China subjugates Hong Kong like a crocodile relentlessly crushing its prey in terrible and merciless jaws, as the show trial of the world’s most famous political prisoner grinds to its horrific close and the cadaver of democracy and our universal human rights in Hong Kong is stuffed under a log in the darkness of abyssal depths to be consumed later by the exploitation cadre of the Chinese Communist Party.

     Jimmy Lai became the celebrity figure of journalism as a calling to pursue the truth and to speak truth to power in the CCP’s campaign of repression of dissent against journalism and our universal human rights including those of information, and though he personally has been removed from the board of play the millions he has inspired in the cause of liberty will continue to fight on.

     Our lives are like the seeds sown by the Phoenician prince Cadmus in the earth; from each arises legions.

      Let us perform the Four Primary Duties of a Citizen which create and maintain our liberty and democracy; Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority as Disbelief in its lies and Disobedience of its laws.

       Thus we delegitimize authority, seize their power which they have stolen from us, and reclaim our humanity by solidarity of action.

        Let us live such that our whole lives become an act of liberation.

      As written by Nathan Law in The Guardian, in an article entitled Jimmy Lai’s sentencing tells me this: democracy is dead in Hong Kong, and I escaped just in time: Who will speak out for values and rights and my fellow democracy activist now that opposition has been silenced in Hong Kong? I say Britain should; “Waking up on Monday morning to the news of the pro-democracy activist Jimmy Lai’s 20-year prison sentence for national security offences felt surreal. I could have easily been in his position if I hadn’t fled Hong Kong right before the implementation of the notorious national security law (NSL), under which Lai has faced the harshest penalty ever given. In fact, Lai chose to stay and stand shoulder to shoulder with the people of Hong Kong in the face of an uncertain and repressive future. Now his family fears that he will die in prison.

     A mix of emotions filled my mind. I was immensely disgusted by the audacity and malevolence of such punishment. This sentence has a transparently political end, but the Hong Kong and Chinese governments make no bones about it. Their sole purpose is to silence critics, and they have succeeded: civil society and domestic media, which should be the watchdogs of individual rights and government overreach, are dead silent on criticising the trial.

     The so-called neutral institutions no longer hold that status. Carefully handpicked NSL judges in the Hong Kong judiciary claim in their verdict that Lai has “rabid hatred” and “deep resentment” toward the Chinese Communist party (CCP), even though he repeated that he embraces the People’s Republic of China as a country. The court also accused Apple Daily, the newspaper that Lai founded and that was critical of the CCP’s human rights records, of “poisoning the minds of his readers” and spreading “venomous assertions”. These emotionally charged terms are rare in court documents; the verdict reads more like a political statement than a legal one.

     The chief executive of Hong Kong, John Lee, celebrated the effective life sentencing and described Lai’s crimes as “heinous” and “utterly despicable”. Many branches of the civil servants union united to glorify the verdict as though it were a victory for Hong Kong against foreign intervention. There is no counter-voice in the legislature, as the latest election overhaul has eliminated the possibility of opposition in the council; the last pro-democracy party disbanded last year, leaving no Hong Kong-based political group to express concern over the judgment.

     The one-sided celebration of Lai’s sentencing in Hong Kong reflects the importance of what he was fighting for: the right to express oneself and the right to conscience. The pervasive political violence against the people of Hong Kong has resulted in hundreds being jailed and has silenced millions. Political consciousness is dangerous in today’s Hong Kong; you can be charged with sedition even for creating children’s books that are metaphorically critical of the regime.

     I feel immensely lucky that I can wake up in a place of my choosing and write freely. I still live with restrictions and intimidation: I face an active arrest warrant from Hong Kong, I have been disinvited from events due to fears of Beijing’s reprisal, I have been denied entry to some countries (despite holding a legal visa), and I have been spied on by the Hong Kong government. But these hurdles are trivial compared with the suffering of friends still in Hong Kong, who have served years behind bars.

     The situation reflects the consequences of allowing an emboldened authoritarian regime to expand its influence globally. What happens when bad actors are unpunished or even welcomed? They tend to act more aggressively. And why wouldn’t they? If the rights of the persecuted in China are seen as secondary, or even trivial, and leaders of democratic countries prioritise “repairing relationships” to navigate between major powers, then why should the CCP feel compelled to change its actions?

     It appears we have entered an era where discussions about values and rights have become cheap and obsolete. Power is seen as transactional, and international politics has devolved into pure “realpolitik”. It is compelling for the UK to follow suit, but I believe we can do better. I still believe that one of Britain’s strengths lies in its foundation of liberalism and democratic values. These principles set it apart from countries such as China and are embodied by individuals such as Lai.

     Given Lai’s deteriorating health, time is running out for action. In the Sino-British joint declaration of 1984, the Chinese government was obliged to uphold the rights and freedoms of the people of Hong Kong. The UK can safeguard this agreement by placing the argument for Lai’s release at the heart of UK-China relations and elevating his case to a matter of national importance. It is the strongest way for Britain to show its leadership in promoting freedom and democratic values on the world stage.”

     As I wrote in my post of December 16 2025, The Silencing of Jimmy Lai: Tyranny and Terror in Occupied Hong Kong; With the end of the historic show trial of Jimmy Lai darkness swallows whole and entire the glittering beacon of hope for democracy in China which Hong Kong represents, like Leviathan swallows Jonah. Christian theology interprets this as a parallel and prefiguration of the descent of Jesus into Hell; but unlike the mythic and literary figures of Jonah and his reflection, it remains unlikely that Jimmy Lai will emerge from the depths in triumph.

     This long collapse of liberty and our universal human rights under the regime of the Chinese Communist Party I have mourned in lamentations and in the witness and remembrance of her endless songs of woe, but also in Resistance to state tyranny and terror and celebration of the Unconquerable Chinese peoples both in Hong Kong and on the mainland who struggle beneath the heel of a brutal and anti-humanist regime of bizarre and flagrant grotesquery, a government spun of lies and illusions and like the Trump regime in America committed to Hitler’s idea of the state as political theatre and to a performative politics of fear aligned with Artaud’s Theatre of Cruelty, and to the principle of the state as embodied violence.

      In regard to the fate of champion of the people and of our liberty Jimmy Lai, I recommend to you the example of the heroes of revolutionary struggle of the Black Liberation Army and the May 19th Coalition including Kuwasi Balagoon who broke Assata Shakur out of prison. Where is our Hong Kong Liberation Army?

     To the tyrant Xi Jinping, his enforcers, collaborators, and Army of Occupation of Hong Kong, to all bureaucrats of fear and the state as embodied violence, to all carceral states of force and control where ever they may arise, I say with the Mockingjay; “If we burn, you burn with us.”

    To all comrades in revolutionary and liberation struggle I say this with Nelson Mandela as he authorized direct action against the Apartheid regime of South Africa from his prison cell by underlining the line in Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar; “Sic Semper Tyrannis”. 

      Who resists and refuses to be subjugated, who disbelieves and disobeys, become Unconquerable and cannot be defeated; this is our victory, and a power which cannot be taken from us. And the forward movement of history is inevitable, because the great secret of power is that it is brittle and hollow, and collapses into nothingness when met with refusal, disbelief, and disobedience.

     For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.

     As written by in The Guardian, in an article entitled The rise and fall of Jimmy Lai, whose trajectory mirrored that of Hong Kong itself: Progressing from child labourer to billionaire, Lai used his power and wealth to promote democracy, which ultimately pitted him against authorities in Beijing; “On Monday, a Hong Kong court convicted Jimmy Lai of national security offences, the end to a landmark trial for the city and its hobbled protest movement.

     The verdict was expected. Long a thorn in the side of Beijing, Lai, a 78-year-old media tycoon and activist, was a primary target of the most recent and definitive crackdown on Hong Kong’s pro-democracy movement. Authorities cast him as a traitor and a criminal.

     Lai’s trial was one of the last unfinished national security prosecutions of Hong Kong’s high profile activists, over their involvement in the 2019 protests. Hundreds of activists, lawyers, and politicians have been pursued and jailed, or chased into exile. But few have captured global attention like Lai, whose life and career has developed in tangent with Hong Kong’s sputtering walk towards democracy, and then its fall.

     “The trajectory of his life reflects the history of Hong Kong itself,” said Kevin Yam, a Australian-Hong Kong lawyer, who is subject to a Hong Kong arrest warrant for his pro-democracy activism.

    Lai had pleaded not guilty to the one count of conspiracy to publish seditious publications and two counts of conspiracy to foreign collusion. On Monday the court found him guilty of all charges, with the government-appointed judges saying he “had harboured his hatred and resentment for the [People’s Republic of China] for many of his adult years”, and sought the downfall of its ruling Communist party “even though the ultimate cost was the sacrifice of the people of the PRC [People’s Republic of China] and HKSAR [Hong Kong Special Administrative Region].”

     The trial stretched for nearly two years, beset by delays, legal challenges and government interventions. International rights groups had called it a politically motivated show trial, and an attack on press freedom.

     Lai has been behind bars since 2020, either on remand or serving the five separate sentences he has been given for protest-related offences totalling almost 10 years, and a fraud allegation his supporters say was trumped up.

    Monday’s convictions could see him given a life sentence. His family already fears he might not live to see freedom. In the weeks before the verdict, his children issued new alarming warnings over his health.

    From child labourer to ‘Rupert Murdoch of Asia’

     Lai’s rise to become one of the city’s most famous billionaires is a rags to riches tale. At 12 he left Mao’s China for Hong Kong, where he worked as a child labourer in garment factories, before building a business empire that included the retail chain Giordano, and then a media conglomerate that would see him nicknamed the “Rupert Murdoch of Asia”.

     At the time of his first arrest in 2020, Lai was worth an estimated $1.2bn, according to a biography written by longtime friend and associate Mark Clifford. But he was one of the few of Hong Kong’s elite who used their power and wealth for activism, funding and participating in pro-democracy and anti-authoritarian efforts.

     Many of Lai’s business milestones are tied to key events in the history of Hong Kong and China’s tug of war over democracy, although he wasn’t always political. His son Sebastien says his early business decisions were driven by ambition and boredom.

