress would under US law be able to condition, restrict, terminate or continue security assistance to Israel.

     Congress has not requested such a resolution since 1976.

     Sanders has come under pressure from progressive Democrats to support calls for a ceasefire. Instead, the senator has previously called for a “humanitarian pause” to allow more aid into Gaza.

     In a letter to Biden this week, Sanders called on the US president to withdraw his support for a $10.1bn weapons package for Israel, which is contained in a proposed supplemental foreign aid package, and for the US to support a UN resolution it has previous vetoed demanding an immediate humanitarian ceasefire.”

      And so we come to the question posed by Tolstoy and Lenin with mirror image results, one began the ideology of nonviolence in resistance to tyranny, the other began the Russian Revolution to seize power from tyrants; What is to be done?

      As written by Jonathan Freedland in The Guardian, in an article entitled There’s only one way out of this Gaza war and Netanyahu is blocking it. Joe Biden must force him from power; “Joe Biden’s bond with Israel and the Jewish people runs so deep he is said to feel it in his kishkes (that’s “guts”, for the non-Yiddish speakers among you). Biden demonstrated that early in the current crisis by visiting Israel within days of the 7 October massacre, which saw 1,200 Israelis, most of them civilians, killed, many tortured and mutilated. He demonstrated it again, just as swiftly, with the dispatch of two US aircraft carriers to the region, aimed at deterring Hezbollah and its Iranian backers from attacking Israel from the north – his one-word message: “Don’t.” And he showed it once more just last week, wielding the US veto at the United Nations – making Washington all but a lone voice against the global chorus demanding that Israel end its offensive in Gaza, which has left so many thousands dead.

     But there is one last act of service Biden needs to perform for the sake of the Israel he has stood with so long, a task he is uniquely able to execute. He must push Benjamin Netanyahu from power – and do all he can to ensure he does not return. Right now, the focus of US-Israeli relations is on the clock, on how long Washington will give its ally –which it arms – to pursue its stated goal of defeating Hamas, even at the cost of terrible death and destruction in Gaza. Hints that Biden’s patience is wearing thin are getting louder. This week he warned that Israel is “starting to lose [international] support by the indiscriminate bombing that takes place”. The signals are that Israel has until the middle or end of January to keep up what the White House calls “high-intensity military operations”. After that, it will have to move to “a different phase” – one that consists of focused, targeted raids on Hamas strongholds, with fewer civilian casualties.

    But Biden needs to go much further. He needs to confront Netanyahu – and win.

     There are multiple reasons why the avowedly pro-Israel Biden should want Netanyahu out, but start with what happens in Gaza the day after Hamas rule ends. The Israeli leader says he will not countenance any involvement by the Palestinian Authority in running Gaza, not least because that’s what the US is pushing for – and Netanyahu reckons standing up to Washington plays well with his base. But his refusal amounts to ruling out the involvement of any Palestinians at all in running Gaza.

     If it’s not Hamas and it’s not Fatah, the movement that dominates the authority, there’s no other substantial Palestinian group left. By opposing Biden’s plan, Netanyahu implies that the only acceptable options for Gaza are rule by a coalition of Arab states – which don’t want the job, and would certainly refuse it without Palestinian participation – or reoccupation by Israel. One is implausible, the other unacceptable.

     Netanyahu’s position is that Israel cannot entertain anything that looks like a step toward Palestinian statehood. Witness the remarks of Tzipi Hotovely, the Israeli ambassador to the UK – handpicked for the post by Netanyahu – who this week said “absolutely no” to the prospect of a Palestinian state. That stance blows apart a central defence of Israel’s current strategy: that it has to remove Hamas in order to make possible an eventual accommodation with the Palestinian people, in the form of the two-state solution.

     There’s speculation that Hotovely was thinking less of Israel’s diplomatic needs than of her own ambition to return to her previous job, as a Likud member of Israel’s parliament. If that’s right, she was merely following the lead set by her patron. For the core criticism of Netanyahu is that he is thinking not of Israel’s national interest at a time of war, but rather his own political future. Given that he is on trial on corruption charges that could put him in jail, he is desperate to cling to the job that will keep him out.

     And so he behaves in ways that damage his country but which, he believes, will help him. He devotes precious time and energy to ensuring it is Israel’s military and intelligence chiefs who get blamed for the appalling failures that made 7 October possible – even though the evidence is stark that he himself ignored the warnings of “a clear and present danger” that were put in front of him. He has stayed away from the funerals of the victims of 7 October, and has barely met the families of the bereaved, fearing they would slam him in public.

     And he has sat back as members of his far-right coalition make unspeakable threats – calling for Gaza to be erased or burned – and while his security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, who has a conviction on terrorism charges, hands out weapons to his fellow extremists and encourages settlers as they provoke yet more conflict and violence in the West Bank. All of this is a disaster for Palestinians most obviously, but also for Israel as it seeks to maintain the international support Biden rightly said it is losing. Netanyahu stands by and does nothing, too frightened of the hard right he needs in order to keep his coalition from breaking apart – and whose votes he wants when elections come, which may be soon.

     That is the heart of the matter. Israel is led by a man who is fighting only for himself. Which is why one of the heroes of 7 October, retired general Noam Tibon – now famous for grabbing a weapon, jumping in his car and heading down south to rescue his son, daughter-in-law and grandchildren from the Hamas men who were poised to kill them – told me: “Benjamin Netanyahu is a huge danger to the state of Israel. While he is in the prime minister’s chair, we cannot win this war.”

     Biden may well agree with that analysis. He has no affection for Netanyahu; before 7 October, he refused even to grant him a White House meeting. And yet, he may be wary of acting on that sentiment if it means meddling in the domestic affairs of an ally. But he should put those fears aside. What’s more, there’s a useful precedent.

     In the 1990s Bill Clinton, who like Biden, had convinced Israelis that he truly had their interests at heart – even in his kishkes – took on Netanyahu and won. He pushed Netanyahu into peace talks and to sign agreements that the Israeli PM didn’t like – safe in the knowledge that the Israeli public understood that he, Clinton, was acting out of friendship, not hostility. As Anshel Pfeffer, columnist for Israel’s liberal daily Haaretz, pointed out this week, when Netanyahu eventually faced the voters in 1999, he lost – to a candidate committed to pursuing peace with the Palestinians.

     The times are different now, to be sure. But Biden has a power to influence events in Israel matched by no one else. He should hear the cry of the families of the hostages held by Hamas, who carry placards bearing a simple message:

“Save Israel from Netanyahu”. Biden might be the one person in the world who can heed that plea and act on it. He must.”   

Hallelujah song by Leonard Cohen

November 29 2025 International Day of Solidarity With Palestine, with a retrospective of my writing on Palestine in 2025

         News From 2023

This Is Not a War Against Hamas

Bernie Sanders demands answers on Israel’s ‘indiscriminate’ Gaza bombing

How Gaza City’s high street became a landscape of debris: Buildings along Omar al-Mukhtar Road, the main artery through Zeitoun district, have collapsed under bombardment

How American citizens are leading rise of ‘settler violence’ on Palestinian lands

Hebrew

15 בדצמבר 2025 בזמן שילדי פלסטין מתים במלחמת הטיהור האתני והטרור התיאוקרטי של ישראל, חגיגה של חופש הדת ומאבק אנטי-קולוניאלי מנצח שהגדיר את הזהות היהודית: חנוכה שמח

       אני אומר לכולם חג חנוכה שמח, מתוך הכרה שלא משנה עד כמה מדינת ישראל רצתה לבלבל בין זהות יהודית לסמכות של המדינה בשירות השלטון, אין לדברים הללו כל קשר זה עם זה; אכן, תנועת השלום והדמוקרטיה בישראל וברחבי התפוצות היהודית העולמית חיונית לדמיון ולשינוי של מוסדות השלטון והכיבוש הקולוניאליים של המדינה ולהופעתה של המין האנושי מאידיאולוגיות פשיסטיות של דם, אמונה ואדמה, ביניהן ציונות. ומדינת ישראל.

      במובנים רבים הניצחון ההיסטורי על האימפריה הסלאוקית שחוגג חנוכה ייסד והגדיר את הזהות היהודית כשם נרדף לאידיאלים פוליטיים כפולים; חופש הדת ומאבק שחרור אנטי-קולוניאלי.

      זה חג החנוכה שאני חוגג היום; השוויון והסולידריות של כל הנשמות האנושיות בפעולה כערבים לאנושיותו של זה ולזכויות האדם האוניברסליות, ובהתנגדות לסמכות ולעריצות.

     כדברי הרב יונתן סאקס; “חנוכה עוסק בחופש להיות נאמנים למה שאנו מאמינים בו מבלי לשלול את החופש של מי שמאמין אחרת. זה על הדלקת הנר שלנו, תוך כדי לא להיות מאוים או מאיים על נר של אף אחד אחר”.

Arabic

15 كانون الأول (ديسمبر) 2025ينما يموت أطفال فلسطين في حرب التطهير العرقي والإرهاب الثيوقراطي التي تشنها إسرائيل، احتفال بالحرية الدينية والنضال المنتصر ضد الاستعمار الذي حدد الهوية اليهودية: حانوكا سعيدة

       أقول عيد هانوكا سعيدا للجميع، اعترافا بأنه مهما كانت دولة إسرائيل ترغب في الخلط بين الهوية اليهودية وسلطة الدولة في خدمة السلطة، فإن هذه الأمور لا علاقة لها ببعضها البعض؛ في الواقع، تعتبر حركة السلام والديمقراطية داخل إسرائيل وفي جميع أنحاء الشتات اليهودي العالمي أمرًا حاسمًا لإعادة تصور وتحويل مؤسسات الدولة للسيطرة الاستعمارية والاحتلال ولخروج البشرية من الأيديولوجيات الفاشية القائمة على الدم والإيمان والتربة، ومن بينها الصهيونية. والدولة الإسرائيلية.

      من نواحٍ عديدة، أسس النصر التاريخي على الإمبراطورية السلوقية الذي يحتفل به حانوكا الهوية اليهودية وحددها كمرادف للمثل السياسية المزدوجة؛ حرية الدين والنضال من أجل التحرر ضد الاستعمار.

      هذا هو عيد الحانوكا الذي أحتفل به اليوم؛ المساواة والتضامن بين جميع النفوس البشرية في العمل كضامن لإنسانية بعضنا البعض وحقوق الإنسان العالمية، وفي مقاومة السلطة والطغيان.

     على حد تعبير الحاخام جوناثان ساكس؛ “إن حانوكا يدور حول حرية أن نكون صادقين مع ما نؤمن به دون إنكار حرية أولئك الذين يعتقدون خلاف ذلك. يتعلق الأمر بإضاءة شمعتنا، دون أن نتعرض للتهديد أو التهديد من شمعة أي شخص آخر

December 14 2025 Guns Terror Death and Profit For Our Imperial Masters: Case of the Sandy Hook Massacre

We have today remembered one of America’s most horrific and revealing anniversaries, eleven years after the Sandy Hook massacre forever changed our nation’s ideas about guns from talismans of security and power to signs of our helplessness before the rapacity and amoral terror of our subjugation and commodification by elites, for whom the occasional murdered child is an acceptable cost of doing business, and our worthlessness in the eyes of our political leadership which require a vast and unregulated market for guns as a strategic resource in imperial conquest and dominion and the readiness to fight global wars.

    Who bears arms bears death, has chosen to reduce all human interactions to a kill/no kill decision, and by our failure to prevent them from doing so have been authorized to bear death among us with powers of extrajudicial summary execution as a subversion of democracy.

    We have granted such permission now for over two centuries under the immunity of a misinterpreted Second Amendment which we must abolish along with police who are allowed to carry guns.

     Before all else in this question of the power of death and who the state authorizes to bear it, we must recognize the underlying causes and purposes of the right to bear arms in white supremacist terror and the repression of dissent, subversions of our principles of liberty, equality, and justice.

     True democracy and a free society of equals is not possible when some of us have to power and right to kill the rest of us without cause.

     As written by Robin Levinson-King for the BBC, in an article entitled Sandy Hook 10 years on: How many have died in school shootings?: “It has been a decade since a gunman opened fire at Sandy Hook Elementary in Connecticut, killing 20 children and six school staff.

     In a written statement declaring Wednesday, the anniversary, a day of remembrance, US President Joe Biden said the tragedy forced everyone to re-examine their “core values and whether this can be a country that protects the most innocent.”

     In the wake of the massacre, many demanded tighter gun restrictions.

     Yet the death toll from school shootings keeps climbing as debates over gun control continue ten years on.

     According to research compiled by the independent K-12 School Shooting Database research group, there have been 189 shootings at schools around the US since Sandy Hook that have resulted in at least one fatality.

     The shootings counted include everything from suicides and domestic violence.

     Seventeen were “active shooter situations” – defined as “when the shooter killed and/or wounded victims, either targeted or random, within the school campus during a continuous episode of violence”.

     While those events count for a small portion of total shooting incidents, they account for more than a third of all casualties.

    In total, 279 have died from being shot on a school property during, before or after school hours, including weekends.

     In November, a memorial for the victims of Sandy Hook was opened to the public, not far from the school grounds.

     Victims’ names were carved into a wall that circled a sycamore tree.

     Nelba Marquez-Greene’s six-year old daughter, Ana Grace Marquez-Greene, was among the victims.

     “Ten years. A lifetime and a blink,” she wrote on Twitter. “Ana Grace, we used to wait for you to come home. Now you wait for us. Hold on, little one. Hold on.”

     “We’re not in a place to have polite discourse in this country on that issue,” she said.

     In the aftermath of what was at the time the worst school shooting in US history, then-President Barack Obama vowed to push forward sweeping legislation to reduce gun violence by addressing everything from gun magazine sizes to mental health.

     But he left office without being able to pass his hoped-for laws.

     Ten years on, Mr Biden has renewed a promise to pass a ban on semi-automatic rifles.

     In June, he signed a landmark gun bill into law, but if fell short of reinstating the so-called assault-weapons ban that had been in effect before 2004.

     However, a debate over this and other gun control measures that have been proposed continues, with evidence being put forward on both sides over their effectiveness at stopping school shootings.

     Gun control advocates argue that tighter restrictions to access is key, while others argue that failures of the mental health system and better security on school campuses are more pressing concerns.

     Nicole Hockley, the co-founder of Sandy Hook Promise Foundation, a charity, lost her son Dylan in the massacre.

     “All shootings reopen wounds,” she told the BBC earlier this year.

     Her other son, who survived, graduated from high school this year and will be able to vote. It is his generation, she said, who will enact change.”

      As written by Heather Cox Richardson in her journal, Letters from an American; “Today, survivors of the mass shooting at Club Q in Colorado Springs, Colorado, testified before the House Oversight and Reform Committee. Club Q is an LGBTQ club in the city of about 500,000 people. The shooter opened fire there on the night of November 19-20, during a dance party. He used an AR-15 style rifle, murdering five people and wounding 19 more. Six others were hurt in the chaos.

     Pointing to Republican anti-LGBTQ rhetoric that calls LGBTQ individuals “groomers” and abusers,” survivors of the mass shooting said that Republican rhetoric was “the direct cause” of the massacre. Chair Carolyn Maloney (D-NY) drew a wider lens: “The attack on Club Q and the LGBTQI community is not an isolated incident, but part of a broader trend of violence and intimidation across our country.”

     James Comer (R-KY), who will likely chair the committee in the upcoming Republican-controlled House, disagreed. Blaming Democratic policies that he claims are soft on crime, he said that “Republicans condemn violence in all forms,” and that the survivors have his “thoughts and prayers.”

     But Comer’s insistence that Republicans do not celebrate guns is not entirely honest. Just last year, four days after a mass shooting at a school in Oxford, Michigan that killed four students and wounded seven other people, Comer’s colleague Thomas Massie (R-KY) posted on Twitter a Christmas photo of him, his wife, and five children holding assault weapons in front of a Christmas tree. The caption read: “Merry Christmas! ps. Santa, please bring ammo.” Representative Lauren Boebert (R-CO) immediately posted her own family photo with her four sons all posing with firearms.

     In 2020, according to the New York Times Editorial Board, “Republican politicians ran more than 100 ads featuring guns and more than a dozen that featured semiautomatic military-style rifles.”

     Democrats do not do this. Senator Joe Manchin (D-WV) shot a hole in a climate bill in 2010 but, according to the New York Times Editorial Board, that was the last time a Democrat used a gun in an ad.

     The national free-for-all in which we have 120 guns for every 100 people—the next closest country is Yemen, with about 52 per one hundred people—is deeply tied to the political ideology of today’s Republican Party. It comes from the rise of Movement Conservatism under Ronald Reagan.

     Movement Conservatism was a political movement that rose to combat the business regulations and social welfare programs that both Democrats and Republicans embraced after World War II. Movement Conservatives embraced the myth of the American cowboy as a white man standing against the “socialism” of the federal government as it sought to level the social and economic playing field between Black Americans and their white neighbors.

     In the 1960s, leaders like Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater personified the American cowboy, with his cowboy hat and opposition to government regulation, while television Westerns showed good guys putting down bad guys without the interference of the government. They emphasized individualism, the idea that a man should take care of his own family, defending it with weapons, if need be, and fighting off a dangerous government and those who wanted to use the government for “socialism” or “Marxism.”

     In 1972, the Republicans still embraced the idea that the government had a role to play in making the country safer for everyone, and their platform called for gun control to restrict the sale of “cheap handguns.” But in 1975, as he geared up to challenge President Gerald R. Ford for the 1976 presidential nomination, Movement Conservative hero Ronald Reagan took a stand against gun safety. In 1980 the Republican platform opposed the federal registration of firearms.

     In 1980 the National Rifle Association endorsed Reagan. This was the first time it had endorsed a presidential candidate, and showed an abrupt change in what had, until 1977, been a sporting organization that emphasized gun safety and rejected the idea of working with manufacturers of guns and ammunition.

     In the past, NRA officers insisted on the right of citizens to own rifles and handguns but worked hard to distinguish between law-abiding citizens who should have access to guns for hunting and target shooting and protection, and criminals and mentally ill people, who should not. Until the mid-1970s, the NRA backed federal legislation to limit concealed weapons; prevent possession by criminals, the mentally ill and children; to require all dealers to be licensed; and to require background checks.

     But in the mid-1970s, a faction in the NRA forced the organization away from sports and toward opposing “gun control.” It formed a political action committee (PAC) in 1975, and two years later it elected an organization president who abandoned sporting culture and focused instead on “gun rights.”

     Until 1959, every single legal article on the Second Amendment concluded that it was not intended to guarantee individuals the right to own a gun. But in the 1970s, legal scholars funded by the NRA began to argue that the Second Amendment did exactly that.

     After a gunman trying to kill Reagan in 1981 paralyzed his press secretary, James Brady, and wounded Secret Service agent Tim McCarthy and police officer Thomas Delahanty, Congress passed the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act, or the Brady Bill, to require background checks before gun purchases.

     The NRA paid for lawsuits in nine states to strike the law down, and in 1997, when the Brady Bill cases came before the Supreme Court as Printz v. United States, the Supreme Court declared parts of the measure unconstitutional.

     Now a player in national politics, the NRA PAC was awash in money from gun and ammunition manufacturers, 99% of it going to Republican candidates. By 2000 it was one of the three most powerful lobbies in Washington. It spent more than $40 million on the 2008 election, and in that year, the landmark Supreme Court decision of District of Columbia v. Heller struck down gun regulations and declared for the first time that the Second Amendment protects an individual’s right to keep and bear arms.

     The unfettered right to own and carry weapons has come to symbolize the Republican Party’s ideology of individual liberty. Lawmakers and activists have not been able to overcome Republican insistence on gun rights despite the mass shootings that have risen since their new emphasis on guns. The Gun Violence Archive defines a mass shootings as one in which four people are shot, not including the shooter: in 2021 alone, we had 692 of them.

     While gun ownership has actually declined since the 1970s, there are far more guns in fewer hands: a study in 2017 showed that about half of US guns are owned by about 3% of the population, and that was before Americans launched a new gun-buying spree after 2020. 

     Ten years ago today, a 20-year-old in Newtown, Connecticut, shot and killed 20 children between the ages of six and seven, and six adult staff members at the Sandy Hook Elementary School. In the wake of those horrific murders, Congress tried to pass a bipartisan bill requiring background checks for gun purchases, but even though 90% of Americans—including nearly 74% of NRA members—supported background checks, and even though 55 senators voted for the measure, it died with a filibuster.

     Dave Cullen, who writes about school shootings, argued yesterday in a New York Times op-ed that there is reason to hope we will finally address our gun problem. The Sandy Hook Massacre galvanized Americans into pushing back to reclaim our safety, as Shannon Watts and congressional representative Gabrielle Giffords—herself a survivor of gun violence–—organized the gun safety movement. That movement, in turn, got a dramatic boost from the activism of the survivors of the 2018 shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, in which a 19-year-old gunman murdered 17 people and injured 17 others.

     This June, Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) had to acknowledge that support for the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act was “off the charts, overwhelming,” and 15 Republican senators bucked the NRA to vote for basic gun safety legislation.

     But, also in June, the Supreme Court handed down the sweeping New York State Rifle & Pistol Association, Inc. v. Bruen decision requiring those trying to place restrictions on gun ownership to prove similar restrictions were in place when the Framers wrote the Constitution. Already, a Texas judge has struck down a rule preventing domestic abusers from possessing firearms on the grounds that domestic violence was permissible in the 1700s.

     The decision is being appealed.”

     As written by Sebastian Murdock in Huffpost, in an article entitled Obama Reflects On ‘Darkest Day Of My Presidency’: Nearly 10 Years After Sandy Hook

Former President Barack Obama spoke at an event marking the anniversary of the 2012 school shooting that left 20 children and six adults dead.; “Former President Barack Obama said he still considers the deadly school shooting that took the lives of 20 children and six adults in 2012 the “darkest day of my presidency” as the 10th anniversary of the shooting approaches.

     “I consider Dec. 14, 2012, the single darkest day of my presidency,” Obama said Tuesday night at the Sandy Hook Promise “10-Year Remembrance” benefit in New York City. “Like so many other people, I felt not just sorrow, but I felt angry, fury in a world that could allow such a thing.”

     Sandy Hook Promise, started by several families who lost loved ones in the Newtown, Connecticut, shooting, is a nonprofit that aims to protect children from gun violence while teaching empathy in classrooms.

     During his speech at the benefit, Obama praised Sandy Hook Promise for preventing possible acts of gun violence.

     “You’ve made meaning where there was none,” Obama said. “Back when we were together in 2012, I said that Newtown would be remembered for the way that you looked out for each other, the way that you cared for one another and the way that you loved one another.”

    While gun violence continues to run rampant in the U.S., there have been glimmers of positive change in the last 10 years. Sandy Hook families won $73 million in a lawsuit settlement this year against Remington Arms, which made the Bushmaster AR-15-style rifle used by the gunman during the massacre. It was the first time a gun manufacturer had been held liable for a shooting.

     And the National Rifle Association (NRA), which saw its membership surge at the start of 2013 following the Sandy Hook shooting, has seen its leadership and political power crumble under the weight of mismanagement and greed over the last few years.

     Then there’s Alex Jones, the conspiracy host of “Infowars,” who used his platform to mock the parents of dead children for years, falsely claiming they were actors and that their loved ones never died. This year he was finally held accountable for the torrent of abuse he leveled on the Sandy Hook families when he was ordered to pay more than $1 billion for his dangerous lies.

     Earlier this year, 19 students and two teachers were killed in Uvalde, Texas, in a shooting sickeningly similar to that of Newtown. The following month, President Joe Biden signed a bipartisan gun safety bill into law that enhances background checks, addresses mental health care, and places curbs on buying guns.

     Obama attempted a similar push for gun violence prevention in 2016 with a bill that would have enhanced background checks. He spoke through tears the day he implored Congress to act.

     “Somehow, we become numb to it, and we start thinking, ‘This is normal,’” Obama said.

     Instead, the former president was roundly mocked by conservatives for his emotional plea. The bill ultimately failed, thanks in part to pressure from the NRA and a handful of Democrats who voted against the bill to cater to gun-loving voters in their states.

     In his speech Tuesday, Obama said the work to curb gun violence isn’t done.

    “In 2022, there has not been a single week — not one — without a mass shooting somewhere in America,” he said. “We pretend that the best we can do for the families of Sandy Hook, Parkland and Virginia Tech and so many other communities is to tinker around the edges and then offer rote recitations of our thoughts and our prayers when violence explodes once again.”

      Obama admits he still gets angry when he hears about the latest senseless shooting.

     “Whether it is in a church or a synagogue, in a grocery store or on a college campus or in a home or on a city street … I still feel anger,” he said. “And I hope you do too.”

     As I wrote in my post of February 16 2022, Victory For the People Over Profiteers of Gun Violence and White Supremacist Terror; “ We celebrate a victory for the people over profiteers of gun violence and white supremacist terror in the case of the Sandy Hook families against Remington, manufacturer of the gun that was used to murder twenty children and six adults in a few minutes. Guns are weapons of terror and mass destruction, and should be legislated as such.

     As written by Sarah Jorgensen, Jason Hanna and Erica Hill at CNN; “Lenny Pozner and Veronique De La Rosa, whose son Noah was killed in the shooting, said in the news release that their loss is “irreversible, and in that sense, this outcome is neither redemptive nor restorative.”

“One moment we had this dazzling, energetic 6-year-old little boy, and the next all we had left were echoes of the past, photographs of a lost boy who will never grow older, calendars marking a horrifying new anniversary, a lonely grave, and pieces of Noah’s life stored in a backpack and boxes.”

“What is lost remains lost. However, the resolution does provide a measure of accountability in an industry that has thus far operated with impunity. For this, we are grateful.”

      As written by Sebastian Murdock in Huffpost; “Nicole Hockley, whose 6-year-old son was killed in the shooting, said she hopes the settlement will push gun companies to operate differently.

     “My beautiful butterfly, Dylan, is gone because Remington prioritized its profit over my son’s safety,” Hockley said in a statement. “Marketing weapons of war directly to young people known to have a strong fascination with firearms is reckless and, as too many families know, deadly conduct. Using marketing to convey that a person is more powerful or more masculine by using a particular type or brand of firearm is deeply irresponsible. My hope is that by facing and finally being penalized for the impact of their work, gun companies, along with the insurance and banking industries that enable them, will be forced to make their business practices safer than they have ever been.”

