From his life as a seed of change, may thousands Arise and seize power from those who would enslave, commodify, and dehumanize us as the raw material of their power.
All Resistance is War to the Knife; those who respect no limits and no laws may hide behind none.
Luigi Mangione has assassinated an apex predator of an unjust system of oppression, and opened the floodgates of a vast and primal rage among the underclasses of our society which may one day bring a reimagination and transformation to our bizarre and loathsome private healthcare system which is designed to enforce elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege. For this act of exposure and challenge of authority, of Resistance, seizure of power, and bringing a Reckoning, I here sing his praise.
Let his valor and glorious refusal to submit and die quietly in the enormity of his grief and pain be celebrated and remembered, but let us also give reply with our solidarity of action, for free universal healthcare is a precondition of the Right to Life and guaranteed by our Bill of Rights. What does it mean to be human, if not to be each other’s keepers?
Go Not Quietly.
The Allopathic Complex and Its Consequences
Luigi Mangione’s last words
LM
Dec 09, 2024
The second amendment means I am my own chief executive and commander in chief of my own military. I authorize my own act of self-defense in response to a hostile entity making war on me and my family.
Nelson Mandela says no form of viooence can be excused. Camus says it’s all the same, whether you live or die or have a cup of coffee. MLK says violence never brings permanent peace. Gandhi says that non-violence is the mightiest power available to mankind.
That’s who they tell you are heroes. That’s who our revolutionaries are.
Yet is that not capitalistic? Non-violence keeps the system working at full speed ahead.
What did it get us. Look in the mirror.
They want us to be non-violent, so that they can grow fat off the blood they take from us.
The only way out is through. Not all of us will make it. Each of us is our own chief executive. You have to decide what you will tolerate.
In Gladiator 1 Maximus cuts into the military tattoo that identifies him as part of the roman legion. His friend asks “Is that the sign of your god?” As Maximus carves deeper into his own flesh, as his own blood drips down his skin, Maximus smiles and nods yes. The tattoo represents the emperor, who is god. The god emperor has made himself part of Maximus’s own flesh. The only way to destroy the emperor is to destroy himself. Maximus smiles through the pain because he knows it is worth it.
These might be my last words. I don’t know when they will come for me. I will resist them at any cost. That’s why I smile through the pain.
They diagnosed my mother with severe neuropathy when she was forty-one years old. She said it started ten years before that with burning sensations in her feet and occasional sharp stabbing pains. At first the pain would last a few moments, then fade to tingling, then numbness, then fade to nothing a few days later.
The first time the pain came she ignored it. Then it came a couple times a year and she ignored it. Then every couple months. Then a couple times a month. Then a couple times a week. At that point by the time the tingling faded to numbness, the pain would start, and the discomfort was constant. At that point even going from the couch to the kitchen to make her own lunch became a major endeavor
She started with ibuprofen, until the stomach aches and acid reflux made her switch to acetaminophen. Then the headaches and barely sleeping made her switch back to ibuprofen.
The first doctor said it was psychosomatic. Nothing was wrong. She needed to relax, destress, sleep more.
The second doctor said it was a compressed nerve in her spine. She needed back surgery. It would cost $180,000. Recovery would be six months minimum before walking again. Twelve months for full potential recovery, and she would never lift more than ten pounds of weight again.
The third doctor performed a Nerve Conduction Study, Electromyography, MRI, and blood tests. Each test cost $800 to $1200. She hit the $6000 deductible of her UnitedHealthcare plan in October. Then the doctor went on vacation, and my mother wasn’t able to resume tests until January when her deductible reset.
The tests showed severe neuropathy. The $180,000 surgery would have had no effect.
They prescribed opioids for the pain. At first the pain relief was worth the price of constant mental fog and constipation. She didn’t tell me about that until later. All I remember is we took a trip for the first time in years, when she drove me to Monterey to go to the aquarium. I saw an otter in real life, swimming on its back. We left at 7am and listened to Green Day on the four-hour car ride. Over time, the opioids stopped working. They made her MORE sensitive to pain, and she felt withdrawal symptoms after just two or three hours.
Then gabapentin. By now the pain was so bad she couldn’t exercise, which compounded the weight gain from the slowed metabolic rate and hormonal shifts. And it barely helped the pain, and made her so fatigued she would go an entire day without getting out of bed.
Then Corticosteroids. Which didn’t even work.
The pain was so bad I would hear my mother wake up in the night screaming in pain. I would run into her room, asking if she’s OK. Eventually I stopped getting up. She’d yell out anguished shrieks of wordless pain or the word “fuck” stretched and distended to its limits. I’d turn over and go back to sleep.
All of this while they bled us dry with follow-up appointment after follow-up appointment, specialist consultations, and more imagine scans. Each appointment was promised to be fully covered, until the insurance claims were delayed and denied. Allopathic medicine did nothing to help my mother’s suffering. Yet it is the foundation of our entire society.
My mother told me that on a good day the nerve pain was like her legs were immersed in ice water. On a bad day it felt like her legs were clamped in a machine shop vice, screwed down to where the cranks stopped turning, then crushed further until her ankle bones sprintered and cracked to accommodate the tightening clamp. She had more bad days than good.
My mother crawled to the bathroom on her hands and knees. I slept in the living room to create more distance from her cries in the night. I still woke up, and still went back to sleep.
Back then I thought there was nothing I could do.
The high copays made consistent treatment impossible. New treatments were denied as “not medically necessary.” Old treatments didn’t work, and still put us out for thousands of dollars.
UnitedHealthcare limited specialist consultations to twice a year.
Then they refused to cover advanced imaging, which the specialists required for an appointment.
Prior authorizations took weeks, then months.
UnitedHealthcare constantly changed their claim filing procedure. They said my mother’s doctor needed to fax his notes. Then UnitedHealthcare said they did not save faxed patient correspondence, and required a hardcopy of the doctor’s typed notes to be mailed. Then they said they never received the notes. They were unable to approve the claim until they had received and filed the notes.
They promised coverage, and broke their word to my mother.
With every delay, my anger surged. With every denial, I wanted to throw the doctor through the glass wall of their hospital waiting room.
But it wasn’t them. It wasn’t the doctors, the receptionists, administrators, pharmacists, imaging technicians, or anyone we ever met. It was UnitedHealthcare.
People are dying. Evil has become institutionalized. Corporations make billions of dollars off the pain, suffering, death, and anguished cries in the night of millions of Americans.
We entered into an agreement for healthcare with a legally binding contract that promised care commensurate with our insurance payments and medical needs. Then UnitedHealthcare changes the rules to suit their own profits. They think they make the rules, and think that because it’s legal that no one can punish them.
They think there’s no one out there who will stop them.
Now my own chronic back pain wakes me in the night, screaming in pain. I sought out another type of healing that showed me the real antidote to what ails us.
I bide my time, saving the last of my strength to strike my final blows. All extractors must be forced to swallow the bitter pain they deal out to millions.
As our own chief executives, it’s our obligation to make our own lives better. First and foremost, we must seek to improve our own circumstances and defend ourselves. As we do so, our actions have ripple effects that can improve the lives of others.
Rules exist between two individuals, in a network that covers the entire earth. Some of these rules are written down. Some of these rules emerge from natural respect between two individuals. Some of these rules are defined in physical laws, like the properties of gravity, magnetism or the potential energy stored in the chemical bonds of potassium nitrate.
No single document better encapsulates the belief that all people are equal in fundamental worth and moral status and the frameworks for fostering collective well-being than the US constitution.
Writing a rule down makes it into a law. I don’t give a fuck about the law. Law means nothing. What does matter is following the guidance of our own logic and what we learn from those before us to maximize our own well-being, which will then maximize the well-being of our loved ones and community.
That’s where UnitedHealthcare went wrong. They violated their contract with my mother, with me, and tens of millions of other Americans. This threat to my own health, my family’s health, and the health of our country’s people requires me to respond with an act of war.
END
Brian Thompson’s killing inspired rage – against the healthcare industry
Thousands of Americans go bankrupt, lose their homes or die every year due to medical insurer practices
“Beware: for I am fearless, and therefore powerful.” ~Mary Shelley, Frankenstein
We thought it was Robin Hood. But really, it was Frankenstein.
Last week, a lone gunman shot and killed Brian Thompson, the CEO of United Healthcare – one of the largest health insurers in the country. It was a brazen attack, carried out on a busy city sidewalk outside the New York hotel where Thompson was supposed to speak that morning.
Lest we miss his motive, the shooter had inscribed words like Delay, Deny, and Depose on the bullets he would use to murder Thompson – words that echo the justifications heath insurance companies often use to deny patient claims. Over the weekend we learned that a backpack that he left behind in Central Park contained Monopoly money.
While all health insurance companies deny claims, United is particularly aggressive, and responsible for an outsized amount of insurance denials. Since the murder, social media has been awash with heartbreaking stories of claims denied and lives ruined (or lost) as a result.
Within hours of the shooting, the assassin was elevated to a sort of folk hero status. Some even called him a modern-day Robin Hood – an imperfect but powerful anti-elitist analogy.
Surely, it seemed, we were witnessing someone who was acting on behalf of the impoverished and undervalued. Internet sleuths refused to help locate him; people pledged to turn a blind eye if they saw him in the wild. But it was only a matter of time.
Yesterday, a suspect was arrested while eating breakfast at a McDonalds in Altoona, Pennsylvania. He was found with a gun, a silencer, four fake IDs and a manifesto targeting the health care system – so it seems pretty likely that the person in custody was in fact the shooter.
But he’s not what we thought he would be.
He’s not Robin Hood. He’s Frankenstein’s monster.
Frankenstein isn’t horror. It’s science fiction, with a heavy dose of Greek tragedy. (The full title is Frankenstein; Or, the Modern Prometheus – a nod to the Greek Titan who gave humans the gift of fire, for which he was punished for eternity).
Frankenstein is the story of an ambitious and exceptionally intelligent young man named Victor Frankenstein who discovers how to animate life. Obsessed with using this knowledge, Frankenstein knits a creature together using stolen body parts – each piece carefully chosen for the purpose. In isolation, Frankenstein notes, they are beautiful.
It’s only when those individually beautiful pieces are brought together and animated that Victor can appreciate what he has done.
As soon as the creature comes to life, Frankenstein is horrified at his creation. It is hideous and enormous and terrifyingly strong – but has the mind and innocence of a newborn baby. Outwardly grotesque but craving love and companionship, the creature reaches out to Frankenstein – only to be cruelly neglected, abandoned, shunned by the very person whose blind ambition created him in the first place.
Frankenstein’s monster is not the villain; Victor Frankenstein is.
The moral of Frankenstein is clear, and timeless. The story is about endless ambition and power and recklessness and unintended consequences and regret. It’s a tragedy about the lives ruined when something that could have been beautiful – and had incredible potential – is instead turned into a monster.
On paper, Luigi Mangione, the 26-year old who has been charged with Brian Thompson’s murder, doesn’t look like a monster.
He’s not a project of “woke” public schools or a bad education – he went to an elite, all-boys preparatory school (with a price tag of nearly $40,000 a year). He was the valedictorian of his high school class. He went to an Ivy League college – the University of Pennsylvania – just like Donald Trump and Elon Musk and Mehmet Oz.
He’s not from a broken home – he comes from a prestigious family of landowners and real estate developers and politicians. Family assets include country clubs and nursing homes and a conservative AM talk radio station that broadcasts Sean Hannity and Mark Levin, who wrote The Democrat Party Hates America. The Mangione Family Foundation provides grants to charitable causes; its largest single contribution in 2019, $50,000, was to the Baltimore Archdiocese. His cousin, Nino Mangione, is a Republican Maryland State Delegate.
His family certainly seems to (at least publicly) skew Republican, and individually he’s not what you’d call a liberal either – he’s reposted clips of Peter Thiel railing against “wokeism” and retweeted Tucker Carlson. He follows Joe Rogan and is a fan of anti-woke writer and illustrator Tim Urban. On facebook, he reposted a Wall Street Journal article blaming American “entitlements” for the deficit.
We’re getting clues now about his personal healthcare experiences; he reportedly suffers from chronic back pain due to a slipped vertebrae. At 26 years old, he would have just aged out of his family’s insurance policy and be looking upon decades of pain and insurance battles.
But nothing in his background would lead anyone to think Luigi would be capable of violence, let alone murder. And perhaps that is the most terrifying and unsettling part of this case: he was exceptionally typical. The privileged boy next door became a stone cold killer.
He’s what happens when a Frankenstein’s assemblage of terrible policies come together and create the perfect situation for a modern-day monster to awaken.
Lax gun laws meant he could obtain a ghost gun and a silencer. The cruelty of the American healthcare system and insurance industry gave him a target. And a future of decades of chronic pain and insurance battles gave him a motive.
But just as with Frankenstein’s creation, you can imagine how things would have – easily could have – gone very differently for Luigi.
Common sense gun reforms could have made it harder for him to obtain the weapons he used. Healthcare reform – or even the promise of it – could have made the future appear less bleak. Although broadly popular with the public, Republican politicians have refused to even entertain those reforms. Instead, they’ve pursued their own power, their own ambition, and their own pocketbooks.
The unintended consequence of policymakers’ neglect may be that they gave Luigi the thing that animated him – a fearlessness that only the hopeless fully understand.
In an online review of the Unabomber’s manifesto, Luigi gave voice to his desperation. There, he wrote: “Peaceful protest is outright ignored, economic protest isn’t possible in the current system, so how long until we recognize that violence against those who lead us to such destruction is justified as self defense?” Luigi Mangione, Goodreads
Unfortunately, Luigi answered his own question.
The end result is a life tragically lost, and another life – and family – ruined.
One of the most powerful and often-quoted lines from Frankenstein is delivered when the creature speaks directly to his creator: “Beware; for I am fearless, and therefore powerful.”
Friend, the creature isn’t fearless because his courage overwhelms his fear.
Medusa, goddess and monster, a victim cursed for the crimes of her abuser like Hester Prynne in The Scarlet Letter, and whose power to turn men to stone appropriates the dehumanizing and objectifying power of the Male Gaze. Hers is the power to see the truth of others, and to reveal to others their true selves, and models thereby an ideal of human relationships. We choose partners who can help us become the person we want to be, and who embody qualities we wish to assimilate to ourselves; a healthy relationship returns to us and helps us discover our true and best selves.
As with the figure of the Wolfman and other monsters which embody the hostile and threatening aspects of the forces of nature, the figure of Medusa tells us how we relate to our natural selves and to nature, and to the essential wildness and chaos of both.
We may also regard them as dyadic idealizations of masculine and feminine beauty, animus and anima archetypes in Jungian terms, though all mythic figures can be assigned positional and qualitative values in this way, and if you are a primary or native Romance language speaker you will construct meaning so that the whole material universe and everything in it is either masculine or feminine, though these things are truly ambiguous, conflicted, relative, and shifting as protean transformations of meaning, value, and identity which change with our history.
Identity and its dimensions as identities of sex and gender are prochronisms, a history in our form of how we have solved problems of adaptation over time and through our interdependence with others, like the shell of a fantastic sea creature.
What is most useful to me in the figure of Medusa is what we can learn from her myth about the purpose of Patriarchy as control of nature, a theme which Camille Paglia has fully explored in her foundational work Sexual Personae: Art and Decadence from Nefertiti to Emily Dickinson, the role of Medusa as tragic heroine and avenger of a violated natural wildness typifies the conflicts inherent within our society as systemic patriarchy, misogyny, and control.
It can also tell us why we burn down rainforests to plant palm oil crops, poison ourselves with fossil fuels, and other travesties of capitalist plunder and colonial exploitation, why our oceans are dying, and why the extinction of humankind may be inevitable.
We are addicted to power, and cannot bear that which is beyond our absolute control. Here is the origin of our dominion and subjugation of nature and of one another; fear. Fear of wildness, chaos, disorder, unpredictability, and loss of control; fear of standing naked before the endless chasms of night and the emptiness of the infinite cosmos without our armor of lies and illusions conferred by submission to authority, fear of embracing our darkness and our inchoate passions which threaten to sublime and enrapture, to defile and exalt us beyond our limits and reveal to us our true selves and truths written in our flesh.
This is why seizures of power and revolutionary struggle for ownership of identity and autonomy as a process of becoming human and free self-created beings as emergence from authorized identities, including those of sex and gender, is primary in terms of developmental stages of growth and history for both persons and whole societies.