     “I always remember growing up  he talked about why he started Giordano, and he was like, look I just got bored,” said son Sebastien.

     But after Chinese troops massacred student protesters in Tiananmen Square in Beijing in 1989, Lai became politically radicalised, and he launched Next Magazine soon afterwards. The Apple Daily newspaper was established shortly before Hong Kong’s handover from UK rule to China, upending the city’s traditional media market with flashy tabloid reporting and gossip alongside fearless investigations.

     “It kept Hong Kong honest in many ways,” says Yam. “We kind of forget that Jimmy Lai and his media businesses played an important role in Hong Kong as an international financial centre because it kept the free flow of information going about Hong Kong’s corporate underbelly.”

     The outlets Next Magazine and Apple Daily, along with Lai, would become loud and unashamedly pro-democracy irritants to authorities. Lai himself would write columns, famously calling China’s premier Li Peng, known as the Butcher of Beijing for his role in the massacre, “a bastard with zero IQ” in 1994, drawing political and financial retribution from the Chinese state.

     In 2003, the two outlets supported protests against a proposed national security law for Hong Kong, in 2014 they backed the Occupy Central movement, when Lai also joined the protest camp. He was attacked by assailants who poured pig offal over him, and anti-corruption police raided his home and that of his top aide, Mark Simon, after leaked documents revealed he’d donated millions to activists.

     In 2019 the papers again backed mass protests, this time against a proposed extradition bill but later building into a major pro-democracy movement. Apple Daily published a cut-out letter to US president Donald Trump on its front page, which readers could send to Washington asking him to “help save Hong Kong”. It would become a key element of the prosecution’s national security case against Lai.

    Lai again personally attended protest events, including a banned vigil for Tiananmen in June 2020, where he stood outside his car and held a lit candle, for which he was convicted and sentenced to 13 months in jail.

     Throughout his adult life in Hong Kong he was often monitored, harassed and intimidated. The blowback from the Li Peng editorials ultimately led to Lai divesting from Giordano. His house and businesses were repeatedly firebombed, and his family followed by paparazzi. In 2008 he was the target of a foiled assassination plot.

     “For them, I am a troublemaker,” he told Clifford. “It is hard for them not to clamp down on me and silence me.”

     Sebastien, who now lives outside Hong Kong to lobby for his father’s freedom, says he wasn’t totally aware of the threats when he was young because his father never showed fear.

     “I always had the knowledge that my dad was doing the right thing and not the easy thing” says Sebastien.

     “You have someone who is, by all accounts, successful, but willing to give everything that he has for his beliefs. That in some sense would shame some people and therefore some people would not like him because of that.

     “He always had the advantage that he came from nothing. He also had the advantage of knowing that even with nothing he’d be OK.”

     Lai refused entreaties to get a bodyguard, saying he hadn’t done anything wrong. A bodyguard also couldn’t help against his biggest risk: arrest.

     After 2019, that risk came to fruition multiple times. In August 2020, just weeks after the introduction of the Beijing-designed national security law (NSL), hundreds of police officers stormed the offices of Apple Daily. They arrested Lai along with several Apple Daily executives under the sweeping new law against dissent. His two eldest sons, Ian and Timothy, were also arrested. The company was ultimately forced to close the following year.

     The closure of Apple Daily, yet another nail in the coffin of democratic Hong Kong, was splashed across front pages around the world. The paper was a controversial tabloid, publishing salacious stories and occasionally offensive opinion pieces about mainland Chinese people. Former employees, who testified against Lai as “accomplice witnesses”, alleged a working environment that was free but “within a bird cage”, under the close management and control of Lai, with editorials written with the understanding that they “had to follow the basic stance of the newspaper”.

     But, Sebastien says, “in the end Apple is the only newspaper who stood up for democracy in Hong Kong, throughout the whole time, right?”

     In defiance of Lai’s arrest and the paper’s closure, Hongkongers queued up to buy an estimated 1m copies of the paper’s final edition. China’s nationalistic Global Times paper praised the closure of the “secessionist tabloid”.

     Friends and advisers had urged Lai to take advantage of his UK citizenship, wealth, and foreign residences and flee the country, like many others had. He refused, saying he wanted to stay and support his journalists, and to keep fighting for Hong Kong.

     He told Clifford he preferred to go to jail than abandon the city that “gave me everything”.

     While out on bail he gave interviews, and launched a livestreamed political talk show. Speaking to the Guardian during that time, Lai was cautiously optimistic, noting the NSL was yet to be fully tested in Hong Kong’s – at the time, still internationally lauded – court system.

    “They just want to show the teeth of the national security law, but they haven’t bitten yet,” he said. “So let’s see what happens.”

     They did bite. What happened was more than 200 NSL arrests; a mass prosecution of 47 politicians, activists and civil society workers who held an informal vote before city elections; appeals to Beijing when the courts didn’t toe the government line; and laws rewritten to limit bail rights and restrict foreign lawyers from defending Lai.

     Lai was reportedly held in solitary, and denied communion as a devout Catholic. Authorities pushed back on such criticisms, saying it was a matter of logistics or even a request by Lai. When Lai was photographed looking gaunt in shorts and sandals in the yard at Stanley prison by an Associated Press photographer with a long lens, the jail built a new roof covering. The photographer, Louise Delmotte, was later barred from working in Hong Kong when her visa renewal application was rejected.

      One fear that was never borne out for Lai was a clause in the NSL that the most serious cases could be transferred to the mainland for trial. If they were going to do it for anyone, it would be Lai, observers figured. He had already been treated like the city’s most dangerous criminal, taken to court in December 2023 by armoured convoy, with security “one would expect for a president or a high-profile terrorist”, Clifford’s biography notes.

     The Trump connection

     At the heart of the prosecution were Lai’s business and political connections, particularly with US officials.

     Prosecutors wheeled out a crude Powerpoint-style presentation of “external political connections” with whom Lai had allegedly colluded. It included Trump, Trump’s former vice-president Mike Pence and former secretary of state Mike Pompeo, and veteran Democrat legislator Nancy Pelosi. All were known China hawks and during Trump’s first term had toughened US policy towards China in a way that analysts said put real pressure on Beijing over human rights abuses.

     Trump has repeatedly promised to lobby for Lai’s release and officials said the media mogul’s case was raised in the meeting between Trump and Xi Jinping in South Korea in October. But in his second term, Trump’s America First agenda has become even more extreme, alienating allies, and his position on China more focused on “making a deal”.

     Some have speculated that this may turn Lai into a bargaining chip in the US-China trade war.

     After the South Korea meeting, Sebastien publicly thanked the US president and praised him as the “Liberator in Chief”, a moniker that conservatives bestowed on Trump after the release of hostages from Gaza.

     Sebastien’s appeal to Trump stems in part from what he sees as the failure of the UK government to push hard enough for the release of his father, a British citizen.

     The UK government has called for Lai’s release and says that his prosecution is politically motivated, but has not taken any economic action against Hong Kong. In the year to July, bilateral trade between the two territories reached £27.2bn, a nearly 10% increase on the previous 12 months. Many Lai supporters feel the UK has not done enough to secure the release of one of its most prominent citizens in its former colony.

     Were Jimmy Lai released today, Hong Kong would look very different to what he last knew, says Sebastien.

     “It’s obviously no longer the sort of Hong Kong that had all these freedoms that you could associate with,” he says, caveating that he’s not there either now, and can’t return.

     “Obviously, I think he’d be quite sad about what’s happened but look, at the end of the day this is someone who’s done everything he can, right? I don’t think anybody looking at his life would think: well, he could have done more.”

      As I wrote in my post of July 1 2025, This July, the 28th Anniversary of the Abandonment of Hong Kong to China and of Democracy to Tyranny; We mourn and organize resistance for the liberation of Hong Kong as a sovereign and independent nation from the imperial conquest and dominion of the loathsome Chinese Communist Party, throughout this July the twenty eighth anniversary of the abandonment of Hong Kong by Britain to a carceral state of force and control which was never a legitimate successor to the China with whom the original lease of 1898 was made, and the iconic fall of democracy to tyranny and state terror which it signifies.

    On the first of July 2023 the despicable tyrant and criminal of violations of human rights Xi Jinping walked the streets of Hong Kong, an ambush predator wearing the face of a man which cannot conceal his intent to conquer and enslave the world, beginning with Hong Kong as a launching pad for the conquest of the Pacific Rim.

    Why had he come to hold a triumphal march in imitation of Hitler in his 1940 visit to Paris; to terrify the people into submission, to claim it personally as a conqueror and imperial occupied territory, to reinforce an illusory legitimacy when all China has is fear and force? All of these things, and one thing more; this is also a marketing stunt aimed at the one partner in tyranny which can bring his regime down and liberate the peoples of both Hong Kong and China, the international business community. Send us your manufacturing jobs, he offers; we have slaves.

   If we do not free Hong Kong from his talons, we will be fighting for our survival in the streets of San Francisco, San Diego, and Seattle, in Singapore, Kuala Lumpur, Jakarta, Manila, Kolkata, Bangkok, in Sydney and Melbourne, Tokyo and Yokohama, any city which is home to a community of Overseas Chinese, which the government of the Chinese Communist Party considers their own citizens, whether or not they consent to be governed by Beijing. The CCP is uninterested in consent; for a vision of the world they would bequeath to humankind, we need only look at the vast prison and slave labor camp of Xinjiang.

    Let us stand in solidarity with the people of Hong Kong and of China in the cause of Liberty and a free society of equals.

     When will the free nations of the world recognize the independence and sovereignty of Hong Kong and take action shoulder to shoulder with its people to throw off the tyranny of the Chinese Communist Party?

    The Black Flag flies from the barricades in Hong Kong, and its primary meaning has not changed since its use by the First International and the veterans of the Paris Commune; freedom versus tyranny, the abolition of state terror, surveillance, and control, resistance to nationalisms of blood, faith, and soil, and abandonment of the social use of force as a lever of unequal power.

     With this bold signal the people declare: we shall be ruled by ourselves and no other.

     Shall we be collaborators and profiteers of slave labor, or shall we stand in solidarity to cast down from their thrones all those who would enslave us?