     Hope is a fine and noble thing, final gift or curse of Pandora to humankind, a tenuous and frangible thing, ambiguous in meaning and its power to bring change, like love and faith, and like its confreres among our passions which are also Ideals perhaps not very bankable without action to make it real. The praxis of hope is struggle.

     Here I must digress, for I believe the future evolution of humankind and the history of the next millennium will be defined by the struggle between two forces; the renunciation of the use of social force and violence as democracy and peace and the universalization of force and violence as tyranny and terror, and what we do with our hope in the face of hopeless imposed conditions of struggle and unanswerable force will decide our fate.

     Camus interrogated this best and directly in The Myth of Sisyphus and constructed his Absurdism on his interpretation of the uses of hope in resistance to fascist tyranny, and nothing has superseded his insight. 

     Why is this relevant to the issue of gun violence? Because we face enormous systemic and structural forces in opposition to freeing ourselves from constant threat of death, and our choices here will shape our response.

      When teaching Camus’ essay and his novel The Stranger, I always directed students to his remarks in the lecture he gave to the Jesuits, “the difference between us is, you have hope.”

      Albert Camus used hope in a special context, for in that lecture on hope and faith Camus seizes the problem directly; hope is ambiguous, relative, a Rashomon Gate of contingency and multiplicities of meaning, and like its myth in Pandora’s Box both a gift and a curse.

     How is this of use to the audience Camus wrote for, the freedom fighter who resists and yields not, beyond hope of victory or survival? How do we find the will to claw our way out of the ruins of civilization and make yet another Last Stand? How answer overwhelming force and the unwinnable fight?

     As Jean Genet said to me in Beirut of 1982, moments before we expected to be burned alive by Israeli soldiers who had set fire to our house after we refused to come out and surrender, “When there is no hope, we are free to do impossible things, glorious things.” It is a principle of action by which I have lived for thirty-nine years now.

     Herein lies a gate which opens not to Dante’s Inferno, but to freedom and self-ownership as authenticity, and to seizure of power from authorized identities, the boundaries of the Forbidden and the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue, marked by a sign bearing the famous warning; “Abandon hope, all you who enter here.”

     Always go through the Forbidden Door.

    As Lenin asked; “What is to be done?”

     Let us repeal the Second Amendment, disarm and demilitarize the police, end immunity from prosecution of gun manufacturers for the crimes which they enable and promote, disband the National Rifle Association as an organization of terror, break the link between arms manufacture as a business of empire and the carceral state which floods the market with cheap guns to shape some of us into monsters with which to terrorize the rest as a pretext for the imposition of a police state, and abandon the valorization and fetishization of violence as toxic masculinity, misogyny, and patriarchal terror. 

     This may be the work of centuries, but in a world wherein the national and imperial ambitions and whims of its nuclear powers, currently America, China, Russia, Britain, France, North Korea, India, Pakistan, Israel, and NATO nuclear weapons sharing partners Belgium, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Turkey, can exterminate our species and annihilate much of our planet, can we afford not to act now to begin disarmament?

      Today we have taken a first step as a nation toward freeing ourselves from the existential threat of gun violence and from patriarchal and white supremacist terror. This we justly celebrate, but let us also unite in solidarity of action to liberate ourselves and humankind from the use of social force.

      As written by Priya Satia, author of Empire of Guns: The Violent Making of the Industrial Revolution, in Time; “Those in favor of firearms control in the United States today often point in exasperated envy at laws in countries like Australia and the United Kingdom. Why can’t the United States behave like these civilized countries?, they ask.

     The reality is that these countries were able to pass their strict laws partly because American laws are so lax. At just 4.4% of the world’s population, Americans own roughly a third of all the firearms in the world. According to a 2007 survey, American civilians own about 275 million of the world’s 875 million firearms. For the world’s gun manufacturers, this fraction of the world’s population is their largest single market. As long as it stays open, they can count on business, and governments around the world can feel secure about the health of an industry they rely on for defense.

     Since firearms became central to warfare, governments have faced a structural and logistics problem: They need gun manufacturers but do not generate enough demand themselves to keep those manufacturers in good health by serving the military alone. Peace, in particular, is bad for gunmakers.”

     “The Glorious Revolution of 1689 established a new regime in Britain. It had to defend itself against rebels at home and abroad who wanted to restore the ousted king. To that end, the new government set about developing a new hub of firearms manufacturing in Birmingham, to ensure an alternate source for guns in case rebels captured London’s firearms manufacturing capacity.

     For the next century, Britain was almost always at war, and Birmingham’s gunmakers thrived: from an initial annual production of tens of thousands of arms, they could produce millions by 1815. The government also launched its own factory, at Enfield, to further diffuse the industry.

     To keep this industry healthy during interludes of peace—in an era in which firearms possession was largely an entitlement of the upper classes—the government helped it find other outlets. British gunmakers sold firearms all over the world: in West Africa, as part of the slave trade; in North America, to Native Americans and colonial settlers; in South Asia, as part of trade and conquest. Occasionally, British officials worried about arming their own enemies. But inevitably, the logic prevailed that not selling guns to potential enemies would merely send those enemies to a rival supplier, like the French, and the British would forfeit both profit and influence.

     The government also encouraged gunmakers to diversify into products that could be sold to British civilians: buttons, buckles, harpoons, swords, bells. Diversification became more necessary in the 19th century as the empire’s fear of armed colonial rebellion increased. The Birmingham Small Arms company (BSA), the largest privately owned rifle manufactory in Europe until the 1890s and the largest in the U.K. through World War I, also made bicycles, motorcycles and cars. The government’s machine-gun supplier, Vickers, made various civilian goods, too.

     This strategy freed the government from worrying overly about the health of its firearms industry. In 1934, it selected a Czech design for the new army light machine gun, over protests from BSA and Vickers. After World War II, the Ministry of Defense stopped maintaining an R&D team for small arms design. BSA ceased military rifle production in 1961 after a government decision to let them go. They turned out other metal goods and motorcycles until they were edged out of those businesses in the early 1970s.

     The Royal Small Arms Factory at Enfield, meanwhile, did develop and supply the SA80, the standard postwar military firearm. In 1985, it and other government arms factories were made into a public corporation, Royal Ordnance, which, in 1987, was bought by British Aerospace, the then-reprivatized company in which Vickers had merged during the 1960 nationalization of the aircraft industry.

     That year, 1987, was also the year of the mass shooting known as the Hungerford massacre. Gun control in the U.K. got tighter as the gun industry shrank to vanishing point. The next year saw both the closure of the Enfield unit and amendments tightening existing firearms controls. After the Dunblane shooting in 1996, private possession of handguns was banned almost entirely; thousands of guns were surrendered. By that point there was essentially no firearms industry to put up a protest; U.K. military arms were mostly sourced abroad. In Australia, too, passage of tight gun control laws in 1996 was eased by the absence of a major Australian gun industry.

     The United States followed a different path.

     To be sure, American gunmakers also diversified to cope with whimsical government demand. Most famously, Remington, the country’s oldest rifle maker, turned out sewing machines and typewriters during the slump in firearm demand after the Civil War. But, for the most part, American manufacturers could rely on sales to civilians to cope with lulls in government demand.

     Between the world wars, the federal government and the American gun industry both opposed suggestions for controls on sales to civilians, out of fear that they would endanger an industry essential to national defense. During the Cold War, the U.S. became the new firearms depot of the world. When the Swedish firearms manufacturer Interdynamic AB could not find a civilian market for its TEC-9 submachine gun at home, its Miami subsidiary Intratec sold it to Americans, who made it a notorious instrument of mass shootings.

     If gun-control advocates focus on the NRA and politicians who take money from the group as the sole obstacles to sensible gun control laws in the U.S., they’ll be missing a larger structural reality: selling arms to American civilians has become crucial to an industry on which both the United States government and governments around the world depend. Indeed, it is the American public’s very division over gun control that keeps the industry healthy, given the saturation of the civilian market: without panic buying triggered by recurring fear of impending controls, companies like Remington and Smith & Wesson face dismal prospects. (Remington has now filed for bankruptcy, though its operations remain unaffected.)

     The more the rest of the world limits gun possession, the more American civilians keep the world’s firearms makers in business. The NRA and gun manufacturers benefit from promoting intense cultural and ideological commitment to their reading of the Second Amendment, but so does every government that needs firearms for its military and law enforcement services. Studies have shown that the presence of astronomical numbers of guns in the United States is a specific cause of the high rate of mass shootings, but the presence of those guns has become a matter of global security. This vision of global security has thus perversely come to depend on continual insecurity about mass shootings in the United States.”

      As I wrote in my post of June 12 2019, Equal Access to Justice for Victims of Gun Violence Act; Those who manufacture, sell, or trade guns must be held responsible for the harm that they do, and we must support this important legislation which ends their immunity from being sued by the victims in whose suffering they are complicit. This industry of death must be pursued to its utter destruction.

     As Gabrielle Giffords said, “The gun lobby convinced politicians that an entire industry deserved to operate without fear of ever being held responsible in a courtroom. Today, we stand up and fight again to restore the fundamentally American principle that no industry, including the gun industry, is above the law.”

      Surely a least-restrictive policy of gun ownership would say, demonstrate that we can trust you with our lives, that you have earned the right to bear arms through a history of honorable conduct and self-discipline, that you are able to make kill/no kill decisions rationally and with a judgement free of racism, rage, jealousy, vengeance, the need to dominate and control and the desire to subjugate and inflict pain and terror, or other mental illness or impairment, and unclouded by drugs or alcohol, and you are free to openly carry a weapon except in areas otherwise restricted.

     Who could pass such a test? Who can be trusted to bear death among us, with de facto powers of summary execution?

     Our laws must recognize that anyone with a gun is a bearer of death, and has chosen this role and brings death into all situations which they encounter and all relationships in which they participate. Possession of a gun proves intent to kill. Bringing a gun into a situation means you have upped the ante to life or death in all that you do.

     Choose life.

Empire of Guns: The Violent Making of the Industrial Revolution, by Priya Satia

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-63911172

https://www.huffpost.com/entry/school-shooting-survivors-on-how-it-affects-them-today_l_628d4eece4b0b1d9844e3d1e

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-41488081

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2022/feb/15/historic-funding-gun-violence-prevention-smaller-groups

                  Camus and Absurdism, a reading list

The Myth of Sisyphus, by Albert Camus

https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/camus/

https://aeon.co/videos/albert-camus-built-a-philosophy-of-humanity-on-a-foundation-of-absurdity

https://www.themarginalian.org/tag/albert-camus/

Here are some of my previous essays of 2021 on gun violence:

December 3 2021 Who Bears Arms Bears Death: the Cases of the Oxford High School Mass Murders and the Police Murder of a Disabled Senior Citizen in a Wheelchair Shot Nine Times in the Back While Trying to Escape

     A police officer murders Richard Lee Richards, a disabled senior citizen in a wheelchair, shooting him in the back nine times.

     A disturbed fifteen years old steals a gun from his parents and commits mass murder and terror, killing four fellow students, 16-year-old Tate Myre, 14-year-old Hana St. Juliana, 17-year-old Madisyn Baldwin and 17-year-old Justin Shilling, and injuring eight others.

     What do these crimes have in common?

      Guns; a precondition of force and violence is the ability to inflict it, and our nation protects the arms market as the business of empire and accepts the random deaths of citizens as a cost of that business.

     President and General Eisenhower long ago warned us of the consequences of a military-industrial complex for tyranny and state terror and the centralization of power to a carceral state and subversion of democracy, and of imperialism and colonial wars of dominion to control global markets, resources, and profits at the cost of our universal human rights and the principle of self-determination for all peoples.

     We have ignored his warning and the direct effects of the use of social force in the dehumanization and commodification of humankind and the theft of our souls, and in the erosion of our ideals of liberty, equality, truth, and justice, in the fall of America as a guarantor of liberty and universal human rights and a beacon of hope to the world.

     Let us bring a reckoning for our systemic inequalities and the legacies of our historical injustices, and begin to forge a true free society of equals, built not on death but on life, not on force but on love, not on fear but on hope.

June 23 2021, Who Bears Arms Bears Death

      Who perpetrates the threat or use of deadly force, displays or fires guns at others to intimidate or kill them, is responsible for the harm their actions cause; so also with organizations of terror which arm, train, fund, and provide communications and logistics support for them, regardless of whether they are a deniable asset of state terror or its direct employees carrying badges and acting with the authority of the government in the repression of dissent and the elite hegemony of white supremacy.

     Here in America I refer to Homeland Security as well as all police, whom we must disarm and abolish as pervasive inherent evils which threaten our Liberty and Equality.

      I believe it wise and just to hold gun manufacturers legally responsible for the harm they cause within federal guidelines of reparations, and that this must include among their victims the entire Black community for the redress of historic evils; hate crime must have no immunity.

      So also with the National Rifle Association as an organization of white supremacist terror and fascist tyranny, whose mission is to disfigure the souls of some of us with fear, power, hate, and violence as monsters to terrorize the rest of us into submission with learned helplessness.

     We must end open carry as political theatre and macho posturing or the valorization of warlike displays of toxic masculinity which may become preconditions and incitements to violence. This is especially true where guns are involved; their power is seductive and malign. The fetishization of instruments of violence normalizes and conditions violence.

April 18 2021, Costs of the Business of Empire and Tyranny: An Epidemic of Mass Gun Violence

      An MSNBC report by Rachel Maddow that New York Attorney General Letitia James will bring suit to dissolve the National Rifle Association offers a glimmer of hope that we may yet see an end to the epidemic of gun violence and mass shootings which have seized and shaken America.

     I commented on the story with satire as follows; Apparently, a Nazi Racist Association which is the primary enabler of domestic terrorism has been operating openly for some while. Why not hold its entire membership list responsible as co-conspirators in every shooting which was perpetrated during its existence? Surely all its members can be charged with racketeering and possession of weapons of death and mass destruction as well.

    To this I received a question; “Are you implying that the NRA is a terrorist organization?”

    Here is my reply; I am directly saying the NRA is an organization of terror, of death for corporate profit and the tyranny and terror of the carceral state and its force and control in service to hegemonic elites. Every victim of gun violence in America is a victim of its agenda and influence, though the broader cause is the cycle of fear, power, and force which begets violence, and to which our society is addicted.

     Yes, I advocate repeal of the Second Amendment, abolition of the NRA as an organization of white supremacist terror, disarmament of the police, abolition of police and of prisons, borders, surveillance, and other authoritarian and totalitarian instruments of force and control. But these are structural and institutional reforms within the scope of electoral politics, and our issues are systemic in nature and resilient to legislation of change.

    One cannot reform such a system. Only a revolution which equalizes power and liberates us from elites can bring justice to this world of tyranny and state terror.

     Though the links between the National Rifle Association and the perpetrators of white supremacist terror and gun violence are by now well known, a 2019 Senate report exposed the long history of NRA collaboration with Russian espionage against America. 

    As written in NRP; “The National Rifle Association acted as a “foreign asset” for Russia in the period leading up to the 2016 election, according to a new investigation unveiled Friday by Sen. Ron Wyden, D-Ore.

     Drawing on contemporaneous emails and private interviews, an 18-month probe by the Senate Finance Committee’s Democratic staff found that the NRA underwrote political access for Russian nationals Maria Butina and Alexander Torshin more than previously known — even though the two had declared their ties to the Kremlin.”

     We may now consider the NRA not only a terrorist organization and the main private enabler of white supremacist violence and racially motivated crime in America, but also of treason and foreign subversion.

      Of course the issues are not as simple as this, the legitimacy of the Second Amendment, the use of force and violence in service to elite wealth and power, and the multilayered objectives of the state, the NRA, and the arms industry must also be interrogated, and to these threats to our free society of equals we must bring a reckoning.

March 22 2021 Guns Death Terror Madness

    A rogue Colorado judge overturns a law forbidding open carry, and a terrorist uses his new right to casually walk into a supermarket with a military rifle and commit mass murder.

    Who so ever bears arms bears death, and has chosen to bring death among us and degrades every human relationship and interaction to a kill/no kill decision. Who can be trusted with such power? Choose life.

     We must question how we imagine and implement our right to bear arms, a right whose intention to guarantee the freedom and independence of individuals from government force and control I fully endorse. This does not mean we must allow terrorists and madmen to commit murder and mayhem, nor that access to guns and other instruments of mass destruction should be free to all; we must sift very fine in choosing who if anyone can be trusted with the power of death. For this is exactly what the right to bear arms authorized; the power to bear death among us. It is a dreadful power, which bears a weight of responsibility like no other.

     I would begin the restoration of balance in our society by disarming the police, not our citizens. But we need not foster madness nor enable violence.

     Here is my rebuttal to the objection that gun control abrogates our right to bear arms:     

     Forbidding things does not align with my ideology; my ideal state is a world free of violence and the social use of force. Here I mean police, prisons, laws and the authorization of identity, state terror and military imperialism. These we must resist, by any means necessary.

     But we must also resist the pathology of violence and power on which our unequal society is constructed, and the drive to dominate which is written into every cell of our bodies and the epigenetic history of our form. Ours is a culture of death, of the fetishization of guns as masculine jewelry and symbols of patriarchal power. Power, like the beauty of weapons, is seductive and a force of degradation and dehumanization.

     Where force is the only means of seizing power to restore balance and ensure liberty and equality, it is positive. That same force is negative when used to subjugate others. This is the line of division between revolution and tyranny; who holds power? In the words of Walter Rodney; “By what standard of morality can the violence used by a slave to break his chains be considered the same as the violence of a slave master?” America today remains the same nation won by conquest and theft from indigenous people, built by African slave labor, and become an empire through military and economic imperialism.

     We must abandon the social use of force if we are to become a free society of equals and of autonomous individuals. In a nation of Liberty, we send no police or armies to enforce virtue. This does not mean we surrender our power of self determination or our own safety and freedom from the ideas of other people.

     To be free is to be free from compulsion by force, and from control through surveillance and propaganda. It also means that we must be free from each other.

 February 20 2021, Who Bears Arms Bears Death

     President Biden has once again seized an intractable problem by its horns, speaking on laws he intends to pass to limit gun violence and free us from the spectre of death, fear, and vote suppression by fascists and white supremacist terrorists.

     This is no longer only an issue of racist gun violence, but of the survival of democracy from political intimidation and terror. We can never permit another January 6 Insurrection, nor revival of the historical legacy of the KKK’s reign of terror on which it was based.

      But we must not only limit access to guns for the insane and members of criminal organizations of racist terror, but for the police as well. Disarm the police and they cannot murder nonwhite people with impunity as they do now. These are the two halves of a whole, state and civilian terror and gun violence.

     As reported by Nikki Carvajal, Devan Cole, and Ali Zaslav on CNN; “Today, I am calling on Congress to enact commonsense gun law reforms, including requiring background checks on all gun sales, banning assault weapons and high-capacity magazines, and eliminating immunity for gun manufacturers who knowingly put weapons of war on our streets,” Biden said in a statement.

     “This administration will not wait for the next mass shooting to heed that call,” the statement reads. “We will take action to end our epidemic of gun violence and make our schools and communities safer.”

     The call from Biden comes three years after a gunman opened fire at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, in 2018, leaving 17 people dead. The tragedy led many of the survivors to speak out against gun violence and confront lawmakers about gun safety reform.”

    President Biden concluded his message by underscoring the urgency of action, and by placing the issue in a human frame of suffering, loss, fear, and grief; “We owe it to all those we’ve lost and to all those left behind to grieve to make a change,” he said. “The time to act is now.”

     These are good words, even glorious ones, which resound with history and the reimagination of America and all humankind, as we now expect from our President. But if we are to eradicate the origins of gun violence as a pervasive and endemic threat both to democracy and to public safety, we must go further, to the true reason governments refuse to abolish guns.

    Analysis of the structural relationships between government needs for massive industrial war production and the commercial arms sales required to keep it in full readiness reveal the real reason America provides an unrestricted  market for guns, indeed energetically promotes it; to be prepared at all times to fight multiple and vast wars. This is the business of empire, and the random deaths of schoolchildren and other innocent citizens to gun violence is considered an acceptable cost of doing that business.

     This must change, but it cannot change without also changing the profit driven motives of the military – industrial complex, as President Eisenhower warned us so long ago.

     As written by Priya Satia, author of Empire of Guns: The Violent Making of the Industrial Revolution, in Time; “Those in favor of firearms control in the United States today often point in exasperated envy at laws in countries like Australia and the United Kingdom. Why can’t the United States behave like these civilized countries?, they ask.

     The reality is that these countries were able to pass their strict laws partly because American laws are so lax. At just 4.4% of the world’s population, Americans own roughly a third of all the firearms in the world. According to a 2007 survey, American civilians own about 275 million of the world’s 875 million firearms. For the world’s gun manufacturers, this fraction of the world’s population is their largest single market. As long as it stays open, they can count on business, and governments around the world can feel secure about the health of an industry they rely on for defense.

     Since firearms became central to warfare, governments have faced a structural and logistics problem: They need gun manufacturers but do not generate enough demand themselves to keep those manufacturers in good health by serving the military alone. Peace, in particular, is bad for gunmakers.”

     “The Glorious Revolution of 1689 established a new regime in Britain. It had to defend itself against rebels at home and abroad who wanted to restore the ousted king. To that end, the new government set about developing a new hub of firearms manufacturing in Birmingham, to ensure an alternate source for guns in case rebels captured London’s firearms manufacturing capacity.

     For the next century, Britain was almost always at war, and Birmingham’s gunmakers thrived: from an initial annual production of tens of thousands of arms, they could produce millions by 1815. The government also launched its own factory, at Enfield, to further diffuse the industry.

     To keep this industry healthy during interludes of peace—in an era in which firearms possession was largely an entitlement of the upper classes—the government helped it find other outlets. British gunmakers sold firearms all over the world: in West Africa, as part of the slave trade; in North America, to Native Americans and colonial settlers; in South Asia, as part of trade and conquest. Occasionally, British officials worried about arming their own enemies. But inevitably, the logic prevailed that not selling guns to potential enemies would merely send those enemies to a rival supplier, like the French, and the British would forfeit both profit and influence.

     The government also encouraged gunmakers to diversify into products that could be sold to British civilians: buttons, buckles, harpoons, swords, bells. Diversification became more necessary in the 19th century as the empire’s fear of armed colonial rebellion increased. The Birmingham Small Arms company (BSA), the largest privately owned rifle manufactory in Europe until the 1890s and the largest in the U.K. through World War I, also made bicycles, motorcycles and cars. The government’s machine-gun supplier, Vickers, made various civilian goods, too.

     This strategy freed the government from worrying overly about the health of its firearms industry. In 1934, it selected a Czech design for the new army light machine gun, over protests from BSA and Vickers. After World War II, the Ministry of Defense stopped maintaining an R&D team for small arms design. BSA ceased military rifle production in 1961 after a government decision to let them go. They turned out other metal goods and motorcycles until they were edged out of those businesses in the early 1970s.

     The Royal Small Arms Factory at Enfield, meanwhile, did develop and supply the SA80, the standard postwar military firearm. In 1985, it and other government arms factories were made into a public corporation, Royal Ordnance, which, in 1987, was bought by British Aerospace, the then-reprivatized company in which Vickers had merged during the 1960 nationalization of the aircraft industry.

     That year, 1987, was also the year of the mass shooting known as the Hungerford massacre. Gun control in the U.K. got tighter as the gun industry shrank to vanishing point. The next year saw both the closure of the Enfield unit and amendments tightening existing firearms controls. After the Dunblane shooting in 1996, private possession of handguns was banned almost entirely; thousands of guns were surrendered. By that point there was essentially no firearms industry to put up a protest; U.K. military arms were mostly sourced abroad. In Australia, too, passage of tight gun control laws in 1996 was eased by the absence of a major Australian gun industry.

     The United States followed a different path.

     To be sure, American gunmakers also diversified to cope with whimsical government demand. Most famously, Remington, the country’s oldest rifle maker, turned out sewing machines and typewriters during the slump in firearm demand after the Civil War. But, for the most part, American manufacturers could rely on sales to civilians to cope with lulls in government demand.

     Between the world wars, the federal government and the American gun industry both opposed suggestions for controls on sales to civilians, out of fear that they would endanger an industry essential to national defense. During the Cold War, the U.S. became the new firearms depot of the world. When the Swedish firearms manufacturer Interdynamic AB could not find a civilian market for its TEC-9 submachine gun at home, its Miami subsidiary Intratec sold it to Americans, who made it a notorious instrument of mass shootings.

     If gun-control advocates focus on the NRA and politicians who take money from the group as the sole obstacles to sensible gun control laws in the U.S., they’ll be missing a larger structural reality: selling arms to American civilians has become crucial to an industry on which both the United States government and governments around the world depend. Indeed, it is the American public’s very division over gun control that keeps the industry healthy, given the saturation of the civilian market: without panic buying triggered by recurring fear of impending controls, companies like Remington and Smith & Wesson face dismal prospects. (Remington has now filed for bankruptcy, though its operations remain unaffected.)

     The more the rest of the world limits gun possession, the more American civilians keep the world’s firearms makers in business. The NRA and gun manufacturers benefit from promoting intense cultural and ideological commitment to their reading of the Second Amendment, but so does every government that needs firearms for its military and law enforcement services. Studies have shown that the presence of astronomical numbers of guns in the United States is a specific cause of the high rate of mass shootings, but the presence of those guns has become a matter of global security. This vision of global security has thus perversely come to depend on continual insecurity about mass shootings in the United States.”

Empire of Guns: The Violent Making of the Industrial Revolution, by Priya Satia

notes:

December 2 2020, Of Liberty, Force, and Freedom From Violence: Our Right to Bear Arms

      Today we witnessed a glorious triumph in the midst of terrible crises of political, economic, and environmental collapse and devastation; the swearing in of Senator Mark Kelly of Arizona, a victory for freedom from gun violence and a public renunciation of our nation’s most powerful organization of terror, the National Rifle Association.

     As reported by Sunlen Serfaty and Clare Foran for CNN; “The special election victory marks a moment of triumph for Kelly, a retired Navy captain and NASA astronaut, that comes in the aftermath of tragedy.