It is also why the struggles for liberty and equality and against patriarchy and racism and for ecological sustainability and against capitalism and extinction are parallel and interdependent; for their origins are in the same disparity and disconnectedness of humankind from nature, and in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force.
As I wrote in my post of December 10 2019 Human Rights Day
Today we mark Human Rights Day with the beginning of a series of actions throughout the world in hope of making real for all peoples this most precious and tenuous gift of our civilization.
As described on the United Nations website; ”Human Rights Day is observed every year on 10 December — the day the United Nations General Assembly adopted, in 1948, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR): a milestone document proclaiming the inalienable rights which everyone is inherently entitled to as a human being regardless of race, colour, religion, sex, language, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.”
Our world is filled with injustices and a plethora of windmills that might be giants at which one may tilt; a host of genocides and state terrors, pervasive slavery, identity driven divisions of race, faith, language, and nationality, and those attendant upon the economics and class ravages of plutocracy and environmental plunder and extinction.
Upon reflection I return to the one dehumanization and power asymmetry which has been with us since the dawn of agriculture and city-states ruled by priest-kings and the enforcers who drive the slaves in the fields; patriarchy and its key factor, the silencing of women. Remove this one keystone and the whole poisonous structure which shapes us into monsters and slaves begins to fall.
The dynamic which divides half of humanity against the other half is brilliantly described in a short video by the eminent classical scholar Mary Beard; I was captivated by her use of the myth of Medusa as a controlling metaphor of maladaptive male-female relationships and the legacy of disfigured masculinity.
Medusa herself is a compelling archetype; goddess and monster, like the beautiful and terrible jellyfish which is among her images and forms, and whose power appropriates the toxicity of the male gaze, her myth describes the history of the emergence of the Patriarchy and its seizure of power over our civilization, and the consequences of its primary values inversion which assigns the yin or death force to the female half of the human dyad.
Of all the many inequalities we must redress to liberate ourselves, among those most crucial to our identity and our freedom are the silencing of women, and the denial of the feminine unconscious in men, and their transmutation into figures not of birth and life but of death, with all its attendant witch hunts in their many forms.
Let us revoice and revision our ideals and relationships of masculinity and femininity as a fulcrum of identity, and change the balance of power in the world.
As written by Cody Delistraty in an article entitled What If We’ve Been Misunderstanding Monsters? Fictional evil creatures might be more nuanced—and have more to teach us—than has long seemed; “Medusa is pure wickedness: an angry misandrist with venomous snakes for hair and the ability to turn a man to stone with only a look. That is, at least, how she is depicted in Thomas Bulfinch’s influential nineteenth-century text, Mythology. So too in Edith Hamilton’s updated Mythology, from 1942, and, as such, in much of contemporary popular culture.
In Ovid’s Metamorphoses, published around 8 CE, however, Medusa had a backstory that’s often elided in modern retellings. She was attractive and innocent when Poseidon (Neptune) lured her into Athena’s (Minerva’s) temple and raped her. When Athena found out, she turned Medusa’s hair into snakes, erasing her beauty.
Though Freud posited that Medusa’s hair represented sexual repression, a symbol of castrated genitalia and the madness to which that might lead a person, the poet Ann Stanford, in her “Women of Perseus,” unpacks the more nuanced psychological effects of Medusa’s rape and the complications it adds to understanding her. Commenting on Stanford’s work, the poet and scholar Alicia Ostriker notes in her article “The Thieves of Language” that “the trauma ‘imprisons’ Medusa in a self-dividing anger and a will to revenge that she can never escape, though she yearns to.”
Consumed by this vengeful desire, Medusa might be not so much a monster as a tragic figure. Given the way her story as a “monster” has been told over the last few centuries, however, you’d be hard-pressed to know it.
The Light Side of the Force or the Dark Side. Mount Olympus or Hades. The idea is that though we must choose a direction, it’s a straight and clear path.
When depicted as wholly and unchangeably evil, the classic monsters of literature and myth help make sense of a complex world, often with Biblical clarity and simplicity. The existence of pure evil implies the existence of pure good. Heaven or Hell. The Light Side of the Force or the Dark Side. Mount Olympus or Hades. The idea is that though we must choose a direction, it’s a straight and clear path.
Until the Enlightenment, this one-sided view of monsters was rampant. The word “monster” is likely derived from the Latin “monere,” which means “to warn,” writes the scholar Stephen Fox in Rutgers University’s The Scarlet Review—as in a warning from God that to deviate a little from norms is to deviate entirely into the realm of evil. The notion of total evil is an inherently Old Testament one: you either adhere wholly to the commandments of God and make the correct sacrifices and go to Heaven; or you do not, and you go to Hell.
J.R.R. Tolkien’s The Lord of the Rings—an overtly Biblical epic that seemingly takes place in the Middle Ages—made little room for nuance between good and evil. Orcs and Trolls and Sauron—these are absolute monsters with no redeeming values. “Tolkien was very clear about his monsters being intended as embodiments of pure malice and corruption, with no effort made to show any humanizing or empathetic aspects to them,” writes Fox.
The trap is to think of all literary and mythical monsters in these Biblical terms. Though God and Tolkien may have had certain ideas about evil… well, #NotAllMonsters. To look at even the most classic of fictional monsters is to see complications to this reductive version of evil. Grendel, for instance, the villain of the Old English epic poem Beowulf, might seem a clear-cut brute. He’s depicted as a giant and is said to be a descendent of Cain, from the Book of Genesis, adding to his essential evilness.
But upon a closer read one sees that the ostensible hero and Grendel have much in common. Both are characterized throughout the poem as having the “strength of 30 men in their arms,” as noted by the Old English literary scholar Andy Orchard in his book Pride and Prodigies: Studies in the Monsters of the Beowulf-Manuscript.
When Beowulf fights, he’s depicted as doing so in a “distinctly inhuman way,” Fox writes, matching the style of Grendel. Even Grendel’s home, which seems to be in a bog or swamp of some kind, forces Beowulf to come down to the monster’s level to battle with him. A fair inference is that Beowulf is not so different from Grendel; they are literally on the same level. Apparent good and apparent evil often mix and meld, complicating their boundaries.
Post-Enlightenment, literary monsters began largely to reflect social deviance. Intrinsic evil as a driving idea began to fall away. On the face of it, Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein is about the atrocity of Victor Frankenstein’s creation—no man has any business doing God’s work of creation. But to go deeper is to see that the central conflict of Frankenstein is not so much the relationship between creator and monster as it is the relationship between family and society. When Frankenstein’s mother is on her deathbed, she tells him that his fiancée, Elizabeth, “must supply my place,” mixing the role of mother and lover in Frankenstein’s mind. (To mix even further: his mother dies of the scarlet fever that Elizabeth had passed to her.) But Frankenstein puts off marrying Elizabeth, even at his father’s insistence. Instead of marrying and having a baby with her, as society would deem appropriate, Frankenstein “collected the instruments of life around [him] that [he] might infuse a spark of being into the lifeless thing that lay at [his] feet,” writes Shelley.
By choosing to forego his social responsibilities to marry and procreate, he inflicts “a wound upon the social body,” as Shelley writes. It’s his social choices that are deemed monstrous. Frankenstein’s actual monster becomes a symbol for the creator’s deviance. Only upon realizing that he has departed too far from social norms does Frankenstein decide that his creature must die. His last words: “[seek] happiness in tranquility and avoid ambition.” On his own deathbed, Frankenstein has finally learned his lesson: don’t mess with social norms.
Bram Stoker’s Dracula ends with the vampire’s execution, the monster’s death similarly restoring health to the community, as it represents the achievement of social cohesion following the threat of an outsider. Depicted as sexually suspect, Dracula, like Frankenstein and his monster, is a loner who foregoes his social duties. “Horror novels are often structured around conflict between the safety of a middle-class family home and queer-coded loners who seek its disruption,” writes the literary scholar Evan Hayles Gledhill in “Deviant Subjectivities: Monstrosity and Kinship in the Gothic Imagination.” “The ability to live as one chooses outside the constraints of the traditional pater familias is consistently presented as either a corruption… or a moral failing.”
Because norms have shifted significantly through recent history, many of the monsters of the past now seem like jokes. Bela Lugosi’s 1931 film performance as Dracula, for example, is no longer frightening to contemporary audiences because his overt queerness has been coopted as camp; his operatic black cape has become a kind of cultural gag. His social threat has been mostly neutered—and with it his capacity to frighten.
Today’s most ubiquitous monsters match contemporary moral panics. With Slender Man, a monster that originated as an online meme, his scariness is based on his supposed realness. Reified by the Internet’s echo chamber, young, very-online people post realistic-but-Photoshopped images of him and share supposed stories of encounters. When two teenagers stabbed a 12-year-old girl in Wisconsin in 2014, later telling authorities they were told to do so by Slender Man, the fictional became, for a moment, too real—adding to Slender Man’s perceived reality and thus his ability to scare.
Similarly, last year’s The Invisible Man movie remake with Elisabeth Moss turned the late-nineteenth century literary monster into a domestically abusive tech billionaire, playing in part on the idea that near-unlimited money might turn a man evil. As a critique of billionaire culture and a particular flavor of masculinity, this kind of monster legitimately scares because a version of it exists.
How might we view these contemporary monsters in a hundred years?
To play (literal) devil’s advocate, perhaps in an increasingly virtual world, Slender Man will seem tame, even funny, like Dracula does now. Perhaps the current version of the Invisible Man will be viewed as a victim of capitalism, ambition culture, and toxic masculinity. One might still wonder whether Medusa is an incorrigibly wicked monster. But if deep down she’s also an abused and traumatized person desperately trying to take matters into her own hands, is she even really a monster at all?”
As written by Lorna Marie Kirkby in her thesis The Rape of Medusa: Feminist Revision of Medusa in Stanford and DuPlessis; “Medusa, the snake-haired, stony-gazed Gorgon first appeared in her monstrous guise in Greek mythology. In the Greek myth Medusa was transformed into the petrifying monster that we know today by the goddess Athena as a punishment for ‘coupling’ with Poseidon in her temple. She has since been used in the modern world as a means for silencing women through the stigmatisation of female sexuality in art, psychology (particularly Freudian) and as a means for controlling and creating negative images of women that are to be avoided under the conditions of the modern patriarchal society. In reaction to misogynistic appropriations of the myth, many feminists have turned to Medusa in acts of revisionist mythmaking to transform Medusa into a source of power as an icon of the female gaze, sexuality, and power. The two poems that I have chosen for this essay, both entitled Medusa, constitute particularly unique revisions of the Medusa myth by focusing not on aspects of the Greek myth, but on Ovid’s retelling of the Medusa story in his Metamorphoses where Medusa is not punished for having sexual relations with the God Poseidon, but for being the victim of a rape by the sea God. Whereas most appropriations, misogynist and feminist, focus primarily on the result of Medusa’s transformation – the petrifying gaze and the serpent-hair – Medusa by Ann Stanford, published in 1970, and Medusa by Rachel Blau DuPlessis, published in 1980, address the rape that triggered the transformation, bringing the Medusa myth into modern feminist discourses on rape and the representation of rape in literature. In this essay I am going to assess Stanford and DuPlessis’ revisions of the Medusa myth in terms of how the two poems fit into the tradition of feminist revisionist mythmaking. In order to do so I will first consider the relationship between mythology, the oppression of women and how revising Ovid’s Medusa
myth has made it possible for Stanford and DuPlessis to subvert existing, patriarchal representations of both rape and women. I will then move on to explore in more detail the issues involved with representing rape in literature and the role of trauma in the two poems; and finally I will analyse in more detail the questions of voice that are necessarily brought tothe surface in feminist revisionist literature, and how these questions are expressed through the tropes of silence, the female gaze and female creativity in Stanford and DuPlessis’ poems.
The question of violence against women became a key part of feminist agendas first in the late1960s with multiple campaigns to change the way in which society perceives rape and its victims. The anti-rape movement of second wave feminism came about in the late 1960s and early 70s and addressed both legal and political aspects of rape, including laws and the difficulties in prosecuting rapists, and attitudes such as victim- -hatred as a response to rape.
modern understandings of rape and sexual violence, is against the tradition of viewing rape from a patriarchal perspective which either normalises rape, or punishes the victim. This perspective is particularly clear in mythology, where sexual assault is often glossed over, seen as fate at the hands of the Gods
or seen as the crime of the victim: Ovid’ s Medusa myth is no exception. The inscription of rape as part of the classic mythological narrative acts to minimize the element of human suffering in the victim of sexual assault and it is this gap in the mythological narrative that has allowed feminist revisionist mythmakers to readdress and change popular perceptions of rape by rewriting the original myths from a feminine perspective. Moniza Alvi explains her motivation for choosing the Europa myth in her work as an approach to writing about rape:
“I hoped that using the myth would be a helpful universalising strategy, representing rape emblematically. The poem could then be dream-like and surreal, with a focus on feelings, rather than morality, and a ‘whose fault was it?’ scenario, which often leads to the woman being blamed.” (Alvi in Gunne and Thompson,2010: xii) Thus using mythology provides feminist revisionists not only the opportunity to challenge the overriding male viewpoint from which myths are written, but also to convey messages that take on a universal effect from the mythological status of the original. Alicia Ostriker explains the effect that feminist writers can gain from revisionist mythmaking as originating from the ‘double power’ of literature that bears a mythic status:
“It exists or appears to exist objectively, in the public sphere, and consequently confers on the writer the sort of authority unavailable to someone who writes ‘merely’ of the private sel. Myth belongs to ‘high’ culture and is handed ‘down’ through the ages by religious, literary, and educational authority. At the same time, myth is quintessentially intimate material, the stuff of dream life, forbidden desire, inexplicable motivation everything in the psyche that to rational consciousness is unreal, crazed, or abominable” (Ostriker, 1982: 72)
From this, therefore, we can see why feminists have chosen to use myths to re-evaluate traditional perceptions of women. Feminine voices are few and far between in the classical narratives that have formed the foundations of our literary traditions, so by using myths women writers have been able to give the feminine voice an element of authority that is equated, as Alvi used The Rape of Europa, where Europa is raped by Zeus in the guise of a Bull in her poem
Europa and the Bull that forms the centrepiece of her collection
Europa. (Alvi, 2008: 24-38) Ostriker has explained, with so-called ‘high culture’, putting them on an even playing field with the male voices that have oppressed and silenced them for so long. Once on an even playing field, these women writers are in prime position to be able to question, destabilise and ultimately change the traditional narratives that have been so instrumental in defining and silencing women. Ann Stanford and Rachel Blau DuPlessis fit into this tradition of women revisionist writers and have used the mythological figure of Medusa as a vehicle for the previously oppressed feminine voice. Ovid’s description of Medusa’s rape at the hands of Poseidon is extremely brief, and played out over the course of just two lines of his Metamorphoses:
“They say that Neptune, Lord of the sea, Violated her in a temple of Minerva.” (Ovid,2011: 76)
In a narrative where the action is dominated by the acts of Gods (Poseidon’s rape and Athena’s punishment), the assault upon Medusa and her subsequent punishment despite being a victim is effectively accepted as the result of external, divine forces; her fate as a mortal woman. The brevity of Ovid’s description of the rape eliminates Medusa’s own perspective of the event and
any thoughts, feelings, or trauma that may arise as a result of the assault. The question of Medusa’s punishment at the hands of Athena is also key to feminist readings of Ovid’s work, for how can a punishment asigned by a woman represent the male oppression of the rape victim? Joplin explains:
“[Athene] is no real female but sprang, motherless, from her father’s head, as enfleshed fantasy. (…) Athene is like the murderous angel in Virginia Woolf’s house, a male fantasy of what a woman ought to be, who strangles the real woman writer’s voice.” (Joplin in Higgins and Silver, 2013: 51) So Athena and the punishment she confers upon Medusa is ultimately an extension of the power of the patriarchy.
The unanswered question of Medusa’s perspective is then further discouraged through her transformation into a monstrous creature to be feared. This has meant that Medusa’s own suffering has been largely ignored until the recent surge of feminist revisionism since the late 1960s.