     In the lyrics of the Chinese national anthem, “Arise, ye who refuse to be slaves.”

     As I wrote in my post of February 15 2022, Monsters, Freaks, Transgression of the Forbidden, the Sacred Wildness of Nature and the Wildness of Ourselves: On Chaos as Love and Desire;  Watching the sunrise overlooking Hong Kong from Lion Rock, seized many times in recent years by democracy protesters and revolutionaries in the struggle for liberation and independence from China, in the wake of the last celebrations of Chinese New Year and several nearly sleepless nights of making mischief for tyrants under cover of the festival, my thoughts turn to the nature of freedom and the freedom of nature, of ourselves as wild and glorious things, of love and desire as anarchic forces of liberation, of transgression of the boundaries of the Forbidden and the violation of norms as seizures of power from the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue and the refusal to submit to authority.

     Freedom, and all that comes with it; above all freedom as the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves, as defiance of authorized identities and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, of love and desire as liberating forces of Chaos, and all of this as sacred acts of reimagination and transformation of ourselves and the possibilities of human being, meaning, and value.

     And of our myriad possible futures, sorting themselves out in our daily lives like a hurricane governed by the flight of a hummingbird; tyranny or liberty, extinction or survival.

     Order and its forms as authority, power, capital, and hegemonic elites of patriarchy and racism, class and caste, which arise from the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, which appropriates and subjugates us through falsification, commodification, and dehumanization and weaponizes hierarchies of otherness and belonging and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, and creates states as embodied violence, tyrannies of force and control, carceral states of police and military terror, and dominions of imperial conquest and colonial assimilation and exploitation; all of these systems and structures are born in fear, overwhelming and generalized fear weaponized in service to power and submission to authority, have a key weakness without which they cannot arise and perpetuate unequal power, for this requires the renunciation of love.

     Love here means solidarity of action as guarantors of each other’s humanity, with justice for all. Diversity, inclusion, and our duty of care for others are important aspects of love. Love is also a totalizing force which can free us from ossified forms and ways of being human together, and a vehicle of truth, both truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh and those we ourselves create and choose.

    Chaos has as its champion the totalizing and uncontrollable divine madness of love, which leaps across all boundaries to unite us in solidarity of action against those who would enslave us.

    Love exalts us beyond the limits of ourselves and the flags of our skin, disrupts authorized identities and narratives as imposed conditions of struggle,  seizes power as ownership of ourselves, and reveals and affirms the embodied truths of others.

     Once we have a definition of democracy as a free society of equals and a praxis of love, there are some principles which can be derived as an art of revolution and seizures of power.

     Order appropriates; Chaos autonomizes.

     Order is unequal power and systemic violence; Chaos is liberty, equality, interdependence, and harmony.

     Order subjugates through division and hierarchy; Chaos liberates through equality and solidarity. 

      Authority falsifies; speaking truth to power or parrhesia as Foucault called  truth telling and performing the witness of history confers authenticity to us in the sacred calling to pursue the truth, and to delegitimize tyrants.

      Always pay attention to the man behind the curtain. As Dorothy says to Oz, he’s just an old humbug.

      The four primary Duties of a Citizen are Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority.

     There is no just Authority.        

      Law serves power and authority; transgression and refusal to submit confer freedom and self-ownership as primary acts of becoming human and Unconquered.

      Always go through the Forbidden Door. As Max Stirner wrote; “Freedom cannot be granted; it must be seized.”

     Such is my art of revolution and democracy as love; there remains poetic vision and the reimagination and transformation of ourselves and our limitless possibilities of becoming human, and love and desire as unconquerable informing, motivating, and shaping forces and innate human realms of being and  powers which cannot be taken from us as truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh, anarchic and ungovernable as the tides, and it is love and desire as forms of wildness and embodied truth which offer us a definition of freedom as the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves.

     As I wrote in my post of February 12 2022, Genocide Games: the Case of Hong Kong;  I do not like thee, Xi Jinping; and unlike Dr Fell in the beloved poem of 1680 by Tom Brown, I both know and can tell why as a truthteller and witness of history; state terror and tyranny, carceral states of force and thought control, disappearance and torture by police, universal surveillance, and the falsification of propaganda and alternate histories, imperial conquest and colonial exploitation, slave labor and genocidal ethnic cleansing, and fascisms of blood, ideology as a kind of authorized and enforced faith, and soil or national identity; of all this I accuse Xi Jinping and the Chinese Communist Party.

    These things I am able to say because of the freedom of access to information which I enjoy as an American citizen, because the transparency of the state in America and the legal protection and heroic stature in our society of whistleblowers and truthtellers is a firewall against secret power, and because the sacred calling to pursue the truth as both a right of citizens and a universal human right are among those parallel and interdependent sets of rights of which the common defense is the primary purpose of the state.

     So are legitimacy, trust, and representation conferred to any state which is a guarantor of the rights of its citizens; the corollary of this is that any state whose primary purpose is not to guarantee the rights of individuals has no such legitimacy.

     We must be a democracy and a free society of equals, or the slaves of tyrants.

     And this we must resist.

     As I wrote in my post of August 29 2025, Anniversary of the UN Bachelet Report on China’s Genocide of Minorities in Xinjiang, In the Shadow of the Jimmy Lai Trial; A victory for justice and the exposure of tyranny’s lies and falsifications was won two years ago this day with the United Nations declaration of the Chinese Communist Party’s policies in Xinjiang as genocide, slavery, and crimes against humanity.

    We mark this anniversary today in the shadow of the Jimmy Lai trial in Hong Kong, as the occupation regime of the CCP wages lawfare as state terror, repression of dissent, and journalism as a sacred calling to pursue the truth.

    It remains for the international community to bring a Reckoning to Xi Jinping’s regime of cruelty and dehumanization, and join together with the peoples of China in liberation struggle.

      China’s horrific crimes in Xinjiang is a boundary which defines the limits of the human and the legitimacy of the state, and it is a line we must defend or surrender to states everywhere the principles of our universal human rights and democracy as a free society of equals wherein the state is co-owned by its citizens as a guarantor of their rights.

      There is one and only one condition in which any state can be legitimate, and that is when it acts as a guarantor of the parallel and interdependent sets of rights of citizens and of human beings, and balances those rights so that none may infringe upon those of another.

     For once we surrender our humanity to the state, and become things and not human beings, instruments of the power and profit of others through systems of falsification, commodification, and dehumanization, subjugated by carceral states of force and control through abjection and learned helplessness, division and authorized identities of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, and fascisms of blood, soil, and faith, we allow those who would enslave us to feed us into the machine of the state as psychopathy and embodied violence as the raw material of elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege.

     Let us give to systems of oppression, to fascism, and to tyranny the only reply it merits; Never Again!

     As written by Jamey Keaten and Edith M. Lederer in Huffpost: “The office of U.N. human rights chief Michelle Bachelet published its long-awaited report on alleged rights violations in China’s western Xinjiang region Wednesday, brushing aside Beijing’s demands to keep a lid on a report that fanned a tug-of-war for diplomatic influence with the West over the rights of the region’s native Uyghurs and other predominantly Muslim ethnic groups.

     The report, which Western diplomats and U.N. officials said had been all but ready for months, was published with just minutes to go in Bachelet’s four-year term. The report was unexpected to break significant new ground beyond sweeping findings from independent advocacy groups and journalists who have documented concerns about human rights in Xinjiang for years.

     But Bachelet’s report comes with the imprimatur of the United Nations, and the member states that make it up. The run-up to its release fueled a debate over China’s influence at the world body and epitomized the on-and-off diplomatic chill between Beijing and the West over human rights, among other sore spots.

     In the past five years, the Chinese government’s mass detention campaign in Xinjiang swept an estimated million Uyghurs and other ethnic groups into a network of prisons and camps, which Beijing called “training centers” but former detainees described as brutal detention centers.

     Beijing has since closed many of the camps, but hundreds of thousands continue to languish in prison on vague, secret charges.”

     As I wrote in my post of August 19 2020, China’s Holocaust: the Genocide of the Uighurs of Xinjiang and the Colonization of Hong Kong; It begins with the Great Wall of Silence and the control of truth, the repression of dissent and silencing of heroes like Joshua Wong, Jimmy Lai, and Cai Xia, but it always ends in concentration camps like those in Xinjiang; the path of tyranny and fascism leads ever downward into degradation and dehumanization.

     What do you call it when a government enacts the erasure and genocide of an ethnic and religious minority, and profits by their slave labor in concentration camps?

    I call it a Holocaust.

     What do you call a government which uses forced sterilizations, mass abductions, torture, murder, sending children to orphanages to be taught only in the official language, the outlawing of religious practice, and all this and more horrors and crimes against humanity targeted against those who do not fit the authorities paradigm of blood, faith, and soil?

    I call it fascism.

    And I say that whatever lies such governments tell about their crimes, what they call themselves or the particulars of their inhumanity, means nothing. All that matters is this; the powerful are inflicting harm on the powerless and the dispossessed.

     Shall we let the vulnerable and those whom Frantz Fanon called the Wretched of the Earth stand alone? Are all humans our brothers and sisters?

     In the conquest and genocide of the Uighur Muslims of Xinjiang the Chinese Communist Party has revealed their true nature as a xenophobic authoritarian state of force and control and a criminal organization of state terror and tyranny. They are a government without legitimacy.

     Shall we be collaborators and profiteers of slave labor, or shall we stand in solidarity to cast down from their thrones all those who would enslave us?

     In the lyrics of the Chinese national anthem, “Arise, ye who refuse to be slaves.”

     As I wrote in my post of July I 2020, An Empire of Terror and Racist Genocide: The Fall of Hong Kong and the Sterilization of the Uighur Ethnic Minority of Xinjiang; As the first wave of mass arrests and crimes against humanity by the Chinese Communist Party and its regime of state terror roll over Hong Kong on this anniversary of its handover by the British to their successor empire in the citadel of darkness which is Beijing, as the women of the Uighur ethnic and religious minority in Xinjiang are forcibly sterilized in a program of ethnic cleansing and genocide which parallels the campaign of erasure in the re- education prisons wherein their language, faith, history, and identity as a people are stolen, the world watches as yet another spectacle of inhumanity unfolds before us with stupefaction and the helpless surrender of civilization to atavistic barbarism.