     Kelly was thrust into the national spotlight in 2011 when his wife, Arizona’s then-US Rep. Gabby Giffords, was shot in the head and nearly killed, an event that sent shock waves throughout the nation.

     He later turned into a political activist, launching a group called Americans for Responsible Solutions alongside his wife and fighting for gun control policies like universal background checks and so-called red flag laws.

     “I learned a lot from being an astronaut. I learned a lot from being a pilot in the Navy, ” Kelly said in his campaign announcement video. “But what I learned from my wife is how you use policy to improve people’s lives.”

    My response to this joyous news is as follows:

    Who so ever bears arms bears death, and has chosen to bring death among us and degrades every human relationship and interaction to a kill/no kill decision. Who can be trusted with such power? Choose life.

      This declaration was met with replies from friends in support of our right to bear arms, a right whose intention to guarantee the freedom and independence of individuals from government force and control I fully endorse. This does not mean we must allow terrorists and madmen to commit murder and mayhem, nor  that access to guns and other instruments of mass destruction should be free to all; we must sift very fine in choosing who if anyone can be trusted with the power of death. For this is exactly what the right to bear arms authorized; the power to bear death among us. It is a dreadful power, which bears a weight of responsibility like no other.

     I would begin the restoration of balance in our society by disarming the police, not our citizens. But we need not foster madness nor enable violence.

     Here is my rebuttal to the objection that gun control abrogates our right to bear arms:     

     Forbidding things does not align with my ideology; my ideal state is a world free of violence and the social use of force. Here I mean police, prisons, laws and the authorization of identity, state terror and military imperialism. These we must resist, by any means necessary.

     But we must also resist the pathology of dominance and control which is written into the history of our form. Ours is a culture of death, of the fetishization of guns as masculine jewelry and symbols of patriarchal power. Power, like the beauty of weapons, is seductive and a force of degradation and dehumanization.

     Where force is the only means of seizing power to restore balance and ensure liberty and equality, it is positive. That same force is negative when used to subjugate others. This is the line of division between revolution and tyranny; who holds power? In the words of Walter Rodney; “By what standard of morality can the violence used by a slave to break his chains be considered the same as the violence of a slave master?” America today remains the same nation won by conquest and theft from indigenous people, built by African slave labor, and become an empire through military and economic imperialism.

     We must abandon the social use of force if we are to become a free society of equals and of autonomous individuals. In a nation of Liberty, we send no police or armies to enforce virtue. This does not mean we surrender our power of self determination or our own safety and freedom from the ideas of other people.

     To be free is to be free from compulsion by force, and from control through surveillance and propaganda. It also means that we must be free from each other.

January 22 2020 Liberty versus Tyranny: Guns and the Role of Social Force in a Democracy

      As the pro-gun rally in Richmond Virginia this week was deluged by fringe elements including white supremacist terrorists, lunatic conspiracy theorists,  militias and other organizations of racism and fearmongering, and other criminals and enemies of America, though somewhere in the crowd must have been a lone gentleman who just wanted to hunt ducks, I had an interesting conversation with a woman who carries a gun for personal defense and is fanatically devoted to the idea of an armed citizenry as a last resort against tyranny.

     Where ideology and beliefs are interdependent with identity we have a bounded realm in which we will react to factual counter-argumentation as a threat, so I set these differences aside and redirected to finding common ground. For an excellent new text in engaging people in constructive dialog across oppositional ideological lines, I recommend How to Have Impossible Conversations by Peter Boghossian & James Lindsay.

     What gave me pause was that she was using a version of an argument for the justification of social force that I had once used, and I realized I was having a conversation with my younger self.

     As I framed the argument for putting out the fire with gasoline in the days of my youth, it goes like this; Ever wonder why there was no general resistance to the Holocaust by the Jews? The old German republic had gun registration, so when Hitler took power all the Nazis had to do was run the list and ask everyone to surrender their guns, and if they refused they were executed on the spot. Our founders feared Britain doing the same to them, which is why we have a second amendment right to bear arms. An armed citizenry can defend themselves from a rogue government. Giving up our guns means giving up control of our own security to the government. Do you trust the government that much? Because I don’t.

      While this argument is historically factual, there are several levels on which it will no longer work, the first of which is force parity. These may be good rules for a nation with a standing army of 600 men who are expected to show up for duty with their own rifles, but military technology has obsolesced the function of the second amendment.

      But this obscures the real question, which is the balance of values underlying the false dichotomy of the gun debate.

     To me, the issue of private gun ownership is not a question of security versus freedom. Security ranks third in my values hierarchy in this matter; first is the question of freedom from authority and the social force and control of tyranny. Gun violence is being used by our government to terrify us into accepting the transfer of our power of autonomy to the state as a subversion of democracy; to create a totalitarian regime of force, surveillance, and control through the counterinsurgency model of policing. Driven by overwhelming and generalized fear, we have been deceived and manipulated toward our enslavement.

     Gun violence also poses a threat to our value of equality, as it has become a primary weapon of white supremacist terror and the Fourth Reich.

     With freedom and equality as primary values, this leaves security as a tertiary value; guns as a last resort of personal safety in defense. Of course we all have a right to defend ourselves; my objection is to guns and other means of force and violence as instruments of tyranny and terror used by governments and other political and religious organizations, and the madmen who are shaped by them as deniable assets.

     Consider also; why respond to threats with a tool which can only speak with deadly force? Why choose death? And what of the guns of others; how can we be safe from them?

August 31 2019 Guns Death Terror Greed

    Guns, Death, Terror, Greed; unfortunately this can be said of any day in  America.

       When will we seize control of our own safety as citizens and enact laws to defend our lives and those of our children? I say, prove to us that we can trust you with our lives, and you may bear death among us. Who can pass such a test?

     I would say that anyone who wants access to guns and other weapons of terror and mass destruction must pass the same tests as our police, military, and other security servicepersons, meaning regular federal background checks and psychological screening, but some of the worst atrocities have been committed by those we have entrusted with our safety, especially racially motivated crimes, so we must disarm the police first.

     Second, anyone who owns a gun has motives which must be suspect, for they have chosen death and changed every human interaction into a kill/no kill decision. A civilian gun owner has all of the responsibility and none of the training in making such choices that a military or police sniper, air marshal, or  SWAT/CQB team member has, who are also highly screened people of exceptional character. By what means can we vouchsafe the bearers of death?

     Would it not be simpler to abandon the social use of force, and embrace nonviolence?   

      Our laws must recognize that anyone with a gun is a bearer of death, and has chosen this role and brings death into all situations which they encounter and all relationships in which they participate. Bringing a gun into a situation means you have upped the ante to life or death in all that you do.

     Choose life.

August 12 2019 the NRA is a White Supremacist Terrorist Organization Which Uses Fear of Nonwhite Peoples & Immigrants to Sell Guns

     The National Rifle Association has long used fear of nonwhite people and immigrants and the racist conspiracy theory of White Replacement to sell guns; as a lobby for the firearms industry it defends the market and profits of the manufacturers and distributors of weapons of white supremacist terror and mass destruction, but that is not its true goal.

    While needing a vast and unregulated arms market to ensure that our government has a fully operational manufacture and supply capability, what Eisenhower called the military-industrial complex, to support imperialistic wars and other acts of force and violence against our enemies real or imagined, that is also not its true goal.

    The true and primary goal of the NRA is to defend the hegemony of white patriarchal power and privilege, to shape some of us into monsters as deniable assets with which to terrify the rest of us into supporting the abandonment of democracy and of our equality and freedoms, to drive us like frightened cattle into an autocratic and totalitarian state. This is the true goal of the emerging global Fourth Reich; an all-powerful government of surveillance and force, a police state of secret power, covert armies, concentration camps, and the re-enslavement of nonwhite labor.

     So we have a pyramid of three parts in the goals of the NRA and the corrupt politicians who have seized our government; to subvert democracy and build a fascist totalitarian state through gun violence and racist terror, to support the business of empire by keeping us in a state of constant readiness for war, and to incite fear of others in the public to create a market for guns.

August 9 2019 Racism is at the Heart of America’s Gun Violence

     Why does America resist commonsense legislation to protect us from gun violence and white supremacist terror? This has little to do with guns and everything to do with race, otherness, and the social and structural hegemony of white power and privilege.

     Racism is the context within which American gun violence, and our lack of political will to do anything about it, occurs. This is a problem of cultural, social, historical, political, and psychological dimensions, a network of mutually reinforcing issues which must be addressed as an interconnected whole.

    At root, racism and white supremacist terror are a failure of our founding ideal of equality and of the concept of citizenship as co ownership of our government and full and inclusive membership in America as a free society of equals.

     In the words of Jonathan Metzl, author of Dying of Whiteness: How the Politics of Racial Resentment is Killing America’s Heartland, as quoted in The Guardian; “The country’s refusal to pass new gun control laws has everything to do with defending racial hierarchy. Who gets to carry a gun in public? Who is coded as a patriot? Who is coded as a threat, or a terrorist or a gangster? What it means to carry a gun or own a gun or buy a gun – those questions are not neutral. We have 200 years of history, or more, defining that in very racial terms.”

August 6 2019 Trump’s Death Squads: How Some of Us are Shaped into Monsters to Subjugate the Rest of Us Through Terror and Gun Violence

     That Trump is the chief conspirator and leader of a global Fourth Reich which has seized the government of our nation, who rose to power on a wave of fear and hate as he forged the alliance between white supremacists and Christian Identity fundamentalists which hijacked first the Republican Party and then America, is by now nothing new.

      We have seen the true enemy of America and of freedom and equality leering at underage girls while inspecting the dressing rooms at the Miss America Pageant, smiling in servile photo-op diplomacy with tyrants whose brutal regimes he admires, contorted with rage as he whips up his supporters at fascist rallies.

     But it has now become undeniable that he also directs and operates a covert network of deniable assets and death squads; so many of the terrorists who commit mass murder quote him in their manifestoes that it is beyond coincidence. America must as a nation confront two truths which are unavoidable; white supremacy and racist-fascist gun violence are now our greatest terrorist threats, and the President of the United States is the kingpin of that terrorism.

    His messages of hate shape some of us into monsters to subjugate the rest of us through fear; to drive us into the false security of an authoritarian police state of terror, surveillance, and the subversion of democracy.

December 13 2025 Dressing the Part: On Wardrobe as a System of Signs In the Performance of Identity

     This is a season for celebrating the joy we bring to each other, for cherishing our stories and how we have come to be who we are, and soon at the new year for reimagining who we wish to become.

     We create each other as informing, motivating, and shaping forces of becoming human; we also choose our intimate circle of friends, partners, and often family as models of target identities and instruments through which to recreate ourselves; figures of qualities we wish to claim for our own.

     Among the artifacts of material culture which aid us in this process are the clothes we choose for the roles we must or want to play; and these are densely layered systems of signs by which we organize ourselves, full of shadows and references from the legacies of our history.

     How do we choose from among the myriads of possible selves which history and society offer us?

     Here I gather resources for curating a woman’s wardrobe. I’ve never thought  about this in terms of women’s wardrobe til my sister needed a new one, so here’s my starting point; choose how you wish to present yourself in your normal and usual contexts. If you can write out a mission statement of who you are or want to be seen as, you can then choose outfits that communicate this in the contexts of your roles.

     My partner Dolly spends some of her most crucial work time in zoom meetings with peers globally, in some fifty nations and in multinational meetings, at Director levels of business and in partnerships with foreign governments; this is like a private tv studio show for a top level audience, and every day is a game of bureaucratic judo in which her job title is Strategist. So, she must dress the part with maximum authority. Its very different from her show wardrobe, which is different from what she wears to tea with friends or to the gym. I advise choosing your most critical role first and build a persona or character to play around that, then for your social or peer group role and then for personal time. On that last, you can tell a lot about who someone is by how they dress for leisure, and this is why I have since my twenties put the utmost care into that category, equal to my primary stage for the performance of myself which was to teach high school and nearly the same as my second stage or arena as a student at university.

     Our fate unfolds with great sensitivity to initial conditions, and I created the person I wished to become for the roles of teacher and scholar beginning with an event which shaped my perception of such tasks of identity construction and self-construal and my tactical and strategic approach to this primary mission; being a businessman mistaken for a thief. 

     I had opened a bank account when I purchased a business license as a martial arts teacher to put myself through university at San Francisco State an hour’s drive from our family home in Sonoma; we had just moved as my mother got a job teaching English there after my father retired from teaching in Ripon. I had about fifty dollars and wanted to study English Literature because I believed that it would help me to think better in general, as our use of language determines the kinds of thoughts we are able to have, a notion I got from my teenage enthusiasms for Wittgenstein’s Tractatus-Logicus Philosophicus and James Joyce’s Finnegan’s Wake.

     So I had no money but a skill I might sell, after ten years of studying martial arts. I figured I could buy a pizza or a business license, but with the license I might pay my own way and have a pizza every week. It turned out to be a bit better than that.

     I walked into my bank in my black Gurkha pants and field shirt wearing a very beautiful double breasted black leather World War Two tank commander’s jacket in glove leather that moved with me like a second skin, and a teller hit the police call button. We quickly sorted out the confusion as I had been depositing to my account, but I never wore my workout clothes on the street again.

     By happy chance my old debate partner from high school, Scott MacDonald, was staying with us while he worked toward his Masters in Finance, and he was managing a menswear business to pay his way. He set me up with a wardrobe to wear at university that I could also use to conduct business in, including navy, grey, and camel jackets with coordinating components and a trench coat, and I never showed up to classes in anything less than jacket and tie.

     When I began teaching three years later, still a Junior undergrad myself as my sister was just entering high school and we had started a Forensics class for her as Sonoma Valley HS didn’t have a speech and debate program, and on the first day of class our mother was in surgery and no one else on staff knew the subject but I had four very successful years of it on my father’s debate team, I re-evaluated my role and its requirements and came up with one problem that needed to be solved; I looked like and was often mistaken for one of the students and needed to be regarded as an authority figure worth listening to by them. I knew exactly what was de rigeur as a Forensics coach and teacher from my four years of high school tournaments on Saturdays, and could build out from there to achieve an ever changing wardrobe for everyday wear as a teacher using multiple combinations from a few core pieces, but upon reflection not what won immediate attention, respect, and obedience to orders by unruly teenagers, and there were nuances. So I began studying how authority is cued by the semiotics of what we wear, and carefully curated my wardrobe to convey the image I wished.

     This has nothing to do with fashion, except for the historical references embedded in the adaptations of our material culture; why things were worn and when, and the echoes and reflections of society in how they come to be and fall into disuse. Our clothes are about our values, histories, membership and belonging, the hierarchies and structure of society, who can acquire and has power and why.

     Here follows a conversation my sister and I had on Face Book, in posts and comments, who had mentioned an interesting problem; having reached her old weight in her twenties via GLP-1, which she refers to as her Gila Lizard Powers, she found herself needing a whole new wardrobe due to a difference of over fifty pounds. My immediate reply was; How wonderful, to construct a new identity starting with a blank slate via one’s wardrobe. Why not use the opportunity to curate a wardrobe for the person you wish to be now?   

      She thought this sounded fun, and so it began.

     Me to Erin with advice on wardrobe: First let’s establish a baseline of minimum respectability and gravitas. Business Casual is code for the minimum acceptable standard for leaving the house, even to shop for groceries as one is always on show when in public, unless you are actually playing a sport, going to the gym, or other activity requiring technical gear.

    Thinking of putting this message string together in an essay on the performance of identity as an instrument of self construal. Yes, Shakespeare did it best in Hamlet, but clothes are also a semiotics of multilayered signs regarding class, membership, and belonging which makes it very interesting. America portrays herself as an egalitarian society and meritocracy, without caste or class hierarchies, but this is untrue, though it is a lie and illusion which is useful to the hegemonic elites who own and rule everything. It is also a system of oppression with rules which are opaque and unstated, but which are determinative and act as a class filter for success and the accumulation of wealth, power, and privilege. This I wish to interrogate, and to leverage.

     Erin to me: “It is interesting indeed. And things mean different things in different places. Here in the Vegas valley, resort wear is always acceptable except in the most formal of occasions.

     Wearing business casual is the surest way to be taken for an office worker or call center worker, who is out and about in town after work or on a lunch break. People in this job category usually need a full time job and at least one side hustle just to get by with the minimum for being alive. But hardly anyone has a full time job with benefits anymore so it’s often temp work and 5 different part time jobs and home businesses. People in work wear are workers, people in casual resort wear are on vacation and here to have a good time, or at least they are workers on their days off ready to relax or shop. Wearing a blazer is a good way to be assumed to be in a rush to get as much done as possible before going on to the next task and have no time for small talk. Which is great if one hates small talk and wants to avoid it. The exception being of course if it is made of a sort of fabric or with embellishments that make it clearly evening wear rather than for work. Then it becomes evening out wear. Velvets, hand painted silks, that sort of thing. A business suit is unusual enough to be remarkable so men in suits can win respect as serious businessmen, but it works the opposite way for women. For a man a suit is a high class statement but for a woman the high class statement is a dress, because suits are for work.

     Of course all that is for non work environments, one should wear appropriate work wear to work. But since I work in the arts– writing, fashion, perfume– my actual work outfit is whatever because I do the actual work at home where no one sees me. The rare non internet sales event is in a social setting, such as my Time Travel Tea Party yesterday or the Fragrance Exchange Club tonight, where social dressing is expected rather than business dressing.”

     Me to Erin: That’s interesting. The category of resort may not be what I’m imagining now; can you specify what it is there and now, I suppose this will be universal to least to Americans, as Vegas has tourists from everywhere and represents a melting pot of warm weather holiday attire, but most especially any coded meanings such items convey? For example, a man with a white cotton pique v neck tennis sweater with the club colors stripes at the neck thrown over the shoulders and tied around the neck is a doctor or other top professional or Ivy class member, same as white brogue oxfords or bucks. I studied men’s clothes as a system of signs which cue authority and membership, because if you want to be the last guy in a crowd any police will question or to have your word judged with value in avowals like in giving witness, or you need people to follow your orders, this is crucial.

     When you say resort wear to me, I think white or off white summer weight open weave Italian wool, linen, or raw silk fabrics and combinations thereof, slightly oversize for airflow like safari kit, Sperry Topsiders for sailing and white shoes otherwise, Oxford Button Down Collar shirts in pastels of pink, mint, and periwinkle, at least one long sleeved so you can be let in the country at the airport as Islamic nations can be ornery about this, tennis shirts if you are actually playing a sport, a cotton bow tie for dining, and an Optimo Panama hat with the rounded top and a spinal rise in the middle designed for folding.

     Some of this will be delimited to a near-uniform by target activity; golf wear may be the most universal as much of all C level business is conducted on the golf course, and the rules change with the level of formality as soon as you enter the club house or dining room, much like a yacht club.

     In Europe or top shelf establishments a dinner jacket and tie are required for men, traditionally this means Summer Dress White jacket and black tie but unless this is specified as Black Tie Only its silly and I would wear a navy double-breasted six button jacket with creased white wool pants and a long striped tie; trade the white pants for grey and you have a casual business outfit, trade for Nantucket Red pants and you have a casual outfit for cooler hours outdoors.

     Erin to me: “Yes, that is absolutely perfect for resort wear here or anywhere, in summer and some parts of fall and spring. My summer wardrobe I built this summer includes mostly linen dresses, but also linen pants with either cotton shirts for day or silk sheaths or blouses for evening. But now it is winter, and it is still resort, because it’s resort here all year. It is usually not quite cold enough here for ski wear unless one is heading for Mt. Charleston where there is an actual ski resort. So the challenge becomes how to translate resort wear to winter without going full ski resort or apres ski. It is a challenge even for people who live here because there isn’t as much available as ready to wear.  

     Eventually I will make myself some silk dresses with the silk I already have. Some daytime occasions call for pants and a sweater though. Silk, silk / wool blends, and cashmere, preferably. And of course one needs a coat. Just for around the house and yard I will continue to wear my old wool coat with the sleeves rolled up, unless it’s raining, in which case rolled up sleeves won’t do. So I will need a rain jacket for practical wear, which I am hoping to get from ShortStory, the petite-only online store. And I will need a nice looking coat for town.

     Of course, when I ran for office, I wore a business suit everywhere, but that is because an elected official has a job and running to be one is an extended job interview, so it has to be work wear. I’m not running again.”

     Me to Erin: Sounds like you have a great wardrobe profile, and just need to fill in some blanks. Shopped for a coat for you, almost bought a Ralph Lauren in camel. But the sleeves looked too long and as you’ve mentioned can’t really be tailored down. Also some mediums and larges look the same, and xl varies from enormous to barely there. Macys has RL, and carries petites; have a friend take your measurements so you can order in correct size. We are sending a raincoat/ windbreaker that is uninsulated so you can wear it in warm evenings out. And layered with a vest or light sweater it will be warm. Found a couple more items to ship tomorrow.

     Reread this and am now thinking of your reference to velvets as an I Am Playing Not Working sign; I have velvet Smoking Jackets because they are worn in British clubs or after dinner, and when entertaining at home. Dolly’s wardrobe is divided into Day Velvets and Evening Velvets, both with sparkles and rhinestones, some painted or brocaded, in deep reds and blacks. Some are show dresses for performing, and she won’t wear anything less than formal ankle length, but mainly wears pants of similar kind. This is a woman who refers to any jewelry less than three carats as Day Rings, Evening Rings are best when 5 to 7 carats; she collects colored sapphire and antique costume jewelry by specific design houses like Weiss. She also refuses to wear business jackets, which I find unfathomable, and won’t wear anything with bare shoulders or arms or too low cut in front, so even her casual clothes skew formal. But jewel tone velvets and silk taffeta to go with colored sapphire she is all for. This means she is not a useful model for your needs, but an example of how ones personal style should reflect who we are because it also shapes us and how others assign value to us.

     My strategy to write about this has now become finding feminine counterparts to what I would wear in target stages of performance, like a lady’s version of the velvet smoking jacket ensemble or whites with a navy jacket for dinner at the yacht club.

      Erin to me: “This is the outfit I’m wearing to the club tonight. New dark bronze top paired with that purple necklace you and Dolly gave me years ago, and a purple silk wrap I made years ago.”

     Me to Erin: Gorgeous wrap, and coordinates with your glasses and jewelry. Whats your club? Jazz and billiards, poetry cafe?

     Erin to me: “Thank you. It’s the fragrance club.”

     So it begins, the search for an idea of resort wear for women that you can wear everyday on the street in a hot climate like Las Vegas, and where the goal is to look approachable, friendly, interesting, and out looking for fun as opposed to hurrying to and fro work.

      For this purpose I imagine diaphanous folds of gorgeous silks in vibrant colors, with accents of velvet, brocade, taffeta, and festooned with languid necklaces and broaches of curious design. For my sister, something between Maharani Odalisque and Scandalous Zelda Fitzgerald and just short of Gypsy Princess in a stage of performance between a Russian Caravan and a Moorish Palace with references to Jazz Age Speakeasy, with a peacock feathered turban and robes with gold thread trim which recalls a sari or the operatic idea of a Byzantine princess, and a pashmina cashmere wrap with a velvet vest ornately worked in the trim and with curio buttons like ancient coins or gold-dipped seashells. So I imagine my sister, holding court at ladies afternoon tea; though she may imagine herself quite differently.

      It is always important to define the stage on which your performance of self will be offered to the public, and any determinative context like climate, activity, and setting, such as this in a resort town full of tourists, many of whom bring their A game to the arena of action. Dance and nightclubs here are often a live action theatre of glitterati vying for the spotlight for which a woman might want a Red Hot Riding Hood or more formal Red Carpet outfit, and top restaurants will require jacket and tie for men and offer women a stage for their most fabulous Pretty Woman Cocktail Dress. I find it useful to give outfits names.

      But these are for evening wear on the town, and what my sister is interested in is building a wardrobe for daily wear in Las Vegas which today in the dead of winter is a high of 76 and a low of 51. As to target activity, at home she will be in and out of the swimming pool throughout the day cooling off through much of the year, which means a quiver of swimsuits complemented by sun hats, cover-ups, and pareo wraps, all in quick-dry fabric, and I would begin with a tropical palette of colors so that ones lounging figure could be used as a navigational beacon for aircraft.

      If one wished to signpost Ready For Fun, there is always the classic Americana of tiki bar nostalgia, Hawaiian print shirts; I have around fifty, mainly Jamaica Jaxx in raw silk, which I wear with colorful t shirts and rotate throughout the summer. Dolly began collecting these for me long ago; she thinks it makes me look more fun.

      In the special category of Ladies Afternoon Tea and Garden Party, linen, cotton, and silks can all be worn both at home and at town; in cream and pastels like those for summer shirts. I would look for long dresses that flow well when moving and drape in lovely folds from pleating, with needlework ornamentation, light and generously cut to admit the breeze, with ballet flats or sandals for around home.

     About town daywear comes next in priority, and this is where a signature outfit of tropical dress whites comes in, complemented with shirts in soft pastels of sea green, pink, robin’s egg blue, periwinkle, and buttercream yellow. If in crisp fabric and to be buttoned up with rounded collar and for ladies maybe with lace trim, or Oxford Button Down which is originally for playing polo if one wishes to go more casual, possibly in Yacht Club stripes. Once you have a jacket and trousers you can dress this outfit up or down for a wide range of purposes; trade the white brogues for well shined dress shoes in French cognac tan and add a bow tie, I like the two sided ones that tie to show a different pattern on right and left wing, though this is your chance to wear an actual school, club, or military tie if you are a member of such, and never if not as one must absolutely never claim membership in something one is not a member of, being very bad form and actually illegal in some cases, and you can wear this to dinner in most restaurants without getting thrown out. When it gets cooler, a cashmere or Irish linen vest carries this into evening, when you will trade the Panama hat for a flat cap, fedora, or ladies cloche. Choose hats in fur felt or tweed; a cap you can carry in a pocket is very handy. If its really quite sunny, a white umbrella with a Whangee handle may keep one from wilting.

     One step down in formality from Tropical Dress Whites but related is the Sporting Whites ensemble, originally for cricket and tennis, when cooler worn with flannel pants and when warmer with cavalry twill, or in the case of ladies playing tennis a short tennis skirt. This outfit has its own signature club sweater and the shirt of cotton pique with ribbed collar invented by The Alligator Lacoste for tennis; for after the game a camel hair polo coat is worn like a boxer’s robe.