In their poems both Stanford and DuPlessis give first person accounts of Medusa’s suffering and the lasting trauma left by sexual violence, thus providing the perspective that had been missing from the Medusa myth, rewriting it to include and indeed promote the female voice. At the same time they have reduced the role of the Gods by attributing the transformation of their Medusas not to fate or to divine forces, but to the trauma of the rape, so that the petrification and the sprouting of snakes for hair is something intimate and personal that comes from Medusa herself. The transformation of Stanford’s Medusa seems more like a metaphor for the psychological change that takes place after experiencing rape: “My hair coiled in fury; my mind held hate
alone./ I thought of revenge, began to live on it./ My hair turned to serpents, my eyes saw the world in stone.” (Stanford, 2001: 114). Removing the mythical powers of the Gods from Medusa’s transformation thus emphasises the personal, human suffering that is missing from Ovid’s telling of the myth and
reduces Poseidon’s assault to a human act of violence which brings the rape into the realms of the political and the social. Stanford’s description of Poseidon also belittles the God, making him seem repulsive “the old man” (Ibid.), “the stinking breath, the sweaty weight” (Ibid.: 115) – the effect of which is that Stanford is able to criticise rape as a form of oppression over women, as in real life, rather than allowing the sexual assault to remain as the tragic fate of a mythological figure. DuPlessis takes a slightly different approach, yet her poem
Medusa, like Stanford’s also leaves the realm of the mythic to constitute a wider criticism of the normalised violence and oppression against women. She achieves this through an amalgamation first of the three Graeae into one mother figure, and secondly of her rapist and her killer into one masculine, oppressive force. The mother figure, though unnamed, is identified as the three Graeae in the fifth section “Stole/ they/ eye of my mother,/ stole they teeth,/ mother.” (DuPlessis, 1980: 39) Referencing multiple victims of
male oppression in the poem allows DuPlessis’ critique to transcend the individual suffering of Medusa and to work as a demonstration of women’s
suffering at the hands of men. This is also highlighted later in the fifth section where the reader is reminded of another mythological rape victim, Philomela
: “she weave a woven/ to webble The Graeae were three powerful, mystical hags, (Deino, Enyo and Pemphredo) who shared one eye and one tooth between them. In his quest for the head of Medusa Perseus steals their single eye (and in some versions the tooth too), holding it to ransom for information on where to find the magical objects that will help him.
Philomela was raped by King Tereus of Thrace, who cut out her tongue and imprisoned her to prevent her from telling anybody about the assault. Philomela then wove her story into a tapestry to send to her sister Procne Tereus’ wife
who then killed her son by Tereus and served him as a meal to Tereus. Fleeing from the angered Tereus, Procne and Philomela prayed to the Gods to be turned to birds. Their wishes were granted with Procne transformed into a Swallow, and Philomela into a Nightingale, the female of which is naturally mute. For further critical analysis of the myth, see Geoffrey Hartman’s The Voice of the Shuttle (Hartman, 1969) and Joplin’s feminist response to Hartman, The Voice of the Shuttle is Ours (Joplin in Higgins and Silver, 2013). “the wobble words.”, “the shuttle eye”, “her loopy threads” (Ibid.). The male perpetrators of violence or oppression are never mentioned by name or specifically as Gods or heroes, in fact aside from ‘he’ or ‘they’, the only other word used to refer to the male oppressor is ‘Man’: “Everywhere/ I see/ inside me/ Man poised” (DuPlessis, 1980: 36). Her use of capitalisation being scant, the fact that DuPlessis has chosen to use a capital letter for ‘Man’ seems to institutionalise the male sex and makes it clear that the Medusa of the poem is not talking about just one man, nor even Poseidon and Perseus together, but rather the ever-present patriarchy as a whole. The ominous presence of the ‘poised’ patriarchy, ready to exert oppression over women appears again in the following stanza “on my eye/ a knife/ ceaselessly/ on a whetstone.” (Ibid.)
Here, whilst symbolically recalling Medusa’s rape, DuPlessis also refers to
the continued and constant oppression of women through violence. Using the Medusa myth has therefore made it possible for Stanford and DuPlessis to simultaneously present an intimate view of the psychological repercussions of rape and auniversal indictment of violence and oppression of women as a historical notion. There is however the continued question of representing rape in poetry.
I reference again Avi’s explanation of the concerns she faced when writing
Europa and the Bull:“I envisaged the narrative in a series of
short sections, each presenting a bright image, each one hitting home, while the beauty of setting and the magical elements, would, I hoped, ensure that the tale was not too start. In the rape scene, I was able to employ the ambiguous image of the plunging bull in which much could be left to the readers’ imagination. I considered this approach preferable to a graphic animal/ human rape depiction which would sensationalize the tale and might turn off reader as well as writer.” (Alvi in Gunne and Thompson, 2010: xii) The problem of portraying rape with vivid and violent images in a form known for aesthetics is a problem faced by all who choose to use sexual violence in their work. In our comparison between Stanford and DuPlessis’ poems we can see two different approaches to the representation of rape. DuPlessis uses a similar technique to that of Alvi, by shrouding the violence in a kind of secrecy and metaphor where the word ‘rape’ is never used, nor the name of the perpetrator, nor is there a graphic depiction of the sexual assault or the murder. Instead the physical acts are concealed behind a complex system of language filled with symbolism
and fragmented by the protagonist’s trauma that prevents a direct retelling of the assault as such.
The fragmentary nature and emphasis on sounds in DuPlessis’ language suggests a psychological regression to a purer language such as that of a child, yet the infantile perspective simultaneously allows DuPlessis to incorporate numerous metaphors and symbols for violence.
DuPessis’ use of metaphor for violence – “a knife/ ceaselessly/ on a whetstone” (DuPlessis,1980: 36), “forcing the branch/ ripping the tree” (Ibid.: 37), “Broke the moon box”, (Ibid.: 39) – has the same effect as Alvi’s plunging bull, by avoiding the disturbing direct description of rape and violence, yet allowing images to build up in the reader’s mind through aesthetic and poetic language. Myth and metaphor allows DuPlessis to address what has largely remained a taboo or stigmatised subject matter using existing, accepted forms of rape narrative, yet doing so through a first person narrative something that Alvi avoided in her poetry in order to prevent her poetry from straying into the ‘survivor discourse’ that is prevalent in rape narratives. DuPlessis’ avoidance of direct engagement with violent acts could be an expression of the trauma undergone by the victim who is not yet prepared for the cathartic act of ‘telling’ the rape, yet by the end of the poem, DuPlessis expresses an empowerment through creativity as the head of Medusa changes from its identification as a victim to become an icon for female creativity.
Stanford’s engagement with the telling of trauma is much more direct. Unlike DuPlessis and Alvi, Stanford’s first person account of Medusa’s rape is direct, plain-spoken and faces the violence encountered by the protagonist head-on. Not only does Stanford use the word rape, as is often avoided in the aesthetic form of poetry, but she avoids the use of euphemism to ‘soften’ the theme of rape, openly subverting the status of rape as taboo. Instead the language employed by Stanford is straightforward and basic, painting an exact picture of the assault suffered by Medusa. The first mention of the sexual assault seems to mimic Ovid’s matter -of-fact and essentialist description in Metamorphoses,
“He seized and raped me before Athena’s altar.” (Stanford, 2001: 114) yet later in the poem, when expressing the lasting effects of trauma and the rage that ensues, Stanford gives a much fuller and more vivid image of the rape
“but there recur/ thoughts of the god and his misdeed always – / the iron arm, the marble floor/the stinking breath, the sweaty weight, the pain/ the quickening thrust.” (Ibid.: 115). This straightforward telling of the event shocks the reader, forcing them to face the taboo of sexual violence. The logical cause-and-
effect style of Stanford’s first person narrative leads the reader
to question the status that rape has had in literature historically, where the rape of mythical women has been accepted as part of historical narrative without a consideration of the feelings of individual women who undergo the same process in reality.
The structure and tone of the poem in its simplicity and focus on the cause and effects of Medusa’s rage following her sexual assault brings to mind the survivor discourse as is common in autobiographical trauma narratives:
“To return fully to the self as socially defined, to establish a relationship again with the world, the survivor must tell what happened. This is the function of narrative. The task then is to render the memories tellable, which means to order and arrange them in the form of a story, linking emotion with event, event with event, and so on.” (Culbertson,1995: 179) Through a variation on survivor discourse, Stanford has brought the Medusa myth into the modern concern of psychological trauma in rape victims where Medusa’s transformation into
the serpent-haired monster with a petrifying gaze is equated with a victim’s dev
elopment of rage as a response to trauma, directed not only at the perpetrator of the sexual crime but at all men. This anger against the world, however, leaves her isolated: “My furious glance destroyed all live things there./ I was alone. I am alone. My ways/ divide me from the world, imprison me in a stare” (Stanford, 2001: 115) The rage that separates her from the world thus enacts a kind of petrification on the protagonist herself too, making her impenetrable to the world and alienated, unable to make human connections. Trauma
in Duplessis’ Medusa on the other hand is played out through the protagonist’s
inability to express herself, as is reflected in the fragmented and infantile language used throughout the poem. Whereas Stanford’s Medusa work
s finds a kind of therapy through the act of ‘telling’, DuPlessis’ poem is a battle for the self-expression that has long been denied to women. The silencing of women is emphasised by the large blank spaces, and the way that DuPlessis has used short phrases rather than complete sentences that together hint at something left untold. In the first section of Duplessis’ poem there are multiple explicit references toman’s voice and ability to define women,“he held the meanings up” (DuPlessis, 1980: 35),fixing them as objects in patriarchal discourses “showing which/ is object, which subject,/ the discourse/ faceting her.” (Ibid.), whilst the women, the victims of discursive as well as sexual
violence remain “crosst tongue” (Ibid.) and oppressed into their definitions
“Her he can and as he can/ he ken and names the/ knowing;/ breaks her/ in/ to being ridden,/ over the half spoken,/over the forgotten.” (Ibid.) In this li
ne in particular we can account for the fragmented and broken language of the poem, the ‘half spoken’ which can be seen to refer to Medusa’s perspective of her story which has been ‘forgotten’ by mythology.
DuPlessis also uses language and references consistent with mutilation, such as the theft of the three Graeae’s eye, the reference to Philomela who has her tongue removed by Tereus. Mutilation is a theme that has been used by many women to explain the oppression of their voices, Joplin states: “Our muteness is our mutilation, not a natural loss, but a cultural one” (Joplin in Higgins and Silver, 2013: 39).
Joplin likens women’s mutilation of voice, into silence, to the manx cat (a species without a tail) observed by Virginia Woolf:
“The sight of that abrupt and truncated animal padding softly across the quadrangle changed, by some fluke of the subconscious intelligence, the emotional light for me. Certainly, as I watched the Manx cat pause in the middle of the lawn as if it too questioned the universe, something seemed lacking, something seemed different.” (Woolf, 2000: 13)
The absence of the tail of Woolf’s Manx cat is like the absence of the tale of women. The tail/tale is conspicuous in its absence and leads the reader to question the universe that has been created to omit the female voice. DuPlessis’ poem essentially plays out Medusa’s battle to regain her ability to speak and to recover her mutilated ‘tale’ as she battles for her creative power. Stanford, on the other hand, rather than engaging with the historical aspect of the silencing of women, focusses on the image of Medusa as a mythical monster that has since been maintained and supported by other largely misogynist readings of the Medusa myth in order to maintain the silence of women. Freud, for example, created a theory based on the Medusa myth that relies on his earlier theories of castration. In his theory, Medusa’s head represents at once the castrated female genitals and the dangers of female sexuality: “The sight of Medusa’s head makes the spectator stiff with terror, turns him to stone. Observe that we have here once again the same origin from the castration complex and the same transformation of affect! For becoming stiff means an erection. Thus in the original situation it offers consolation to the spectator: he is still in possession of a penis, and the stiffening reassures him of the fact. (…) Since the Greeks were in the main strongly homosexual, it was inevitable that we should find among them a representation of woman as a being who frightens and repels because she is castrated” (Freud, 1963: 202-203)
For Freud, then, Medusa is a monster, representing man’s fear of the castrated genitals of the mother and of becoming castrated himself. Stigmatising Medusa as a monster of castrated genitals or of snake-hair and petrifying gaze – devalues her voice. In subverting this view,
Stanford gives Medusa’s voice worth. She does this by deflecting the monstrosity that was traditionally hers onto the god that raped her and his offspring that are growing inside of her: “his monster seed beneath my heart” (Stanford, 2001: 115). Stanford’s reversal of the monster identification is completed by language consistent with human emotion and human reactions to describe Medusa’s perspective, such as “anger”, “hate”, “alone”, “thoughts”, “pain”, “blood” and “heart”.
In rendering the monster human, Stanford is giving her the voice that was ignored or feared in the monster, allowing the victim her opportunity to give her testimony to the crime committed and express her trauma through language. The ability to express oneself through language and the triumph of the female creative voice is key also to understanding DuPlessis’ Medusa.
In the final two sections of her poem, DuPlessis demonstrates the triumph of the female creative voice, as the Medusa head comes to signify something other than the monster of mythology and Freudian psychology: female creativity. In order to unite the Medusa myth with creative power, DuPlessis resurrects the romantic symbols of rocks, stones and nature as representative of poetry and creativity: “O voice seed./ Listen root./ Spring sprout./ Head web.// From the eye jet/ from the tooth debt/ rock and reck/ rock and reckon” DuPlessis, 1980: 41). In these two stanzas we can see the reappearance of the female voice and of the gaze. Whereas before it was the male gaze fixing the female into her objectification, now it is the female eye that ‘jets’ and the female voice that ‘seeds’.
Many feminist scholars have claimed that it was the female gaze that posed the greatest threat of the Medusa myth and that the underlying meaning of the theories of castration complex that have evolved around the myth, were in fact the dangers of the female gaze (to the patriarchy). Hazel Barnes stated that,
similarly to Sartre’s theory in Being and Nothingness,“It was not the
horror of the object looked at which destroyed the victim but the fact that his eyes met those of Medusa looking at him” (Barnes, 1974: 13). Thus, the female gaze holds a power, but not amystical one. Simply put, the female gaze is the greatest threat to the dominating male gaze.
The female gaze in DuPlessis’ poem triumphs over the male gaze,
and the female voice is free to express itself “in sight, my netted reach/ in voice, my knotted speech” (DuPlessis, 1980: 42)
As opposed to DuPlessis ’ empowerment and revitalisation of the female gaze, the gaze of Stanford’s Medusa loses its vitality and freshness as her erotic power is crushed by the sexual assault. “Whatever I looked at became wasteland” (Stanford, 2001: 114), “my furious glance
Sartre theorised that when we are looked at we are frozen into the role of an object, objectified by our function as defined by the subject of the gaze. As though being turned to stone by that gaze. (apud.Sartre, 1956) destroyed all live things there” (Ibid.: 115). With a semantic field consistent with death, Stanford portrays a woman who has been emotionally mutilated as well as physically attacked.
Stanford emphasises Medusa’s victimisation and lack of control over her own destiny “twisted by fury that I did not choose” (Ibid.). The language of the poem is oppressive, as is her own gaze: “The prisoner of myself” (Ibid.). This language, relatively plain, using logical sentences, structured like the language of man, is restrictive and does not allow her the freedom that DuPlessis’ Medusa finds in her reappropriation of the power of creativity. Stanford’s Medusa remains the victim of male oppression, as is revealed in the final stanza where the cycle of violence against women continues with her pregnancy “And now the start,/ the rude circling blood-tide not my own/ that squirms and writhes, steals from me bone by bone”(Ibid.). In the final lines of the poem it becomes clear that Stanford’s protagonist has not escaped the objectification of the male gaze, but that she remains oppressed “prisoned withinmy prison, left alone,/ despised, uncalled for, turning my blood to stone.” (Ibid.)
This imprisonment inside the androcentric narrative, objectified by the male gaze, is the complete opposite of Hélène Cixous’ Medusa who uses language and creativity to escape the constraints of literary tradition that silence women.
“You only have to look at the Medusa straight on to see her. She’s not deadly. She’s beautiful and she’s laughing.” (Cixous, 1976:885) Used by Cixous to theorise the creation of a unique écriture féminine, the stigmatised and oppressed Medusa woman is neither a threat to humanity, nor an ugly monster, nor silent. She is beautiful and she is laughing. She has transcended the status conferred upon her by patriarchal mythic tradition and expresses herself in a unique language: La rire de la Méduse.
This is what emerges in DuPlessis’ unique and subversive language. The female gaze and feminine voice that is oppressed and imprisoned in Stanford’s poem is freed and embraced in DuPlessis’. Through an exploration of Medusa’s victimisation, Stanford and DuPlessis have broken Medusa free from her status as a snake-haired monstrosity. Uncovering a long tradition patriarchal oppression, they have turned the popular myth on its head, transforming Medusa into an exemplification of the violence with which male literary tradition has objectified woman and silenced her voice. Prompting readers to take a second look at the way women have been portrayed in male-dominated narratives, DuPlessis and Stanford have unsilenced the voice that the rape (sexual and textual) had suppressed. Stanford unveils a world of oppression and of male forces victimising women, and DuPlessis has empowered the female voice, bringing back the female gaze, and ending optimistically with a celebration of female creativity. The rape of Medusa, that which has been used by myth and patriarchy to imprison Medusa, has been subverted and used by women revisionist writers to free Medusa.