     And once again we do nothing when a predator arrives to cut the powerless and the dispossessed from the herd of humankind, for without a united front  against tyrannies of force and control the most ruthless and amoral among us wins.

     Lutheran Pastor Martin Niemöller spoke his famous condemnation of the complicity of silence in the face of evil in the context of the Holocaust, but it applies as a universal principle; “First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out—because I was not a socialist.

     Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out— because I was not a trade unionist.

     Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out—because I was not a Jew.

     Then they came for me—and there was no one left to speak for me.”

         As I wrote in my post of October 6 2019, Vendetta Lives: Hong Kong Defies Tyranny and State Terror; I am one man, of limited understanding, though I have worn many masks in many places, and not all of my causes have been lost; through all my forlorn hopes and a lifetime of last stands I yet remain to defy and defend.

    Of our many possible futures I can only say this; all is not yet lost, nor is anything past redemption when the will to resist and to become better can be found.

     So I leave you with the words of Alan Moore from V for Vendetta; “Since mankind’s dawn, a handful of oppressors have accepted the responsibility over our lives that we should have accepted for ourselves. By doing so, they took our power. By doing nothing, we gave it away. We’ve seen where their way leads, through camps and wars, towards the slaughterhouse.”

     As I wrote in my post of February 11 2022, Genocide Games: the Case of Xinjiang; A year ago I wrote in my post of February 19 2021, China Genocide Slavery Sexual Terror; The Chinese Communist Party is responsible for vast horrors, including xenophobic ethnic cleaning and slavery. But we are also responsible, if we buy the products of injustice.

     And like a monster in a horror film which attacks from the darkness when we are distracted, new revelations expose the government of China’s campaign of rape and sexual terror against the Islamic minorities of Xinjiang.

      If anyone questions the centrality of a nonsectarian government and the principle of separation of church and state to democracy and our universal human rights, consider the examples of Yemen and Xinjiang.

     Little has changed for the peoples of China or of her imperial conquests Tibet, Xinjiang, and Hong Kong in the year since I wrote these words in support of the Boycott, Divest, and Sanction China movement, words like the screams of terror of the victims of China’s tyranny and terror, swallowed in the howling chasms of darkness of their Occupations and nearly lost to human memory and the witness of history like the countless lives of the silenced and the erased.

     But I remember, and bear witness.

     In the example of Xinjiang we can see the links between racist and sectarian terror as systemic violence, imperial conquest, and colonial dominion and exploitation.

     Here also is the most horrific example of a carceral state of force and thought control as institutionalized dehumanization and enslavement in the world today; as Xinjiang is China’s laboratory for a Brave New World, whose technologies of dehumanization, commodification, and falsification they are exporting to fellow tyrannies globally.

    And if we do nothing to change this monstrous crime against humanity or to disrupt Xi Jinping’s plans for the Conquest of the Pacific Rim, in Xinjiang we can see the future which awaits all of us.

     Let us unite with the peoples of China, Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong in solidarity against imperial conquest and occupation by a regime of tyranny and terror, while we still can.

     As written by Ishaan Tharoor in The Washington Post and cited in my journal entry of November 17 2019; ”We have known for some time now that China is carrying out something deeply unsettling in Xinjiang. The restive, far west region of the country is home to a number of Turkic Muslim minorities, including the Uighurs, who in the last half-decade have been swept up in large numbers by the dragnet of the central state. We know that roughly a million or more people have been subjected to a vast system of detention or “reeducation” camps, where they are cajoled to “Sinicize” and abandon their native Islamic traditions. There’s already been a great deal of international criticism: In Washington, both Republican and Democratic lawmakers have condemned China’s project of de facto cultural genocide. A report by a United Nations panel of experts warned this month that China’s methods could “deeply erode the foundations” of Chinese society.

     But Chinese officials still hide behind the Potemkin villages of their own making. They insist that the camps are actually job-training centers where amenable Xinjiang residents are working to better assimilate into mainstream society through vocational schooling and language instruction. They point to the necessity of such measures to counter the reach of radical Islamist groups in the region. We know now, though, that Chinese authorities don’t actually believe their own party line.

     That’s because of the new details surfaced by an astonishing set of leaked documents obtained by the New York Times. The cache includes 403 pages of Communist Party directives, reports, notes from internal investigations and internal speeches given by party officials, including President Xi Jinping. The Times’s story by Austin Ramzy and Chris Buckley, published this weekend, offers a rarely seen window into the deliberations of one of the world’s most opaque governments. And what we see is chilling.

     It relays how a flurry of ethnic violence and terrorist attacks in the early part of the decade persuaded Xi to unleash the “organs of dictatorship” — his own words, in a private speech. This apparently involved mass roundups, the construction of a 21st-century Orwellian apparatus of control and surveillance and a systematic assault on the ability of the region’s residents to observe their Islamic faith. As a justification for the draconian clampdown, a top Chinese official in Xinjiang warned of the risks of placing “human rights above security” in a 10-page directive from 2017. The tranche of documents also points to internal disagreement about the repression in the region and was delivered to the Times by a figure from “the Chinese political establishment” who “expressed hope that their disclosure would prevent party leaders, including Xi, from escaping culpability for the mass detentions.”

     Perhaps the most striking document is a classified directive issued to local officials in an eastern Xinjiang city on how to talk to Uighur students who return from other parts of China and discover their relatives and friends have been disappeared into detention camps.

     They were instructed to tell the students that their relatives had been “infected by unhealthy thoughts,” framing the state’s distrust of Muslim minorities in terrifyingly clinical terms. “Freedom is only possible when this ‘virus’ in their thinking is eradicated and they are in good health,” read the directive.

     The Times also reported on evidence of what appears to be a “scoring system” used by officials to determine who gets released from a camp. It incorporates not only the behavior of the detainees, but also the cooperation of relatives outside. “Family members, including you, must abide by the state’s laws and rules, and not believe or spread rumors,” officials were told to say. “Only then can you add points for your family member, and after a period of assessment they can leave the school if they meet course completion standards.”

     The new revelations fit into a wider, horrifying story of repression. China makes independent reporting in Xinjiang virtually impossible — and every foreign reporter invested in covering the story has to weigh the risk of endangering local fixers and sources, many of whom may have already been swept into detention. Meanwhile, analysis of satellite imagery led one researcher to conclude that the authorities have demolished 10,000 to 15,000 religious sites in Xinjiang in recent years. The Washington Post’s editorial page director Fred Hiatt declared: “In China, every day is Kristallnacht.”

     As I wrote in my post of February 10 2022, Why I Write: A Manifesto of Art and Revolution At the Dawn of the South Asian Spring;  We are coordinating actions among networks of democracy and liberation organizations throughout South Asia, systems of alliances referred to as the Milk Tea Movement, in Hong Kong, Beijing and other cities in China, Thailand, and Burma, which during the past year have morphed with protean strangeness to include Taiwan, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, West Papua, the Philippines, Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, East Timor, Sri Lanka, India, Kashmir, possibly a whole emerging South Asian Spring, and now has solidarity with democracy movements as well as direct agents of change within Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, and Libya in one dominion and within Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen in another.

     There is a saying attributed as a Chinese curse but coined by the father of Prime Minister Chamberlain in a speech of 1898, possibly a paraphrase of the line “Better to be a dog in times of tranquility than a human in times of chaos” in a short story of 1627 by Feng Menglong, “May you live in interesting times.”

We are now living in interesting times; whether we make of our time a curse or a fulcrum with which to change the balance of power in the world from tyranny to democracy and free societies of equals rests with each of us.

     How shall we write our witness of history and sacred calling to pursue the truth as what Foucault called truthtellers? In this crucial moment wherein the fate of humankind hangs between tyranny and liberty, how are we to perform an ars poetica of revolution?

      One way to describe our experience of our time is to focus on externalities, much as Flaubert did in his attempt to remove his own authorial voice from his stories in service to Reason. Such an exercise yields narratives much like the daily current events briefing I gave to my Forensics classes during Extemp Prep, a team current events speaking competition. Perhaps the best example today is the newsletter of Heather Cox Richardson, a historian who writes the most impartial and trustworthy daily news brief as current history. Its a unique approach to events unfolding around us in real time, and her references and contexts are authoritative and reliable.

     To contrast and compare her art to mine as rhetoric, I write here in my daily political journal what may be described as strategy, intelligence, and policy guidance for the antifascist community and allied revolutionary, liberation, and democracy movements throughout the world and its Autonomous Zones and Abraham Lincoln Brigades. That the motto of my publication Torch of Liberty is “to incite, provoke, and disturb” should give warning that I make no pretense to impartial and nonpartisan writing.

     My biases are defined first by my values, including liberty, equality, truth and justice, nonviolence and our universal human rights, and their praxis as causes, and secondly by the windmills against which I tilt; unequal power, authority and authorized identities, normality and the tyranny of other peoples ideas of virtue, tyrannies of force and control and carceral states of police terror and institutionalized violence, militarism and imperial conquest, dominion, and colonialism, fascisms of blood, faith, and soil and their systemic and historical instruments patriarchy and racism, divisions of exclusionary otherness and hierarchies of membership and belonging, elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, and the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force which drives all of this.

     In this revolutionary struggle I place my life in the balance with those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased. And if you are among them or their allies who refuse to submit to tyranny and terror, this I say to you; I am not a good man, but I may be someone who can help.

     I hope to be more useful than a good man, whose scope of action is limited by the false morality of those who would enslave us among the imposed conditions of struggle and the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue, as Shaw teaches us through the figure of Eliza’s father in Pygmalion and the gorgeous film My Fair Lady.

     We must resist division in service to power into the deserving and the undeserving by a moral burden of merit as a hierarchy of otherness and membership in hegemonic elites. Let us answer merit and caste with equality and universal human rights, and division, especially fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, with solidarity.

      Neither of us need to be good in order to help or receive help, merely in need or able to help where needed as a duty of care for others which honors our common humanity and recognizes our interdependence.