     Next one will want a casual outfit not intended for playing sports in, and here is where the Ivy Style shines best; for ladies I think of white polka dots on a navy background coordinated with items in navy and white, with a splash of red accent color, worn with a string of pearls, and as for men navy jacket with pastel shirt and sometimes a maximum of one Madras item as contrast, possibly even the pants embroidered with figural whatnots called Go To Hell Pants. Ralph Lauren Polo and Ben Sherman are sources of superb quality for Ivy attire, and anything in this category can be worn both at university and for sport or casual. This versatility is why Ivy Style persists sixty years after it fell into general disuse in 1965. If your jacket has a left breast pocket, put a pocket square in it, in a print which complements but does not match your shirt and tie. Men will wear long cotton or wool ties seasonally and silk to dress it up for the clubhouse or anywhere indoors, and for casual will rotate from khakis to cords by season with the special exception of Nantucket Reds like my Izod Saltwater chinos, which originally signify that one has crossed the Atlantic under sail.

     You can wear the same navy jacket in winter with cords or flannel wool pants, and I like Orvis’ Donegal tweeds, and wool plaid shirts, or for business casual with pleated fine wool dress pants and dress shirts for which I prefer Van Heusen’s Lux Sateen line in jewel tones, same as with tweed jackets which are a staple of my wardrobe, and for ladies a hacking jacket in Donegal or Harris tweed would be my first purchase for winter, with a Barbour coat if rain is an issue. Note that these are not suits but odd sports jacket ensembles with complementary pants and shirts which change the level of formality; my only three piece suit of uniform fabric I have ever owned was a charcoal pinstripe  Brooks Brothers suit which I bought in graduate school. Other than that one exception, this was the Casual to Business Casual range of garments I wore to teach school in, as the formality can be changed with pants and shirt using the same jackets, a trick I advise to everyone.

      In my final category of warm weather casual wear I have safari or adventure travel wear, which I wore after work teaching or attending classes at university, when the outdoors beckoned or I just wanted to feel like I was on adventures. This I built around a tailored safari jacket based on British military number four  warm weather walking out dress, in crisp Egyptian cotton with horn buttons, worn with field shirt and khaki trousers or Gurkha self belted pants which I preferred for martial arts as they are easy to move in. Then we crown the ensemble with a safari hat; I like Akubra fedoras, and adorned mine with a peacock feather. Most of this can be found in versions for a woman; maybe with a lovely scarf in place of the ascot in French Lilac I’d tuck under my shirt for a spot of color.    

       As to shoes, I always wore Clarks Natureveldts to teach in, because they were air cushioned and you can stand on concrete all day in them without tiring; I’ve trekked across deserts and jungles in them, crossed seas and mountains. Clarks line for women has a lovely candy pink suede Wallabee and a dressier one in shiny dark teal, and their Mary Janes are incomparable. To dress it up for town, trade them for dress shoes like the very comfortable Nunn Bush Wingtip Oxfords in cognac for men; in Ladies dress shoes, the Bared Firecrown 2 is a beautiful and comfy patent leather red pointy toe, the Larroudé Ines Pump is a pointy toe slingback also with roomy toebox, and the Frankie4 Ramsay strap is stable and comfortable for all day events.  

     Thus concludes my interrogation of the semiotics of wardrobe for summer resort wear in the guises of Tropical Dress Whites, Ivy Style Yacht Club, a Business Casual to Casual wardrobe based on odd jackets, Ladies Afternoon Tea and Garden Party, Safari, Sporting Whites, Tiki Bar Party, and Swimwear in descending order of formality.

     To name a thing is to create it, and also to own it; like Adam naming the beasts, let us name our costumes and seize our power. So also may we use a quiver of characters to play as a set of possible selves.

     When you dream of ur-sources of historical identity and archetypal figures who can act as guardians and guides of the soul and provide spaces to grow into, dream big.  

    In our quest for seizures of power through cleverly negotiating the sea of symbols in which we must live, including what we wear as tools of our self construal and presentation, here follow some general principles of revolutionary struggle and becoming human as free and self created beings.

    The self or soul is a social construction created both by ourselves and by others over vast epochs of historical time, forms like the Greek theatrical mask through which actors speak which gave us the word persona.

      We are prochronisms, histories expressed in our form like the shells of fantastic sea creatures.

     Those who came before possess us like hungry ghosts eager to awaken once more, literally as DNA and truths written in out flesh. Those living now surround us as members of archipelagos of culture, forming us to their will as systems of oppression or as allies in liberation and self creation.

     From capture, assimilation, falsification, commodification, and dehumanization by those who would enslave us and the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, only love has the power to set us free, as a lover who sees us truly frees our best selves.

     Always there remains the struggle between the stories we tell about ourselves and those others tell about us; this is the first revolution in which we all must fight, the struggle for ownership of ourselves.

     Of the legacies of our history there are those which must be kept and those we must escape, and if we are very lucky they are not always the same.

My Sister Erin

               Winter in Las Vegas: Ideas For My Sister

My Pinterest board Resplendent Wardrobe https://pin.it/2RCCjh9Iv

     Erin, more interesting ideas. Her advice I like best: dress to please yourself. And, dress to become who you want to be.

    Business Casual is code for the minimum acceptable standard for leaving the house, even to shop for groceries as one is always on show when in public, unless you are actually playing a sport, going to the gym, or other activity requiring technical gear.

30 Outfits For Women in a Business Casual Office

https://www.swiftwellnessmag.com/blog/business-casual-outfits-women-need?fbclid=IwY2xjawOoMR9leHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEetU4HgntkFiEuD269J7rFEoDuz_DS8AvS8-OTptMTDA32vB2l8HzKc0VaYaA_aem_4bKZRI6TzQW7cPpRrYDWDA

     Reasonably good starting point. One thing I would amend: never wear jeans in public unless you wish to be mistaken for the help.

https://www.glamour.com/gallery/best-work-clothing-for-women?fbclid=IwY2xjawOoM09leHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEenS92s_RhuLTIA9D6VECdnsTumfOX0MMZWhQdqNXxaQVfaSMQmmOnea2ml9k_aem_wXMf52BFPDdzCLZx54Kjrg

     Also reasonable as a start. But, if you only have jeans, stay home and have real clothes delivered. Also, wide leg pants other than beautiful flowing silks on someone tall and slender look like a goofy circus clown has gotten loose and may be dangerous.

     And sneakers are for the gym just like duck boots are for hunting and fishing. Wear sneaks on the street and people think you are going to commit crimes, and not in a good way. I’ve worn them when not actually working out or practicing martial arts, but only when I need to fight. Okay, that’s been lots, as a young fellow. But security will notice you.

These 11 Essentials Are Non negotiables for Your Summer Work Wardrobe

https://www.vogue.com/article/office-clothes-for-women?fbclid=IwY2xjawOoMc5leHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEed2s8EEYlF75sPwm7aLWRH69xDgwgHg9k5QXHO6QWUpFf_jUsNO25K-_4_nw_aem_FzXitzUCgUJxRRr7Ff4y_w

     Travel packing; what you bring on trips is a special use slice of everything else, chosen for comfort, versatility, and destination or what you will be doing and where. Exactly like your everyday wear.

How to Create a Travel Capsule Wardrobe, According to Style Experts

https://www.travelandleisure.com/how-to-create-a-capsule-wardrobe-7693107

     A capsule wardrobe is one step more than a travel wardrobe

https://www.elle.com/uk/fashion/what-to-wear/a62222676/capsule-wardrobe/?fbclid=IwY2xjawOoM75leHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEezQTvrf3JvpGX_h6jiS9TwOjYIRSktFqoH9WNP02Dc8PESiGk5BuRwmV7KaU_aem_Yw1WnktGvT9keyaSElnf2Q

Resort Dress Code | What to Wear at Luxury Resorts by Shelli Pelly

15-Piece Capsule Wardrobe: Summer Vacation

Affordable Luxury Outfits: London & Paris, in a Heatwave

The Best Golf Clothes for Women Can Be Worn On and Off the Course/ Vogue

https://www.vogue.com/article/best-golf-clothes-for-women

Country Club Attire: Learn What to Wear in 2025

https://www.fashiongonerogue.com/country-club-outfits/

         Shopping Resources

Ralph Lauren Polo For Women

Bloomingdales Resort Wear 2026 Lookbook

https://www.bloomingdales.com/c/editorial/women/resort/

Nordstrom Women’s Vacation & Resort Clothing

https://www.nordstrom.com/browse/vacation/women/clothing?msockid=167ebb536d44603f1badabf16cf76106

Vogue Vacation Shop

https://www.vogue.com/resort-wear-shop

Izod Women

Anthropologie Resort Wear and Vacation Outfits

https://www.anthropologie.com/resort-wear?msockid=167ebb536d44603f1badabf16cf76106

Cupshe Swim & Resort  (best actual swimwear)

Clarks

https://www.clarks.com/en-us/all-womens-styles/w_allstyles_us-c

Bared Footwear

https://baredfootwear.com/us/collections/all-womens

December 12 2025 Claims to Authority and Imperial Grandeur: Trump Regime Changes Font For Official Documents From Calibri To Times New Roman

Claims to authority and imperial grandeur in Times New Roman, as Calibri is shunned for its design intention of legibility to everyone in the name of a performative anti-diversity purge.

      Yes, fonts and letterforms shape how we interpret and feel about what we read, and the authority with which it speaks. Look at the font I choose to publish in on my Word Press daily journal Torch of Liberty. It privileges beauty, elegance, refinement, but also recalls the grandeur of the imaginal American ideal at its best and most aspirational and inspiring; both Alegreya and Fondamento are derived from traditional calligraphy and bear the weight of history.  

     All human beings are created equal; though we may never have lived up to these words, fine words to live by they remain.

     I use Alegreya for the text body, and Fondamento for the headlines.

    As described by Google Fonts; “Fondamento and Fondamento Italic are calligraphic lettering styles based on the traditional Foundational Hand, a basic teaching style created by Edward Johnston in the early 20th century. The letterforms are clear and cleanly legible, basic and formal.”

     Its what we all learned in elementary school as children, and has resonances coloured by our memories, I hope for most of us of safety, nurturance, innocence, uncomplicated delight and limitless wonder.

   “Alegreya was chosen as one of 53 “Fonts of the Decade” at the ATypI Letter2 competition in September 2011, and one of the top 14 text type systems. It was also selected in the 2nd Bienal Iberoamericana de Diseño, competition held in Madrid in 2010.

     Alegreya is a typeface originally intended for literature. Among its crowning characteristics, it conveys a dynamic and varied rhythm which facilitates the reading of long texts. Also, it provides freshness to the page while referring to the calligraphic letter, not as a literal interpretation, but rather in a contemporary typographic language.

     The italic has just as much care and attention to detail in the design as the roman. The bold weights are strong, and the Black weights are really experimental for the genre. There is also a Small Caps sibling family.

     Not only does Alegreya provide great performance, but also achieves a strong and harmonious text by means of elements designed in an atmosphere of diversity.

     The Alegreya type system is a “super family”, originally intended for literature, and includes serif and sans serif sister families.

     Designed by Juan Pablo del Peral for Huerta Tipográfica.”

      Alegreya for myself is primarily a vehicle for beautiful writing, as I write essays in the European belles lettres tradition influenced in terms of style by Marcel Proust, Italo Calvino, and suchlike authors, and reflects the rhythms of poetry in its orthographic variations, well suited to someone like myself who thought of himself as a poet through his twenties.  

     And when composing in Word before publishing to Word Press, from which I post as links to Face Book, Blue Sky, Sub Stack, and other venues because the fonts are far more beautiful and compelling, I write in Arial Black 12 point for clarity  as its easy to both see and read at length, on a Word template on which I have inscribed “put some words here” at the top of the page as my daily writing prompt.

      As described in its marketing precis; “The Arial-Black font, designed by Monotype, is a bold and striking typeface with a strong presence. The font features a wide aperture and closed counters, giving it a modern and sophisticated look. The apexes and arcs are sharp and well-defined, adding to the font’s overall elegance and weight. The font’s ascenders are tall and majestic, while the descenders are short and precise, creating a balanced and harmonious structure. The font’s crossbars are sturdy, giving it a serious and professional feel. The serifs are minimal yet effective, adding a touch of classic refinement to the overall design. The stems are thick and robust, exuding a sense of strength and stability. Overall, the Arial-Black font falls under the categories of Neutral and Elegant, making it perfect for projects that require a combination of expressiveness and sophistication.

     The Arial-Black font, part of the Arial font family, exudes a sense of timeless elegance and rugged charm. With its strong structure and bold weight, this typeface is ideal for projects that require a touch of sophistication with a hint of ruggedness. The font’s foot is sturdy and well-defined, adding to its overall sense of reliability and durability. The loops and terminals are sleek and refined, giving the font a classic and progressive feel. The shoulder and spine of the font are smooth and well-proportioned, creating a harmonious and balanced design. The font’s overall structure is warm and inviting, making it perfect for projects that require a combination of elegance and ruggedness in equal measure.

     The Arial-Black font, known for its serious and friendly demeanor, is part of the Arial font family. With its clean lines and organic shapes, this typeface is perfect for projects that require a technic and approachable feel. The font’s apexes are sharp and well-defined, adding a touch of seriousness to its overall design. The ascenders are tall and majestic, giving the font a sense of authority and trustworthiness. The joints and serifs are minimal yet effective, creating a friendly and welcoming look. The font’s terminals are rounded and smooth, adding a touch of warmth to the overall design. The overall structure of the Arial-Black font is classic and progressive, making it a versatile choice for a wide range of projects requiring a serious yet friendly vibe.”

      As written by in The Guardian, in an article entitled Font of ‘wasteful’ diversity: Trump’s state department orders return to Times New Roman: Memo from Marco Rubio reportedly said cutting Calibri from official communication would ‘abolish yet another wasteful DEIA program’; “US diplomats have been ordered to return to using the Times New Roman typeface in official communications, with secretary of state Marco Rubio calling the Biden administration’s decision to adopt Calibri a “wasteful” diversity move, according to an internal department cable seen by Reuters.

     The department under Rubio’s predecessor Antony Blinken switched to Calibri in 2023, claiming the modern sans-serif typeface was more accessible for people with disabilities because it did not have the decorative angular features and was the default in Microsoft products.

     But a state department cable dated 9 December sent to all US diplomatic posts said that typography shapes the professionalism of an official document and Calibri is informal compared to serif typefaces.

     “To restore decorum and professionalism to the Department’s written work products and abolish yet another wasteful DEIA program, the Department is returning to Times New Roman as its standard typeface,” the cable said.

     “This formatting standard aligns with the President’s One Voice for America’s Foreign Relations directive, underscoring the Department’s responsibility to present a unified, professional voice in all communications,” it added.

     The change to Calibri in 2023 was recommended by diversity and disability groups in the US government, according to US media reports. Some studies have suggested that sans-serif typefaces, such as Calibri, are easier to read for those with certain visual disabilities.

     The state department did not immediately respond to a request for comment from Reuters.

     After taking office in January, Trump moved quickly to eradicate federal DEI (diversity, equity and inclusion) programmes and discourage them in the private sector and education, including by directing the firing of diversity officers at federal agencies and pulling grant funding for a wide range of programmes.

     DEI policies became more widespread after nationwide protests in 2020 against police killings of unarmed Black people, spurring a conservative backlash. Trump and other critics of diversity initiatives say they are discriminatory against white people and men and have eroded merit-based decision-making. Supporters of DEI measures say they serve as a counter to the biases that quietly endure in so-called colour-blind and merit-based societies.”

     What kind of mad idiot tyrant envisions America in terms of the Roman Empire? Here follow some of my previous essays on our Rapist In Chief, Traitor Trump.

      As I wrote in my post of January 21 2025, Horror On Opening Night As Deranged Idiot Clown Show Returns to White House; Depravities, violations, sadism, monstrosity; the horrors of opening night spew forth from the diseased and rotting mind of Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, Rapist In Chief of a fallen America as our deranged idiot mascot of fascism and theocracy returns to the White House with his Theatre of Cruelty.

     Elon Musk’s Nazi salutes typify the minions of the Clown and will be remembered forever as a symbol of the Party of Treason and the Deplorables who voted it into power, who slavering and ululating with mindless abandon cheer him on to greater performances of the grotesque and the bizarre.

     After preening before the crowd and dropping his pants so that various wellwishers could kiss his grublike white butt, Trump grinned, leered, grunted like a pig and hopped up on a table to squat and excrete a mass of Executive Orders which like Thing One and Thing Two immediately set about creating chaos.

      Then he summoned one of the migrant children he had stolen from their parents, cleverly tied up Shibari style and prodded along by handlers in KKK hoods with fireplace pokers, who made their prisoner jump through hoops like lion tamers to resounding applause. “Here’s my very first Executive Order, ladies and gentlemen; we’re going to round up all the migrants, only the ones who aren’t white mind you, just so nobody worries that we’re treating people unfairly because they’re not people, and we’re selling the bond of their labor on an open exchange so you can all buy some, everyone can buy some slaves, and you can do anything you want with them, anything at all, because I said so just now, and it doesn’t matter anyway because only our kind are really truly human. And you can forget about legal and illegal immigrants, or if they were born here or not, because it’s the bad blood I’m worried about and not what it says on paper, we’re just starting with the immigrants but don’t worry, we’ll get to the rest of them eventually”.

      And the crowd laughed and threw money, which Trump snapped out of the air like a dog catching treats.  

      What madness and evil may together do, we may expect of future performances of the Theatre of Cruelty by the psychopathic fascist clown now at the helm of our nation.

   As I wrote in my post of July 8 2020, Our Clown of Terror: The Madness of Donald Trump; We now have two revelatory and electrifying exposes of the secret world of Trump’s psyche and intimate sphere of action from insider whistleblowers, which together form a portrait of America’s President not unlike that of Dorian Gray, a horrific monster and predator who moves among us concealed beneath a human mask by the sorcery of lies and illusions.

     In this Mary Trump and John Bolton have done a great service to the witness of history and to our nation and all humankind as the fate of democracy and civilization hangs in the balance. Their books will be primary texts in any future civics and political history studies, unless of course Trump is given free rein by our citizen electorate to sabotage democracy in the cause of white supremacy and patriarchy.

     While we await to discover whether the people will authorize the theft of their liberty by a state of force and control in abject submission to tyranny and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, or arise in resistance like a phoenix from the flames, The Guardian has thoughtfully clarified our choices by providing a precis of the exposes.

      Too Much and Never Enough: How My Family Created the World’s Most Dangerous Man by Mary Trump includes the following insights; “1 Trump allegedly paid someone to take his high school exams, 2 Trump praised his own niece’s breasts, 3  Donald Trump’s sister appears to be a key source, 4 Mary Trump spoke to the New York Times about Trump family taxes, 5 Trump told Melania that Mary Trump took drugs, 6 Trump Christmases could be tough, 7 Jared Kushner’s father didn’t think Ivanka was good enough, 8 Trump’s character was shaped by ‘child abuse’.”

     The Room Where It Happened by John Bolton includes these revelations; “1 Trump pleaded with China to help win the 2020 election, 2 Trump suggested he was open to serving more than two terms, 3 Trump offered favors to authoritarian leaders, 4 Trump praised Xi for China’s internment camps, 5 Trump defended Saudi Arabia to distract from a story about Ivanka, 6 Trump’s top staff mocked him behind his back,  7 Trump thought Finland was part of Russia, 8 Trump thought it would be ‘cool’ to invade Venezuela.”

     My own opinion is that any understanding of the motives and likely actions of Trump rests with the two great shaping forces of his life; the etiology of his narcissism and psychopathy as a survivor of child abuse, and the influence of his primary model Roy Cohn, wonderfully depicted in the HBO documentary The Story of Roy Cohn as well as Tony Kushner’s luminous Angels in America.

     As I wrote in my post of August 7 2019, Psychopathy and the Nature of Evil: the Parallel Cases of Donald Trump and Adolf Hitler; How are monsters created, and how does evil arise as a shaping force which grants them the power to change the topography of human souls and the course of history?

     While sorting through Trump’s tweets and speeches by keyword looking for answers, I was reminded of another such project, the now-classic study of Adolf Hitler from his speeches and writings, The Psychopathic God by Robert G. L. Waite, which I read enthusiastically the year of its publication while a junior in high school. I had just finished reading Jerzy Kosinski’s novel The Painted Bird, which led me to an interest in the origins and consequences of evil, the route by which I developed a serious interest in psychology and its intersections with history, philosophy, and literature.

     The parallels between Hitler and Trump are amazing and instructive, both in terms of the personal and political origins, shaping forces, and consequences of madness and evil.

     Dr Justin Frank’s book Trump on the Couch is an excellent resource, particularly illuminating on Trump’s erotic relationship with his daughter, the fantasies of violence and power which are rooted in his childhood relationship with his tyrannical and abusive father, and his inability to love or empathize with others as a result of his abandonment by his mother.

      Pathological lies, poor impulse control, and grandiose fantasies and delusions complete the picture of a narcissistic personality and psychopathic predator.

     I’ve said it as a joke, but its quite true; how do you spell Trump? Treason, Racism, Untruth, Misogyny, Predator.

    Actually, Donald Trump is very easy to understand, because literature provides a ready portrait of him in Frankenstein’s monster, which I have described in my celebration of Mary Shelly and her luminous novel as the figure of an abandoned and tormented child, a vessel of rage and vengeance, with the merciless iron will to enact subjugation of others in their turn, terrible and pathetic and with the grandeur of a tortured defiant beast trapped in the same flesh as the innocent who needs to be loved and cannot understand why he seems monstrous to others.

     How Trump’s particular madness is expressed in our national policy is a horror which can described with precision; his fear of contamination and faecal fixation translate into his signature campaign against nonwhite others and a policy of ethnic cleansing and racist state terror, his misogyny into a patriarchal wave of legal disempowerment of women’s reproductive rights, his fragile ego,  identity confusion, and need for attention into a governance of Nuremburg-like rallies, the cultivation of despicable autocrats, and the obsessive vengeance against anyone who refuses to offer adoration and submission.

     Above all what unites Trump and Hitler as parallel figures and historical forces is the theory of politics as what Artaud called Theatre of Cruelty and government as performance art.

         As written in my post of October 28 2019, Trump and al-Baghdadi: parallel lives and reflections; As the world celebrates the death of al-Baghdadi, both tyrant and monster, and Trump claims credit in this the sole victory of his administration, as if for the trophy head of some dangerous beast shot by a guide while enjoying cocktails at the hunting camp, it may be interesting to compare the parallel lives, methods, and goals of Trump and al-Baghdadi.

     Both Trump and al-Baghdadi are megalomaniacs and psychopaths who seized power through manipulation of those who perceived themselves as victims and readily dehumanized others to change their status, using disruption of norms and a reimagination of reality through lies and misdirects to shape history, and enacted regimes of state terror and campaigns of religious and ethnic cleansing and of patriarchal misogyny and sexual violence against women.

     Trump cannot distinguish truth from lies and delusions; his madness and childlike feeble mindedness, the tantrums and psychotic rages, the bullying and narcissism of a spoiled brat, does not however absolve him of responsibility for his actions, or those of the treasonous cabal of sex predators and fascists he has gathered around him.

     Trump claims to have killed his dark reflection and shadow self by his spurious arrogation of a victory won by our intelligence and military services; but history will always see this second face behind his mask, a secret twin he bears into eternity, a face of power and twisted desires unrestrained by the laws and values of a democratic civilization and a free society of equals: the face of Trump’s heart of darkness, al-Baghdadi.

     Also out of order per a timeline but next in thematic rank, October 19 2019, Trump the predator exposed in All the President’s Women; How do you spell Trump? Treason. Racism. Untruth. Misogyny. Predator.

     Hey Republicans, thanks for showing us what’s under your masks.

      You know, I can understand how the Fourth Reich conspiracy of Gideonite fundamentalist patriarchs, Nazi-Klan white supremacists, and their plutocrat and foreign puppetmasters might claim the first four parts of the Trump program of subversion of democracy with defiant pride amongst themselves, but that last one baffles me. Its as if the whole Republican Party decided to adopt a new nickname on their first day of prison, and started introducing themselves as Short Eyes.

     Its all recounted in horrific detail in All The President’s Women: Donald Trump and the Making of a Predator by Barry Levine & Monique El-Faizy; the casual sexual assaults committed in an arrogance of power and privilege which echoes the aristocratic Right of Seigneur, perversions of cruelty and ownership of others as a form of dominion which are extensions of his psychopathy, and among the most terrible signs of his inhumanity and amorality his acquisition of a beauty pageant monopoly and modeling agency for the purpose of access to underage girls and which functioned as a human trafficking syndicate interdependent with that of his one actual friend Jeffry Epstein.

     Trump’s whole life purpose and goal is to perv Miss America. Republicans, are you really going to claim that legacy as your own? Are the rest of us going to let it go unchallenged?

     Let us unite together in this purpose; to restore the honor and morality of America, and vote Trump out of our government.”

     And as I wrote on September 13 2019, Trump’s foreign policy: sabotage of America’s global hegemony of power and privilege; After three years of idiocy and madness, pathological lies and perversions, what is the legacy of Trump and his monkeywrenching of America?

    Childstealing and whatever Trump and his Epstein buddies did which required the disappearance of witnesses and hundreds of missing migrant children.

     Use of white supremacist terrorists as deniable assets to enable the theft of our freedoms and the transformation of our democracy into a police state of totalitarian force and surveillance.

    Campaigns of racist and theocratic ethnic cleansing and genocide against nonwhite immigrants and Muslims.

     I could go on, but what is the point? What norms and values of America have Trump and the Republicans not violated? In domestic policy the Trump administration has been a disaster it will take a generation to recover from, if America survives at all.

   As regards foreign policy, Trump has alienated our allies and emboldened our enemies, damaged our credibility and poisoned our diplomatic relations.

    We have surrendered our ideals and our leadership of the world as its primary guarantor of democracy and human rights, and won nothing in return. I’m surprised anyone accepts our money; certainly the words of our President are meaningless and worth nothing.