Fictional evil creatures might be more nuanced—and have more to teach us—than has long seemed.
By: Cody Delistraty
Medusa is pure wickedness: an angry misandrist with venomous snakes for hair and the ability to turn a man to stone with only a look. That is, at least, how she is depicted in Thomas Bulfinch’s influential nineteenth-century text, Mythology. So too in Edith Hamilton’s updated Mythology, from 1942, and, as such, in much of contemporary popular culture.
In Ovid’s Metamorphoses, published around 8 CE, however, Medusa had a backstory that’s often elided in modern retellings. She was attractive and innocent when Poseidon (Neptune) lured her into Athena’s (Minerva’s) temple and raped her. When Athena found out, she turned Medusa’s hair into snakes, erasing her beauty.
Though Freud posited that Medusa’s hair represented sexual repression, a symbol of castrated genitalia and the madness to which that might lead a person, the poet Ann Stanford, in her “Women of Perseus,” unpacks the more nuanced psychological effects of Medusa’s rape and the complications it adds to understanding her. Commenting on Stanford’s work, the poet and scholar Alicia Ostriker notes in her article “The Thieves of Language” that “the trauma ‘imprisons’ Medusa in a self-dividing anger and a will to revenge that she can never escape, though she yearns to.”
Consumed by this vengeful desire, Medusa might be not so much a monster as a tragic figure. Given the way her story as a “monster” has been told over the last few centuries, however, you’d be hard-pressed to know it.
The Light Side of the Force or the Dark Side. Mount Olympus or Hades. The idea is that though we must choose a direction, it’s a straight and clear path.
When depicted as wholly and unchangeably evil, the classic monsters of literature and myth help make sense of a complex world, often with Biblical clarity and simplicity. The existence of pure evil implies the existence of pure good. Heaven or Hell. The Light Side of the Force or the Dark Side. Mount Olympus or Hades. The idea is that though we must choose a direction, it’s a straight and clear path.
Until the Enlightenment, this one-sided view of monsters was rampant. The word “monster” is likely derived from the Latin “monere,” which means “to warn,” writes the scholar Stephen Fox in Rutgers University’s The Scarlet Review—as in a warning from God that to deviate a little from norms is to deviate entirely into the realm of evil. The notion of total evil is an inherently Old Testament one: you either adhere wholly to the commandments of God and make the correct sacrifices and go to Heaven; or you do not, and you go to Hell.
J.R.R. Tolkien’s The Lord of the Rings—an overtly Biblical epic that seemingly takes place in the Middle Ages—made little room for nuance between good and evil. Orcs and Trolls and Sauron—these are absolute monsters with no redeeming values. “Tolkien was very clear about his monsters being intended as embodiments of pure malice and corruption, with no effort made to show any humanizing or empathetic aspects to them,” writes Fox.
The trap is to think of all literary and mythical monsters in these Biblical terms. Though God and Tolkien may have had certain ideas about evil… well, #NotAllMonsters. To look at even the most classic of fictional monsters is to see complications to this reductive version of evil. Grendel, for instance, the villain of the Old English epic poem Beowulf, might seem a clear-cut brute. He’s depicted as a giant and is said to be a descendent of Cain, from the Book of Genesis, adding to his essential evilness.
But upon a closer read one sees that the ostensible hero and Grendel have much in common. Both are characterized throughout the poem as having the “strength of 30 men in their arms,” as noted by the Old English literary scholar Andy Orchard in his book Pride and Prodigies: Studies in the Monsters of the Beowulf-Manuscript.
When Beowulf fights, he’s depicted as doing so in a “distinctly inhuman way,” Fox writes, matching the style of Grendel. Even Grendel’s home, which seems to be in a bog or swamp of some kind, forces Beowulf to come down to the monster’s level to battle with him. A fair inference is that Beowulf is not so different from Grendel; they are literally on the same level. Apparent good and apparent evil often mix and meld, complicating their boundaries.
Post-Enlightenment, literary monsters began largely to reflect social deviance. Intrinsic evil as a driving idea began to fall away. On the face of it, Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein is about the atrocity of Victor Frankenstein’s creation—no man has any business doing God’s work of creation. But to go deeper is to see that the central conflict of Frankenstein is not so much the relationship between creator and monster as it is the relationship between family and society. When Frankenstein’s mother is on her deathbed, she tells him that his fiancée, Elizabeth, “must supply my place,” mixing the role of mother and lover in Frankenstein’s mind. (To mix even further: his mother dies of the scarlet fever that Elizabeth had passed to her.) But Frankenstein puts off marrying Elizabeth, even at his father’s insistence. Instead of marrying and having a baby with her, as society would deem appropriate, Frankenstein “collected the instruments of life around [him] that [he] might infuse a spark of being into the lifeless thing that lay at [his] feet,” writes Shelley.
By choosing to forego his social responsibilities to marry and procreate, he inflicts “a wound upon the social body,” as Shelley writes. It’s his social choices that are deemed monstrous. Frankenstein’s actual monster becomes a symbol for the creator’s deviance. Only upon realizing that he has departed too far from social norms does Frankenstein decide that his creature must die. His last words: “[seek] happiness in tranquility and avoid ambition.” On his own deathbed, Frankenstein has finally learned his lesson: don’t mess with social norms.
Bram Stoker’s Dracula ends with the vampire’s execution, the monster’s death similarly restoring health to the community, as it represents the achievement of social cohesion following the threat of an outsider. Depicted as sexually suspect, Dracula, like Frankenstein and his monster, is a loner who foregoes his social duties. “Horror novels are often structured around conflict between the safety of a middle-class family home and queer-coded loners who seek its disruption,” writes the literary scholar Evan Hayles Gledhill in “Deviant Subjectivities: Monstrosity and Kinship in the Gothic Imagination.” “The ability to live as one chooses outside the constraints of the traditional pater familias is consistently presented as either a corruption… or a moral failing.”
Because norms have shifted significantly through recent history, many of the monsters of the past now seem like jokes. Bela Lugosi’s 1931 film performance as Dracula, for example, is no longer frightening to contemporary audiences because his overt queerness has been coopted as camp; his operatic black cape has become a kind of cultural gag. His social threat has been mostly neutered—and with it his capacity to frighten.
Today’s most ubiquitous monsters match contemporary moral panics. With Slender Man, a monster that originated as an online meme, his scariness is based on his supposed realness. Reified by the Internet’s echo chamber, young, very-online people post realistic-but-Photoshopped images of him and share supposed stories of encounters. When two teenagers stabbed a 12-year-old girl in Wisconsin in 2014, later telling authorities they were told to do so by Slender Man, the fictional became, for a moment, too real—adding to Slender Man’s perceived reality and thus his ability to scare.
Similarly, last year’s The Invisible Man movie remake with Elisabeth Moss turned the late-nineteenth century literary monster into a domestically abusive tech billionaire, playing in part on the idea that near-unlimited money might turn a man evil. As a critique of billionaire culture and a particular flavor of masculinity, this kind of monster legitimately scares because a version of it exists.
How might we view these contemporary monsters in a hundred years?
To play (literal) devil’s advocate, perhaps in an increasingly virtual world, Slender Man will seem tame, even funny, like Dracula does now. Perhaps the current version of the Invisible Man will be viewed as a victim of capitalism, ambition culture, and toxic masculinity. One might still wonder whether Medusa is an incorrigibly wicked monster. But if deep down she’s also an abused and traumatized person desperately trying to take matters into her own hands, is she even really a monster at all?
The Rape of Medusa
Feminist Revision of Medusa in Stanford and DuPlessis
Estudante: Lorna Marie Kirkby Docente: Gonçalo Vilas-Boas
The Rape of Medusa: Feminist Revision of Medusa in Stanford and DuPlessis Medusa, the snake-haired, stony-gazed Gorgon first appeared in her monstrous guise in Greek mythology. In the Greek myth Medusa was transformed into the petrifying monster that we know today by the goddess Athena as a punishment
for ‘coupling’ with Poseidon in her temple. She has since been used in the modern world as a means for silencing women through the stigmatisation of female sexuality in art, psychology (particularly Freudian) and as a means for controlling and creating negative images of women that are to be avoided under theconditions of the modern patriarchal society. In reaction to misogynistic appropriations of the myth, many feminists have turned to Medusa in acts of revisionist mythmaking to transform Medusa into a source of power as an icon of the female gaze, sexuality, and power. The two poems that I have chosen for this essay, both entitled Medusa, constitute particularly unique revisions of the Medusa myth by focussing not on aspects of the Greek myth, but on Ovid’s
retelling of the Medusa story in his Metamorphoses where Medusa is not punished for having sexual relations with the God Poseidon, but for being the victim of a rape by the sea God. Whereas most appropriations, misogynist and feminist, focus primarily on the result of Medusa’s transformation – the petrifying gaze and the serpent-hair – Medusa by Ann Stanford, published in 1970, and Medusa by Rachel Blau DuPlessis, published in 1980, address the rape that triggered the transformation, bringing the Medusa myth into modern feminist discourses on rape and the representation of rape in literature. In this essay I am going to assess Stanford and DuPlessis’ revisions of the Medusa myth in terms of how the two poems fit into the tradition of feminist revisionist mythmaking. In order to do so I will first consider the relationship between mythology, the oppression of women and how revising Ovid’s Medusa
myth has made it possible for Stanford and DuPlessis to subvert existing, patriarchal representations of both rape and women. I will then move on to explore in more detail the issues involved with representing rape in literature and the role of trauma in the two poems; and finally I will analyse in more detail the questions of voice that are necessarily brought tothe surface in feminist revisionist literature, and how these questions are expressed through the tropes of silence, the female gaze and female creativity in Stanford and DuPlessis’ poems.
The question of violence against women became a key part of feminist agendas first in the late1960s with multiple campaigns to change the way in which society perceives rape and its victims. The anti-rape movement of second wave feminism came about in the late 1960s and early 70s and addressed both legal and political aspects of rape, including laws and the difficulties in prosecuting rapists, and attitudes such as victim- -hatred as a response to rape.
modern understandings of rape and sexual violence, is against the tradition of viewing rape from a patriarchal perspective which either normalises rape, or punishes the victim. This perspective is particularly clear in mythology, where sexual assault is often glossed over, seen as fate at the hands of the Gods
or seen as the crime of the victim: Ovid’ s Medusa myth is no exception. The inscription of rape as part of the classic mythological narrative acts to minimize the element of human suffering in the victim of sexual assault and it is this gap in the mythological narrative that has allowed feminist revisionist mythmakers to readdress and change popular perceptions of rape by rewriting the original myths from a feminine perspective. Moniza Alvi explains her motivation for choosing the Europa myth in her work as an approach to writing about rape:
“I hoped that using the myth would be a helpful universalising strategy, representing rape emblematically. The poem could then be dream-like and surreal, with a focus on feelings, rather than morality, and a ‘whose fault was it?’ scenario, which often leads to the woman being blamed.” (Alvi in Gunne and Thompson,2010: xii) Thus using mythology provides feminist revisionists not only the opportunity to challenge the overriding male viewpoint from which myths are written, but also to convey messages that take on a universal effect from the mythological status of the original. Alicia Ostriker explains the effect that feminist writers can gain from revisionist mythmaking as originating from the ‘double power’ of literature that bears a mythic status:
“It exists or appears to exist objectively, in the public sphere, and consequently confers on the writer the sort of authority unavailable to someone who writes ‘merely’ of the private sel. Myth belongs to ‘high’ culture and is handed ‘down’ through the ages by religious, literary, and educational authority. At the same time, myth is quintessentially intimate material, the stuff of dream life, forbidden desire, inexplicable motivation everything in the psyche that to rational consciousness is unreal, crazed, or abominable” (Ostriker, 1982: 72)
From this, therefore, we can see why feminists have chosen to use myths to re-evaluate traditional perceptions of women. Feminine voices are few and far between in the classical narratives that have formed the foundations of our literary traditions, so by using myths women writers have been able to give the feminine voice an element of authority that is equated, as Alvi used The Rape of Europa, where Europa is raped by Zeus in the guise of a Bull in her poem
Europa and the Bull that forms the centrepiece of her collection
Europa. (Alvi, 2008: 24-38) Ostriker has explained, with so-called ‘high culture’, putting them on an even playing field with the male voices that have oppressed and silenced them for so long. Once on an even playing field, these women writers are in prime position to be able to question, destabilise and ultimately change the traditional narratives that have been so instrumental in defining and silencing women. Ann Stanford and Rachel Blau DuPlessis fit into this tradition of women revisionist writers and have used the mythological figure of Medusa as a vehicle for the previously oppressed feminine voice. Ovid’s description of Medusa’s rape at the hands of Poseidon is extremely brief, and played out over the course of just two lines of his Metamorphoses:
“They say that Neptune, Lord of the sea, Violated her in a temple of Minerva.” (Ovid,2011: 76)
In a narrative where the action is dominated by the acts of Gods (Poseidon’s rape and Athena’s punishment), the assault upon Medusa and her subsequent punishment despite being a victim is effectively accepted as the result of external, divine forces; her fate as a mortal woman. The brevity of Ovid’s description of the rape eliminates Medusa’s own perspective of the event and
any thoughts, feelings, or trauma that may arise as a result of the assault. The question of Medusa’s punishment at the hands of Athena is also key to feminist readings of Ovid’s work, for how can a punishment asigned by a woman represent the male oppression of the rape victim? Joplin explains:
“[Athene] is no real female but sprang, motherless, from her father’s head, as enfleshed fantasy. (…) Athene is like the murderous angel in Virginia Woolf’s house, a male fantasy of what a woman ought to be, who strangles the real woman writer’s voice.” (Joplin in Higgins and Silver, 2013: 51) So Athena and the punishment she confers upon Medusa is ultimately an extension of the power of the patriarchy.
The unanswered question of Medusa’s perspective is then further discouraged through her transformation into a monstrous creature to be feared. This has meant that Medusa’s own suffering has been largely ignored until the recent surge of feminist revisionism since the late 1960s.
In their poems both Stanford and DuPlessis give first person accounts of Medusa’s suffering and the lasting trauma left by sexual violence, thus providing the perspective that had been missing from the Medusa myth, rewriting it to include and indeed promote the female voice. At the same time they have reduced the role of the Gods by attributing the transformation of their Medusas not to fate or to divine forces, but to the trauma of the rape, so that the petrification and the sprouting of snakes for hair is something intimate and personal that comes from Medusa herself. The transformation of Stanford’s Medusa seems more like a metaphor for the psychological change that takes place after experiencing rape: “My hair coiled in fury; my mind held hate
alone./ I thought of revenge, began to live on it./ My hair turned to serpents, my eyes saw the world in stone.” (Stanford, 2001: 114). Removing the mythical powers of the Gods from Medusa’s transformation thus emphasises the personal, human suffering that is missing from Ovid’s telling of the myth and
reduces Poseidon’s assault to a human act of violence which brings the rape into the realms of the political and the social. Stanford’s description of Poseidon also belittles the God, making him seem repulsive “the old man” (Ibid.), “the stinking breath, the sweaty weight” (Ibid.: 115) – the effect of which is that Stanford is able to criticise rape as a form of oppression over women, as in real life, rather than allowing the sexual assault to remain as the tragic fate of a mythological figure. DuPlessis takes a slightly different approach, yet her poem
Medusa, like Stanford’s also leaves the realm of the mythic to constitute a wider criticism of the normalised violence and oppression against women. She achieves this through an amalgamation first of the three Graeae into one mother figure, and secondly of her rapist and her killer into one masculine, oppressive force. The mother figure, though unnamed, is identified as the three Graeae in the fifth section “Stole/ they/ eye of my mother,/ stole they teeth,/ mother.” (DuPlessis, 1980: 39) Referencing multiple victims of
male oppression in the poem allows DuPlessis’ critique to transcend the individual suffering of Medusa and to work as a demonstration of women’s
suffering at the hands of men. This is also highlighted later in the fifth section where the reader is reminded of another mythological rape victim, Philomela
: “she weave a woven/ to webble The Graeae were three powerful, mystical hags, (Deino, Enyo and Pemphredo) who shared one eye and one tooth between them. In his quest for the head of Medusa Perseus steals their single eye (and in some versions the tooth too), holding it to ransom for information on where to find the magical objects that will help him.