     So I say again, I am not a good man, for I accept no limits and trust no authority, and I practice as sacred acts seizures of power, disruptions of order and bringing the Chaos, the transgression of the Forbidden, violation of normalities, subversions of authorized identities, the pursuit of truth, believing impossible things but only those I myself have created or chosen, and poetic vision as the reimagination and transformation of our limitless possibilities of becoming human.

      And if you are among the outcast, the broken and the lost, the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, I am a bad man who is on your side.

     As written by Julian Borger in The Guardian; “The outgoing UN human rights commissioner, Michelle Bachelet, has said that China had committed “serious human rights violations” against Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang province which may amount to crimes against humanity.

     Bachelet’s damning report was published with only 11 minutes to go before her term came to an end at midnight Geneva time. Publication was delayed by the eleventh-hour delivery of an official Chinese response that contained names and pictures of individuals that had to be blacked out by the UN commissioner’s office for privacy and safety reasons.

     The Chinese government, which attempted until the last moment to stop the publication of the report, rejected it as an anti-China smear, while Uyghur human rights groups hailed it as a turning point in the international response to the programme of mass incarceration.

     The 45-page report by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) concluded: “The extent of arbitrary and discriminatory detention of members of Uyghur and other predominantly Muslim groups, pursuant to law and policy, in context of restrictions and deprivation more generally of fundamental rights enjoyed individually and collectively, may constitute international crimes, in particular crimes against humanity.”

     The Chinese government, which attempted until the last moment to stop the publication of the report, said in an official response that it was “based on the disinformation and lies fabricated by anti-China forces” and that it “wantonly smears and slanders” China and interfered in the country’s internal affairs.

     The Chinese response was accompanied by a 121-page counter-report, emphasising the threat of terrorism and the stability that the state programme of “de-radicalisation” and “vocational education and training centres” has brought to Xinjiang.

     Human rights organisations welcomed the report. Omer Kanat, the executive director of the Uyghur Human Rights Project pressure group said it was “a game-changer for the international response to the Uyghur crisis”.

     “Despite the Chinese government’s strenuous denials, the UN has now officially recognized that horrific crimes are occurring,” Kanat said.

     Over the past five years, China swept an estimated million Uyghurs and other minority groups into internment camps which it termed training centres. Some of the centres have since been closed but there are still thought to be hundreds of thousands still incarcerated. In several hundred cases families had no idea about the fate of relatives who had been detained.

     Out of 26 former inmates interviewed by UN investigators, two-thirds “reported having been subjected to treatment that would amount to torture and/or other forms of ill-treatment”.

     The abuses described included beatings with electric batons while being strapped in a “tiger chair” (to which inmates are strapped by their hands and feet), extended solitary confinement, as well as what appeared to be a form of waterboarding, “being subjected to interrogation with water being poured in their faces”.

     The US and some other countries have said the mass incarceration of Uyghurs and other Muslims in Xinjiang, the destruction of mosques and communities and forced abortion and sterilisation, amount to genocide. The UN report does not mention genocide but says allegations of torture, including force medical procedures, as well as sexual violence were all “credible”.

     It said that the authorities had deemed violations of the three-child official limit on family size to be an indicator of “extremism”, leading to internment.

     “Several women interviewed by OHCHR raised allegations of forced birth control, in particular forced IUD [intrauterine device] placements and possible forced sterilisations with respect to Uyghur and ethnic Kazakh women. Some women spoke of the risk of harsh punishments including “internment” or “imprisonment” for violations of the family planning policy,” the report said.

     “Among these, OHCHR interviewed some women who said they were forced to have abortions or forced to have IUDs inserted, after having reached the permitted number of children under the family planning policy. These first-hand accounts, although limited in number, are considered credible.”

     In the report, Bachelet, a former Chilean president, noted that the average rate of sterilisation per 100,000 inhabitants in China as a whole was just over 32. In the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region it was 243.

       “Serious human rights violations have been committed in [the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region] in the context of the government’s application of counter-terrorism and counter-‘extremism’ strategies,” the report said. “These patterns of restrictions are characterized by a discriminatory component, as the underlying acts often directly or indirectly affect Uyghur and other predominantly Muslim communities.”

     The report calls on the Chinese government to “take prompt steps to release all individuals arbitrarily deprived of their liberty” in Xinjiang and “urgently clarify the whereabouts of individuals whose families have been seeking information about their loved ones”.

     Sophie Richardson, China director at Human Rights Watch, said: “The United Nations Human Rights Council should use the report to initiate a comprehensive investigation into the Chinese government’s crimes against humanity targeting the Uyghurs and others – and hold those responsible to account.”

     As I wrote in my post of October 5 2020, Occupation and Exile: Hong Kong;      As the iron talons of the Chinese Communist Party close upon their prize conquest of Hong Kong, eager to batten onto the legacy of wealth and influence generations of freedom has built, they begin to kill the thing they most desire, hammering dissent and a free market of ideas which they cannot swallow and survive with brutal repression, revealed before the world as a tyranny of state terror and thought control; for this is a golden egg which cannot be extracted from its goose without destroying it.

     The unrivaled trading and financial power of Hong Kong emerges from its innovation and traditions of open intellectual research and debate; democracy and universal human rights, among them being the sacrosanct nature of pursuit of the truth and of scientific and academic discovery. Send forces of occupation and political control to repress freedom of thought and the self-ownership of autonomous individuals, and the state annihilates the conditions which made their conquest valuable. Let them continue, and that conquest will utterly transform its conqueror with its alien Enlightenment values and ideals. Such is the dilemma which now confronts the CCP; the one which confronts the world is that we must intervene to liberate Hong Kong now while our options still include those other than war.

     Xi Jinping’s Communist government, which squats upon mainland China like a miasma of contagion and darkness, as xenophobic as any fascist military dictatorship, as authoritarian as any feudal monarchy of the divine right of kings, and eyeing its neighbors hungrily as an imperial power with designs upon the liberty of any Chinese person anywhere and on the cities which they inhabit as future conquests, remains a threat not only to Hong Kong, but to all humankind.

     As I wrote in my post of February 3; In this the Chinese Communist Party follows the First Rule of Tyranny; When the state’s absolute monopoly on power is in doubt, kill everyone not personally loyal to you. This aphorism, not included in the public version of the Red Book, was put into practice by Mao when he seized totalitarian control of the CCP during the Jiangxi Soviet Massacre in 1935 by killing three out of four of its members, the true origin of the Chinese Communist Party as it exists today as a structure of state terror and thought control.

     What then can we do? First America and the free world must recognize the independence and sovereignty of Hong Kong; second we and our allies must enact a total Boycott, Divestiture, and Sanction of all trade and manufacture with mainland China.

     Shall we be collaborators and profiteers of slave labor, or shall we stand in solidarity to cast down from their thrones all those who would enslave us?

     In the lyrics of the Chinese national anthem, “Arise, ye who refuse to be slaves.”

The Hunger Games Salute of the Revolution

“If we Burn, You Burn With Us”

The Hunger Games: Mockingjay – Part 1; Fire Catches

The Troublemaker: How Jimmy Lai Became a Billionaire, Hong Kong’s Greatest Dissident, and China’s Most Feared Critic, Mark L. Clifford

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/207294037-the-troublemaker?from_search=true&from_srp=true&qid=TggwKaSRrd&rank=1

JONAH AND LEVIATHAN

Inner-Biblical Allusions and the Problem with Dragons

Click to access noegel-jonah-2015.pdf

The rise and fall of Jimmy Lai, whose trajectory mirrored that of Hong Kong itself: Progressing from child labourer to billionaire, Lai used his power and wealth to promote democracy, which ultimately pitted him against authorities in Beijing

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/15/jimmy-lai-rise-fall-hong-kong-itself

Jimmy Lai’s sentencing tells me this: democracy is dead in Hong Kong, and I escaped just in time

Nathan Law

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/feb/10/jimmy-lai-hong-kong-china-democracy-activist-britain

Hong Kong’s once-vibrant press stays silent or celebrates Jimmy Lai’s 20-year jail sentence

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/feb/10/jimmy-lai-jail-sentence-hong-kong-press

UK, UN and EU deplore ‘monumental injustice’ of Jimmy Lai’s 20-year jail sentence

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/feb/09/uk-un-eu-jail-sentence-jimmy-lai-hong-kong

Chinese

2026年2月9日 中國壓迫被佔領的香港：黎智英被判處20年監禁

中國對香港的壓迫如同鱷魚無情地用它可怕而殘忍的巨顎碾碎獵物。這位世界上最著名的政治犯的審判正走向令人毛骨悚然的尾聲，香港的民主和普世人權的屍體被塞進深淵的黑暗深處，等待著被中國共產黨的剝削幹部吞噬。

黎智英之所以成為新聞界的明星人物，是因為他敢於追求真相，敢於向權力說真話，對抗中共鎮壓異議人士的運動，這場運動旨在打擊新聞自由和包括資訊權在內的普世人權。儘管他本人已被清除出局，但他激勵的數百萬為自由而戰的人們將繼續戰鬥。

我們的生命如同腓尼基王子卡德摩斯播撒在大地上的種子，每一粒種子都孕育出無數生命。

讓我們履行公民的四個基本職責，它們創造並維護我們的自由與民主：質疑權威、揭露權威、嘲諷權威、挑戰權威——質疑其謊言，不服從其法律。

如此，我們便能使權威失去合法性，奪回他們從我們手中竊取的權力，並透過團結一致的行動重獲人性。

讓我們活出解放的人生，使我們的生命成為解放的行動。

                    News of 2025

Hong Kong: Jimmy Lai facing life in prison after conviction on security charges

Rights groups dismiss ‘sham conviction’ of media tycoon on national security offences in city’s most closely watched rulings in decades

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/15/jimmy-lai-verdict-hong-kong-judges-national-security-charges

     Why we fight: the stakes of the Hong Kong liberation struggle can be seen in the corpses of political prisoners which toured the world as the CCP’s threat of terror and atrocities to silence global dissent.

     They are coming for us and for all democracy protestors with teams of assassins throughout the world, and we must come for them first and bring regime change to the Chinese Communist Party.