     In my post of September 16 2019, Trump’s New World Order: madness and tyranny; “ In a brilliant thumbnail analysis of Trump’s impact on the state of the world in terms of foreign policy, Simon Tisdall writing in The Guardian describes his policy of vacuous sound bites, staged publicity images, the diplomacy of a man totally ignorant of human relationships beyond the golf course and of any strategy of action to achieve goals other than grabbing the world by the crotch and hanging on while gobbling and ululating meaningless bestial sounds as if negotiating for slops in a hog trough.

     Trump has discovered it’s not as easy to rape nations as it is to corner little girls in the dressing room of a beauty pageant, or even an adult one at Bloomingdales.

    Not if we unite together in Resistance.

     America now has a common cause with many nations of the world in overcoming fascist tyranny and rescuing democracy and the rule of law, of defeating the imperial conquest and subjugation of the earth by Trump and other figureheads of the Fourth Reich, and in the liberation of humankind and the restoration of the sovereignty of citizens.

    And finally, herein is the text of my post in celebration of the start of the Impeachment process on September 24 2019, America Rediscovers its Values: the Impeachment of Pennywise; ”Jubilation in the streets as America rediscovers its values and begins the impeachment of Pennywise, demonic clown and cannibalistic monster who dwells beneath the human face of Trump, a mask of flesh stolen from the abducted and enslaved women in the brothels his grandfather built the Trump family fortune on during the Alaska Gold Rush, and who today carries forward the legacy of terror and misogyny he was raised with, whose election should be de-certified as the coup of a foreign power and whose Presidency has no legitimacy.

     History will remember Trump as the standard bearer of the global Fourth Reich and its assault on democracy, stealer of children for his vile and twisted purposes, author of genocidal ethnic cleansing and builder of concentration camps, pathological liar and ignorant fool, whose alliance of xenophobic racists and white supremacists,  Christian Identity fanatics and other Gideonite fundamentalists who dream of the restoration of the Patriarchy under medieval Biblical law as a tyranny of the Elect, and amoral Plutocrats out to loot America for all the wealth they can send offshore while sabotaging our economy and driving our nation into collapse, thereby removing the major guarantor of freedom and human rights in the world and opening everything to exploitation.

     A full accounting of the treasons and crimes of Trump and his Republican conspirators would fill a thousand pages and more, would roll on like the endless night litany of the death of God during an Orthodox Easter service; but this is the moment of its end, wherein the chanting turns to rapture and joy at the break of dawn, for Nancy Pelosi and the power brokers of the Democratic Party have rummaged around in Pandora’s Box and found at last our hope, calling for impeachment and the restoration of the rule of law just at the point of no return, before the legitimacy of our government and the values on which it is built, freedom, equality, truth, and justice, are forever lost and America falls to fascism and tyranny, and with it the world descends into a second Dark Age.

     It took a millennia to emerge from the last one; civilization may not be recoverable again, should it fall under conditions of fascism and totalitarian regimes of absolute state power and surveillance, war, ethnostates and genocides, and unbridled extractive plunder of the earth. And this we must resist.

     Therefore celebrate with me the call for impeachment, and prepare ourselves for the great struggle ahead to make it real, to reawaken America’s values and to save democracy and universal human rights throughout the world.

We Enter Now the Wilderness of Mirrors:

The Psychedelic Puppets String Theory Gang and the Cyberdelic Dream Pen

https://www.youtube.com/@psychedelicpuppetshow

https://fonts.google.com/specimen/Alegreya/glyphs

https://fonts.google.com/specimen/Fondamento/glyphs

https://fonnts.com/font_weights/ariblk-ttf/

Font of ‘wasteful’ diversity: Trump’s state department orders return to Times New Roman: Memo from Marco Rubio reportedly said cutting Calibri from official communication would ‘abolish yet another wasteful DEIA program’

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/dec/10/trump-times-new-roman-font-return-state-department?fbclid=IwY2xjawOmlMFleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEecn3Lm9aJkaxRjp4JLkg7xncDJGnvmvmowSCxR4GiyiFwOELA9KUxUO9bfic_aem_am1f3E9coGXnN9LKdtkWNQ

When fonts fight, Times New Roman conquers

Why Fonts Matter, Sarah Hyndman

Just My Type: A Book About Fonts, Simon Garfield

Type is Beautiful: The Story of Fifty Remarkable Fonts,

Simon Loxley

           The Second Trump Regime, a reading list

The Prague Cemetery, Umberto Eco

Heliogabalus; or, the Crowned Anarchist, Antonin Artaud

A Political Fable, Robert Coover

Trump on the Couch: Inside the Mind of the President, Justin A. Frank

All the President’s Women: Donald Trump and the Making of a Predator, Barry Levine, Monique El-Faiz

Too Much and Never Enough: How My Family Created the World’s Most Dangerous Man, Mary L. Trump

The Room Where It Happened: A White House Memoir, John Bolton

The Psychopathic God by Robert G. L. Waite

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/500773.The_Psychopathic_God?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_42

December 11 2025 Luigi Mangione Day: Bringing A Reckoning To America’s Predatory Healthcare Insurance System

     From his life as a seed of change, may thousands Arise and seize power from those who would enslave, commodify, and dehumanize us as the raw material of their power.

     All Resistance is War to the Knife; those who respect no limits and no laws may hide behind none.

     Luigi Mangione has assassinated an apex predator of an unjust system of oppression, and opened the floodgates of a vast and primal rage among the underclasses of our society which may one day bring a reimagination and transformation to our bizarre and loathsome private healthcare system which is designed to enforce elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege. For this act of exposure and challenge of authority, of Resistance, seizure of power, and bringing a Reckoning, I here sing his praise.

     Let his valor and glorious refusal to submit and die quietly in the enormity of his grief and pain be celebrated and remembered, but let us also give reply with our solidarity of action, for free universal healthcare is a precondition of the Right to Life and guaranteed by our Bill of Rights. What does it mean to be human, if not to be each other’s keepers?

     Go Not Quietly. 

The Allopathic Complex and Its Consequences

Luigi Mangione’s last words

LM

Dec 09, 2024

     The second amendment means I am my own chief executive and commander in chief of my own military. I authorize my own act of self-defense in response to a hostile entity making war on me and my family.

     Nelson Mandela says no form of viooence can be excused. Camus says it’s all the same, whether you live or die or have a cup of coffee. MLK says violence never brings permanent peace. Gandhi says that non-violence is the mightiest power available to mankind.

     That’s who they tell you are heroes. That’s who our revolutionaries are.

Yet is that not capitalistic? Non-violence keeps the system working at full speed ahead.

     What did it get us. Look in the mirror.

     They want us to be non-violent, so that they can grow fat off the blood they take from us.

     The only way out is through. Not all of us will make it. Each of us is our own chief executive. You have to decide what you will tolerate.

     In Gladiator 1 Maximus cuts into the military tattoo that identifies him as part of the roman legion. His friend asks “Is that the sign of your god?” As Maximus carves deeper into his own flesh, as his own blood drips down his skin, Maximus smiles and nods yes. The tattoo represents the emperor, who is god. The god emperor has made himself part of Maximus’s own flesh. The only way to destroy the emperor is to destroy himself. Maximus smiles through the pain because he knows it is worth it.

     These might be my last words. I don’t know when they will come for me. I will resist them at any cost. That’s why I smile through the pain.

     They diagnosed my mother with severe neuropathy when she was forty-one years old. She said it started ten years before that with burning sensations in her feet and occasional sharp stabbing pains. At first the pain would last a few moments, then fade to tingling, then numbness, then fade to nothing a few days later.

     The first time the pain came she ignored it. Then it came a couple times a year and she ignored it. Then every couple months. Then a couple times a month. Then a couple times a week. At that point by the time the tingling faded to numbness, the pain would start, and the discomfort was constant. At that point even going from the couch to the kitchen to make her own lunch became a major endeavor

     She started with ibuprofen, until the stomach aches and acid reflux made her switch to acetaminophen. Then the headaches and barely sleeping made her switch back to ibuprofen.

     The first doctor said it was psychosomatic. Nothing was wrong. She needed to relax, destress, sleep more.

     The second doctor said it was a compressed nerve in her spine. She needed back surgery. It would cost $180,000. Recovery would be six months minimum before walking again. Twelve months for full potential recovery, and she would never lift more than ten pounds of weight again.

     The third doctor performed a Nerve Conduction Study, Electromyography, MRI, and blood tests. Each test cost $800 to $1200. She hit the $6000 deductible of her UnitedHealthcare plan in October. Then the doctor went on vacation, and my mother wasn’t able to resume tests until January when her deductible reset.

     The tests showed severe neuropathy. The $180,000 surgery would have had no effect.

     They prescribed opioids for the pain. At first the pain relief was worth the price of constant mental fog and constipation. She didn’t tell me about that until later. All I remember is we took a trip for the first time in years, when she drove me to Monterey to go to the aquarium. I saw an otter in real life, swimming on its back. We left at 7am and listened to Green Day on the four-hour car ride. Over time, the opioids stopped working. They made her MORE sensitive to pain, and she felt withdrawal symptoms after just two or three hours.

     Then gabapentin. By now the pain was so bad she couldn’t exercise, which compounded the weight gain from the slowed metabolic rate and hormonal shifts. And it barely helped the pain, and made her so fatigued she would go an entire day without getting out of bed.

     Then Corticosteroids. Which didn’t even work.

     The pain was so bad I would hear my mother wake up in the night screaming in pain. I would run into her room, asking if she’s OK. Eventually I stopped getting up. She’d yell out anguished shrieks of wordless pain or the word “fuck” stretched and distended to its limits. I’d turn over and go back to sleep.

All of this while they bled us dry with follow-up appointment after follow-up appointment, specialist consultations, and more imagine scans. Each appointment was promised to be fully covered, until the insurance claims were delayed and denied. Allopathic medicine did nothing to help my mother’s suffering. Yet it is the foundation of our entire society.

     My mother told me that on a good day the nerve pain was like her legs were immersed in ice water. On a bad day it felt like her legs were clamped in a machine shop vice, screwed down to where the cranks stopped turning, then crushed further until her ankle bones sprintered and cracked to accommodate the tightening clamp. She had more bad days than good.

     My mother crawled to the bathroom on her hands and knees. I slept in the living room to create more distance from her cries in the night. I still woke up, and still went back to sleep.

     Back then I thought there was nothing I could do.

     The high copays made consistent treatment impossible. New treatments were denied as “not medically necessary.” Old treatments didn’t work, and still put us out for thousands of dollars.

     UnitedHealthcare limited specialist consultations to twice a year.

     Then they refused to cover advanced imaging, which the specialists required for an appointment.

     Prior authorizations took weeks, then months.

     UnitedHealthcare constantly changed their claim filing procedure. They said my mother’s doctor needed to fax his notes. Then UnitedHealthcare said they did not save faxed patient correspondence, and required a hardcopy of the doctor’s typed notes to be mailed. Then they said they never received the notes. They were unable to approve the claim until they had received and filed the notes.

     They promised coverage, and broke their word to my mother.

     With every delay, my anger surged. With every denial, I wanted to throw the doctor through the glass wall of their hospital waiting room.

     But it wasn’t them. It wasn’t the doctors, the receptionists, administrators, pharmacists, imaging technicians, or anyone we ever met. It was UnitedHealthcare.

     People are dying. Evil has become institutionalized. Corporations make billions of dollars off the pain, suffering, death, and anguished cries in the night of millions of Americans.

     We entered into an agreement for healthcare with a legally binding contract that promised care commensurate with our insurance payments and medical needs. Then UnitedHealthcare changes the rules to suit their own profits. They think they make the rules, and think that because it’s legal that no one can punish them.

     They think there’s no one out there who will stop them.

     Now my own chronic back pain wakes me in the night, screaming in pain. I sought out another type of healing that showed me the real antidote to what ails us.

     I bide my time, saving the last of my strength to strike my final blows. All extractors must be forced to swallow the bitter pain they deal out to millions.

As our own chief executives, it’s our obligation to make our own lives better. First and foremost, we must seek to improve our own circumstances and defend ourselves. As we do so, our actions have ripple effects that can improve the lives of others.

     Rules exist between two individuals, in a network that covers the entire earth. Some of these rules are written down. Some of these rules emerge from natural respect between two individuals. Some of these rules are defined in physical laws, like the properties of gravity, magnetism or the potential energy stored in the chemical bonds of potassium nitrate.

     No single document better encapsulates the belief that all people are equal in fundamental worth and moral status and the frameworks for fostering collective well-being than the US constitution.

     Writing a rule down makes it into a law. I don’t give a fuck about the law. Law means nothing. What does matter is following the guidance of our own logic and what we learn from those before us to maximize our own well-being, which will then maximize the well-being of our loved ones and community.

     That’s where UnitedHealthcare went wrong. They violated their contract with my mother, with me, and tens of millions of other Americans. This threat to my own health, my family’s health, and the health of our country’s people requires me to respond with an act of war.

END

Brian Thompson’s killing inspired rage – against the healthcare industry

Thousands of Americans go bankrupt, lose their homes or die every year due to medical insurer practices

The popular response to the shooting of UnitedHealthcare’s CEO and American realities

https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2024/12/10/kerj-d10.html

Americans Hate Their Private Health Insurance

https://jacobin.com/2024/12/unitedhealthcare-murder-private-insurance-democrats

Blame Health Insurers for Exorbitant Health Care Costs

https://jacobin.com/2024/12/health-care-shooting-insurance-costs

We Don’t Just Need Medicare for All — We Need a National Health System

https://jacobin.com/2023/05/physicians-for-a-national-health-program-interview-medicare-for-all-national-health-system

US health reform is tough to pass. Can the brazen killing of a CEO change that?

New York police warn US healthcare executives about online ‘hitlist’

Luigi Mangione’s Anger Wasn’t Neatly Ideological

            Deprivatising Healthcare, a reading list

Medicare for All: A Citizen’s Guide, by Abdul El-Sayed https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/52617340-medicare-for-all

Deaths of Despair and the Future of Capitalism, by Anne Case https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/51801314-deaths-of-despair-and-the-future-of-capitalism

Delay, Deny, Defend: Why Insurance Companies Don’t Pay Claims and What You Can Do About It, by Jay M. Feinman https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/7932991-delay-deny-defend

Frankenstein, Not Robin Hood: Luigi Mangione

Ambition, Consequences, and a Perfect Storm

Michele Hornish

“Beware: for I am fearless, and therefore powerful.” ~Mary Shelley, Frankenstein

We thought it was Robin Hood. But really, it was Frankenstein.

Last week, a lone gunman shot and killed Brian Thompson, the CEO of United Healthcare – one of the largest health insurers in the country. It was a brazen attack, carried out on a busy city sidewalk outside the New York hotel where Thompson was supposed to speak that morning.

Lest we miss his motive, the shooter had inscribed words like Delay, Deny, and Depose on the bullets he would use to murder Thompson – words that echo the justifications heath insurance companies often use to deny patient claims. Over the weekend we learned that a backpack that he left behind in Central Park contained Monopoly money.

While all health insurance companies deny claims, United is particularly aggressive, and responsible for an outsized amount of insurance denials. Since the murder, social media has been awash with heartbreaking stories of claims denied and lives ruined (or lost) as a result.

Within hours of the shooting, the assassin was elevated to a sort of folk hero status. Some even called him a modern-day Robin Hood – an imperfect but powerful anti-elitist analogy.

Surely, it seemed, we were witnessing someone who was acting on behalf of the impoverished and undervalued. Internet sleuths refused to help locate him; people pledged to turn a blind eye if they saw him in the wild. But it was only a matter of time.

Yesterday, a suspect was arrested while eating breakfast at a McDonalds in Altoona, Pennsylvania. He was found with a gun, a silencer, four fake IDs and a manifesto targeting the health care system – so it seems pretty likely that the person in custody was in fact the shooter.

But he’s not what we thought he would be.

He’s not Robin Hood. He’s Frankenstein’s monster.

Frankenstein isn’t horror. It’s science fiction, with a heavy dose of Greek tragedy. (The full title is Frankenstein; Or, the Modern Prometheus – a nod to the Greek Titan who gave humans the gift of fire, for which he was punished for eternity).

Frankenstein is the story of an ambitious and exceptionally intelligent young man named Victor Frankenstein who discovers how to animate life. Obsessed with using this knowledge, Frankenstein knits a creature together using stolen body parts – each piece carefully chosen for the purpose. In isolation, Frankenstein notes, they are beautiful.

It’s only when those individually beautiful pieces are brought together and animated that Victor can appreciate what he has done.

As soon as the creature comes to life, Frankenstein is horrified at his creation. It is hideous and enormous and terrifyingly strong – but has the mind and innocence of a newborn baby. Outwardly grotesque but craving love and companionship, the creature reaches out to Frankenstein – only to be cruelly neglected, abandoned, shunned by the very person whose blind ambition created him in the first place.

Frankenstein’s monster is not the villain; Victor Frankenstein is.

The moral of Frankenstein is clear, and timeless. The story is about endless ambition and power and recklessness and unintended consequences and regret. It’s a tragedy about the lives ruined when something that could have been beautiful – and had incredible potential – is instead turned into a monster.

On paper, Luigi Mangione, the 26-year old who has been charged with Brian Thompson’s murder, doesn’t look like a monster.

He’s not a project of “woke” public schools or a bad education – he went to an elite, all-boys preparatory school (with a price tag of nearly $40,000 a year). He was the valedictorian of his high school class. He went to an Ivy League college – the University of Pennsylvania – just like Donald Trump and Elon Musk and Mehmet Oz.

He’s not from a broken home – he comes from a prestigious family of landowners and real estate developers and politicians. Family assets include country clubs and nursing homes and a conservative AM talk radio station that broadcasts Sean Hannity and Mark Levin, who wrote The Democrat Party Hates America. The Mangione Family Foundation provides grants to charitable causes; its largest single contribution in 2019, $50,000, was to the Baltimore Archdiocese. His cousin, Nino Mangione, is a Republican Maryland State Delegate.

His family certainly seems to (at least publicly) skew Republican, and individually he’s not what you’d call a liberal either – he’s reposted clips of Peter Thiel railing against “wokeism” and retweeted Tucker Carlson. He follows Joe Rogan and is a fan of anti-woke writer and illustrator Tim Urban. On facebook, he reposted a Wall Street Journal article blaming American “entitlements” for the deficit.

We’re getting clues now about his personal healthcare experiences; he reportedly suffers from chronic back pain due to a slipped vertebrae. At 26 years old, he would have just aged out of his family’s insurance policy and be looking upon decades of pain and insurance battles.

But nothing in his background would lead anyone to think Luigi would be capable of violence, let alone murder. And perhaps that is the most terrifying and unsettling part of this case: he was exceptionally typical. The privileged boy next door became a stone cold killer.

He’s what happens when a Frankenstein’s assemblage of terrible policies come together and create the perfect situation for a modern-day monster to awaken.

Lax gun laws meant he could obtain a ghost gun and a silencer. The cruelty of the American healthcare system and insurance industry gave him a target. And a future of decades of chronic pain and insurance battles gave him a motive.

But just as with Frankenstein’s creation, you can imagine how things would have – easily could have – gone very differently for Luigi.

Common sense gun reforms could have made it harder for him to obtain the weapons he used. Healthcare reform – or even the promise of it – could have made the future appear less bleak. Although broadly popular with the public, Republican politicians have refused to even entertain those reforms. Instead, they’ve pursued their own power, their own ambition, and their own pocketbooks.

The unintended consequence of policymakers’ neglect may be that they gave Luigi the thing that animated him – a fearlessness that only the hopeless fully understand.

In an online review of the Unabomber’s manifesto, Luigi gave voice to his desperation. There, he wrote: “Peaceful protest is outright ignored, economic protest isn’t possible in the current system, so how long until we recognize that violence against those who lead us to such destruction is justified as self defense?” Luigi Mangione, Goodreads

Unfortunately, Luigi answered his own question.

The end result is a life tragically lost, and another life – and family – ruined.

One of the most powerful and often-quoted lines from Frankenstein is delivered when the creature speaks directly to his creator: “Beware; for I am fearless, and therefore powerful.”

Friend, the creature isn’t fearless because his courage overwhelms his fear.

He is fearless because he has nothing to lose.

~Michele

Let’s get to work.

December 10 2025 Human Rights Day and the Fear of Nature as the Origin of Unequal Power, Divisions of Exclusionary Otherness, Patriarchal Systems of Oppression, and the Use of Social Force in Dominion and Control: the Myth of Medusa as Controlling Metaphor

       Medusa, goddess and monster, a victim cursed for the crimes of her abuser like Hester Prynne in The Scarlet Letter, and whose power to turn men to stone appropriates the dehumanizing and objectifying power of the Male Gaze. Hers is the power to see the truth of others, and to reveal to others their true selves, and models thereby an ideal of human relationships. We choose partners who can help us become the person we want to be, and who embody qualities we wish to assimilate to ourselves; a healthy relationship returns to us and helps us discover our true and best selves.

       As with the figure of the Wolfman and other monsters which embody the hostile and threatening aspects of the forces of nature, the figure of Medusa tells us how we relate to our natural selves and to nature, and to the essential wildness and chaos of both.

      We may also regard them as dyadic idealizations of masculine and feminine beauty, animus and anima archetypes in Jungian terms, though all mythic figures can be assigned positional and qualitative values in this way, and if you are a primary or native Romance language speaker you will construct meaning so that the whole material universe and everything in it is either masculine or feminine, though these things are truly ambiguous, conflicted, relative, and shifting as protean transformations of meaning, value, and identity which change with our history.

     Identity and its dimensions as identities of sex and gender are prochronisms, a history in our form of how we have solved problems of adaptation over time and through our interdependence with others, like the shell of a fantastic sea creature.

     What is most useful to me in the figure of Medusa is what we can learn from her myth about the purpose of Patriarchy as control of nature, a theme which Camille Paglia has fully explored in her foundational work Sexual Personae: Art and Decadence from Nefertiti to Emily Dickinson, the role of Medusa as tragic heroine and avenger of a violated natural wildness typifies the conflicts inherent within our society as systemic patriarchy, misogyny, and control.

    It can also tell us why we burn down rainforests to plant palm oil crops, poison ourselves with fossil fuels, and other travesties of capitalist plunder and colonial exploitation, why our oceans are dying, and why the extinction of humankind may be inevitable.

    We are addicted to power, and cannot bear that which is beyond our absolute control. Here is the origin of our dominion and subjugation of nature and of one another; fear. Fear of wildness, chaos, disorder, unpredictability, and loss of control; fear of standing naked before the endless chasms of night and the emptiness of the infinite cosmos without our armor of lies and illusions conferred by submission to authority, fear of embracing our darkness and our inchoate passions which threaten to sublime and enrapture, to defile and exalt us beyond our limits and reveal to us our true selves and truths written in our flesh.

     This is why seizures of power and revolutionary struggle for ownership of identity and autonomy as a process of becoming human and free self-created beings as emergence from authorized identities, including those of sex and gender, is primary in terms of developmental stages of growth and history for both persons and whole societies.

     It is also why the struggles for liberty and equality and against patriarchy and racism and for ecological sustainability and against capitalism and extinction are parallel and interdependent; for their origins are in the same disparity and disconnectedness of humankind from nature, and in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force.

     As I wrote in my post of December 10 2019 Human Rights Day

     Today we mark Human Rights Day with the beginning of a series of actions throughout the world in hope of making real for all peoples this most precious and tenuous gift of our civilization.

     As described on the United Nations website; ”Human Rights Day is observed every year on 10 December — the day the United Nations General Assembly adopted, in 1948, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR): a milestone document proclaiming the inalienable rights which everyone is inherently entitled to as a human being regardless of race, colour, religion, sex, language, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.”

     Our world is filled with injustices and a plethora of windmills that might be giants at which one may tilt; a host of genocides and state terrors, pervasive slavery, identity driven divisions of race, faith, language, and nationality, and those attendant upon the economics and class ravages of plutocracy and environmental plunder and extinction.

    Upon reflection I return to the one dehumanization and power asymmetry which has been with us since the dawn of agriculture and city-states ruled by priest-kings and the enforcers who drive the slaves in the fields; patriarchy and its key factor, the silencing of women. Remove this one keystone and the whole poisonous structure which shapes us into monsters and slaves begins to fall.

   The dynamic which divides half of humanity against the other half is brilliantly described in a short video by the eminent classical scholar Mary Beard; I was captivated by her use of the myth of Medusa as a controlling metaphor of maladaptive male-female relationships and the legacy of disfigured masculinity.

    Medusa herself is a compelling archetype; goddess and monster, like the beautiful and terrible jellyfish which is among her images and forms, and whose power appropriates the toxicity of the male gaze, her myth describes the history of the emergence of the Patriarchy and its seizure of power over our civilization, and the consequences of its primary values inversion which assigns the yin or death force to the female half of the human dyad.

    Of all the many inequalities we must redress to liberate ourselves, among those most crucial to our identity and our freedom are the silencing of women, and the denial of the feminine unconscious in men, and their transmutation into figures not of birth and life but of death, with all its attendant witch hunts in their many forms.

    Let us revoice and revision our ideals and relationships of masculinity and femininity as a fulcrum of identity, and change the balance of power in the world.

      As written by Cody Delistraty in an article entitled What If We’ve Been Misunderstanding Monsters? Fictional evil creatures might be more nuanced—and have more to teach us—than has long seemed; “Medusa is pure wickedness: an angry misandrist with venomous snakes for hair and the ability to turn a man to stone with only a look. That is, at least, how she is depicted in Thomas Bulfinch’s influential nineteenth-century text, Mythology. So too in Edith Hamilton’s updated Mythology, from 1942, and, as such, in much of contemporary popular culture.

     In Ovid’s Metamorphoses, published around 8 CE, however, Medusa had a backstory that’s often elided in modern retellings. She was attractive and innocent when Poseidon (Neptune) lured her into Athena’s (Minerva’s) temple and raped her. When Athena found out, she turned Medusa’s hair into snakes, erasing her beauty.

     Though Freud posited that Medusa’s hair represented sexual repression, a symbol of castrated genitalia and the madness to which that might lead a person, the poet Ann Stanford, in her “Women of Perseus,” unpacks the more nuanced psychological effects of Medusa’s rape and the complications it adds to understanding her. Commenting on Stanford’s work, the poet and scholar Alicia Ostriker notes in her article “The Thieves of Language” that “the trauma ‘imprisons’ Medusa in a self-dividing anger and a will to revenge that she can never escape, though she yearns to.”