Philomela was raped by King Tereus of Thrace, who cut out her tongue and imprisoned her to prevent her from telling anybody about the assault. Philomela then wove her story into a tapestry to send to her sister Procne Tereus’ wife
who then killed her son by Tereus and served him as a meal to Tereus. Fleeing from the angered Tereus, Procne and Philomela prayed to the Gods to be turned to birds. Their wishes were granted with Procne transformed into a Swallow, and Philomela into a Nightingale, the female of which is naturally mute. For further critical analysis of the myth, see Geoffrey Hartman’s The Voice of the Shuttle (Hartman, 1969) and Joplin’s feminist response to Hartman, The Voice of the Shuttle is Ours (Joplin in Higgins and Silver, 2013). “the wobble words.”, “the shuttle eye”, “her loopy threads” (Ibid.). The male perpetrators of violence or oppression are never mentioned by name or specifically as Gods or heroes, in fact aside from ‘he’ or ‘they’, the only other word used to refer to the male oppressor is ‘Man’: “Everywhere/ I see/ inside me/ Man poised” (DuPlessis, 1980: 36). Her use of capitalisation being scant, the fact that DuPlessis has chosen to use a capital letter for ‘Man’ seems to institutionalise the male sex and makes it clear that the Medusa of the poem is not talking about just one man, nor even Poseidon and Perseus together, but rather the ever-present patriarchy as a whole. The ominous presence of the ‘poised’ patriarchy, ready to exert oppression over women appears again in the following stanza “on my eye/ a knife/ ceaselessly/ on a whetstone.” (Ibid.)
Here, whilst symbolically recalling Medusa’s rape, DuPlessis also refers to
the continued and constant oppression of women through violence. Using the Medusa myth has therefore made it possible for Stanford and DuPlessis to simultaneously present an intimate view of the psychological repercussions of rape and auniversal indictment of violence and oppression of women as a historical notion. There is however the continued question of representing rape in poetry.
I reference again Avi’s explanation of the concerns she faced when writing
Europa and the Bull:“I envisaged the narrative in a series of
short sections, each presenting a bright image, each one hitting home, while the beauty of setting and the magical elements, would, I hoped, ensure that the tale was not too start. In the rape scene, I was able to employ the ambiguous image of the plunging bull in which much could be left to the readers’ imagination. I considered this approach preferable to a graphic animal/ human rape depiction which would sensationalize the tale and might turn off reader as well as writer.” (Alvi in Gunne and Thompson, 2010: xii) The problem of portraying rape with vivid and violent images in a form known for aesthetics is a problem faced by all who choose to use sexual violence in their work. In our comparison between Stanford and DuPlessis’ poems we can see two different approaches to the representation of rape. DuPlessis uses a similar technique to that of Alvi, by shrouding the violence in a kind of secrecy and metaphor where the word ‘rape’ is never used, nor the name of the perpetrator, nor is there a graphic depiction of the sexual assault or the murder. Instead the physical acts are concealed behind a complex system of language filled with symbolism
and fragmented by the protagonist’s trauma that prevents a direct retelling of the assault as such.
The fragmentary nature and emphasis on sounds in DuPlessis’ language suggests a psychological regression to a purer language such as that of a child, yet the infantile perspective simultaneously allows DuPlessis to incorporate numerous metaphors and symbols for violence.
DuPessis’ use of metaphor for violence – “a knife/ ceaselessly/ on a whetstone” (DuPlessis,1980: 36), “forcing the branch/ ripping the tree” (Ibid.: 37), “Broke the moon box”, (Ibid.: 39) – has the same effect as Alvi’s plunging bull, by avoiding the disturbing direct description of rape and violence, yet allowing images to build up in the reader’s mind through aesthetic and poetic language. Myth and metaphor allows DuPlessis to address what has largely remained a taboo or stigmatised subject matter using existing, accepted forms of rape narrative, yet doing so through a first person narrative something that Alvi avoided in her poetry in order to prevent her poetry from straying into the ‘survivor discourse’ that is prevalent in rape narratives. DuPlessis’ avoidance of direct engagement with violent acts could be an expression of the trauma undergone by the victim who is not yet prepared for the cathartic act of ‘telling’ the rape, yet by the end of the poem, DuPlessis expresses an empowerment through creativity as the head of Medusa changes from its identification as a victim to become an icon for female creativity.
Stanford’s engagement with the telling of trauma is much more direct. Unlike DuPlessis and Alvi, Stanford’s first person account of Medusa’s rape is direct, plain-spoken and faces the violence encountered by the protagonist head-on. Not only does Stanford use the word rape, as is often avoided in the aesthetic form of poetry, but she avoids the use of euphemism to ‘soften’ the theme of rape, openly subverting the status of rape as taboo. Instead the language employed by Stanford is straightforward and basic, painting an exact picture of the assault suffered by Medusa. The first mention of the sexual assault seems to mimic Ovid’s matter -of-fact and essentialist description in Metamorphoses,
“He seized and raped me before Athena’s altar.” (Stanford, 2001: 114) yet later in the poem, when expressing the lasting effects of trauma and the rage that ensues, Stanford gives a much fuller and more vivid image of the rape
“but there recur/ thoughts of the god and his misdeed always – / the iron arm, the marble floor/the stinking breath, the sweaty weight, the pain/ the quickening thrust.” (Ibid.: 115). This straightforward telling of the event shocks the reader, forcing them to face the taboo of sexual violence. The logical cause-and-
effect style of Stanford’s first person narrative leads the reader
to question the status that rape has had in literature historically, where the rape of mythical women has been accepted as part of historical narrative without a consideration of the feelings of individual women who undergo the same process in reality.
The structure and tone of the poem in its simplicity and focus on the cause and effects of Medusa’s rage following her sexual assault brings to mind the survivor discourse as is common in autobiographical trauma narratives:
“To return fully to the self as socially defined, to establish a relationship again with the world, the survivor must tell what happened. This is the function of narrative. The task then is to render the memories tellable, which means to order and arrange them in the form of a story, linking emotion with event, event with event, and so on.” (Culbertson,1995: 179) Through a variation on survivor discourse, Stanford has brought the Medusa myth into the modern concern of psychological trauma in rape victims where Medusa’s transformation into
the serpent-haired monster with a petrifying gaze is equated with a victim’s dev
elopment of rage as a response to trauma, directed not only at the perpetrator of the sexual crime but at all men. This anger against the world, however, leaves her isolated: “My furious glance destroyed all live things there./ I was alone. I am alone. My ways/ divide me from the world, imprison me in a stare” (Stanford, 2001: 115) The rage that separates her from the world thus enacts a kind of petrification on the protagonist herself too, making her impenetrable to the world and alienated, unable to make human connections. Trauma
in Duplessis’ Medusa on the other hand is played out through the protagonist’s
inability to express herself, as is reflected in the fragmented and infantile language used throughout the poem. Whereas Stanford’s Medusa work
s finds a kind of therapy through the act of ‘telling’, DuPlessis’ poem is a battle for the self-expression that has long been denied to women. The silencing of women is emphasised by the large blank spaces, and the way that DuPlessis has used short phrases rather than complete sentences that together hint at something left untold. In the first section of Duplessis’ poem there are multiple explicit references toman’s voice and ability to define women,“he held the meanings up” (DuPlessis, 1980: 35),fixing them as objects in patriarchal discourses “showing which/ is object, which subject,/ the discourse/ faceting her.” (Ibid.), whilst the women, the victims of discursive as well as sexual
violence remain “crosst tongue” (Ibid.) and oppressed into their definitions
“Her he can and as he can/ he ken and names the/ knowing;/ breaks her/ in/ to being ridden,/ over the half spoken,/over the forgotten.” (Ibid.) In this li
ne in particular we can account for the fragmented and broken language of the poem, the ‘half spoken’ which can be seen to refer to Medusa’s perspective of her story which has been ‘forgotten’ by mythology.
DuPlessis also uses language and references consistent with mutilation, such as the theft of the three Graeae’s eye, the reference to Philomela who has her tongue removed by Tereus. Mutilation is a theme that has been used by many women to explain the oppression of their voices, Joplin states: “Our muteness is our mutilation, not a natural loss, but a cultural one” (Joplin in Higgins and Silver, 2013: 39).
Joplin likens women’s mutilation of voice, into silence, to the manx cat (a species without a tail) observed by Virginia Woolf:
“The sight of that abrupt and truncated animal padding softly across the quadrangle changed, by some fluke of the subconscious intelligence, the emotional light for me. Certainly, as I watched the Manx cat pause in the middle of the lawn as if it too questioned the universe, something seemed lacking, something seemed different.” (Woolf, 2000: 13)
The absence of the tail of Woolf’s Manx cat is like the absence of the tale of women. The tail/tale is conspicuous in its absence and leads the reader to question the universe that has been created to omit the female voice. DuPlessis’ poem essentially plays out Medusa’s battle to regain her ability to speak and to recover her mutilated ‘tale’ as she battles for her creative power. Stanford, on the other hand, rather than engaging with the historical aspect of the silencing of women, focusses on the image of Medusa as a mythical monster that has since been maintained and supported by other largely misogynist readings of the Medusa myth in order to maintain the silence of women. Freud, for example, created a theory based on the Medusa myth that relies on his earlier theories of castration. In his theory, Medusa’s head represents at once the castrated female genitals and the dangers of female sexuality: “The sight of Medusa’s head makes the spectator stiff with terror, turns him to stone. Observe that we have here once again the same origin from the castration complex and the same transformation of affect! For becoming stiff means an erection. Thus in the original situation it offers consolation to the spectator: he is still in possession of a penis, and the stiffening reassures him of the fact. (…) Since the Greeks were in the main strongly homosexual, it was inevitable that we should find among them a representation of woman as a being who frightens and repels because she is castrated” (Freud, 1963: 202-203)
For Freud, then, Medusa is a monster, representing man’s fear of the castrated genitals of the mother and of becoming castrated himself. Stigmatising Medusa as a monster of castrated genitals or of snake-hair and petrifying gaze – devalues her voice. In subverting this view,
Stanford gives Medusa’s voice worth. She does this by deflecting the monstrosity that was traditionally hers onto the god that raped her and his offspring that are growing inside of her: “his monster seed beneath my heart” (Stanford, 2001: 115). Stanford’s reversal of the monster identification is completed by language consistent with human emotion and human reactions to describe Medusa’s perspective, such as “anger”, “hate”, “alone”, “thoughts”, “pain”, “blood” and “heart”.
In rendering the monster human, Stanford is giving her the voice that was ignored or feared in the monster, allowing the victim her opportunity to give her testimony to the crime committed and express her trauma through language. The ability to express oneself through language and the triumph of the female creative voice is key also to understanding DuPlessis’ Medusa.
In the final two sections of her poem, DuPlessis demonstrates the triumph of the female creative voice, as the Medusa head comes to signify something other than the monster of mythology and Freudian psychology: female creativity. In order to unite the Medusa myth with creative power, DuPlessis resurrects the romantic symbols of rocks, stones and nature as representative of poetry and creativity: “O voice seed./ Listen root./ Spring sprout./ Head web.// From the eye jet/ from the tooth debt/ rock and reck/ rock and reckon” DuPlessis, 1980: 41). In these two stanzas we can see the reappearance of the female voice and of the gaze. Whereas before it was the male gaze fixing the female into her objectification, now it is the female eye that ‘jets’ and the female voice that ‘seeds’.
Many feminist scholars have claimed that it was the female gaze that posed the greatest threat of the Medusa myth and that the underlying meaning of the theories of castration complex that have evolved around the myth, were in fact the dangers of the female gaze (to the patriarchy). Hazel Barnes stated that,
similarly to Sartre’s theory in Being and Nothingness,“It was not the
horror of the object looked at which destroyed the victim but the fact that his eyes met those of Medusa looking at him” (Barnes, 1974: 13). Thus, the female gaze holds a power, but not amystical one. Simply put, the female gaze is the greatest threat to the dominating male gaze.
The female gaze in DuPlessis’ poem triumphs over the male gaze,
and the female voice is free to express itself “in sight, my netted reach/ in voice, my knotted speech” (DuPlessis, 1980: 42)
As opposed to DuPlessis ’ empowerment and revitalisation of the female gaze, the gaze of Stanford’s Medusa loses its vitality and freshness as her erotic power is crushed by the sexual assault. “Whatever I looked at became wasteland” (Stanford, 2001: 114), “my furious glance
Sartre theorised that when we are looked at we are frozen into the role of an object, objectified by our function as defined by the subject of the gaze. As though being turned to stone by that gaze. (apud.Sartre, 1956) destroyed all live things there” (Ibid.: 115). With a semantic field consistent with death, Stanford portrays a woman who has been emotionally mutilated as well as physically attacked.
Stanford emphasises Medusa’s victimisation and lack of control over her own destiny “twisted by fury that I did not choose” (Ibid.). The language of the poem is oppressive, as is her own gaze: “The prisoner of myself” (Ibid.). This language, relatively plain, using logical sentences, structured like the language of man, is restrictive and does not allow her the freedom that DuPlessis’ Medusa finds in her reappropriation of the power of creativity. Stanford’s Medusa remains the victim of male oppression, as is revealed in the final stanza where the cycle of violence against women continues with her pregnancy “And now the start,/ the rude circling blood-tide not my own/ that squirms and writhes, steals from me bone by bone”(Ibid.). In the final lines of the poem it becomes clear that Stanford’s protagonist has not escaped the objectification of the male gaze, but that she remains oppressed “prisoned withinmy prison, left alone,/ despised, uncalled for, turning my blood to stone.” (Ibid.)
This imprisonment inside the androcentric narrative, objectified by the male gaze, is the complete opposite of Hélène Cixous’ Medusa who uses language and creativity to escape the constraints of literary tradition that silence women.
“You only have to look at the Medusa straight on to see her. She’s not deadly. She’s beautiful and she’s laughing.” (Cixous, 1976:885) Used by Cixous to theorise the creation of a unique écriture féminine, the stigmatised and oppressed Medusa woman is neither a threat to humanity, nor an ugly monster, nor silent. She is beautiful and she is laughing. She has transcended the status conferred upon her by patriarchal mythic tradition and expresses herself in a unique language: La rire de la Méduse.
This is what emerges in DuPlessis’ unique and subversive language. The female gaze and feminine voice that is oppressed and imprisoned in Stanford’s poem is freed and embraced in DuPlessis’. Through an exploration of Medusa’s victimisation, Stanford and DuPlessis have broken Medusa free from her status as a snake-haired monstrosity. Uncovering a long tradition patriarchal oppression, they have turned the popular myth on its head, transforming Medusa into an exemplification of the violence with which male literary tradition has objectified woman and silenced her voice. Prompting readers to take a second look at the way women have been portrayed in male-dominated narratives, DuPlessis and Stanford have unsilenced the voice that the rape (sexual and textual) had suppressed. Stanford unveils a world of oppression and of male forces victimising women, and DuPlessis has empowered the female voice, bringing back the female gaze, and ending optimistically with a celebration of female creativity. The rape of Medusa, that which has been used by myth and patriarchy to imprison Medusa, has been subverted and used by women revisionist writers to free Medusa.
Europe stands alone as Traitor Trump abandons her to Russian invasion, conquest, and dominion, just as he has long but clumsily attempted to abandon and orchestrate the isolation of Ukraine.
What blackmail leverage does Putin, his puppetmaster and agent handler since his recruitment by the KGB in 1987 during a trip to Moscow, have on him?
What perversions and amoral horrors can exceed the known facts of our Rapist In Chief, predator and sexual terrorist who was once the kingpin of a human trafficking syndicate hidden within a modeling and beauty pageant network with ties to that of his best friend Epstein?
Or are Putin and Trump partners in tyranny and terror, whose mission is the fall of democracy, as well as figureheads of the Fourth Reich?
Well do we know the future Trump wishes to condemn us all to; we see it in the ICE white supremacist terror force and its campaign of ethnic cleansing in our streets, the random murders without trial or cause of Venezuelan peasants and crimes against humanity including genocide by his ally Netanyahu and paid for by our taxes to build a Riviera of casinos for elites on the bones of a people, the betrayal of our allies and the conspiratorial enablement of our enemies.
All of this we must resist, By Any Means Necessary as Sartre wrote in his 1948 play Dirty Hands and made famous by Malcolm X. The Trump regime and the Republican Party have declared war on the idea of America and on civilization itself, and we must purge our destroyers from among us.