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-5602971/Real-Bodies-Exhibition-cadavers-come-Chinese-political-prisoners.html

Governments and rights groups condemn conviction of Hong Kong activist Jimmy Lai: UK, EU and Australia say guilty verdict against 78-year-old is further blow to democracy and press freedom in territory

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/15/uk-condemns-hong-kongs-politically-motivated-targeting-of-jimmy-lai-after-conviction?fbclid=IwY2xjawOuZDJleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEeC4oUVHW1WV__9mck0f17j7sclTV4J1ATJzVgKISRnSb22WfHAgV1E-uQ7ro_aem_d9pxv9vTiQWgNUeuZNzDDg

     Give the Devil his due; Trump makes performative noises of protest and objection to his collaborator in constructing a police state of surveillance and repression.

Trump urges Xi Jinping to free HK pro-democracy media tycoon Jimmy Lai

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/16/trump-urges-xi-jinping-to-free-hk-pro-democracy-media-tycoon-jimmy-lai?fbclid=IwY2xjawOuV4pleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEesoTZEBoQ-jPpL_dw9D20KRg6CBSpObpIVUkS6R6g92kS0VPPznklybpBgmo_aem_qbMqx4gx0gFhTrEhTApkAQ

Chinese

2025年12月116日 黎智英的噤聲：被佔領香港的暴政與恐怖

隨著黎智英歷史性審判的落幕，黑暗徹底吞噬了香港——這顆閃耀著中國民主希望的燈塔——如同利維坦吞噬約拿。基督教神學將其解讀為耶穌下地獄的平行預兆；但與神話和文學作品中約拿及其倒影不同，黎智英恐怕難以從地獄深淵中凱旋而歸。

在中國共產黨政權統治下，自由和我們普世人權的長期崩潰，我深感悲痛，在哀歌中見證並銘記著她無盡的哀歌，同時也在反抗國家暴政和恐怖、頌揚香港和大陸不屈不撓的中華人民的鬥爭中，他們正遭受著一個殘暴反人道、荒誕可笑的政權的鐵蹄踐踏。這個政權充斥著謊言和幻象，如同美國的川普政權，奉行希特勒將國家視為政治舞台的理念，奉行與阿爾託的「殘酷劇場」相符的表演性恐懼政治，奉行國家即暴力的原則。

關於人民和我們自由的捍衛者黎智英的命運，我向你們推薦黑人解放軍和五一九聯盟革命鬥爭英雄的榜樣，其中包括將阿薩塔·沙庫爾從監獄中救出的庫瓦西·巴拉貢。我們的香港解放軍在哪裡？

致暴君習近平、他的爪牙、幫兇和占領香港的軍隊，致所有製造恐懼的官僚和暴力化身的國家，致所有無論出現在哪裡的監禁式強制和控制國家，我以嘲笑鳥的口吻說：“如果我們被燒死，你們也得跟著燒死。”

致所有革命和解放鬥爭中的同志們，我以納爾遜·曼德拉的口吻說：正如他在獄中劃出莎士比亞《尤利烏斯·凱撒》中的名句“暴君必亡”（Sic Semper Tyrannis）一樣，授權對南非種族隔離政權採取直接行動。

反抗並拒絕被征服的人，不信違抗的人，將變得不可戰勝，無法被擊敗；這就是我們的勝利，也是我們永遠無法被奪走的力量。歷史的前進勢不可擋，因為權力的最大秘密在於它的脆弱和空洞，一旦遭遇拒絕、懷疑和不服從，便會化為烏有。

因為我們人數眾多，我們正在觀察，我們就是未來。

                    References

A Soldier’s Story: Revolutionary Writings by a New Afrikan Anarchist,

Kuwasi Balagoon

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/34734162-a-soldier-s-story?ac=1&from_search=true&qid=ZfAZp4AErg&rank=2

Assata: An Autobiography, Assata Shakur, Angela Davis (Foreword),

Lennox S. Hinds (Foreword)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/100322.Assata?from_search=true&from_srp=true&qid=Lsgbgq5GPR&rank=1

https://www.thoughtco.com/china-lease-hong-kong-to-britain-195153

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/jul/04/hong-kongs-brash-bid-to-catch-overseas-activists-chafes-against-its-claim-to-be-open-for-business?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/gallery/2022/jul/01/25th-anniversary-of-the-handover-of-hong-kong-in-pictures

https://www.state.gov/hong-kong-25-years-after-handover/

https://www.cnn.com/asia/live-news/hong-kong-china-anniversary-07-01-22-intl-hnk/index.html

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/jul/01/a-painful-lesson-xi-emphasises-new-era-of-stability-for-hong-kong?CMP=share_btn_link

China’s Claim to the South China Sea, enforced by an archipelago of artificial island fortresses as the launchpad for the conquest of the Pacific Rim

https://theconversation.com/what-is-the-nine-dash-line-and-what-does-it-have-to-do-with-the-barbie-movie-209043

UN report on China’s Crimes Against Humanity in Xinjiang

https://www.huffpost.com/entry/un-rights-office-publishes-xinjiang-report-opposed-by-china_n_630fd8b3e4b0dc23bbee81bc?utm_campaign=share_facebook&ncid=engmodushpmg00000003&fbclid=IwAR21S7a1sn_R4rpJzpNFe2qf-HUN5niWAUEwBEM7R0VbtuZ1L00dRkHOBck

Final arguments conclude in Jimmy Lai national security trial in Hong Kong:

Government-picked judges consider verdict in high-profile case against pro-democracy media mogul

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/aug/28/jimmy-lai-national-security-trial-hong-kong-media-democracy?CMP=share_btn_url&fbclid=IwY2xjawMew-ZleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHjhGk2sKKOzKXB6O1BbiuJM31T1XxvAq9YNJaZNHV37G4s-Eqqju_v0iH-wd_aem_JVbLoilU_otL0neZ5WN6NA

We used to joke about Hong Kong’s terror laws, but now my friends and family have gone silent, Alan Lau

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2024/dec/02/hong-kong-terror-laws-jailing-pro-democracy-activists-surveillance-police

Five years on, Hong Kong’s national security law extinguishes last standing pro-democracy party

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/jul/01/five-years-on-hong-kong-national-security-law-pro-democracy-party-league-of-social-democrats-china

Hong Kong issues arrest warrants for 19 activists based overseas

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/jul/26/hong-kong-issues-arrest-warrants-for-19-activists-based-overseas

The Guardian view on a showtrial in Hong Kong: a new authoritarian low: The jailing of 45 pro-democracy activists testifies to the ruthless suppression of a once-vibrant civil society

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/nov/19/the-guardian-view-on-a-showtrial-in-hong-kong-a-new-authoritarian-low

Unfree Speech: The Threat to Global Democracy and Why We Must Act, Now,

Joshua Wong, Jason Y. Ng, Ai Weiwei (Introduction)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/49964359-unfree-speech

Freedom: How We Lose It and How We Fight Back, by Nathan Law

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/59586395-freedom?ac=1&from_search=true&qid=to35Ne4w4P&rank=1

                   Histories of the Umbrella Revolution, a reading ;ist

Umbrellas in Bloom: Hong Kong’s Occupy Movement Uncovered, Jason Y. Ng, Joshua Wong (Foreword), Chip Tsao (Foreword)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/29386104-umbrellas-in-bloom

 Today Hong Kong, Tomorrow the World: what China’s Crackdown Reveals about Its Plans to End Freedom Everywhere, Mark L. Clifford

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/58672970-today-hong-kong-tomorrow-the-world

Umbrella: A Political Tale from Hong Kong, Kong Tsung-gan

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/36260039-umbrella

As long as there is resistance, there is hope: Essays on the Hong Kong freedom struggle in the post-Umbrella Movement era, 2014-2018, Kong Tsung-gan

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/44804861-as-long-as-there-is-resistance-there-is-hope

                   Hong Kong Under Communist Party Occupation, in film and literature

          Best film for Understanding Hong Kong today

Peg o’ My Heart review – Hong Kong’s disordered dream life is focus of Lynchian thriller

https://www.theguardian.com/film/2025/may/05/peg-o-my-heart-review-hong-kongs-disordered-dream-life-is-focus-of-lynchian-thriller

           Best literature by Current Hong Kong Authors

The Impossible City: A Hong Kong Memoir, Karen Cheung

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/58082211-the-impossible-city

The Borrowed, Chan Ho-Kei, Jeremy Tiang (Translator)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/30119105-the-borrowed

Atlas: The Archaeology of an Imaginary City, Dung Kai-cheung, Qizhang Dong, Anders Hansson (Translator)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/13696390-atlas?from_search=true&from_srp=true&qid=FOx4smj6Sg&rank=2

City at the End of Time: Poems by Leung Ping-Kwan, Ping Kwan Leung

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/14738446-city-at-the-end-of-time?from_search=true&from_srp=true&qid=eSdQ7JD1qF&rank=1

Diamond Hill, Kit Fan

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/57088921/reviews?reviewFilters=eyJhZnRlciI6Ik1UWXhMREUyTVRVMU16YzVNakkyTWpBIn0%3D

               2023 News and References

Western politicians face tough balancing act on visits to Beijing

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/aug/30/western-politicians-face-tough-balancing-act-on-visits-to-beijing?CMP=share_btn_link

Xi urges more work to ‘control illegal religious activities’ in Xinjiang

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/aug/28/xi-urges-more-work-to-control-religious-activities-in-xinjiang-on-surprise-visit?CMP=share_btn_link

Hong Kong: Cantonese language group shuts down after targeting by national security police

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/aug/29/hong-kong-cantonese-language-group-shuts-down-after-targeting-by-national-security-police?CMP=share_btn_link

China wants to erase Tibet. Will Britain stay quiet about this crime? | Simon Tisdall

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2023/aug/27/china-wants-to-erase-tibet-will-britain-stay-quiet-about-this?CMP=share_btn_link

UK should take China to task on human rights and Taiwan

https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2023/aug/30/uk-should-take-china-to-task-on-human-rights-and-taiwan-mps-say?CMP=share_btn_link