     Consumed by this vengeful desire, Medusa might be not so much a monster as a tragic figure. Given the way her story as a “monster” has been told over the last few centuries, however, you’d be hard-pressed to know it.

     The Light Side of the Force or the Dark Side. Mount Olympus or Hades. The idea is that though we must choose a direction, it’s a straight and clear path.

When depicted as wholly and unchangeably evil, the classic monsters of literature and myth help make sense of a complex world, often with Biblical clarity and simplicity. The existence of pure evil implies the existence of pure good. Heaven or Hell. The Light Side of the Force or the Dark Side. Mount Olympus or Hades. The idea is that though we must choose a direction, it’s a straight and clear path.

     Until the Enlightenment, this one-sided view of monsters was rampant. The word “monster” is likely derived from the Latin “monere,” which means “to warn,” writes the scholar Stephen Fox in Rutgers University’s The Scarlet Review—as in a warning from God that to deviate a little from norms is to deviate entirely into the realm of evil. The notion of total evil is an inherently Old Testament one: you either adhere wholly to the commandments of God and make the correct sacrifices and go to Heaven; or you do not, and you go to Hell.

     J.R.R. Tolkien’s The Lord of the Rings—an overtly Biblical epic that seemingly takes place in the Middle Ages—made little room for nuance between good and evil. Orcs and Trolls and Sauron—these are absolute monsters with no redeeming values. “Tolkien was very clear about his monsters being intended as embodiments of pure malice and corruption, with no effort made to show any humanizing or empathetic aspects to them,” writes Fox.

     The trap is to think of all literary and mythical monsters in these Biblical terms. Though God and Tolkien may have had certain ideas about evil… well, #NotAllMonsters. To look at even the most classic of fictional monsters is to see complications to this reductive version of evil. Grendel, for instance, the villain of the Old English epic poem Beowulf, might seem a clear-cut brute. He’s depicted as a giant and is said to be a descendent of Cain, from the Book of Genesis, adding to his essential evilness.

     But upon a closer read one sees that the ostensible hero and Grendel have much in common. Both are characterized throughout the poem as having the “strength of 30 men in their arms,” as noted by the Old English literary scholar Andy Orchard in his book Pride and Prodigies: Studies in the Monsters of the Beowulf-Manuscript.

     When Beowulf fights, he’s depicted as doing so in a “distinctly inhuman way,” Fox writes, matching the style of Grendel. Even Grendel’s home, which seems to be in a bog or swamp of some kind, forces Beowulf to come down to the monster’s level to battle with him. A fair inference is that Beowulf is not so different from Grendel; they are literally on the same level. Apparent good and apparent evil often mix and meld, complicating their boundaries.

     Post-Enlightenment, literary monsters began largely to reflect social deviance. Intrinsic evil as a driving idea began to fall away. On the face of it, Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein is about the atrocity of Victor Frankenstein’s creation—no man has any business doing God’s work of creation. But to go deeper is to see that the central conflict of Frankenstein is not so much the relationship between creator and monster as it is the relationship between family and society. When Frankenstein’s mother is on her deathbed, she tells him that his fiancée, Elizabeth, “must supply my place,” mixing the role of mother and lover in Frankenstein’s mind. (To mix even further: his mother dies of the scarlet fever that Elizabeth had passed to her.) But Frankenstein puts off marrying Elizabeth, even at his father’s insistence. Instead of marrying and having a baby with her, as society would deem appropriate, Frankenstein “collected the instruments of life around [him] that [he] might infuse a spark of being into the lifeless thing that lay at [his] feet,” writes Shelley.

     By choosing to forego his social responsibilities to marry and procreate, he inflicts “a wound upon the social body,” as Shelley writes. It’s his social choices that are deemed monstrous. Frankenstein’s actual monster becomes a symbol for the creator’s deviance. Only upon realizing that he has departed too far from social norms does Frankenstein decide that his creature must die. His last words: “[seek] happiness in tranquility and avoid ambition.” On his own deathbed, Frankenstein has finally learned his lesson: don’t mess with social norms.

     Bram Stoker’s Dracula ends with the vampire’s execution, the monster’s death similarly restoring health to the community, as it represents the achievement of social cohesion following the threat of an outsider. Depicted as sexually suspect, Dracula, like Frankenstein and his monster, is a loner who foregoes his social duties. “Horror novels are often structured around conflict between the safety of a middle-class family home and queer-coded loners who seek its disruption,” writes the literary scholar Evan Hayles Gledhill in “Deviant Subjectivities: Monstrosity and Kinship in the Gothic Imagination.” “The ability to live as one chooses outside the constraints of the traditional pater familias is consistently presented as either a corruption… or a moral failing.”

     Because norms have shifted significantly through recent history, many of the monsters of the past now seem like jokes. Bela Lugosi’s 1931 film performance as Dracula, for example, is no longer frightening to contemporary audiences because his overt queerness has been coopted as camp; his operatic black cape has become a kind of cultural gag. His social threat has been mostly neutered—and with it his capacity to frighten.

     Today’s most ubiquitous monsters match contemporary moral panics. With Slender Man, a monster that originated as an online meme, his scariness is based on his supposed realness. Reified by the Internet’s echo chamber, young, very-online people post realistic-but-Photoshopped images of him and share supposed stories of encounters. When two teenagers stabbed a 12-year-old girl in Wisconsin in 2014, later telling authorities they were told to do so by Slender Man, the fictional became, for a moment, too real—adding to Slender Man’s perceived reality and thus his ability to scare.

     Similarly, last year’s The Invisible Man movie remake with Elisabeth Moss turned the late-nineteenth century literary monster into a domestically abusive tech billionaire, playing in part on the idea that near-unlimited money might turn a man evil. As a critique of billionaire culture and a particular flavor of masculinity, this kind of monster legitimately scares because a version of it exists.

     How might we view these contemporary monsters in a hundred years?

     To play (literal) devil’s advocate, perhaps in an increasingly virtual world, Slender Man will seem tame, even funny, like Dracula does now. Perhaps the current version of the Invisible Man will be viewed as a victim of capitalism, ambition culture, and toxic masculinity. One might still wonder whether Medusa is an incorrigibly wicked monster. But if deep down she’s also an abused and traumatized person desperately trying to take matters into her own hands, is she even really a monster at all?”

     As written by Lorna Marie Kirkby in her thesis The Rape of Medusa: Feminist Revision of Medusa in Stanford and DuPlessis; “Medusa, the snake-haired, stony-gazed Gorgon first appeared in her monstrous guise in Greek mythology. In the Greek myth Medusa was transformed into the petrifying monster that we know today by the goddess Athena as a punishment for ‘coupling’ with Poseidon in her temple. She has since been used in the modern world as a means for silencing women through the stigmatisation of female sexuality in art, psychology (particularly Freudian) and as a means for controlling and creating negative images of women that are to be avoided under the conditions of the modern patriarchal society. In reaction to misogynistic appropriations of the myth, many feminists have turned to Medusa in acts of revisionist mythmaking to transform Medusa into a source of power as an icon of the female gaze, sexuality, and power. The two poems that I have chosen for this essay, both entitled Medusa, constitute particularly unique revisions of the Medusa myth by focusing not on aspects of the Greek myth, but on Ovid’s retelling of the Medusa story in his Metamorphoses where Medusa is not punished for having sexual relations with the God Poseidon, but for being the victim of a rape by the sea God. Whereas most appropriations, misogynist and feminist, focus primarily on the result of Medusa’s transformation – the petrifying gaze and the serpent-hair – Medusa by Ann Stanford, published in 1970, and Medusa by Rachel Blau DuPlessis, published in 1980, address the rape that triggered the transformation, bringing the Medusa myth into modern feminist discourses on rape and the representation of rape in literature. In this essay I am going to assess Stanford and DuPlessis’ revisions of the Medusa myth in terms of how the two poems fit into the tradition of feminist revisionist mythmaking. In order to do so I will first consider the relationship between mythology, the oppression of women and how revising Ovid’s Medusa

myth has made it possible for Stanford and DuPlessis to subvert existing, patriarchal representations of both rape and women. I will then move on to explore in more detail the issues involved with representing rape in literature and the role of trauma in the two poems; and finally I will analyse in more detail the questions of voice that are necessarily brought tothe surface in feminist revisionist literature, and how these questions are expressed through the tropes of silence, the female gaze and female creativity in Stanford and DuPlessis’ poems.

      The question of violence against women became a key part of feminist agendas first in the late1960s with multiple campaigns to change the way in which society perceives rape and its victims. The anti-rape movement of second wave feminism came about in the late 1960s and early 70s and addressed both legal and political aspects of rape, including laws and the difficulties in prosecuting rapists, and attitudes such as victim- -hatred as a response to rape.

     modern understandings of rape and sexual violence, is against the tradition of viewing rape from a patriarchal perspective which either normalises rape, or punishes the victim. This perspective is particularly clear in mythology, where sexual assault is often glossed over, seen as fate at the hands of the Gods

or seen as the crime of the victim: Ovid’ s Medusa myth is no exception. The inscription of rape as part of the classic mythological narrative acts to minimize the element of human suffering in the victim of sexual assault and it is this gap in the mythological narrative that has allowed feminist revisionist mythmakers to readdress and change popular perceptions of rape by rewriting the original myths from a feminine perspective. Moniza Alvi explains her motivation for choosing the Europa myth in her work as an approach to writing about rape:

     “I hoped that using the myth would be a helpful universalising strategy, representing rape emblematically. The poem could then be dream-like and surreal, with a focus on feelings, rather than morality, and a ‘whose fault was it?’ scenario, which often leads to the woman being blamed.” (Alvi in Gunne and Thompson,2010: xii) Thus using mythology provides feminist revisionists not only the opportunity to challenge the overriding male viewpoint from which myths are written, but also to convey messages that take on a universal effect from the mythological status of the original. Alicia Ostriker explains the effect that feminist writers can gain from revisionist mythmaking as originating from the ‘double power’ of literature that bears a mythic status:

      “It exists or appears to exist objectively, in the public sphere, and consequently confers on the writer the sort of authority unavailable to someone who writes ‘merely’ of the private sel. Myth belongs to ‘high’ culture and is handed ‘down’ through the ages by religious, literary, and educational authority. At the same time, myth is quintessentially intimate material, the stuff of dream life, forbidden desire, inexplicable motivation everything in the psyche that to rational consciousness is unreal, crazed, or abominable” (Ostriker, 1982: 72) 

     From this, therefore, we can see why feminists have chosen to use myths to re-evaluate traditional perceptions of women. Feminine voices are few and far between in the classical narratives that have formed the foundations of our literary traditions, so by using myths women writers have been able to give the feminine voice an element of authority that is equated, as Alvi used The Rape of Europa, where Europa is raped by Zeus in the guise of a Bull in her poem

Europa and the Bull that forms the centrepiece of her collection

Europa. (Alvi, 2008: 24-38) Ostriker has explained, with so-called ‘high culture’, putting them on an even playing field with the male voices that have oppressed and silenced them for so long. Once on an even playing field, these women writers are in prime position to be able to question, destabilise and ultimately change the traditional narratives that have been so instrumental in defining and silencing women. Ann Stanford and Rachel Blau DuPlessis fit into this tradition of women revisionist writers and have used the mythological figure of Medusa as a vehicle for the previously oppressed feminine voice. Ovid’s description of Medusa’s rape at the hands of Poseidon is extremely brief, and played out over the course of just two lines of his Metamorphoses:

     “They say that Neptune, Lord of the sea, Violated her in a temple of Minerva.” (Ovid,2011: 76)

      In a narrative where the action is dominated by the acts of Gods (Poseidon’s rape and Athena’s punishment), the assault upon Medusa and her subsequent punishment despite being a victim is effectively accepted as the result of external, divine forces; her fate as a mortal woman. The brevity of Ovid’s description of the rape eliminates Medusa’s own perspective of the event and

any thoughts, feelings, or trauma that may arise as a result of the assault. The question of Medusa’s punishment at the hands of Athena is also key to feminist readings of Ovid’s work, for how can a punishment asigned by a woman represent the male oppression of the rape victim? Joplin explains:

“[Athene] is no real female but sprang, motherless, from her father’s head, as enfleshed fantasy. (…) Athene is like the murderous angel in Virginia Woolf’s house, a male fantasy of what a woman ought to be, who strangles the real woman writer’s voice.”  (Joplin in Higgins and Silver, 2013: 51) So Athena and the punishment she confers upon Medusa is ultimately an extension of the power of the patriarchy.

     The unanswered question of Medusa’s perspective is then further discouraged through her transformation into a monstrous creature to be feared. This has meant that Medusa’s own suffering has been largely ignored until the recent surge of feminist revisionism since the late 1960s.

     In their poems both Stanford and DuPlessis give first person accounts of Medusa’s suffering and the lasting trauma left by sexual violence, thus providing the perspective that had been missing from the Medusa myth, rewriting it to include and indeed promote the female voice. At the same time they have reduced the role of the Gods by attributing the transformation of their Medusas not to fate or to divine forces, but to the trauma of the rape, so that the petrification and the sprouting of snakes for hair is something intimate and personal that comes from Medusa herself. The transformation of Stanford’s Medusa seems more like a metaphor for the psychological change that takes place after experiencing rape: “My hair coiled in fury; my mind held hate

alone./ I thought of revenge, began to live on it./ My hair turned to serpents, my eyes saw the world in stone.” (Stanford, 2001: 114). Removing the mythical powers of the Gods from Medusa’s transformation  thus emphasises the personal, human suffering that is missing from Ovid’s telling of the myth and

reduces Poseidon’s assault to a human act of violence which brings the rape into the realms of the political and the social. Stanford’s description of Poseidon also belittles the God, making him seem repulsive “the old man” (Ibid.), “the stinking breath, the sweaty weight” (Ibid.: 115) –  the effect of which is that Stanford is able to criticise rape as a form of oppression over women, as in real life, rather than allowing the sexual assault to remain as the tragic fate of a mythological figure. DuPlessis takes a slightly different approach, yet her poem

 Medusa, like Stanford’s also leaves the realm of the mythic to constitute a wider criticism of the normalised violence and oppression against women. She achieves this through an amalgamation first of the three Graeae into one mother figure, and secondly of her rapist and her killer into one masculine, oppressive force. The mother figure, though unnamed, is identified as the three Graeae in the fifth section “Stole/ they/ eye of my mother,/ stole they teeth,/ mother.” (DuPlessis, 1980: 39) Referencing multiple victims of

male oppression in the poem allows DuPlessis’ critique to transcend the individual suffering of Medusa and to work as a demonstration of women’s

suffering at the hands of men. This is also highlighted later in the fifth section where the reader is reminded of another mythological rape victim, Philomela

: “she weave a woven/ to webble The Graeae were three powerful, mystical hags, (Deino, Enyo and Pemphredo) who shared one eye and one tooth between them. In his quest for the head of Medusa Perseus steals their single eye (and in some versions the tooth too), holding it to ransom for information on where to find the magical objects that will help him.

      Philomela was raped by King Tereus of Thrace, who cut out her tongue and imprisoned her to prevent her from telling anybody about the assault. Philomela then wove her story into a tapestry to send to her sister Procne Tereus’ wife

 who then killed her son by Tereus and served him as a meal to Tereus. Fleeing from the angered Tereus, Procne and Philomela prayed to the Gods to be turned to birds. Their wishes were granted with Procne transformed into a Swallow, and Philomela into a Nightingale, the female of which is naturally mute. For further  critical analysis of the myth, see Geoffrey Hartman’s The Voice of the Shuttle (Hartman, 1969) and Joplin’s feminist response to Hartman, The Voice of the Shuttle is Ours (Joplin in Higgins and Silver, 2013). “the wobble words.”, “the shuttle eye”, “her loopy threads” (Ibid.). The male perpetrators of violence or oppression are never mentioned by name or specifically as Gods or heroes, in fact aside from ‘he’ or ‘they’, the only other word used to refer to the male oppressor is ‘Man’: “Everywhere/ I see/ inside me/ Man poised” (DuPlessis, 1980: 36). Her use of capitalisation being scant, the fact that DuPlessis has chosen to use a capital letter for ‘Man’ seems to institutionalise the male sex and makes it clear that the Medusa of the poem is not talking about just one man, nor even Poseidon and Perseus together, but rather the ever-present patriarchy as a whole. The ominous presence of the ‘poised’ patriarchy, ready to exert oppression over  women appears again in the following stanza “on my eye/ a knife/ ceaselessly/ on a whetstone.” (Ibid.)

     Here, whilst symbolically recalling Medusa’s rape, DuPlessis also refers to

the continued and constant oppression of women through violence. Using the Medusa myth has therefore made it possible for Stanford and DuPlessis to simultaneously present an intimate view of the psychological repercussions of rape and auniversal indictment of violence and oppression of women as a historical notion. There is however the continued question of representing rape in poetry.

     I reference again Avi’s explanation of the concerns she faced when writing

 Europa and the Bull:“I envisaged the narrative in a series of

short sections, each presenting a bright image, each one hitting home, while the beauty of setting and the magical elements, would, I hoped, ensure that the tale was not too start. In the rape scene, I was able to employ the ambiguous image of the plunging bull in which much could be left to the readers’ imagination. I considered this approach preferable to a graphic animal/ human rape depiction which would sensationalize the tale and might turn off reader as well as writer.” (Alvi in Gunne and Thompson, 2010: xii) The problem of portraying rape with vivid and violent images in a form known for aesthetics is a problem faced by all who choose to use sexual violence in their work. In our comparison between Stanford and DuPlessis’ poems we can see two different approaches to the representation of rape. DuPlessis uses a similar technique to that of Alvi, by shrouding the violence in a kind of secrecy and metaphor where the word ‘rape’ is never used, nor the name of the perpetrator, nor is there a graphic depiction of the sexual assault or the murder. Instead the physical acts are concealed behind a complex system of language filled with symbolism

and fragmented by the protagonist’s trauma that prevents a direct retelling of the assault as such.

     The fragmentary nature and emphasis on sounds in DuPlessis’ language suggests a psychological regression to a purer language such as that of a child, yet the infantile perspective simultaneously allows DuPlessis to incorporate numerous metaphors and symbols for violence.

     DuPessis’  use of metaphor for violence – “a knife/ ceaselessly/ on a whetstone” (DuPlessis,1980: 36), “forcing the branch/ ripping the tree” (Ibid.: 37), “Broke the moon box”, (Ibid.: 39) – has the same effect as Alvi’s plunging bull, by avoiding the disturbing direct description of rape and violence, yet allowing images to build up in the reader’s mind through  aesthetic and poetic language. Myth and metaphor allows DuPlessis to address what has largely remained a taboo or stigmatised subject matter using existing, accepted forms of rape narrative, yet doing so through a first person narrative  something that Alvi avoided in her poetry in order to prevent her poetry from straying into the ‘survivor discourse’ that is prevalent in rape narratives. DuPlessis’ avoidance of direct engagement with violent acts could be an expression of the trauma undergone by the victim who is not yet prepared for the cathartic act of ‘telling’  the rape, yet by the end of the poem, DuPlessis expresses an empowerment through creativity as the head of Medusa changes from its identification as a victim to become an icon for female creativity.

     Stanford’s engagement with the telling of trauma is much more direct. Unlike DuPlessis and Alvi, Stanford’s first person account of Medusa’s rape is direct, plain-spoken and faces the violence encountered by the protagonist head-on. Not only does Stanford use the word rape, as is often avoided in the aesthetic form of poetry, but she avoids the use of euphemism to ‘soften’ the theme of rape, openly subverting the status of rape as taboo. Instead the language employed by Stanford is straightforward and basic, painting an exact picture of the assault suffered by Medusa. The first mention of the sexual assault seems to mimic Ovid’s matter -of-fact and essentialist description in Metamorphoses,

“He seized and raped me before Athena’s altar.” (Stanford, 2001: 114) yet later in the poem, when expressing the lasting effects of trauma and the rage that ensues, Stanford gives a much fuller and more vivid image of the rape

“but there recur/ thoughts of the god and his misdeed always –  / the iron arm, the marble floor/the stinking breath, the sweaty weight, the pain/ the quickening thrust.” (Ibid.: 115). This straightforward telling of the event shocks the reader, forcing them to face the taboo of sexual violence. The logical cause-and-

effect style of Stanford’s first person narrative leads the reader

to question the status that rape has had in literature historically, where the rape of mythical women has been accepted as part of historical narrative without a consideration of the feelings of individual women who undergo the same process in reality.

     The structure and tone of the poem in its simplicity and focus on the cause and effects of Medusa’s rage following her sexual assault brings to mind the survivor discourse as is common in autobiographical trauma narratives:

“To return fully to the self as socially defined, to establish a relationship again with the world, the survivor must tell what happened. This is the function of narrative. The task then is to render the memories tellable, which means to order and arrange them in the form of a story, linking emotion with event, event with event, and so on.” (Culbertson,1995: 179) Through a variation on survivor discourse, Stanford has brought the Medusa myth into the modern concern of psychological trauma in rape victims where Medusa’s transformation into

the serpent-haired monster with a petrifying gaze is equated with a victim’s dev

elopment of rage as a response to trauma, directed not only at the perpetrator of the sexual crime but at all men. This anger against the world, however, leaves her isolated: “My furious glance destroyed all live things there./ I was alone. I am alone. My ways/ divide me from the world, imprison me in a stare” (Stanford, 2001: 115) The rage that separates her from the world thus enacts a kind of petrification on the protagonist herself too, making her impenetrable to the world and alienated, unable to make human connections. Trauma

in Duplessis’ Medusa on the other hand is played out through the protagonist’s

 inability to express herself, as is reflected in the fragmented and infantile language used throughout the poem. Whereas Stanford’s Medusa work

s finds a kind of therapy through the act of ‘telling’, DuPlessis’ poem is a battle for the self-expression that has long been denied to women. The silencing of women is emphasised by the large blank spaces, and the way that DuPlessis has used short phrases rather than complete sentences that together hint at something left untold. In the first section of Duplessis’ poem there are multiple explicit references toman’s voice and ability to define women,“he held the meanings up” (DuPlessis, 1980: 35),fixing them as objects in patriarchal discourses “showing which/ is object, which subject,/ the discourse/ faceting her.” (Ibid.), whilst the women, the victims of discursive as well as sexual

violence remain “crosst tongue” (Ibid.) and oppressed into their definitions

 “Her he can and as he can/ he ken and names the/ knowing;/ breaks her/ in/ to being ridden,/ over the half spoken,/over the forgotten.” (Ibid.) In this li

ne in particular we can account for the fragmented and broken language of the poem, the ‘half spoken’ which can be seen to refer to Medusa’s perspective of her story which has been ‘forgotten’ by mythology.

     DuPlessis also uses language and references consistent with mutilation, such as the theft of the three Graeae’s eye, the reference to Philomela who has her tongue removed by Tereus. Mutilation is a theme that has been used by many women to explain the oppression of their voices, Joplin states: “Our muteness is our mutilation, not a natural loss, but a cultural one” (Joplin in Higgins and Silver, 2013: 39).

     Joplin likens women’s mutilation of voice, into silence, to the manx cat (a species without a tail) observed by Virginia Woolf:

     “The sight of that abrupt and truncated animal padding softly across the quadrangle changed, by some fluke of the subconscious intelligence, the emotional light for me. Certainly, as I watched the Manx cat pause in the middle of the lawn as if it too questioned the universe, something seemed lacking, something seemed different.” (Woolf, 2000: 13)

       The absence of the tail of Woolf’s Manx cat is like the absence of the tale of women. The tail/tale is conspicuous in its absence and leads the reader to question the universe that has been created to omit the female voice. DuPlessis’  poem essentially plays out Medusa’s battle to regain her ability to speak and to recover her mutilated ‘tale’ as she battles for her creative power. Stanford, on the other hand, rather than engaging with the historical aspect of the silencing of women, focusses on the image of Medusa as a mythical monster that has since been maintained and supported by other largely misogynist readings of the Medusa myth in order to maintain the silence of women. Freud, for example, created a theory based on the Medusa myth that relies on his earlier theories of castration. In his theory, Medusa’s head represents at once the castrated female genitals and the dangers of female sexuality: “The sight of Medusa’s head makes the spectator stiff with terror, turns him to stone. Observe that we have here once again the same origin from the castration complex and the same transformation of affect! For becoming stiff means an erection. Thus in the original situation it offers consolation to the spectator: he is still in possession of a penis, and the stiffening reassures him of the fact. (…) Since the Greeks were in the main strongly homosexual, it was inevitable that we should find among them a representation of woman as a being who frightens and repels because she is castrated” (Freud, 1963: 202-203)

     For Freud, then, Medusa is a monster, representing man’s fear of the castrated genitals of the mother and of becoming castrated himself. Stigmatising Medusa as a monster  of castrated genitals or of snake-hair and petrifying gaze –  devalues her voice. In subverting this view,

Stanford gives Medusa’s voice worth. She does this by deflecting the monstrosity that was traditionally hers onto the god that raped her and his offspring that are growing inside of her: “his monster seed beneath my heart” (Stanford, 2001: 115). Stanford’s reversal of the monster identification is completed by language consistent with human emotion and human reactions to describe Medusa’s perspective, such as “anger”, “hate”, “alone”, “thoughts”, “pain”, “blood” and “heart”.

     In rendering the monster human, Stanford is giving her the voice that was ignored or feared in the monster, allowing the victim her opportunity to give her testimony to the crime committed and express her trauma through language. The ability to express oneself through language and the triumph of the female creative voice is key also to understanding DuPlessis’ Medusa.

     In the final two sections of her poem, DuPlessis demonstrates the triumph of the female creative voice, as the Medusa head comes to signify something other than the monster of mythology and Freudian psychology: female creativity. In order to unite the Medusa myth with creative power, DuPlessis resurrects the romantic symbols of rocks, stones and nature as representative of poetry and creativity: “O voice seed./ Listen root./ Spring sprout./ Head web.// From the eye jet/ from the tooth debt/ rock and reck/ rock and reckon” DuPlessis, 1980: 41). In these two stanzas we can see the reappearance of the female voice and of the gaze. Whereas before it was the male gaze fixing the female into her objectification, now it is the female eye that ‘jets’ and the female voice that ‘seeds’.