And remember folks, you can always tell a Republican’s secret name; it’s their act of treason plus their sex crime.
What has happened?
As written by Peter Beaumont in The Guardian, in an article entitled Trump lambasts ‘weak’ and ‘decaying’ Europe and hints at walking away from Ukraine:
US president recycles far-right tropes on European immigration and presses Zelenskyy to accept his peace plan; “Donald Trump has hinted he could walk away from supporting Ukraine as he doubled down on his administration’s recent criticism of Europe, describing it as “weak” and “decaying” and claiming it was “destroying itself” through immigration.
In a rambling and sometimes incoherent interview with Politico, a transcript of which was released on Tuesday, the US president struggled to name any other Ukrainian cities except for Kyiv, misrepresented elements of the trajectory of the conflict, and recycled far-right tropes about European immigration that echoed the “great replacement” conspiracy theory.
Trump called for Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, to accept his proposal to cede territory to Russia, arguing that Moscow retained the “upper hand” and that Zelenskyy’s government must “play ball”.
His envoys have given Zelenskyy days to respond to a proposed peace deal under which Ukraine would be forced to accept territorial losses in return for unspecified US security guarantees, according to the Financial Times, which reported on Tuesday that the US leader was hoping for a deal “by Christmas”.
In his often halting remarks, Trump swerved from subject to subject while rehearsing familiar grudges and conspiracies. He also declined repeatedly to rule out sending American troops into Venezuela as part of his effort to bring down the president, Nicolás Maduro.
“I don’t want to rule in or out. I don’t talk about it,” Trump said, adding he did not want to talk about military strategy.
The US president repeatedly described what he said were Europe’s problems in entirely racial terms, calling some unnamed European leaders “real stupid”.
“If it keeps going the way it’s going, Europe will not be … in my opinion … many of those countries will not be viable countries any longer. Their immigration policy is a disaster. What they’re doing with immigration is a disaster. We had a disaster coming, but I was able to stop it.”
The interview followed the release last week of a new US national security strategy that claimed Europe faced “civilisational erasure” because of mass migration and offered tacit support for far-right parties.
The recent interventions by Trump and his administration on Europe have been greeted with mounting dismay among European leaders, after similarly disparaging remarks by the US vice-president, JD Vance, at the Munich Security Conference in February.
The German chancellor, Friedrich Merz, rejected the notion that European democracy needed saving and described some elements of the new national security strategy as unacceptable.
Merz said on Tuesday that the policy document underscored the need for a European security policy more independent of Washington.
“Some of it is unacceptable for us from the European point of view,” he told reporters during a visit to the city of Mainz. “That the Americans want to save democracy in Europe now, I don’t see any need for that … If it needed to be saved, we would manage that alone.”
Merz was speaking after the EU’s foreign policy chief, Kaja Kallas, had earlier described the White House document as a provocation.
The president of the European Council, António Costa, said on Monday that Washington signalling it would back Europe’s nationalist parties was unacceptable. “What we cannot accept is the threat to interfere in European politics,” he said.
“Now it’s clear, Vance’s speech in Munich and the many tweets of President Trump have become official doctrine of the United States, and we must act accordingly.”
Commenting on changes he said were occurring in big European cities such as London and Paris, Trump made clear that the problem as he viewed it was that they were becoming less white.
“[In] Europe, they’re coming in from all parts of the world. Not just the Middle East, they’re coming in from the Congo, tremendous numbers of people coming from the Congo. And even worse, they’re coming from prisons of the Congo and many other countries.”
He again singled out London’s first Muslim mayor, Sadiq Khan, for criticism.
“And Europe is … if you take a look at Paris, it’s a much different place. I loved Paris. It’s a much different place than it was. If you take a look at London, you have a mayor named Khan.
“He’s a horrible mayor. He’s an incompetent mayor, but he’s a horrible, vicious, disgusting mayor. I think he’s done a terrible job. London’s a different place. I love London. I love London. And I hate to see it happen. You know, my roots are in Europe, as you know.”
Khan later said that Trump was “obsessed” with him, adding: “I literally have no idea why President Trump is so obsessed with this mayor of London. I’m not sure what he’s got against a liberal, progressive, diverse, successful city like London.”
Asked if the trajectory of European countries meant they would no longer be US allies, Trump replied: “Or they’ll be … well, it depends. You know, it depends. They’ll change their ideology, obviously, because the people coming in have a totally different ideology. But it’s gonna make them much weaker. They’ll be a much … they’ll be much weaker, and they’ll be much different.”
While he denied he had a specific vision for Europe, Trump agreed he had “endorsed people that a lot of Europeans don’t like”, including Hungary’s Viktor Orbán.
“I have no vision for Europe. All I want to see is a strong Europe. Look, I have a vision for the United States of America first. It’s Make America Great Again,” he said. “I’m supposed to be a very smart person, I can … I have eyes. I have ears. I have knowledge. I have vast knowledge. I see what’s happening. I get reports that you will never see. And I think it’s horrible what’s happening to Europe.”
What does this mean?
As written in an editorial in The Guardian, entitled The Guardian view on Trump and Europe: more an abusive relationship than an alliance: The White House is aggressively seeking to weaken and dominate the United States’ traditional allies. European leaders must learn to fight back; “Sir Keir Starmer, Emmanuel Macron and Friedrich Merz have become adept at scrambling to deal with the latest bad news from Washington. Their meeting with Volodymyr Zelenskyy in Downing Street on Monday was so hastily arranged that Mr Macron needed to be back in Paris by late afternoon to meet Croatia’s prime minister, while Mr Merz was due on television for an end-of-year Q&A with the German public.
But diplomatic improvisation alone cannot fully answer Donald Trump’s structural threat to European security. The US president and his emissaries are trying to bully Mr Zelenskyy into an unjust peace deal that suits American and Russian interests. In response, the summit helped ramp up support for the use of up to £100bn in frozen Russian assets as collateral for a “reparations loan” to Ukraine. European counter-proposals for a ceasefire will need to be given the kind of financial backing that provides Mr Zelenskyy with leverage at a critical moment.
More broadly, though, an ominous lead-up to Christmas has underlined the limits to firefighting and turning the other cheek to Maga provocations. The extraordinary national security strategy paper published last week by the White House did European leaders a service in this regard. Brimming with contempt for liberal democratic values, it confirmed the Trump administration’s desire to minimise security guarantees in place since the second world war, while simultaneously pressuring the EU into betraying the principles on which it was founded. This was a “for the record” version of the US vice-president JD Vance’s mocking Munich speech last February. Passages predicting the “civilisational erasure” of Europe through migration and EU integration could have been written in the Kremlin, which duly noted an overlap in worldviews. Ditto the hostile calls to cultivate “resistance” to Europe’s supposed trajectory, and support for “patriotic” nationalist parties. For good measure, Mr Trump echoed “great replacement” conspiracy theory tropes this week in an interview that rammed home the same talking points in less coherent form.
However tempting it may be to pretend otherwise, given the desire to persuade Mr Trump to do the right thing over Ukraine, a US administration that acts in such a way cannot be viewed straightforwardly as an ally. The president and his America First ideologues see the EU as a drain on security resources best deployed elsewhere, an economic competitor to be dominated, and a cultural adversary to be undermined at every opportunity.
The response must be a belated push towards greater strategic autonomy and unity in defence, and the promotion of European interests in the wider economy. That, in turn, will mean playing hardball with Washington in a way that the European Commission president, Ursula von der Leyen, conspicuously failed to do when negotiating a humiliatingly one-sided trade deal in the summer. A world where China and the US both wish to eat the EU’s economic lunch, and Russia harbours darker designs to the east, is no place for a romantic view of multilateralism.
The White House national security strategy paper and the US president himself have laid it out in black and white: Mr Trump seeks a fragmented, weakened Europe that is reliant on US industry and tech, and will therefore meekly comply with its aggressive demands. Europeans deserve far better than a continent made fit for Elon Musk. Time to fight back.”
As written by Peter Beaumont in The Guardian, in an essay entitled New Trump doctrine identifies ‘weak’ Europe’s problem: not enough racism: A new US national security strategy represents one of the most profound crises for the Atlantic alliance since 1945; “ During Donald Trump’s first administration, commentators sagely advised that his words, were to be “taken seriously, not literally”. Experience suggests that formula puts the cart before the horse.
A new US National Security Strategy and a series of comments from US officials, presidential proxies and Trump himself, have culminated in what could be one of the most profound crises for Atlanticism, the security doctrine that has sustained peace and democracy in Europe since the end of the second world war.
Where Trump’s point of departure was once the failure of Europe to contribute sufficiently to its own security, he has now embraced a more alarming vision.
Coloured both by racism and a staggering contempt for Europe’s political institutions and leaders, he has warned of the risk of civilisational collapse on a continent he barely knows, and that he has viewed more often from the window of an armoured sedan.
His interview with Politico, lacking in any clear ideological coherence, is replete with something else: the confused fear of an ageing white man confronted with a changing world.
A paranoid Maga worldview is behind the horrors of America’s own immigration, policing and other policies under Trump – and has driven an effort to erase Black experience and representation.
Now – it is clear – those fears are Washington’s prism for understanding Europe.
From this perspective, immigration from the developing world causes a dilution of European countries, making them “weak” under “stupid” leaders and setting the circumstances for their own demise. It is an unabashedly racist theory, with Trump and his circle making clear their prescription is that far-right European parties are to be supported.
While the broad sweep of Trump’s race baiting in general is not a revelation, it is important to understand its meaning in the wider context of European security.
For Trump and his Maga acolytes, including Elon Musk – who has called in recent days for the European Union to be broken up – all politics and diplomacy are essentially transactional. But where once Trump argued that Europe wasn’t paying its fair share, his point is now that a decadent Europe is fundamentally undeserving because of its multiculturalism.
In his interview with Politico, Trump joins up these dots himself in a kind of exercise in wish fulfilment. Russia’s Vladimir Putin, he concedes, wants Europe to be weak. Trump calls it weak, and in exposing the fissures between Washington and Europe prompted by his remarks, he aids Putin by actively weakening Europe – while denying it is his “fault”.
All of which is playing out at the most consequential moment for Europe since the second world war, with a devastating conflict in Ukraine and amid escalating Russian provocations elsewhere on the continent.
As Europe cleaves ever tighter to Ukraine amid continuing threats of US abandonment, the danger is that Trump has rationalised a narrative for not listening to Europe.
All of which demands a robust response from European leaders. While some, most recently the German chancellor, Friedrich Merz, on Tuesday, have been forceful in their response, others – including Keir Starmer’s office – have continued with a policy of trying to appease White House.
On Tuesday, Downing Street refused to push back on either Trump’s comment on Europe or his latest attack on London’s mayor, Sadiq Khan, whom the US president once again attacked.
“The Prime Minister,” said a spokesperson, “has a strong relationship with the US president and a strong relationship with the Mayor of London, and on both is committed to working together in order to deliver stronger outcomes for the British people right across the country.”
The reality is that Trump means what he says, and says what he means repeatedly. It is past time to pretend that things are otherwise.”
This is what happened the last time Europe stood alone against fascism
Stalingrad film trailer
Trump lambasts ‘weak’ and ‘decaying’ Europe and hints at walking away from Ukraine: US president recycles far-right tropes on European immigration and presses Zelenskyy to accept his peace plan
‘Cultivate resistance’: policy paper lays bare Trump support for Europe’s far right: Text signed by president seems to echo ‘great replacement’ theory, saying Europe faces ‘civilisational erasure’
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‘Stop sucking up to Trump’: US threat to meddle in Europe is fuelling pressure for a collective push-back: The White House has formalised its contempt for ‘decaying’ Europe with an ominous plan to undermine the EU and boost the far right
AfD responds to Trump ‘erasure’ claims with call for nationalist revival in Europe: Continent’s other nationalist parties wary of echoing sentiments of US president due to his unpopularity
We celebrate the Liberation of Syria on this day last year, both for itself and what it signifies as a harbinger of the fall of the Putin regime in Russia and his mad quest for imperial conquest and dominion in Ukraine and Europe, the Middle East, and Africa, possibly even the fall of his puppet tyrant Trump in the captured state of Vichy America, and in the Iranian Dominion and its Axis against democracy. An improbable series of events to unfold, but not an impossible one; not since the Liberation of Syria.
In liberating Syria from the Assad regime we not only freed a nation from a tyranny whose crimes against humanity reflected those of the Nazis on whom the regime was modeled and constructed across decades and whose agenda it perpetuated, but also took one of Putin’s key allies and fortress states away from him, dealt an enormous and possibly in the near future decisive blow to the Iranian Dominion’s Axis against democracy, avenged the 2017 betrayal by Trump of our Special Operations soldiers and Intelligence agents in Syria to Russian aerial bombardment which resulted in the deaths of American servicemen and loyal heroes of liberty, indirectly aided Ukraine and crippled Russian power projection and plans for imperial world conquest and dominion at least in the short term and may in future play a role in the fall of the Putin regime, and reshaped the future of the Middle East and its political alignments.
In Syria democracy has triumphed over tyranny, and a diverse and inclusive secular society over Islamization and sectarian conflict. And thus far it appears to be stable and viable, despite Israeli destabilization operations leveraging ethnic divisions between the Druze minority and their neighbors in preparation for an invasion which failed.
The meaning of the Liberation of Syria as a test case of Resistance to tyranny, of vital relevance to America and to all democracies under threat of similar capture and subversion, is that solidarity and a united humankind may be won through co-optation of local factional authorities, even in operational environments of extreme sectarian and ethnic divisions and authorized national identities. We wander lost in a Wilderness of Mirrors; lies and illusions, propaganda and thought control, alternate realities and the schizophrenia of subjects who believe themselves to be citizens and do not question the man behind the curtain; but we can escape through disbelief and disobedience. An authority in whom no one believes has no legitimacy, and the power to compel dissolves when met with disobedience. Thus do we seize our power.
Where was I in all of this? In Damascus, ensuring that the Hayat Tahrir al Sham Army of Liberation would be greeted as saviors from tyranny and state terror and not fought to the last man by Assad’s fanatics. This was easier than it might sound, as Assad hadn’t paid his army in over three years, and countless of his citizens had lost family members to the torture chambers of his regime.
I’ve been asked why I didn’t post my theme song for Last Stands, David Bowie’s Putting Out The Fire With Gasoline from the film Inglorious Basterds, as I do in farewell to signal that I am choosing to do something from which there is no foreseeable return, when embarking for Damascus; this is because it was not a Last Stand. The Syrian Endgame for myself was merely joining a mission in progress for over a year, with vast resources at hand and established networks of alliance locally, and coordinated with Advance Echelons mainly of American Special Operations soldiers active along the HTS line of advance and falling back to Damascus just ahead of it to prepare the path of victory. The only remotely dangerous parts were when I was in Russian uniform posing as an advisor to liaise with infiltration agents and assets in Assad’s military and security services to open the way.
I never planned or intended to storm the gates of Hell and pursue Assad’s torturers and their fanatic guards into the endless warrens of their underground bastion, nor did I suspect the existence of the bioweapons program and its laboratories and factories begun by Alois Brunner, once assistant to Adolf Eichmann, on whose hideous and bizarre technologies designed to create supermen who would replace humankind the institutions of the Assad dynastic regime’s tyranny and terror were constructed. Not until after the liberation of Damascus and the freeing of Assad’s political prisoners did this become known, and an airstrike was out of the question as the whole city was undermined by hundreds of miles of tunnels like a second, secret city.
And no one knew what kind of plagues were ready to be unleashed or how, or if the weapon was something entirely different; we had to go in after it to be sure, and against an enemy with nothing left to lose and a suspected plan to unleash general annihilation there was no time to wait for a CBN threat containment force. Of the three threat response steps, containment and identification were not possible until we knew more and at best had captured a sample, leaving only warning which was sent immediately. Within thirty minutes we had assembled a team and were entering the underworld maze of a secret world created and ruled by Nazis and their successor monsters for five decades into which one hundred thousand prisoners had vanished, racing against time to prevent an unknown doom from engulfing humankind.
I’d have absolutely posted my song for Last Stands for that, if I’d had the luxury of time for such theatrical gestures. But if I had time for someone else to investigate the threat I’d have run as far and as fast as I could and holed up somewhere impregnable; I might be there still. And then I’d be short of a story, so it worked out for the best anyway as I can say I’ve followed Dante through the door marked “Abandon Hope, all you who enter here”, and returned in triumph. And if I can do this, so can you.