Meta closes nearly 9,000 Facebook and Instagram accounts linked to Chinese ‘Spamouflage’ foreign influence campaign

https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2023/aug/30/meta-facebook-instagram-shuts-down-spamouflage-network-china-foreign-influence?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/aug/31/china-uyghur-muslims-xinjiang-michelle-bachelet-un?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/may/24/thousands-of-detained-uyghurs-pictured-in-leaked-xinjiang-police-files?CMP=share_btn_link

Chinese

2025 年 7 月 1 日 香港回歸中國、民主淪為暴政 27 週年

     今年七月是英國將香港拋棄為監獄狀態二十六週年，我們哀悼並組織抵抗活動，爭取將香港作為一個主權和獨立國家從可惡的中國共產黨的帝國征服和統治下解放出來。 武力和控制從來都不是1898年最初簽訂租約的中國的合法繼承者，而且它所象徵的民主制度標誌性地淪為暴政和國家恐怖。

     去年7月1日，卑鄙的暴君、侵犯人權的罪犯習近平走在香港街頭，他是一個伏擊的掠奪者，臉上掩飾不住他征服和奴役世界的意圖，首先是香港 金剛作為征服環太平洋的跳板。

     1940年他訪問巴黎時為何要效仿希特勒來舉行凱旋遊行？ 恐嚇人民屈服，親自宣稱自己是征服者和帝國占領的領土，在中國祇有恐懼和武力的情況下強化虛幻的合法性？ 所有這些事情，還有一件事； 這也是一種營銷噱頭，針對的是暴政中的一個夥伴，可以推翻他的政權並解放香港和中國人民以及國際商界。 他提出，請將您的製造業工作崗位發送給我們； 我們有奴隸。

    如果我們不把香港從他的魔爪下解放出來，我們將在舊金山、聖地亞哥、西雅圖、新加坡、吉隆坡、雅加達、馬尼拉、加爾各答、曼谷、悉尼和墨爾本的街頭為生存而戰， 東京和橫濱，任何一個擁有海外華人社區的城市，中國共產黨政府都將其視為自己的公民，無論他們是否同意接受北京的統治。 中共對同意不感興趣； 我們只需看看新疆巨大的監獄和勞改營，就能看到他們留給人類的世界願景。

     讓我們與香港和中國人民團結一致，爭取自由和平等的自由社會。

      世界自由國家何時才能承認香港的獨立和主權，並與香港人民並肩行動，推翻中共的暴政？

     黑旗從香港的路障中飄揚，自第一國際和巴黎公社老兵使用以來，它的主要含義一直沒有改變； 自由對抗暴政，廢除國家恐怖、監視和控制，抵制血腥、信仰和土地的民族主義，以及放棄社會使用武力。

      人們用這個大膽的信號宣告：我們將不受任何人統治。

      我們應該成為奴隸勞動的合作者和奸商，還是應該團結一致，將所有那些奴役我們的人從他們的寶座上推翻？

      中國國歌的歌詞是：“不願為奴的人起來吧。”

      正如我在 2022 年 2 月 15 日的文章《怪物、怪胎、違禁、自然的神聖野性和我們自己的野性：論作為愛與慾望的混沌》中所寫的那樣； 近年來，在中國新年的最後一次慶祝活動和幾個近乎不眠之夜的惡作劇之後，民主抗議者和革命者在爭取從中國解放和獨立的鬥爭中多次佔領獅子山，俯瞰香港的日出 對於在節日掩護下的暴君，我的思想轉向自由的本質和自然的自由，我們自己是狂野而光榮的事物，愛和慾望是無政府主義的解放力量，是對禁忌和世界界限的侵犯。 違反規範是從他人的美德觀念的暴政和拒絕服從權威中奪取權力。

      自由，以及隨之而來的一切； 首先，自由是自然的野性和我們自己的野性，是對血統、信仰和土壤的授權身份和法西斯主義的蔑視，是愛和慾望的解放混沌力量，而所有這一切都是重新想像和轉變的神聖行為 我們自己以及人類的可能性、意義和價值。

      以及我們無數可能的未來，它們在我們的日常生活中自行整理，就像蜂鳥飛行控制的颶風一樣； 暴政或自由，滅絕或生存。

      秩序及其形式，如父權制和種族主義、階級和種姓的權威、權力、資本和霸權精英，它們產生於瓦格納式的恐懼、權力和武力之環，它通過偽造、商品化和非人化和非人化來侵占和征服我們。 將差異性和歸屬感的等級制度以及血統、信仰和土壤的法西斯主義武器化，並創建國家作為嵌入

令人厭惡的暴力、武力和控制的暴政、警察和軍事恐怖的監禁國家、帝國征服和殖民同化和剝削的統治； 所有這些系統和結構都誕生於恐懼之中，壓倒性和普遍性的恐懼被武器化，以服務於權力和服從權威，它們都有一個關鍵的弱點，沒有這個弱點，它們就無法產生並維持不平等的權力，因為這需要放棄愛。

     混沌以愛的全面且無法控制的神聖瘋狂作為它的捍衛者，它跨越了所有界限，將我們團結起來，採取團結一致的行動，反對那些奴役我們的人。

     愛使我們超越自我和皮膚的界限，打破作為強加的鬥爭條件的授權身份和敘述，奪取權力作為我們自己的所有權，並揭示他人的具體真相。

      一旦我們將民主定義為平等的自由社會和愛的實踐，就可以衍生出一些原則作為革命和奪取權力的藝術。

      訂單適當； 混沌自治。

      秩序是不平等的權力和系統性的暴力； 混沌就是自由、平等、相互依存、和諧。

      秩序通過劃分和等級制來征服； 混亂通過平等和團結來解放。

       權威造假； 福柯所謂的“講真話”和“歷史見證”向權力說真話或直言，賦予我們追求真理、剝奪暴君合法性的神聖使命的真實性。

       時刻關注幕後的人。 正如多蘿西對奧茲所說，他只是一個老騙子。

       公民的四個主要職責是質疑權威、揭露權威、模擬權威和挑戰權威。

      不存在公正的權威。

       法律服務於權力和權威； 越界和拒絕屈服賦予自由和自我所有權，作為成為人類和不被征服的主要行為。

       永遠要經過禁門。 正如馬克斯·施蒂納所寫； “自由不能被授予； 必須抓住它。”

      這就是我的革命和民主的藝術——愛； 仍然存在著詩意的願景、對我們自己的重新想像和轉變，以及我們成為人類的無限可能性，而愛和慾望是不可征服的信息、激勵和塑造力量，以及人類固有的存在領域和力量，它們不能作為內在的真理從我們手中奪走。 愛和慾望是野性的形式，是真理的體現，它為我們提供了自由的定義，即自然的野性和我們自己的野性。

      正如我在 2022 年 2 月 12 日的文章《種族滅絕遊戲：香港案例》中所寫。 我不喜歡你，習近平； 與湯姆·布朗 (Tom Brown) 1680 年受人喜愛的詩中的菲爾博士 (Dr Fell) 不同，作為一個說真話的人和歷史的見證者，我既知道也能說出原因； 國家恐怖和暴政、武力和思想控制的監獄國家、警察的失踪和酷刑、普遍監視、偽造宣傳和虛構歷史、帝國征服和殖民剝削、奴役和種族滅絕種族清洗、血腥法西斯主義、意識形態 作為信仰，作為土壤； 這一切我都指責習近平和中國共產黨。

     我之所以能夠說出這些話，是因為我作為一名美國公民享有獲取信息的自由，因為美國國家的透明度以及舉報人和說真話者在我們社會中的法律保護和英雄地位是防止秘密的防火牆 權力，因為追求真理的神聖使命既是公民的權利，又是普遍的人權，屬於平行且相互依存的一系列權利，而共同捍衛這些權利是國家的首要目的。

      任何作為其公民權利保障者的國家都被賦予合法性、信任和代表權。 由此推論，任何主要目的不是保障個人權利的國家都不具有這種合法性。

      我們必須是平等的民主和自由社會，否則就是暴君的奴隸。

      我們必須抵制這一點。

2025 年 8 月 29 日 聯合國關於中國對新疆少數民族進行種族滅絕的巴切萊特報告週年

     一年前的今天，聯合國宣布中國共產黨在新疆的政策是種族滅絕、奴役和反人類罪，這是正義的勝利，也是揭露暴政謊言和偽造的勝利。

     今天，我們在香港劉智明案審判的陰影下紀念這個週年，因為中共佔領政權發動法律戰，進行國家恐怖統治，壓制異議，而新聞業則被視為追求真相的神聖使命.

     國際社會有必要對習近平政權的殘酷和非人化進行清算，並與中國人民一起進行解放鬥爭。

       中國在新疆犯下的可怕罪行是一條界定人類極限和國家合法性的邊界，這是我們必須捍衛的一條線，或者向世界各地的國家放棄我們作為平等的自由社會的普遍人權和民主的原則其中國家由其公民共同擁有，作為其權利的保障者。

       任何國家只有一個條件才能成為合法國家，那就是它充當公民和人類平行且相互依存的權利的保障者，並平衡這些權利，使任何人都不得侵犯這些權利。另一個。

      因為一旦我們將人性交給國家，成為物而不是人，成為他人權力和利益的工具，通過偽造、商品化和非人化的製度，通過卑賤和習得性無助而被監禁的武力和控制狀態所征服，精英歸屬感和排他性的分裂和授權身份，以及血統、土壤和信仰的法西斯主義，我們允許那些奴役我們的人將我們餵入國家機器，作為精神病和體現暴力的精英霸權的原材料。財富、權力和特權。

      讓我們對壓迫制度、法西斯主義和暴政給予唯一應有的回應； 再也不！

正如我在 2020 年 8 月 19 日的文章《中國的大屠殺：新疆維吾爾人的種族滅絕和香港的殖民化； 它始於沉默長城和對真相的控制，鎮壓異見和壓制黃之鋒、黎智英、蔡霞等英雄，但總是以新疆那樣的集中營結束； 暴政和法西斯主義的道路永遠導致墮落和非人化。

      當一個政府對少數民族和宗教少數群體進行消滅和種族滅絕，並通過他們在集中營的奴役勞動獲利時，你會怎麼稱呼它？

     我稱之為大屠殺。

      你怎麼稱呼一個政府，它使用強迫絕育、大規模綁架、酷刑、謀殺、將兒童送到孤兒院只用官方語言進行教育、取締宗教活動以及所有這些以及更多針對這些人的恐怖和反人類罪行誰不符合當局的血統、信仰和土壤範式？