     Many feminist scholars have claimed that it was the female gaze that posed the greatest threat of the Medusa myth and that the underlying meaning of the theories of castration complex that have evolved around the myth, were in fact the dangers of the female gaze (to the patriarchy). Hazel Barnes stated that,

similarly to Sartre’s theory in  Being and Nothingness,“It was not the

horror of the object looked at which destroyed the victim but the fact that his eyes met those of Medusa looking at him” (Barnes, 1974: 13). Thus, the female gaze holds a power, but not amystical one. Simply put, the female gaze is the greatest threat to the dominating male gaze.

     The female gaze in DuPlessis’ poem triumphs over the male gaze,

and the female voice is free to express itself “in sight, my netted reach/ in voice, my knotted speech” (DuPlessis, 1980: 42)

      As opposed to DuPlessis ’ empowerment and revitalisation of the female gaze, the gaze of Stanford’s Medusa loses its vitality and freshness as her erotic power is crushed by the sexual assault. “Whatever I looked at became wasteland” (Stanford, 2001: 114), “my furious glance

      Sartre theorised that when we are looked at we are frozen into the role of an object, objectified by our function as defined by the subject of the gaze. As though being turned to stone by that gaze. (apud.Sartre, 1956) destroyed all live things there” (Ibid.: 115). With a semantic field consistent with death, Stanford portrays a woman who has been emotionally mutilated as well as physically attacked.

     Stanford emphasises Medusa’s victimisation and lack of control over her own destiny “twisted by fury that I did not choose” (Ibid.). The language of the poem is oppressive, as is her own gaze: “The prisoner of myself” (Ibid.). This language, relatively plain, using logical sentences, structured like the language of man, is restrictive and does not allow her the freedom that DuPlessis’ Medusa finds in her reappropriation of the power of creativity. Stanford’s Medusa remains the victim of male oppression, as is revealed in the final stanza where the cycle of violence against women continues with her pregnancy “And now the start,/ the rude circling blood-tide not my own/ that squirms and writhes, steals from me bone by bone”(Ibid.). In the final lines of the poem it becomes clear that Stanford’s protagonist has not escaped the objectification of the male gaze, but that she remains oppressed “prisoned withinmy prison, left alone,/ despised, uncalled for, turning my blood to stone.” (Ibid.)

      This imprisonment inside the androcentric narrative, objectified by the male gaze, is the complete opposite of Hélène Cixous’ Medusa who uses language and creativity to escape the constraints of literary tradition that silence women.

“You only have to look at the Medusa straight on to see her. She’s not deadly. She’s beautiful and she’s laughing.” (Cixous, 1976:885) Used by Cixous to theorise the creation of a unique écriture féminine, the stigmatised and oppressed Medusa woman is neither a threat to humanity, nor an ugly monster, nor silent. She is beautiful and she is laughing. She has transcended the status conferred upon her by patriarchal mythic tradition and expresses herself in a unique language: La rire de la Méduse.

     This is what emerges in DuPlessis’ unique and subversive language. The female gaze and feminine voice that is oppressed and imprisoned in Stanford’s poem is freed and embraced in DuPlessis’. Through an exploration of Medusa’s victimisation, Stanford and DuPlessis have broken Medusa free from her status as a snake-haired monstrosity. Uncovering a long tradition patriarchal oppression, they have turned the popular myth on its head, transforming Medusa into an exemplification of the violence with which male literary tradition has objectified woman and silenced her voice. Prompting readers to take a second look at the way women have been portrayed in male-dominated narratives, DuPlessis and Stanford have unsilenced the voice that the rape (sexual and textual) had suppressed. Stanford unveils a world of oppression and of male forces victimising women, and DuPlessis has empowered the female voice, bringing back the female gaze, and ending optimistically with a celebration of female creativity. The rape of Medusa, that which has been used by myth and patriarchy to imprison Medusa, has been subverted and used by women revisionist writers to free Medusa.

     Medusa is beautiful, and Medusa is laughing.”

https://www.un.org/en/observances/human-rights-day

 Mary Beard on Medusa   

https://aeon.co/videos/why-medusa-lives-on-mary-beard-on-the-persistent-legacy-of-ancient-greek-misogyny

What If We’ve Been Misunderstanding Monsters?, Cody Delistraty

The Rape of Medusa: Feminist Revision of Medusa in Stanford and DuPlessis

https://www.academia.edu/16819819/The_Rape_of_Medusa_Feminist_Revision_of_Medusa_in_Stanford_and_DuPlessis

The Laugh of the Medusa, Hélène Cixous

Medusa Must Die! The Virgin and the Defiled in Greco-Roman Medusa and Andromeda Myths,  By Sharon Khalifa-Gueta

https://www.academia.edu/79483842/Medusa_Must_Die_The_Virgin_and_the_Defiled_in_Greco_Roman_Medusa_and_Andromeda_Myths?email_work_card=view-paper

Sexual Personae: Art and Decadence from Nefertiti to Emily Dickinson,

by Camille Paglia

Pride and Prodigies: Studies in the Monsters of the Beowulf Manuscript,

by Andy Orchard

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/616487.Pride_and_Prodigies

Deviant Subjectivities: Monstrosity and Kinship in the Gothic Imagination, Evan Hayles Gledhill

The Scarlet Letter, Nathaniel Hawthorne

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/12296.The_Scarlet_Letter?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_19

Books by Rachel Blau DuPlessis

https://www.goodreads.com/author/list/80992.Rachel_Blau_DuPlessis

Holding Our Own: The Selected Poetry of Ann Stanford, Ann Stanford, Maxine Scates (Introduction), David Trinidad (Editor)

What If We’ve Been Misunderstanding Monsters?

Fictional evil creatures might be more nuanced—and have more to teach us—than has long seemed.

By: Cody Delistraty

Medusa is pure wickedness: an angry misandrist with venomous snakes for hair and the ability to turn a man to stone with only a look. That is, at least, how she is depicted in Thomas Bulfinch’s influential nineteenth-century text, Mythology. So too in Edith Hamilton’s updated Mythology, from 1942, and, as such, in much of contemporary popular culture.

In Ovid’s Metamorphoses, published around 8 CE, however, Medusa had a backstory that’s often elided in modern retellings. She was attractive and innocent when Poseidon (Neptune) lured her into Athena’s (Minerva’s) temple and raped her. When Athena found out, she turned Medusa’s hair into snakes, erasing her beauty.

Though Freud posited that Medusa’s hair represented sexual repression, a symbol of castrated genitalia and the madness to which that might lead a person, the poet Ann Stanford, in her “Women of Perseus,” unpacks the more nuanced psychological effects of Medusa’s rape and the complications it adds to understanding her. Commenting on Stanford’s work, the poet and scholar Alicia Ostriker notes in her article “The Thieves of Language” that “the trauma ‘imprisons’ Medusa in a self-dividing anger and a will to revenge that she can never escape, though she yearns to.”

Consumed by this vengeful desire, Medusa might be not so much a monster as a tragic figure. Given the way her story as a “monster” has been told over the last few centuries, however, you’d be hard-pressed to know it.

The Light Side of the Force or the Dark Side. Mount Olympus or Hades. The idea is that though we must choose a direction, it’s a straight and clear path.

When depicted as wholly and unchangeably evil, the classic monsters of literature and myth help make sense of a complex world, often with Biblical clarity and simplicity. The existence of pure evil implies the existence of pure good. Heaven or Hell. The Light Side of the Force or the Dark Side. Mount Olympus or Hades. The idea is that though we must choose a direction, it’s a straight and clear path.

Until the Enlightenment, this one-sided view of monsters was rampant. The word “monster” is likely derived from the Latin “monere,” which means “to warn,” writes the scholar Stephen Fox in Rutgers University’s The Scarlet Review—as in a warning from God that to deviate a little from norms is to deviate entirely into the realm of evil. The notion of total evil is an inherently Old Testament one: you either adhere wholly to the commandments of God and make the correct sacrifices and go to Heaven; or you do not, and you go to Hell.

J.R.R. Tolkien’s The Lord of the Rings—an overtly Biblical epic that seemingly takes place in the Middle Ages—made little room for nuance between good and evil. Orcs and Trolls and Sauron—these are absolute monsters with no redeeming values. “Tolkien was very clear about his monsters being intended as embodiments of pure malice and corruption, with no effort made to show any humanizing or empathetic aspects to them,” writes Fox.

The trap is to think of all literary and mythical monsters in these Biblical terms. Though God and Tolkien may have had certain ideas about evil… well, #NotAllMonsters. To look at even the most classic of fictional monsters is to see complications to this reductive version of evil. Grendel, for instance, the villain of the Old English epic poem Beowulf, might seem a clear-cut brute. He’s depicted as a giant and is said to be a descendent of Cain, from the Book of Genesis, adding to his essential evilness.

But upon a closer read one sees that the ostensible hero and Grendel have much in common. Both are characterized throughout the poem as having the “strength of 30 men in their arms,” as noted by the Old English literary scholar Andy Orchard in his book Pride and Prodigies: Studies in the Monsters of the Beowulf-Manuscript.

When Beowulf fights, he’s depicted as doing so in a “distinctly inhuman way,” Fox writes, matching the style of Grendel. Even Grendel’s home, which seems to be in a bog or swamp of some kind, forces Beowulf to come down to the monster’s level to battle with him. A fair inference is that Beowulf is not so different from Grendel; they are literally on the same level. Apparent good and apparent evil often mix and meld, complicating their boundaries.

Post-Enlightenment, literary monsters began largely to reflect social deviance. Intrinsic evil as a driving idea began to fall away. On the face of it, Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein is about the atrocity of Victor Frankenstein’s creation—no man has any business doing God’s work of creation. But to go deeper is to see that the central conflict of Frankenstein is not so much the relationship between creator and monster as it is the relationship between family and society. When Frankenstein’s mother is on her deathbed, she tells him that his fiancée, Elizabeth, “must supply my place,” mixing the role of mother and lover in Frankenstein’s mind. (To mix even further: his mother dies of the scarlet fever that Elizabeth had passed to her.) But Frankenstein puts off marrying Elizabeth, even at his father’s insistence. Instead of marrying and having a baby with her, as society would deem appropriate, Frankenstein “collected the instruments of life around [him] that [he] might infuse a spark of being into the lifeless thing that lay at [his] feet,” writes Shelley.

By choosing to forego his social responsibilities to marry and procreate, he inflicts “a wound upon the social body,” as Shelley writes. It’s his social choices that are deemed monstrous. Frankenstein’s actual monster becomes a symbol for the creator’s deviance. Only upon realizing that he has departed too far from social norms does Frankenstein decide that his creature must die. His last words: “[seek] happiness in tranquility and avoid ambition.” On his own deathbed, Frankenstein has finally learned his lesson: don’t mess with social norms.

Bram Stoker’s Dracula ends with the vampire’s execution, the monster’s death similarly restoring health to the community, as it represents the achievement of social cohesion following the threat of an outsider. Depicted as sexually suspect, Dracula, like Frankenstein and his monster, is a loner who foregoes his social duties. “Horror novels are often structured around conflict between the safety of a middle-class family home and queer-coded loners who seek its disruption,” writes the literary scholar Evan Hayles Gledhill in “Deviant Subjectivities: Monstrosity and Kinship in the Gothic Imagination.” “The ability to live as one chooses outside the constraints of the traditional pater familias is consistently presented as either a corruption… or a moral failing.”

Because norms have shifted significantly through recent history, many of the monsters of the past now seem like jokes. Bela Lugosi’s 1931 film performance as Dracula, for example, is no longer frightening to contemporary audiences because his overt queerness has been coopted as camp; his operatic black cape has become a kind of cultural gag. His social threat has been mostly neutered—and with it his capacity to frighten.

Today’s most ubiquitous monsters match contemporary moral panics. With Slender Man, a monster that originated as an online meme, his scariness is based on his supposed realness. Reified by the Internet’s echo chamber, young, very-online people post realistic-but-Photoshopped images of him and share supposed stories of encounters. When two teenagers stabbed a 12-year-old girl in Wisconsin in 2014, later telling authorities they were told to do so by Slender Man, the fictional became, for a moment, too real—adding to Slender Man’s perceived reality and thus his ability to scare.

Similarly, last year’s The Invisible Man movie remake with Elisabeth Moss turned the late-nineteenth century literary monster into a domestically abusive tech billionaire, playing in part on the idea that near-unlimited money might turn a man evil. As a critique of billionaire culture and a particular flavor of masculinity, this kind of monster legitimately scares because a version of it exists.

How might we view these contemporary monsters in a hundred years?

To play (literal) devil’s advocate, perhaps in an increasingly virtual world, Slender Man will seem tame, even funny, like Dracula does now. Perhaps the current version of the Invisible Man will be viewed as a victim of capitalism, ambition culture, and toxic masculinity. One might still wonder whether Medusa is an incorrigibly wicked monster. But if deep down she’s also an abused and traumatized person desperately trying to take matters into her own hands, is she even really a monster at all?

The Rape of Medusa

Feminist Revision of Medusa in Stanford and DuPlessis

Estudante: Lorna Marie Kirkby Docente: Gonçalo Vilas-Boas

     The Rape of Medusa: Feminist Revision of Medusa in Stanford and DuPlessis Medusa, the snake-haired, stony-gazed Gorgon first appeared in her monstrous guise in Greek mythology. In the Greek myth Medusa was transformed into the petrifying monster that we know today by the goddess Athena as a punishment

for ‘coupling’ with Poseidon in her temple. She has since been used in the modern world as a means for silencing women through the stigmatisation of female sexuality in art, psychology (particularly Freudian) and as a means for controlling and creating negative images of women that are to be avoided under theconditions of the modern patriarchal society. In reaction to misogynistic appropriations of the myth, many feminists have turned to Medusa in acts of revisionist mythmaking to transform Medusa into a source of power as an icon of the female gaze, sexuality, and power. The two poems that I have chosen for this essay, both entitled Medusa, constitute particularly unique revisions of the Medusa myth by focussing not on aspects of the Greek myth, but on Ovid’s

retelling of the Medusa story in his  Metamorphoses where Medusa is not punished for having sexual relations with the God Poseidon, but for being the victim of a rape by the sea God. Whereas most appropriations, misogynist and feminist, focus primarily on the result of Medusa’s transformation –  the petrifying gaze and the serpent-hair –  Medusa by Ann Stanford, published in 1970, and Medusa by Rachel Blau DuPlessis, published in 1980, address the rape that triggered the transformation, bringing the Medusa myth into modern feminist discourses on rape and the representation of rape in literature. In this essay I am going to assess Stanford and DuPlessis’ revisions of the Medusa myth in terms of how the two poems fit into the tradition of feminist revisionist mythmaking. In order to do so I will first consider the relationship between mythology, the oppression of women and how revising Ovid’s Medusa

myth has made it possible for Stanford and DuPlessis to subvert existing, patriarchal representations of both rape and women. I will then move on to explore in more detail the issues involved with representing rape in literature and the role of trauma in the two poems; and finally I will analyse in more detail the questions of voice that are necessarily brought tothe surface in feminist revisionist literature, and how these questions are expressed through the tropes of silence, the female gaze and female creativity in Stanford and DuPlessis’ poems.

      The question of violence against women became a key part of feminist agendas first in the late1960s with multiple campaigns to change the way in which society perceives rape and its victims. The anti-rape movement of second wave feminism came about in the late 1960s and early 70s and addressed both legal and political aspects of rape, including laws and the difficulties in prosecuting rapists, and attitudes such as victim- -hatred as a response to rape.

     modern understandings of rape and sexual violence, is against the tradition of viewing rape from a patriarchal perspective which either normalises rape, or punishes the victim. This perspective is particularly clear in mythology, where sexual assault is often glossed over, seen as fate at the hands of the Gods

or seen as the crime of the victim: Ovid’ s Medusa myth is no exception. The inscription of rape as part of the classic mythological narrative acts to minimize the element of human suffering in the victim of sexual assault and it is this gap in the mythological narrative that has allowed feminist revisionist mythmakers to readdress and change popular perceptions of rape by rewriting the original myths from a feminine perspective. Moniza Alvi explains her motivation for choosing the Europa myth in her work as an approach to writing about rape:

     “I hoped that using the myth would be a helpful universalising strategy, representing rape emblematically. The poem could then be dream-like and surreal, with a focus on feelings, rather than morality, and a ‘whose fault was it?’ scenario, which often leads to the woman being blamed.” (Alvi in Gunne and Thompson,2010: xii) Thus using mythology provides feminist revisionists not only the opportunity to challenge the overriding male viewpoint from which myths are written, but also to convey messages that take on a universal effect from the mythological status of the original. Alicia Ostriker explains the effect that feminist writers can gain from revisionist mythmaking as originating from the ‘double power’ of literature that bears a mythic status:

      “It exists or appears to exist objectively, in the public sphere, and consequently confers on the writer the sort of authority unavailable to someone who writes ‘merely’ of the private sel. Myth belongs to ‘high’ culture and is handed ‘down’ through the ages by religious, literary, and educational authority. At the same time, myth is quintessentially intimate material, the stuff of dream life, forbidden desire, inexplicable motivation everything in the psyche that to rational consciousness is unreal, crazed, or abominable” (Ostriker, 1982: 72) 

     From this, therefore, we can see why feminists have chosen to use myths to re-evaluate traditional perceptions of women. Feminine voices are few and far between in the classical narratives that have formed the foundations of our literary traditions, so by using myths women writers have been able to give the feminine voice an element of authority that is equated, as Alvi used The Rape of Europa, where Europa is raped by Zeus in the guise of a Bull in her poem

Europa and the Bull that forms the centrepiece of her collection

Europa. (Alvi, 2008: 24-38) Ostriker has explained, with so-called ‘high culture’, putting them on an even playing field with the male voices that have oppressed and silenced them for so long. Once on an even playing field, these women writers are in prime position to be able to question, destabilise and ultimately change the traditional narratives that have been so instrumental in defining and silencing women. Ann Stanford and Rachel Blau DuPlessis fit into this tradition of women revisionist writers and have used the mythological figure of Medusa as a vehicle for the previously oppressed feminine voice. Ovid’s description of Medusa’s rape at the hands of Poseidon is extremely brief, and played out over the course of just two lines of his Metamorphoses:

     “They say that Neptune, Lord of the sea, Violated her in a temple of Minerva.” (Ovid,2011: 76)

      In a narrative where the action is dominated by the acts of Gods (Poseidon’s rape and Athena’s punishment), the assault upon Medusa and her subsequent punishment despite being a victim is effectively accepted as the result of external, divine forces; her fate as a mortal woman. The brevity of Ovid’s description of the rape eliminates Medusa’s own perspective of the event and

any thoughts, feelings, or trauma that may arise as a result of the assault. The question of Medusa’s punishment at the hands of Athena is also key to feminist readings of Ovid’s work, for how can a punishment asigned by a woman represent the male oppression of the rape victim? Joplin explains:

“[Athene] is no real female but sprang, motherless, from her father’s head, as enfleshed fantasy. (…) Athene is like the murderous angel in Virginia Woolf’s house, a male fantasy of what a woman ought to be, who strangles the real woman writer’s voice.”  (Joplin in Higgins and Silver, 2013: 51) So Athena and the punishment she confers upon Medusa is ultimately an extension of the power of the patriarchy.

     The unanswered question of Medusa’s perspective is then further discouraged through her transformation into a monstrous creature to be feared. This has meant that Medusa’s own suffering has been largely ignored until the recent surge of feminist revisionism since the late 1960s.

     In their poems both Stanford and DuPlessis give first person accounts of Medusa’s suffering and the lasting trauma left by sexual violence, thus providing the perspective that had been missing from the Medusa myth, rewriting it to include and indeed promote the female voice. At the same time they have reduced the role of the Gods by attributing the transformation of their Medusas not to fate or to divine forces, but to the trauma of the rape, so that the petrification and the sprouting of snakes for hair is something intimate and personal that comes from Medusa herself. The transformation of Stanford’s Medusa seems more like a metaphor for the psychological change that takes place after experiencing rape: “My hair coiled in fury; my mind held hate

alone./ I thought of revenge, began to live on it./ My hair turned to serpents, my eyes saw the world in stone.” (Stanford, 2001: 114). Removing the mythical powers of the Gods from Medusa’s transformation  thus emphasises the personal, human suffering that is missing from Ovid’s telling of the myth and

reduces Poseidon’s assault to a human act of violence which brings the rape into the realms of the political and the social. Stanford’s description of Poseidon also belittles the God, making him seem repulsive “the old man” (Ibid.), “the stinking breath, the sweaty weight” (Ibid.: 115) –  the effect of which is that Stanford is able to criticise rape as a form of oppression over women, as in real life, rather than allowing the sexual assault to remain as the tragic fate of a mythological figure. DuPlessis takes a slightly different approach, yet her poem

 Medusa, like Stanford’s also leaves the realm of the mythic to constitute a wider criticism of the normalised violence and oppression against women. She achieves this through an amalgamation first of the three Graeae into one mother figure, and secondly of her rapist and her killer into one masculine, oppressive force. The mother figure, though unnamed, is identified as the three Graeae in the fifth section “Stole/ they/ eye of my mother,/ stole they teeth,/ mother.” (DuPlessis, 1980: 39) Referencing multiple victims of

male oppression in the poem allows DuPlessis’ critique to transcend the individual suffering of Medusa and to work as a demonstration of women’s

suffering at the hands of men. This is also highlighted later in the fifth section where the reader is reminded of another mythological rape victim, Philomela

: “she weave a woven/ to webble The Graeae were three powerful, mystical hags, (Deino, Enyo and Pemphredo) who shared one eye and one tooth between them. In his quest for the head of Medusa Perseus steals their single eye (and in some versions the tooth too), holding it to ransom for information on where to find the magical objects that will help him.

      Philomela was raped by King Tereus of Thrace, who cut out her tongue and imprisoned her to prevent her from telling anybody about the assault. Philomela then wove her story into a tapestry to send to her sister Procne Tereus’ wife

 who then killed her son by Tereus and served him as a meal to Tereus. Fleeing from the angered Tereus, Procne and Philomela prayed to the Gods to be turned to birds. Their wishes were granted with Procne transformed into a Swallow, and Philomela into a Nightingale, the female of which is naturally mute. For further  critical analysis of the myth, see Geoffrey Hartman’s The Voice of the Shuttle (Hartman, 1969) and Joplin’s feminist response to Hartman, The Voice of the Shuttle is Ours (Joplin in Higgins and Silver, 2013). “the wobble words.”, “the shuttle eye”, “her loopy threads” (Ibid.). The male perpetrators of violence or oppression are never mentioned by name or specifically as Gods or heroes, in fact aside from ‘he’ or ‘they’, the only other word used to refer to the male oppressor is ‘Man’: “Everywhere/ I see/ inside me/ Man poised” (DuPlessis, 1980: 36). Her use of capitalisation being scant, the fact that DuPlessis has chosen to use a capital letter for ‘Man’ seems to institutionalise the male sex and makes it clear that the Medusa of the poem is not talking about just one man, nor even Poseidon and Perseus together, but rather the ever-present patriarchy as a whole. The ominous presence of the ‘poised’ patriarchy, ready to exert oppression over  women appears again in the following stanza “on my eye/ a knife/ ceaselessly/ on a whetstone.” (Ibid.)

     Here, whilst symbolically recalling Medusa’s rape, DuPlessis also refers to

the continued and constant oppression of women through violence. Using the Medusa myth has therefore made it possible for Stanford and DuPlessis to simultaneously present an intimate view of the psychological repercussions of rape and auniversal indictment of violence and oppression of women as a historical notion. There is however the continued question of representing rape in poetry.

     I reference again Avi’s explanation of the concerns she faced when writing

 Europa and the Bull:“I envisaged the narrative in a series of

short sections, each presenting a bright image, each one hitting home, while the beauty of setting and the magical elements, would, I hoped, ensure that the tale was not too start. In the rape scene, I was able to employ the ambiguous image of the plunging bull in which much could be left to the readers’ imagination. I considered this approach preferable to a graphic animal/ human rape depiction which would sensationalize the tale and might turn off reader as well as writer.” (Alvi in Gunne and Thompson, 2010: xii) The problem of portraying rape with vivid and violent images in a form known for aesthetics is a problem faced by all who choose to use sexual violence in their work. In our comparison between Stanford and DuPlessis’ poems we can see two different approaches to the representation of rape. DuPlessis uses a similar technique to that of Alvi, by shrouding the violence in a kind of secrecy and metaphor where the word ‘rape’ is never used, nor the name of the perpetrator, nor is there a graphic depiction of the sexual assault or the murder. Instead the physical acts are concealed behind a complex system of language filled with symbolism

and fragmented by the protagonist’s trauma that prevents a direct retelling of the assault as such.

     The fragmentary nature and emphasis on sounds in DuPlessis’ language suggests a psychological regression to a purer language such as that of a child, yet the infantile perspective simultaneously allows DuPlessis to incorporate numerous metaphors and symbols for violence.

     DuPessis’  use of metaphor for violence – “a knife/ ceaselessly/ on a whetstone” (DuPlessis,1980: 36), “forcing the branch/ ripping the tree” (Ibid.: 37), “Broke the moon box”, (Ibid.: 39) – has the same effect as Alvi’s plunging bull, by avoiding the disturbing direct description of rape and violence, yet allowing images to build up in the reader’s mind through  aesthetic and poetic language. Myth and metaphor allows DuPlessis to address what has largely remained a taboo or stigmatised subject matter using existing, accepted forms of rape narrative, yet doing so through a first person narrative  something that Alvi avoided in her poetry in order to prevent her poetry from straying into the ‘survivor discourse’ that is prevalent in rape narratives. DuPlessis’ avoidance of direct engagement with violent acts could be an expression of the trauma undergone by the victim who is not yet prepared for the cathartic act of ‘telling’  the rape, yet by the end of the poem, DuPlessis expresses an empowerment through creativity as the head of Medusa changes from its identification as a victim to become an icon for female creativity.