Further general principles of action may be drawn from this incident, the first being Solidarity of action as guarantors of each other’s humanity. Our duty of care requires it, but it is also in our own best interest regardless of the personal costs. When as so often in life we are confronted with overwhelming and unstoppable force and terror designed to subjugate us through despair, abjection, and learned helplessness, we must stand together as a united front to overcome common threats. Who refuses to submit cannot be conquered, and this is a power and victory which cannot be taken from us. As the Oath of the Resistance goes; “We swear our loyalty to each other, to resist and cease not, and abandon not our fellows.” So it was composed by Jean Genet in Paris 1940 and given by him to me in Beirut 1982, paraphrased from his oath as a Legionnaire; he said it was the finest thing he ever stole.
A second principle, Embrace Your Fear, concerns how we process, regard, and instrumentalize fear, especially when weaponized by authority in service to power. Let us cherish our fear and hold it close, claim it as ours and avoid being claimed by it most importantly as othering, division, and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil in identity politics. Life is full of unknown horrors, but we can seize their power over us by questioning and exposure, just as movie monsters are only truly scary when they remain in the shadows. Once revealed, they become threats to be assessed, strategized about, and rendered harmless; so we must explore the shapes of our fears. This is why the Four Primary Duties of a Citizen include Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority, that last through Disbelief and Disobedience. As my father said to me as I began my study of martial arts when I was nine, having poisoned my classmates because someone put a wad of bubble gum on my chair and I felt disrespected, and only by lucky chance didn’t bring real harm to anyone; “You have discovered politics; politics is the Art of Fear. Fear is the basis of human exchange, balanced with belonging. Those who use fear to rule others are ruled by it themselves, and if you do not fear them they will fear you; this determines dominance. Fear precedes power; so, whose instrument will it be?”
In his great opera cycle Wagner teaches us that the Ring of fear, power, and force which births states as embodied violence may be broken only by love, and love in its form as solidarity, our duty of care of each other, mercy, compassion, and empathy grants us the power to reclaim our humanity and become Unconquered, Living Autonomous Zones bearing the power to set each other free.
In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power. Do something beautiful with yours.
As I wrote on this day one year ago; We celebrate Liberation of Syria Day as the tyrant Assad flees to Russia; the living dead emerge from the underworld labyrinth of prisons and torture laboratories to which they were condemned, the monuments and propaganda of the regime are given to the flames, and the diverse peoples and communities of Syria begin to reclaim the nation that was always theirs from those who would dehumanize and enslave us, and with their independence won awaken to a world of limitless possibilities of becoming human, with no one other than ourselves the arbiter of our identity and future.
There are many blueprints and historical legacies for how such a becoming may be achieved, but no imposed orders of human being, meaning, or value, nor any better or worse ways of being human together beyond what best preserves our freedoms and universal human rights, that we each of us may discover or create our own best selves without infringing on those of others.
This is the true meaning of democracy; a free society of equals who are guarantors of each other’s humanity.
Syria is now free to struggle toward such a humankind; many forces and influences with different visions of an ideal society and future will be negotiating the boundaries of their otherness, and not always amicably, but without tyranny and the imperial dominion of foreign powers as imposed conditions of struggle that journey has now become far more hopeful.
With the Liberation of Syria, keystone of Iran’s Axis versus democracy and of the Russian Empire, we have shattered the spell of invincibility, terror, despair, and learned helplessness by which the nation, the region, and much of the world has been ensorcelled and held spellbound by Russia’s Third World War on its many fronts, and this has civilizational and world-historical consequences which will unfold across time in ways which cannot be predicted, and this is their great power as a Rashomon Gate Event of reimagination and transformation. The enemies of democracy, of our liberty and humanity, can be defeated.
We have brought the Chaos, and with luck a tidal change; in the words of the magnificent commander of Hayat Tahrir al Sham, Abu Mohammed al-Jolani, in his victory speech; “The future is ours”.
I wonder if he was quoting me; when I said it in Damascus as we welcomed him into the city I was quoting Jerzy Kosinski in his brilliant study of Soviet society The Future is Ours, Comrade; he was quoting Lenin, who was paraphrasing Shakespeare in The Tempest, Act 2 Scene 1; “Whereof what’s past is prologue, what to come, in yours and my discharge.” That this is a line of the treacherous murderer Antonio seems to have been forgotten or lost in translation by all and sundry, except of course for Lenin who knew exactly what he had unleashed, and Kosinski who suffered for it.
I say again, among the ruins of the first Russian fortress state to fall, the future is ours. Today we rejoice in Damascus; one day we may do the same in Moscow.
For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.
As to the history of the 2024 Liberation of Syria, here follow my journals beginning with two days before I opened the gates of Damascus.
December 6 2024 Onward to Damascus: Syria’s Assad Regime Nears Collapse; With Iran and her Hezbollah forces diverted or engaged by Israel as she makes a fiction of Biden’s Pax Americana with over one hundred violations of the peace in its first days, Syrian Democratic Forces mainly of Kurdish fighters mixed with American Special Operations Forces and some Turkish Communists, anarchists from Rojava in Syria itself, and other volunteers, on the northeast and former al Qaeda faction Hayat Tahrir al-Sham on the northwest are coordinating actions to make a wishbone of Syria and overthrow the loathsome Assad regime.
While the SDF and America liberate Kurdistan and her oilfields, HTS has seized Aleppo and Hama City in a blitzkrieg campaign which may well capture Damascus.
This was triggered by the performative Israeli-Hezbollah peace agreement, but also designed to buy time for Ukraine after a disastrous month and facing a second invasion force from North Korea, and very much a hail mary play by an America whose government will soon be captive of a Trump regime which will commit us not to the liberation of democracies such as Ukraine or a possible free Syria, but fully to the imperial conquest and dominion of Russia and Trump’s puppetmaster and agent handler Putin, beginning with Syria and Ukraine and ending with Russian and Iranian control of the Middle East, Eastern Europe, Africa, and the Mediterranean.
Russia currently plans to invade Poland and the Danube through the Romanian port of Constantia on the Black Sea this spring, and capture or destroy NATO bases and ability to resist conquest through the Northern Route of invasion, the Baltic and Arctic, and Britain, Canada, and others are now bolstering paper thin defenses in the region because they know what is coming. All of this is made possible because Putin’s star agent Traitor Trump will hold that door open for him. Motivation for solidarity is high, especially among the nations of a resurgent NATO under threat by Russia and a America captive to Trump and the Fourth Reich acting together, and can be leveraged to the benefit of liberty in all of the theatres of World War Three ongoing now; Ukraine and Syria obviously, but also long smouldering conflicts throughout Africa, Palestine and Lebanon, Yemen, Nagorno-Karabakh, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Libya and the contest with Turkey and France for the Mediterranean, within Russia herself, and most crucially in America where propaganda warfare and long term infiltration and subversion programmes have resulted in the Stolen Elections of 2016 and 2024.
We have only a few points at which the dawn of a new Russian Empire allied with the Iranian Dominion can be placed in check, and Syria is one of them. This does not mean regime change in Syria is a foregone conclusion, nor that the confused and ambiguous nature of political loyalties which is normal here will change.
Everyone fights Islamists which includes HTS and their constituent elements al Qaeda and IS both of whom HTS has long fought as well, though not as ferociously as al Qaeda and IS fight each other. Except when we are all fighting Russian and Iranian forces as we are now in Syria; this is especially curious when Saudi Arabian and Gulf states forces who are experienced in fighting Russia’s Africa Corps at the same time as they fight African IS affiliates now fight side by side with IS, al Qaeda, and Taliban fighters in the same units both in the HTS and SDF, Sunni warriors united only by a shared fury at Iranian Shia proxies such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen. Elsewhere and at the same time in both the Middle East and Africa where the UAE’s ally the RSF puts Sudan to the torch in horrific ethnic cleansing, Saudi and Emirates forces fight each other for supremacy with a savagery equal to that of their sectarian conflicts with Iranian Shia forces.
Turkey backs the HTS because HTS represents something new, built by integrating its opponents and local ethnic communities which have historically proven resistant to playing well with others, and has fought both IS and al Qaeda as well as Assad’s forces though many of its fighters are former and possibly concurrent members of both. But although Turkey historically fights against and not for the mainly Kurdish SDF which otherwise is an independence movement from both Turkey and Syria, at this moment Turkey is allied with and aiding SDF, again something new and very strange.
SDF is an American ally and the de facto national army of Kurdistan; also not Islamist but pro western democracy ideologically, and easy to tell from HTS because its full of foreign fighters from everywhere, plus female Kurdish warriors famous as snipers and recce horse cavalry. SDF has units which may be official forces from France and Israel as well as America and Turkey, with the usual mercenaries, professional adventurers, and madmen like myself.
Its all very nostalgic as we find ourselves returned to the start of this conflict in 2012 with the Syrian Civil War, with clear goals of regime change and the liberation of Syria from Russian and Iranian dominion. We are also close to the conditions of Friday January 20 2017, when Trump abandoned America’s forces in Syria and sabotaged the democracy movement, with Russian bombs raining death on our soldiers while he took the Oath of Office to protect and defend our nation from all enemies foreign and domestic. This I shall avenge.
With our window of opportunity for the Liberation of Syria closing on Inauguration Day January 20 2025, and the chance that Traitor Trump may once again betray our armed forces and the cause of liberty in handing Syria to Russia, we must be swift, but also tricky. I hope to offer our enemies surprises and forms of mischief they cannot imagine or predict.
Confusion to the enemy.
Onward to Damascus!
As written by Jason Burke in The Guardian, in an article entitled Why did Syrian militants HTS seize Aleppo – and how did they do it so quickly?; “Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, the Islamist militant group that has surged to global attention by launching a surprise and successful offensive in Syria over the past week, has long been the country’s most powerful rebel faction. Now its tens of thousands of fighters have seized a major city, cut a strategic highway and forced the military of Bashar al-Assad into a hasty retreat across a swath of the country, opening a new phase in a 13-year civil war that many presumed was over.
What is Hayat Tahrir al-Sham?
This sudden turn of events is shocking but not entirely surprising, veteran observers say.
“Everyone watching Syria knows it has been a tinderbox under very great pressure both domestically and from regional powers for years. The war has been continuing in the background … The scale of the gains made by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) is surprising but not the offensive if you look at what the group has been saying and signalling,” said Charlie Winter, a Syria expert and director of ExTrac, a UK-based risk intelligence platform.
For about five years, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, which means Movement for the Liberation of Greater Syria, has controlled the north-western Syrian province of Idlib, where it has set up what it calls the Syrian Salvation government to run schools, clinics and courts for an estimated 4 million people. Idlib thus provides a secure territorial base but also a steady stream of funding from taxes among other resources.
The group’s forces are reportedly well-trained but lightly equipped, though heavier weapons have been seized from Syrian government troops during the advances of recent days. HTS leads a rough coalition of ideologically aligned smaller factions, including groups made up of Uzbek, Tajik and Turkmen militants who have been based in Syria for many years. There may be a “smattering” of veteran western European Islamists among them, analysts said.
Where did HTS come from and who is its leader?
Formerly known as Jabhat al-Nusra, HTS was originally founded by al-Qaida to exploit opportunities offered by the collapse of Syria into civil war. It was swiftly successful, building a fearsome reputation for insurgent attacks and suicide bombings against regime forces and other enemies. Though broadly committed to the same project of establishing a new Islamic caliphate based in Syria and Iraq, the group became a bitter enemy of the Islamic State, and eventually split from al-Qaida too.
The leader throughout its 13-year existence has been Ahmed Hussein al-Shar’a, better known as Abu Muhammed al-Jawlani, who is 42 and is thought to have been born in Syria from a family that had fled the Golan Heights after the 1967 war during which Israel occupied the mountainous area.
Little is known about Jawlani’s early years but he has described fighting with insurgents against US-led coalition forces after the invasion in 2003 before being detained with thousands of other militants in 2006. He was then imprisoned for five years in a series of US-run and Iraqi prisons before being released in 2011 and returning to Syria with six others to lead al-Qaida’s push there.
Experts say Jawlani not only distanced itself from al-Qaida but, having been targeted by Islamic State from early in the civil war, fought hard against its brutal rivals. Over the following years, Jawlani’s fighters sought, with limited success, to win the acquiescence of local communities by providing basic administration and security, rather than simply through fear. In 2021, Jawlani’s efforts to rebrand HTS culminated in an interview with US public broadcasters – though the $10m (£7.9m) reward for information leading to his arrest by US authorities remains.
This strategy led to a fierce debate among analysts. Though the US and Russia, Turkey and other states designate HTS as a terrorist group, some analysts have considered it as breaking with the extreme violence and fanaticism of many previous groups.
They point out that its aims are explicitly local, stripped of any broader vision of a much wider war against the west or Middle Eastern rulers that characterised Islamic State, and that the group has enforced Islamic codes of behaviour less strictly than many expected, recently withdrawing “morality police” from the streets after public protests.
Other experts are convinced that the group’s core thinking remains faithful to the main principles of extremist Islamist ideologies, even if its day-to-day behaviour and tactics are different. They point to thousands of arbitrary detentions in areas under its control and say any idea that HTS is a new and pragmatic form of Islamic militancy is entirely misguided.
Why launch an offensive now?
It is unclear why the HTS chose this moment to launch an offensive and recapture Aleppo, once a bastion of resistance to the Assad regime. One factor may be the military weakness of Hezbollah, the Lebanese-based militia that provided crucial support for Damascus but has been hard hit in its war with Israel. Another may be the distraction of Iran and Russia, both key supporters of Assad. HTS claims the “aggression” of the regime against the people of Idlib had become unbearable.
Whatever the truth, the offensive has already had a huge strategic impact. “It took 100 days for Aleppo to fall in 2016, and only 48 hours for it to be recaptured,” said Winter. “This takes us back to the middle of the last decade in terms of how the war could end.”
As I wrote in my post of February 9 2023, Lines of Fracture: Earthquake Exposes Systemic Flaws in Syria; Disaster seizes a region already destabilized and made precarious by multiple lines of fracture, wishbone of Russia and Turkey in World War Three’s catastrophic contest for imperial dominion of the Middle East and the Mediterranean.
Beneath the hammer of fate and an earthquake which is among the most terrible disasters within living memory, the systemic flaws of our civilization are exposed as historical political decisions about how to be human together circle round in recursive process to seize and shake us all, like an ouroboros swallowing its tail.
One can learn much in the study of systems under stress, but what is most important here are the lives of the people caught in the gears of the great machine we serve, like Charlie Chaplin in The Factory, and the opportunity for change such destabilization offers us.
Chaos opens a gate for the reimagination and transformation of ourselves, of our possibilities for becoming human, and of new dreams of human being, meaning, and value.
In Syria and throughout the world, let us act in solidarity to establish beyond question the principle of universal human rights and the institutions of democracy and its values of liberty, equality, truth, and justice, and forever abandon as a species all inequalities of power, divisions of elite membership and exclusionary otherness, fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, and the tyranny and terror of carceral states of force and control.
As I wrote in my post of March 14 2022, Russia’s Wars of Imperial Conquest and Dominion Since 2020: the Case of Syria in the Russian-Turkish Conflict for Dominion of the Middle East; Future scholars of the genesis and development of the Third World War which has now begun may trace its faultlines in two parallel and interdependent conflicts being waged beyond the borders of Ukraine, where we are witness to the unfolding of secondary and tertiary consequences which have engulfed Ukraine like the expanding ripples in a pool into which a stone has been cast.
These conflicts are first the reconquest of former Soviet client states as a new Russian Empire, and second the imperial conflict between Russia and Turkey for dominion of the Middle East and the Mediterranean.
Multiple theatres of war are ongoing in both conflicts; Belarus, Kazakhstan, and the democracy movement in Russia itself are in the first category, while Syria, Libya, and Nagorno-Karabakh are examples of the second.
This is the first in a series of essays in which I will address each of these theatres of war, and as the Stalingrad-like devastation of Ukraine is being compared with that of Syria and Russia’s lawless brutality and cruelty in its policies and strategies of waging war in support of Assad’s monstrous regime, I thought I’d begin with Syria.
As I wrote in my post of March 26 2021, A Mad Hatter’s Tea Party: Syria; Syria is a Mad Hatter’s Tea Party of multisided issues and shifting alliances, and like Afghanistan a place where empires go to die. One is confronted here with a Great Game in which two Great Powers Conflicts are in play, one of Turkey versus Russia, and another of the Arab-American Alliance most especially including Israel versus Iran, but also one in which everyone fights Isis and Trump infamously assassinated America’s two greatest allies in that cause, Iran’s Qassem Suleimani and Iraq’s Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, the national heroes of their nations.