     我稱之為法西斯主義。

     我想說的是，無論這些政府對他們的罪行、他們自稱的人或他們不人道的細節所說的任何謊言，都毫無意義。 重要的是這一點； 強者正在傷害弱者和被剝奪者。

      我們是否應該讓弱勢群體和那些被弗朗茨·法農稱為“地球上的不幸者”的人孤立無援？ 所有人類都是我們的兄弟姐妹嗎？

      在對新疆維吾爾族穆斯林的征服和種族滅絕中，中國共產黨暴露了他們作為武力和控制的排外獨裁國家和國家恐怖和暴政犯罪組織的真實本質。 他們是一個沒有合法性的政府。

      我們應該成為奴隸勞動的合作者和奸商，還是應該團結一致，將所有那些奴役我們的人從他們的寶座上推翻？

      中國國歌的歌詞是：“不願為奴的人起來吧。”

      正如我在 2020 年 7 月 1 日的文章《恐怖帝國和種族主義種族滅絕：香港的陷落和新疆維吾爾族的絕育》中所寫的那樣； 在英國將香港移交給其繼任帝國北京的黑暗堡壘週年紀念日之際，中國共產黨及其國家恐怖政權的第一波大規模逮捕和反人類罪行席捲香港。新疆維吾爾族和宗教少數群體的婦女在種族清洗和種族滅絕計劃中被強制絕育，這與再教育監獄中的清除運動相似，她們的語言、信仰、歷史和作為一個民族的身份被竊取，世界目睹著另一場不人道的景象展現在我們面前，人類目瞪口呆，文明無助地屈服於返祖的野蠻行為。

      當掠奪者到來，將弱者和被剝奪者從人類群體中消滅時，我們再次無能為力，因為如果沒有反對武力暴政和控制的統一戰線，我們中最殘酷和最不道德的人就會獲勝。

      路德教會牧師馬丁·尼默勒（Martin Niemöller）對大屠殺背景下面對邪惡保持沉默的同謀提出了著名的譴責，但它作為一項普遍原則適用； “首先他們是針對社會主義者的，我沒有說話——因為我不是社會主義者。

      然後他們來抓工會成員，我沒有說話——因為我不是工會成員。

      然後他們來抓猶太人，我沒有說話——因為我不是猶太人。

      然後他們來找我——沒有人能為我說話了。”

          正如我在 2019 年 10 月 6 日的文章《仇殺生：香港反抗暴政和國家恐怖； 我是一個人，理解力有限，儘管我在許多地方戴著許多面具，並且並非我所有的事業都失去了； 儘管我所有的希望和一生的最後立場，我仍然要反抗和捍衛。

     對於我們許多可能的未來，我只能這麼說； 當我們找到抵抗和變得更好的意願時，一切都還沒有失去，也沒有什麼是不可挽回的。

      所以我要向你們傳達《V字仇殺隊》中艾倫·摩爾的話； “自人類誕生以來，一小撮壓迫者就承擔了我們本應承擔的生命責任。 通過這樣做，他們奪取了我們的權力。 我們什麼都不做，就把它放棄了。 我們已經看到了他們的道路，穿過營地和戰爭，通向屠宰場。”

      正如我在 2022 年 2 月 11 日的文章《種族滅絕運動會：新疆案例》中所寫的那樣； 一年前，我在2021年2月19日的帖子中寫道，中國種族滅絕、奴隸制、性恐怖； 中國共產黨應對巨大的恐怖事件負責，包括仇外的種族清洗和奴隸制。 但如果我們購買不公正的產品，我們也有責任。

      就像恐怖電影中的怪物在我們分心時從黑暗中襲擊一樣，新的揭露揭露了中國政府的行為

針對新疆伊斯蘭少數民族的強姦和性恐怖事件。

       如果有人質疑非宗派政府以及政教分離原則對民主和普遍人權的中心地位，請考慮一下也門和新疆的例子。

      自從我寫下這些支持抵制、撤資和製裁中國運動的文字以來，中國人民或其帝國征服的西藏、新疆和香港幾乎沒有發生什麼變化，比如受害者的恐怖尖叫聲中國的暴政和恐怖，被他們職業的黑暗咆哮的深淵吞噬，幾乎消失在人類的記憶和歷史的見證中，就像無數被沉默和被抹去的生命一樣。

      但我記得，並見證。

      在新疆的例子中，我們可以看到種族主義和宗派恐怖之間的聯繫，如係統性暴力、帝國征服、殖民統治和剝削。

      這也是當今世界制度化的非人化和奴役中暴力和思想控制的監禁狀態的最可怕的例子； 因為新疆是中國美麗新世界的實驗室，他們正在向全球其他暴政國家輸出非人化、商品化和偽造技術。

     如果我們不採取任何行動來改變這一反人類的滔天罪行，也不破壞習近平征服環太平洋地區的計劃，那麼我們就可以在新疆看到等待著我們所有人的未來。

      讓我們與中國、新疆、西藏和香港的人民團結起來，聲援反對暴政和恐怖政權的帝國征服和占領，趁我們還有能力的時候。

正如我在 2022 年 2 月 10 日的文章《我為何寫作：南亞之春黎明時的藝術與革命宣言》中所寫； 我們正在協調整個南亞的民主和解放組織網絡之間的行動，這些聯盟系統被稱為“奶茶運動”，在香港、北京以及中國、泰國和緬甸的其他城市，在過去的一年裡，這些網絡已經發生了變化。千變萬化的陌生感包括台灣、馬來西亞、新加坡、印度尼西亞、西巴布亞、菲律賓、文萊、柬埔寨、老撾、越南、東帝汶、斯里蘭卡、印度、克什米爾，可能還有整個新興的南亞之春，現在與民主團結在一起一個自治領的俄羅斯、白俄羅斯、哈薩克斯坦、烏克蘭和利比亞以及另一個自治領的伊朗、伊拉克、敘利亞、黎巴嫩和也門境內的運動以及變革的直接推動者。

      有句話被認為是中國人的咒語，但卻是英國首相張伯倫的父親在 1898 年的一次演講中創造的，可能是對《寧作狗，不作亂時人》的釋義。馮夢龍1627年的短篇小說《願你生活在有趣的時代》。

我們現在生活在一個有趣的時代； 我們是否將我們的時代視為詛咒，還是將世界力量平衡從專制轉向民主和平等的自由社會的支點，取決於我們每個人。

      我們該如何書寫我們的歷史見證和神聖使命，成為福柯所說的說真話的人？ 在人類命運懸於暴政與自由之間的關鍵時刻，我們該如何演繹一場革命詩意藝術？

       描述我們這個時代的經歷的一種方法是關注外部性，就像福樓拜試圖從服務於理性的故事中消除自己的作者聲音一樣。 這樣的練習產生的敘述很像我在 Extemp Prep（一項團隊時事演講比賽）期間為法證學課程提供的每日時事簡報。 也許今天最好的例子是歷史學家希瑟·考克斯·理查森 (Heather Cox Richardson) 的時事通訊，她撰寫了當前歷史上最公正、最值得信賴的每日新聞簡報。 這是一種獨特的方法來實時處理我們周圍發生的事件，她的參考資料和背景都是權威和可靠的。

      為了將她的藝術與我的修辭藝術進行對比和比較，我在我的每日政治日記中寫下可以被描述為反法西斯社區和世界各地及其自治聯盟的革命、解放和民主運動的戰略、情報和政策指導的內容。區域。 我的出版物《自由火炬》的座右銘是“煽動、挑釁和擾亂”，這應該提醒我，我的寫作絕不假裝公正和無黨派。

      我的偏見首先是由我的價值觀決定的，包括自由、平等、真理和正義、非暴力和我們的普遍人權，以及它們作為原因的實踐，其次是由我所反對的風車決定的。 不平等的權力、權威和授權身份，正常性和其他民族美德觀念的暴政，武力和控制的暴政以及警察恐怖和製度化暴力的監獄國家，軍國主義和帝國征服，統治和殖民主義，血腥法西斯主義，信仰，和土壤及其係統性和歷史性工具：父權制和種族主義，排他性的劃分以及成員資格和歸屬的等級制度，財富、權力和特權的精英霸權，以及驅動這一切的瓦格納式的恐懼、權力和武力之環。

      在這場革命鬥爭中，我將自己的生命與那些被弗蘭茨·法農稱為“地球上的不幸者”的人進行了平衡。 那些無權無勢的人、被剝奪的人、被沉默的人、被抹去的人。 如果你是他們中的一員或他們的盟友，拒絕屈服於暴政和恐怖，我對你說： 我不是一個好人，但我可能是一個可以提供幫助的人。

      我希望比一個好人更有用，好人的行動範圍受到那些人的錯誤道德的限制，這些人會把我們奴役在強加的鬥爭條件和其他人的美德觀念的暴政中，正如蕭伯納通過這個人物教導我們的那樣伊麗莎的父親在皮格馬利翁和華麗的電影窈窕淑女。

      我們必須抵制將為權力服務的行為劃分為值得和不值得的人，這種道德負擔是作為霸權精英中的異類和成員資格的等級制度。 讓我們以平等和普遍人權來回應功績和種姓，並以團結來回應分裂，特別是血統、信仰和土壤的法西斯主義。

       我們都不需要為了幫助或接受幫助而表現良好，僅僅需要或能夠在需要時提供幫助，作為照顧他人的責任，尊重我們共同的人性並認識到我們的相互依存性。

      所以我再說一遍，我不是一個好人，因為我不接受任何限制，也不相信任何權威，我把奪取權力、擾亂秩序和帶來災難視為神聖的行為。

混亂、違反禁忌、違反常態、顛覆授權身份、追求真理、相信不可能的事物，但只相信那些我自己創造或選擇的事物，以及詩意的願景，即對我們無限可能性的重新想像和轉變。成為人類。

       如果你是被遺棄的人、破碎的人、失落的人、無能為力的人、被剝奪的人、沉默的人、被抹殺的人，那麼我就是一個站在你這邊的壞人