     Stanford’s engagement with the telling of trauma is much more direct. Unlike DuPlessis and Alvi, Stanford’s first person account of Medusa’s rape is direct, plain-spoken and faces the violence encountered by the protagonist head-on. Not only does Stanford use the word rape, as is often avoided in the aesthetic form of poetry, but she avoids the use of euphemism to ‘soften’ the theme of rape, openly subverting the status of rape as taboo. Instead the language employed by Stanford is straightforward and basic, painting an exact picture of the assault suffered by Medusa. The first mention of the sexual assault seems to mimic Ovid’s matter -of-fact and essentialist description in Metamorphoses,

“He seized and raped me before Athena’s altar.” (Stanford, 2001: 114) yet later in the poem, when expressing the lasting effects of trauma and the rage that ensues, Stanford gives a much fuller and more vivid image of the rape

“but there recur/ thoughts of the god and his misdeed always –  / the iron arm, the marble floor/the stinking breath, the sweaty weight, the pain/ the quickening thrust.” (Ibid.: 115). This straightforward telling of the event shocks the reader, forcing them to face the taboo of sexual violence. The logical cause-and-

effect style of Stanford’s first person narrative leads the reader

to question the status that rape has had in literature historically, where the rape of mythical women has been accepted as part of historical narrative without a consideration of the feelings of individual women who undergo the same process in reality.

     The structure and tone of the poem in its simplicity and focus on the cause and effects of Medusa’s rage following her sexual assault brings to mind the survivor discourse as is common in autobiographical trauma narratives:

“To return fully to the self as socially defined, to establish a relationship again with the world, the survivor must tell what happened. This is the function of narrative. The task then is to render the memories tellable, which means to order and arrange them in the form of a story, linking emotion with event, event with event, and so on.” (Culbertson,1995: 179) Through a variation on survivor discourse, Stanford has brought the Medusa myth into the modern concern of psychological trauma in rape victims where Medusa’s transformation into

the serpent-haired monster with a petrifying gaze is equated with a victim’s dev

elopment of rage as a response to trauma, directed not only at the perpetrator of the sexual crime but at all men. This anger against the world, however, leaves her isolated: “My furious glance destroyed all live things there./ I was alone. I am alone. My ways/ divide me from the world, imprison me in a stare” (Stanford, 2001: 115) The rage that separates her from the world thus enacts a kind of petrification on the protagonist herself too, making her impenetrable to the world and alienated, unable to make human connections. Trauma

in Duplessis’ Medusa on the other hand is played out through the protagonist’s

 inability to express herself, as is reflected in the fragmented and infantile language used throughout the poem. Whereas Stanford’s Medusa work

s finds a kind of therapy through the act of ‘telling’, DuPlessis’ poem is a battle for the self-expression that has long been denied to women. The silencing of women is emphasised by the large blank spaces, and the way that DuPlessis has used short phrases rather than complete sentences that together hint at something left untold. In the first section of Duplessis’ poem there are multiple explicit references toman’s voice and ability to define women,“he held the meanings up” (DuPlessis, 1980: 35),fixing them as objects in patriarchal discourses “showing which/ is object, which subject,/ the discourse/ faceting her.” (Ibid.), whilst the women, the victims of discursive as well as sexual

violence remain “crosst tongue” (Ibid.) and oppressed into their definitions

 “Her he can and as he can/ he ken and names the/ knowing;/ breaks her/ in/ to being ridden,/ over the half spoken,/over the forgotten.” (Ibid.) In this li

ne in particular we can account for the fragmented and broken language of the poem, the ‘half spoken’ which can be seen to refer to Medusa’s perspective of her story which has been ‘forgotten’ by mythology.

     DuPlessis also uses language and references consistent with mutilation, such as the theft of the three Graeae’s eye, the reference to Philomela who has her tongue removed by Tereus. Mutilation is a theme that has been used by many women to explain the oppression of their voices, Joplin states: “Our muteness is our mutilation, not a natural loss, but a cultural one” (Joplin in Higgins and Silver, 2013: 39).

     Joplin likens women’s mutilation of voice, into silence, to the manx cat (a species without a tail) observed by Virginia Woolf:

     “The sight of that abrupt and truncated animal padding softly across the quadrangle changed, by some fluke of the subconscious intelligence, the emotional light for me. Certainly, as I watched the Manx cat pause in the middle of the lawn as if it too questioned the universe, something seemed lacking, something seemed different.” (Woolf, 2000: 13)

       The absence of the tail of Woolf’s Manx cat is like the absence of the tale of women. The tail/tale is conspicuous in its absence and leads the reader to question the universe that has been created to omit the female voice. DuPlessis’  poem essentially plays out Medusa’s battle to regain her ability to speak and to recover her mutilated ‘tale’ as she battles for her creative power. Stanford, on the other hand, rather than engaging with the historical aspect of the silencing of women, focusses on the image of Medusa as a mythical monster that has since been maintained and supported by other largely misogynist readings of the Medusa myth in order to maintain the silence of women. Freud, for example, created a theory based on the Medusa myth that relies on his earlier theories of castration. In his theory, Medusa’s head represents at once the castrated female genitals and the dangers of female sexuality: “The sight of Medusa’s head makes the spectator stiff with terror, turns him to stone. Observe that we have here once again the same origin from the castration complex and the same transformation of affect! For becoming stiff means an erection. Thus in the original situation it offers consolation to the spectator: he is still in possession of a penis, and the stiffening reassures him of the fact. (…) Since the Greeks were in the main strongly homosexual, it was inevitable that we should find among them a representation of woman as a being who frightens and repels because she is castrated” (Freud, 1963: 202-203)

     For Freud, then, Medusa is a monster, representing man’s fear of the castrated genitals of the mother and of becoming castrated himself. Stigmatising Medusa as a monster  of castrated genitals or of snake-hair and petrifying gaze –  devalues her voice. In subverting this view,

Stanford gives Medusa’s voice worth. She does this by deflecting the monstrosity that was traditionally hers onto the god that raped her and his offspring that are growing inside of her: “his monster seed beneath my heart” (Stanford, 2001: 115). Stanford’s reversal of the monster identification is completed by language consistent with human emotion and human reactions to describe Medusa’s perspective, such as “anger”, “hate”, “alone”, “thoughts”, “pain”, “blood” and “heart”.

     In rendering the monster human, Stanford is giving her the voice that was ignored or feared in the monster, allowing the victim her opportunity to give her testimony to the crime committed and express her trauma through language. The ability to express oneself through language and the triumph of the female creative voice is key also to understanding DuPlessis’ Medusa.

     In the final two sections of her poem, DuPlessis demonstrates the triumph of the female creative voice, as the Medusa head comes to signify something other than the monster of mythology and Freudian psychology: female creativity. In order to unite the Medusa myth with creative power, DuPlessis resurrects the romantic symbols of rocks, stones and nature as representative of poetry and creativity: “O voice seed./ Listen root./ Spring sprout./ Head web.// From the eye jet/ from the tooth debt/ rock and reck/ rock and reckon” DuPlessis, 1980: 41). In these two stanzas we can see the reappearance of the female voice and of the gaze. Whereas before it was the male gaze fixing the female into her objectification, now it is the female eye that ‘jets’ and the female voice that ‘seeds’.

     Many feminist scholars have claimed that it was the female gaze that posed the greatest threat of the Medusa myth and that the underlying meaning of the theories of castration complex that have evolved around the myth, were in fact the dangers of the female gaze (to the patriarchy). Hazel Barnes stated that,

similarly to Sartre’s theory in  Being and Nothingness,“It was not the

horror of the object looked at which destroyed the victim but the fact that his eyes met those of Medusa looking at him” (Barnes, 1974: 13). Thus, the female gaze holds a power, but not amystical one. Simply put, the female gaze is the greatest threat to the dominating male gaze.

     The female gaze in DuPlessis’ poem triumphs over the male gaze,

and the female voice is free to express itself “in sight, my netted reach/ in voice, my knotted speech” (DuPlessis, 1980: 42)

      As opposed to DuPlessis ’ empowerment and revitalisation of the female gaze, the gaze of Stanford’s Medusa loses its vitality and freshness as her erotic power is crushed by the sexual assault. “Whatever I looked at became wasteland” (Stanford, 2001: 114), “my furious glance

      Sartre theorised that when we are looked at we are frozen into the role of an object, objectified by our function as defined by the subject of the gaze. As though being turned to stone by that gaze. (apud.Sartre, 1956) destroyed all live things there” (Ibid.: 115). With a semantic field consistent with death, Stanford portrays a woman who has been emotionally mutilated as well as physically attacked.

     Stanford emphasises Medusa’s victimisation and lack of control over her own destiny “twisted by fury that I did not choose” (Ibid.). The language of the poem is oppressive, as is her own gaze: “The prisoner of myself” (Ibid.). This language, relatively plain, using logical sentences, structured like the language of man, is restrictive and does not allow her the freedom that DuPlessis’ Medusa finds in her reappropriation of the power of creativity. Stanford’s Medusa remains the victim of male oppression, as is revealed in the final stanza where the cycle of violence against women continues with her pregnancy “And now the start,/ the rude circling blood-tide not my own/ that squirms and writhes, steals from me bone by bone”(Ibid.). In the final lines of the poem it becomes clear that Stanford’s protagonist has not escaped the objectification of the male gaze, but that she remains oppressed “prisoned withinmy prison, left alone,/ despised, uncalled for, turning my blood to stone.” (Ibid.)

      This imprisonment inside the androcentric narrative, objectified by the male gaze, is the complete opposite of Hélène Cixous’ Medusa who uses language and creativity to escape the constraints of literary tradition that silence women.

“You only have to look at the Medusa straight on to see her. She’s not deadly. She’s beautiful and she’s laughing.” (Cixous, 1976:885) Used by Cixous to theorise the creation of a unique écriture féminine, the stigmatised and oppressed Medusa woman is neither a threat to humanity, nor an ugly monster, nor silent. She is beautiful and she is laughing. She has transcended the status conferred upon her by patriarchal mythic tradition and expresses herself in a unique language: La rire de la Méduse.

     This is what emerges in DuPlessis’ unique and subversive language. The female gaze and feminine voice that is oppressed and imprisoned in Stanford’s poem is freed and embraced in DuPlessis’. Through an exploration of Medusa’s victimisation, Stanford and DuPlessis have broken Medusa free from her status as a snake-haired monstrosity. Uncovering a long tradition patriarchal oppression, they have turned the popular myth on its head, transforming Medusa into an exemplification of the violence with which male literary tradition has objectified woman and silenced her voice. Prompting readers to take a second look at the way women have been portrayed in male-dominated narratives, DuPlessis and Stanford have unsilenced the voice that the rape (sexual and textual) had suppressed. Stanford unveils a world of oppression and of male forces victimising women, and DuPlessis has empowered the female voice, bringing back the female gaze, and ending optimistically with a celebration of female creativity. The rape of Medusa, that which has been used by myth and patriarchy to imprison Medusa, has been subverted and used by women revisionist writers to free Medusa.

     Medusa is beautiful, and Medusa is laughing.

December 9 2025 Traitor Trump Abandons Europe to Russian Invasion

       Europe stands alone as Traitor Trump abandons her to Russian invasion, conquest, and dominion, just as he has long but clumsily attempted to abandon and orchestrate the isolation of Ukraine.

     What blackmail leverage does Putin, his puppetmaster and agent handler since his recruitment by the KGB in 1987 during a trip to Moscow, have on him?

     What perversions and amoral horrors can exceed the known facts of our Rapist In Chief, predator and sexual terrorist who was once the kingpin of a human trafficking syndicate hidden within a modeling and beauty pageant network with ties to that of his best friend Epstein?

     Or are Putin and Trump partners in tyranny and terror, whose mission is the fall of democracy, as well as figureheads of the Fourth Reich?

    Well do we know the future Trump wishes to condemn us all to; we see it in the ICE white supremacist terror force and its campaign of ethnic cleansing in our streets, the random murders without trial or cause of Venezuelan peasants and crimes against humanity including genocide by his ally Netanyahu and paid for by our taxes to build a Riviera of casinos for elites on the bones of a people, the betrayal of our allies and the conspiratorial enablement of our enemies.

     All of this we must resist, By Any Means Necessary as Sartre wrote in his 1948 play Dirty Hands and made famous by Malcolm X. The Trump regime and the Republican Party have declared war on the idea of America and on civilization itself, and we must purge our destroyers from among us.

    And remember folks, you can always tell a Republican’s secret name; it’s their act of treason plus their sex crime.

     What has happened?

     As written by Peter Beaumont in The Guardian, in an article entitled Trump lambasts ‘weak’ and ‘decaying’ Europe and hints at walking away from Ukraine:

US president recycles far-right tropes on European immigration and presses Zelenskyy to accept his peace plan; “Donald Trump has hinted he could walk away from supporting Ukraine as he doubled down on his administration’s recent criticism of Europe, describing it as “weak” and “decaying” and claiming it was “destroying itself” through immigration.

     In a rambling and sometimes incoherent interview with Politico, a transcript of which was released on Tuesday, the US president struggled to name any other Ukrainian cities except for Kyiv, misrepresented elements of the trajectory of the conflict, and recycled far-right tropes about European immigration that echoed the “great replacement” conspiracy theory.

     Trump called for Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, to accept his proposal to cede territory to Russia, arguing that Moscow retained the “upper hand” and that Zelenskyy’s government must “play ball”.

     His envoys have given Zelenskyy days to respond to a proposed peace deal under which Ukraine would be forced to accept territorial losses in return for unspecified US security guarantees, according to the Financial Times, which reported on Tuesday that the US leader was hoping for a deal “by Christmas”.

     In his often halting remarks, Trump swerved from subject to subject while rehearsing familiar grudges and conspiracies. He also declined repeatedly to rule out sending American troops into Venezuela as part of his effort to bring down the president, Nicolás Maduro.

     “I don’t want to rule in or out. I don’t talk about it,” Trump said, adding he did not want to talk about military strategy.

     The US president repeatedly described what he said were Europe’s problems in entirely racial terms, calling some unnamed European leaders “real stupid”.

     “If it keeps going the way it’s going, Europe will not be … in my opinion … many of those countries will not be viable countries any longer. Their immigration policy is a disaster. What they’re doing with immigration is a disaster. We had a disaster coming, but I was able to stop it.”

     The interview followed the release last week of a new US national security strategy that claimed Europe faced “civilisational erasure” because of mass migration and offered tacit support for far-right parties.

     The recent interventions by Trump and his administration on Europe have been greeted with mounting dismay among European leaders, after similarly disparaging remarks by the US vice-president, JD Vance, at the Munich Security Conference in February.

     The German chancellor, Friedrich Merz, rejected the notion that European democracy needed saving and described some elements of the new national security strategy as unacceptable.

     Merz said on Tuesday that the policy document underscored the need for a European security policy more independent of Washington.

     “Some of it is unacceptable for us from the European point of view,” he told reporters during a visit to the city of Mainz. “That the Americans want to save democracy in Europe now, I don’t see any need for that … If it needed to be saved, we would manage that alone.”

     Merz was speaking after the EU’s foreign policy chief, Kaja Kallas, had earlier described the White House document as a provocation.

     The president of the European Council, António Costa, said on Monday that Washington signalling it would back Europe’s nationalist parties was unacceptable. “What we cannot accept is the threat to interfere in European politics,” he said.

     “Now it’s clear, Vance’s speech in Munich and the many tweets of President Trump have become official doctrine of the United States, and we must act accordingly.”

     Commenting on changes he said were occurring in big European cities such as London and Paris, Trump made clear that the problem as he viewed it was that they were becoming less white.

     “[In] Europe, they’re coming in from all parts of the world. Not just the Middle East, they’re coming in from the Congo, tremendous numbers of people coming from the Congo. And even worse, they’re coming from prisons of the Congo and many other countries.”

     He again singled out London’s first Muslim mayor, Sadiq Khan, for criticism.

    “And Europe is … if you take a look at Paris, it’s a much different place. I loved Paris. It’s a much different place than it was. If you take a look at London, you have a mayor named Khan.

     “He’s a horrible mayor. He’s an incompetent mayor, but he’s a horrible, vicious, disgusting mayor. I think he’s done a terrible job. London’s a different place. I love London. I love London. And I hate to see it happen. You know, my roots are in Europe, as you know.”

     Khan later said that Trump was “obsessed” with him, adding: “I literally have no idea why President Trump is so obsessed with this mayor of London. I’m not sure what he’s got against a liberal, progressive, diverse, successful city like London.”

    Asked if the trajectory of European countries meant they would no longer be US allies, Trump replied: “Or they’ll be … well, it depends. You know, it depends. They’ll change their ideology, obviously, because the people coming in have a totally different ideology. But it’s gonna make them much weaker. They’ll be a much … they’ll be much weaker, and they’ll be much different.”

     While he denied he had a specific vision for Europe, Trump agreed he had “endorsed people that a lot of Europeans don’t like”, including Hungary’s Viktor Orbán.

     “I have no vision for Europe. All I want to see is a strong Europe. Look, I have a vision for the United States of America first. It’s Make America Great Again,” he said. “I’m supposed to be a very smart person, I can … I have eyes. I have ears. I have knowledge. I have vast knowledge. I see what’s happening. I get reports that you will never see. And I think it’s horrible what’s happening to Europe.”

     What does this mean?

     As written in an editorial in The Guardian, entitled The Guardian view on Trump and Europe: more an abusive relationship than an alliance: The White House is aggressively seeking to weaken and dominate the United States’ traditional allies. European leaders must learn to fight back; “Sir Keir Starmer, Emmanuel Macron and Friedrich Merz have become adept at scrambling to deal with the latest bad news from Washington. Their meeting with Volodymyr Zelenskyy in Downing Street on Monday was so hastily arranged that Mr Macron needed to be back in Paris by late afternoon to meet Croatia’s prime minister, while Mr Merz was due on television for an end-of-year Q&A with the German public.

     But diplomatic improvisation alone cannot fully answer Donald Trump’s structural threat to European security. The US president and his emissaries are trying to bully Mr Zelenskyy into an unjust peace deal that suits American and Russian interests. In response, the summit helped ramp up support for the use of up to £100bn in frozen Russian assets as collateral for a “reparations loan” to Ukraine. European counter-proposals for a ceasefire will need to be given the kind of financial backing that provides Mr Zelenskyy with leverage at a critical moment.

    More broadly, though, an ominous lead-up to Christmas has underlined the limits to firefighting and turning the other cheek to Maga provocations. The extraordinary national security strategy paper published last week by the White House did European leaders a service in this regard. Brimming with contempt for liberal democratic values, it confirmed the Trump administration’s desire to minimise security guarantees in place since the second world war, while simultaneously pressuring the EU into betraying the principles on which it was founded. This was a “for the record” version of the US vice-president JD Vance’s mocking Munich speech last February. Passages predicting the “civilisational erasure” of Europe through migration and EU integration could have been written in the Kremlin, which duly noted an overlap in worldviews. Ditto the hostile calls to cultivate “resistance” to Europe’s supposed trajectory, and support for “patriotic” nationalist parties. For good measure, Mr Trump echoed “great replacement” conspiracy theory tropes this week in an interview that rammed home the same talking points in less coherent form.

     However tempting it may be to pretend otherwise, given the desire to persuade Mr Trump to do the right thing over Ukraine, a US administration that acts in such a way cannot be viewed straightforwardly as an ally. The president and his America First ideologues see the EU as a drain on security resources best deployed elsewhere, an economic competitor to be dominated, and a cultural adversary to be undermined at every opportunity.

     The response must be a belated push towards greater strategic autonomy and unity in defence, and the promotion of European interests in the wider economy. That, in turn, will mean playing hardball with Washington in a way that the European Commission president, Ursula von der Leyen, conspicuously failed to do when negotiating a humiliatingly one-sided trade deal in the summer. A world where China and the US both wish to eat the EU’s economic lunch, and Russia harbours darker designs to the east, is no place for a romantic view of multilateralism.

     The White House national security strategy paper and the US president himself have laid it out in black and white: Mr Trump seeks a fragmented, weakened Europe that is reliant on US industry and tech, and will therefore meekly comply with its aggressive demands. Europeans deserve far better than a continent made fit for Elon Musk. Time to fight back.”

     As written by Peter Beaumont in The Guardian, in an essay entitled  New Trump doctrine identifies ‘weak’ Europe’s problem: not enough racism: A new US national security strategy represents one of the most profound crises for the Atlantic alliance since 1945; “ During Donald Trump’s first administration, commentators sagely advised that his words, were to be “taken seriously, not literally”. Experience suggests that formula puts the cart before the horse.

     A new US National Security Strategy and a series of comments from US officials, presidential proxies and Trump himself, have culminated in what could be one of the most profound crises for Atlanticism, the security doctrine that has sustained peace and democracy in Europe since the end of the second world war.

     Where Trump’s point of departure was once the failure of Europe to contribute sufficiently to its own security, he has now embraced a more alarming vision.

     Coloured both by racism and a staggering contempt for Europe’s political institutions and leaders, he has warned of the risk of civilisational collapse on a continent he barely knows, and that he has viewed more often from the window of an armoured sedan.

     His interview with Politico, lacking in any clear ideological coherence, is replete with something else: the confused fear of an ageing white man confronted with a changing world.

     A paranoid Maga worldview is behind the horrors of America’s own immigration, policing and other policies under Trump – and has driven an effort to erase Black experience and representation.

     Now – it is clear – those fears are Washington’s prism for understanding Europe.

     From this perspective, immigration from the developing world causes a dilution of European countries, making them “weak” under “stupid” leaders and setting the circumstances for their own demise. It is an unabashedly racist theory, with Trump and his circle making clear their prescription is that far-right European parties are to be supported.

     While the broad sweep of Trump’s race baiting in general is not a revelation, it is important to understand its meaning in the wider context of European security.

     For Trump and his Maga acolytes, including Elon Musk – who has called in recent days for the European Union to be broken up – all politics and diplomacy are essentially transactional. But where once Trump argued that Europe wasn’t paying its fair share, his point is now that a decadent Europe is fundamentally undeserving because of its multiculturalism.

     In his interview with Politico, Trump joins up these dots himself in a kind of exercise in wish fulfilment. Russia’s Vladimir Putin, he concedes, wants Europe to be weak. Trump calls it weak, and in exposing the fissures between Washington and Europe prompted by his remarks, he aids Putin by actively weakening Europe – while denying it is his “fault”.

     All of which is playing out at the most consequential moment for Europe since the second world war, with a devastating conflict in Ukraine and amid escalating Russian provocations elsewhere on the continent.

     As Europe cleaves ever tighter to Ukraine amid continuing threats of US abandonment, the danger is that Trump has rationalised a narrative for not listening to Europe.

     All of which demands a robust response from European leaders. While some, most recently the German chancellor, Friedrich Merz, on Tuesday, have been forceful in their response, others – including Keir Starmer’s office – have continued with a policy of trying to appease White House.

     On Tuesday, Downing Street refused to push back on either Trump’s comment on Europe or his latest attack on London’s mayor, Sadiq Khan, whom the US president once again attacked.

     “The Prime Minister,” said a spokesperson, “has a strong relationship with the US president and a strong relationship with the Mayor of London, and on both is committed to working together in order to deliver stronger outcomes for the British people right across the country.”

     The reality is that Trump means what he says, and says what he means repeatedly. It is past time to pretend that things are otherwise.”

     This is what happened the last time Europe stood alone against fascism

Stalingrad film trailer

Trump lambasts ‘weak’ and ‘decaying’ Europe and hints at walking away from Ukraine: US president recycles far-right tropes on European immigration and presses Zelenskyy to accept his peace plan

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/dec/09/trump-hints-walking-away-ukraine-calls-europe-weak-decaying

The Guardian view on Trump and Europe: more an abusive relationship than an alliance

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/dec/09/the-guardian-view-on-trump-and-europe-more-an-abusive-relationship-than-an-alliance?fbclid=IwY2xjawOlj9hleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEed1Apr-QWoCcKsCJNyW2rr1fbqPU4xM-e6SPWlz-xXCavkMnf_g–_ws2ldE_aem_OUmsyjZgspiAFfNpnn422w

Trump’s new doctrine confirms it. Ready or not, Europe is on its own

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/dec/08/trump-doctrine-europe-us-coercion-economic?fbclid=IwY2xjawOl5ThleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEeLhqfnsI7iqq5pzdQwBp2D-gpnXSYNDg5q97xmM9das3cm8lU-v5qS9T5BPg_aem_1q5j9xUqy4Rv8u3t9nKcyQ

New Trump doctrine identifies ‘weak’ Europe’s problem: not enough racism:

A new US national security strategy represents one of the most profound crises for the Atlantic alliance since 1945

 European Council president warns US not to interfere in Europe’s affairs

New US national security strategy codifies a seismic shift in transatlantic relations under Donald Trump, say experts

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/08/europe-leaders-no-longer-deny-relationship-with-us-changed

 ‘Cultivate resistance’: policy paper lays bare Trump support for Europe’s far right: Text signed by president seems to echo ‘great replacement’ theory, saying Europe faces ‘civilisational erasure’ 

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/dec/05/civilisational-erasure-us-strategy-document-appears-to-echo-far-right-conspiracy-theories-about-europe

The US is not just Europe’s unwilling ally, but an adversary steeped in far-right ideology

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/dec/10/trump-security-strategy-europe-liberal-democracy

Is This The End of the Free World? Paul Krugman

We asked critics from authoritarian regimes what they wish they’d known sooner. Here’s what they said: Critics from Hungary, El Salvador and Turkey offer advice to the US about what they’ve learned about authoritarians

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/dec/09/experts-authoritarian-regimes-trump?fbclid=IwY2xjawOl5llleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEe8Q8Rp-fA9Susg3AWsHCLcjajZJtd_qqqr0a5Z9SoAHB6GkiuXQGxOaHD7Es_aem_vnyXB-vQy4CQ73W8xnte-A

‘Stop sucking up to Trump’: US threat to meddle in Europe is fuelling pressure for a collective push-back: The White House has formalised its contempt for ‘decaying’ Europe with an ominous plan to undermine the EU and boost the far right

AfD responds to Trump ‘erasure’ claims with call for nationalist revival in Europe: Continent’s other nationalist parties wary of echoing sentiments of US president due to his unpopularity

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/10/afd-responds-to-trump-erasure-claims-with-call-for-nationalist-revival-in-europe?fbclid=IwY2xjawOmy0ZleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEeB1r3dgP-8_3X_-H6qt8_LFMIC6tL8ZFKJUa4pQz7RtEZ4UVmtH61HuoygtA_aem_yP8h-r4TFxkivupAcal1uQ

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