It is also a game of conflicting and ambiguous loyalties, interests, and goals which tend to neutralize and cancel each other out; Turkey, our principal ally versus Assad and Russia, also fights two other allies versus Isis, the Kurds and Turkey’s Communists, and her use of Syrian refugees as provocations to win concessions from the European Union are among the causes of Nazi revivalism in Europe. Here also chaos reigns, and the whole region is destabilized and filled with warlords, mercenaries, tribal vendettas, oligarchic and sectarian divisions.
Chaos is a measure of the adaptive potential of a system, and where many see only its negative aspects I see also its possibilities for growth and transformation.
As I wrote in my post of January 4 2020, Cry Havoc: Consequences of the American Assassination of the Iranian and Iraqi Shiite Military Leaders; As the consequences of this event ripple outward through the medium of time, multiplying possibilities. alternate futures, transforms of ourselves and our shapings of one another, the true magnitude of the American assassination of the Iranian and Iraqi Shiite military leaders will unfold.
It is a seed of destruction, but of who?
An age of Chaos dawns, and we are abandoned to its whims and to its wantonness as it seizes and swallows the mighty, disrupts and changes power relations and structures of social form, bringer of death as an aspect of Time but also of transformation and rebirth.
Chaos which I celebrate as a principle, but which must be wielded as a dangerous and multidimensional force with great forethought and caution as we play the Great and Secret Game, for action and reaction always strike in both directions.
The magnificent Guillermo del Toro, in his gorgeous work Carnival Row which explores themes of racism and inequality among war refugees in the nation which failed to defend them from their conquerors and in harboring them finds itself confronted with an alien people as neighbors amid squalor, poverty, and social destabilization, much like many nations in our world today, depicts the formation of an alliance between two leaders of rival factions:
“Who is chaos good for?”
“Chaos is good for us. Chaos is the great hope of those in the shadows.”
To summarize the war in Syria during the past year, I recount here my posts, beginning with that of February 7 2020, Syrian Peace Accord Collapses as Turkey Invades, Turkey has invaded Syria today with an enormous column of over 400 vehicles, to control a highway in support of their allied rebel forces in Idlib which have been under sustained attack by Syrian and Russian forces since December, displacing 600,000 new refugees in a war which has driven 12 million from their homes.
This is the third time Turkey has invaded Syria during this war; the previous two were directed against the Islamic State which still controls Idlib, and the second against US allied Kurdish forces who fought the IS but also want an independent state, anathema to Turkey.
Just to confuse things further, the IS and their rivals al Qaeda had been nearly destroyed by the US before Trump ordered the abandonment of our allies as a favor to Putin, besides noninterference in the Russian conquest of Ukraine supremacy in the Middle East being the reason Russia interfered with our elections in the first place. The CIA’s Tenth Division was abandoned in place under Russian aerial bombardment when Trump was delivering his Oath of Office speech, as loyal American servicemen died. Yes, they understand that they are deniable forces and are trained to exfiltrate on their own; I mention this because this was the moment I realized Trump was a traitor and a foreign agent. With the bombs raining death on our soldiers.
February 27 2020, Syria: Victory for the Rebellion Against Assad and Russia; Syrian rebel forces backed by Turkey seize Saraqeb in a victory which isolates Assad and his Russian allies, cutting the road between Damascus and Aleppo and the main highway which acts as a supplies lifeline to the sea.
If neither side can claim victory and a new peace cannot be negotiated, Russia, Iran, and Turkey will continue to fight for dominion of the Middle East in a destructive forever war until the world abandons fossil fuels and oil becomes worthless.
If Assad’s regime of terror is utterly destroyed, which requires the decisive defeat of Russia, unlikely without American intervention, the endgame of this horrific war will devolve into myriads of sectarian and oligarchic conflicts, resulting not in liberation and a secular democracy but in fragmentation and thereafter the probable emergence of an Iranian Shia proxy state uneasily neighboring a rival Sunni fundamentalist state itself divided into al Qaeda and IS factions, splitting Syria along sectarian allegiances in a parallel of Yemen. Until the next round of proxy wars and great powers imperialism begins again.
Poor Syria seems doomed to calamity in this simplistic formulation of an intensely complex set of issues, but there are multiple paths to countless outcomes which are possible here; consider if the people of Syria destroyed the oilfields. What then would imperial powers fight to gain?
March 5 2020, Pawns in a Turkish Great Game: the Syrian Refugee Crisis; Erdoğan is driving a million refugees from his invasion of Syria into Europe in order to win concessions from the EU, using some of the world’s most vulnerable people in a game of brinksmanship where the price of its failure may be a Third World War.
Turkey challenges Russia in both Syria and Libya, engulfing both the Middle East and the Mediterranean in the threat of war; today saw Greek and Turkish special forces deployed against each other along the border, and reports of skirmishes as thousands of refugees make suicidal runs to a Europe which offers no safety and does not want them.
Refugee crises, inclusive of the one on America’s border with Mexico as well as those of Venezuela and Syria, are failures of human values as well as policy; manmade crises which reveal the depth of a government’s commitment to the principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity.
Born of complex and intractable situations, refugee crises may seem like Gordian Knots of multilayered and interdependent issues, but the last decision, the one that actually sacrifices a people, is often a political choice made for a limited gain.
Our world is filled with such conundrums, in which we are offered choices between conflicting and unclear goals and values; how do we choose our side? I have been asked this literally, at times by people who are armed and with flames and gunfire in the background; whose side are you on?
To this I could answer that I am on the side of freedom versus authority, of democracy and of equality, truth, and justice. It’s the version which explains why I have chosen one thing and not another without going into easily misunderstood complexities; for example in Syria I am on the side of Turkey and America against Russia because of the brutality of Assad’s tyranny and its many abuses of our universal human rights, and I think we should take the fight to liberate Syria to the streets of Moscow. Equally do I oppose Erdogan’s tyranny in Turkey, and his policies against our allies the Kurds.
There is but one principle higher than that of Liberty, and that is the Rights of Man which derive from our condition and not our government, being universal to humankind and superseding the laws of any nation.
I have but one answer to any question of loyalty or allegiance; I am on the side of the dispossessed, the powerless, and the vulnerable.
The BBC has a great explanatory article on the history of the Syrian War; “It is now more than a battle between those who are for or against Mr Assad.
Many groups and countries – each with their own agendas – are involved, making the situation far more complex and prolonging the fighting.
They have been accused of fostering hatred between Syria’s religious groups, pitching the Sunni Muslim majority against the president’s Shia Alawite sect.
Such divisions have led both sides to commit atrocities, torn communities apart and dimmed hopes of peace.
They have also allowed the jihadist groups Islamic State (IS) and al-Qaeda to flourish.
Syria’s Kurds, who want the right of self-government but have not fought Mr Assad’s forces, have added another dimension to the conflict.
Who’s involved?
The government’s key supporters have been Russia and Iran, while Turkey, Western powers and several Gulf Arab states have backed the opposition.
Russia – which already had military bases in Syria – launched an air campaign in support of Mr Assad in 2015 that has been crucial in turning the tide of the war in the government’s favour.
The Russian military says its strikes only target “terrorists” but activists say they regularly kill mainstream rebels and civilians.
Iran is believed to have deployed hundreds of troops and spent billions of dollars to help Mr Assad.
Thousands of Shia Muslim militiamen armed, trained and financed by Iran – mostly from Lebanon’s Hezbollah movement, but also Iraq, Afghanistan and Yemen – have also fought alongside the Syrian army.
The US, UK and France initially provided support for what they considered “moderate” rebel groups. But they have prioritised non-lethal assistance since jihadists became the dominant force in the armed opposition.
A US-led global coalition has also carried out air strikes on IS militants in Syria since 2014 and helped an alliance of Kurdish and Arab militias called the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) capture territory once held by the jihadists in the east.
Turkey has long supported the rebels, but it has focused on using them to contain the Kurdish militia that dominates the SDF, accusing it of being an extension of a banned Kurdish rebel group in Turkey. Turkish-backed rebels have controlled territory along the border in north-western Syria since 2016.
Saudi Arabia, which is keen to counter Iranian influence, has armed and financed the rebels, as has the kingdom’s Gulf rival, Qatar.
Israel, meanwhile, has been so concerned by what it calls Iran’s “military entrenchment” in Syria and shipments of Iranian weapons to Hezbollah that it has conducted hundreds of air strikes in an attempt to thwart them.
How has the country been affected?
As well as causing hundreds of thousands of deaths, the war has left 1.5 million people with permanent disabilities, including 86,000 who have lost limbs.
At least 6.2 million Syrians are internally displaced, while another 5.7 million have fled abroad.
Neighbouring Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey, which are hosting 93% of them, have struggled to cope with one of the largest refugee exoduses in recent history.
How is the country divided?
The government has regained control of Syria’s biggest cities. but large parts of the country are still held by opposition armed groups and the Kurdish-led SDF.
The last remaining opposition stronghold is in the north-western province of Idlib and adjoining parts of northern Hama and western Aleppo provinces. It is home to an estimated 2.9 million people, including a million children, many of them displaced and living in dire conditions in camps.
In September 2018, Russia and Turkey brokered a truce to avert an offensive by pro-government forces that the UN had warned would cause a “bloodbath”.
Rebels were required to pull their heavy weapons out of a demilitarised zone running along the frontline, and jihadists were told to withdraw from it altogether.
In January 2019, the truce deal was put in jeopardy when a jihadist group linked to al-Qaeda, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, expelled some rebel factions from Idlib and forced others to surrender and recognise a “civil administration” it backed.
The SDF currently controls almost all territory east of the River Euphrates.
The alliance had appeared to be in a strong position until December 2018, when President Donald Trump unexpectedly ordered US troops to start withdrawing from Syria with the territorial defeat of IS imminent.
The decision suddenly left the SDF exposed to the threat of an assault by Turkey, which has said it wants to create a “security zone” on the Syrian side of the border to prevent attacks by Kurdish fighters.
Kurdish leaders have urged the Syrian government and Russia to send forces to shield the border and begun talks about the future of their autonomous region.”
As written by Jason Burke in The Guardian, in an article entitled Can Syrian rebels maintain momentum and take Damascus?; “So far the rebel advance in Syria appears unstoppable. On Friday, the columns of pickup trucks and motorbikes of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and its allies were reported to have reached the outskirts of the city of Homs, only 100 miles (160km) from Damascus, the capital.
The extraordinarily rapid advance made by the coalition of rebel groups has stunned not only observers and regional powers but also, it appears, the regime of Bashar al-Assad. HTS swept first from its north-western stronghold into Aleppo, the country’s second biggest city, and then Hama, another major city 80 miles further south down the strategic M5 highway.
Assad’s military forces have offered negligible resistance. Poorly trained police officers have been pressed into service, with predictable results. Shortly before the rebels arrived outside Hama, Syria’s defence ministry called its defensive lines “impregnable”. The Syrian army then said it had withdrawn “to preserve the lives of civilians”.
Few are fooled by such claims, particularly from a regime responsible for such vast numbers of civilian casualties over 13 years of civil conflict. Analysts describe Assad’s military as “hollowed out” by poor morale, defections and corruption. Its retreat has left rows of armoured personnel carriers, tanks, even sophisticated Russian-supplied missile launchers and warplanes in rebel hands.
“The question is whether they can continue the momentum and go to Damascus. It looks like a huge groundswell of support for what’s happening and that reveals the brittle nature of the regime,” said Sanam Vakil, the director of the Middle East and North Africa programme at London’s Chatham House.
HTS, a former branch of al-Qaida, has made efforts to soften its sectarian image and, possibly, ideology. H A Hellyer, a senior associate fellow of the Royal United Services Institute, said careful management of relations with diverse communities was one reason for the successes of the last week, pointing to the negotiated entry of the rebels into Ismaili Shia villages as an example. “If they could pull off that kind of approach with Alawite communities then it is all over,” Hellyer said, referring to the heterodox Shia minority of which Assad is a member and from which he draws much of his most loyal support.
There is evidence too of close coordination between rebel forces – the Turkey-backed Syrian National Army sent a convoy to support HTS when it needed reinforcements – which may allay concerns about the unity of the rebels.
This weekend may see the most significant gains yet. Homs province is Syria’s largest in size and borders Lebanon, Iraq and Jordan. Homs city, parts of which were controlled by insurgents until a bloody siege in 2014, is a gateway to Damascus, as well as Syria’s coastal provinces of Latakia and Tartus, both bastions of regime loyalists.
But anyone hoping for a decisive outcome in the coming days or even weeks may be disappointed. The rebels may not even have thought they could seize Aleppo so swiftly when they launched their offensive last week, and have come a long way very quickly. It is not clear that they will be able to use the heavy weapons or other equipment they have seized, and success could expose the deep divisions between their various factions.
At the same time, the regime’s forces may rally as the initial shock subsides. Assad is already withdrawing forces from Syria’s east to reinforce those around Damascus, ceding key cities such as Deir ez-Zor to Kurdish opposition factions.
“There is a clear level of desperation and they are concentrating defence around strongholds. The big question now is what Iran and Russia do,” said Broderick McDonald, an associate fellow at King’s College London.
Moscow, a key backer that provided much of the firepower that turned the tide of the civil war in Assad’s favour, is distracted by Ukraine but is unlikely to abandon its investment in Syria outright. Tehran too, though weakened by the conflict with Israel, will do what it can after decades of support for the Assad family. Hezbollah, which is backed by Iran, fought for the regime in the civil war, and may still be able to offer some assistance despite recent losses in its war with Israel. Hundreds of fighters from Iran-backed militia in Iraq are poised to cross into Syria to fight the rebels.
Then there are Gulf powers who are more likely to back the devil they know than the one they do not, particularly when the main contender is a proscribed jihadi extremist.
This weekend two annual conferences in Bahrain and Qatar will bring together many of the foreign ministers of the region, allowing unofficial discussions and possibly the formulation of a plan to roll back the rebel advance.
“This brings the whole Syrian uprising full circle,” Vakil said. “Assad survived through external support, but this is giving people another shot at the Arab spring … We are in the fog of it but for ordinary civilians this is a real moment, dangerous and uncertain but an opportunity, definitely.”
Two days after this we liberated Syria and won a victory against the Russian Empire which may have turned the fate of the Third World War in our favor; immediately following this we began the hunt for Assad’s torturers to bring a Reckoning for their decades of crimes against humanity and to avenge their countless victims, and to stop them from loosing the doom of man upon us all. Like Mariupol, Palestine, and Afghanistan, some of this unfolded for me as tunnel warfare, often a special horror.
As I wrote in my post of December 16 2024, An Underworld Journey in Damascus, Hunting Monsters; In the Red Fort, where humans once became things at the hands of the tyrant Assad’s torturers and enforcers, there is a hidden door, one among many throughout Damascus, to a vast underworld of prisons, dungeons, catacombs, armories and fortresses of last resort where once masters and slaves, the regime and its elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege with their enforcers and secret police and the imprisoned masses of silenced and erased others on whose exclusion on sectarian and ethnic lines the power and authority of the regime was based, lived in strange and twisted interdependence.
While others are liberating the prisoners, I am searching for the guards and torturers hiding among them.
One hundred thousand political and religious dissidents or those so judged by the regime disappeared into this underworld during the five decades of the Assad dynastic regime, with half a million killed in the thirteen year civil war.
Here the limits of the human are defined. There are doors which, once opened, cannot be closed again.
All those who hunt monsters must remember always Nietzsche’s warning in Beyond Good and Evil; “He who fights monsters should be careful lest he thereby become a monster. And if thou gaze long into an abyss, the abyss gazes back into thee.”
The idea of Monstrosity is central to my interrogation of the origins of evil in the recursive Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force as a system of oppression and dehumanization.
The use of social force in service to power and the illusions of security and authority obeys Newton’s Third Law of Motion and always creates its own Resistance. Both carceral police states of force and control, surveillance, propaganda, and repression of dissent, and the liberation movements which arise as their counterforce in Resistance and revolutionary struggle, are about seizures of power and the social use of force. But there is no moral equivalence, as the imposed conditions of struggle are determined by who holds power, and responsibility for its consequences belongs to tyrants and those who would enslave us. All Resistance is War to the Knife.
Where the state as embodied violence seeks to impose law and order through centralization of power to authority and to enforce virtue as security, we revolutionaries seek to delegitimize authority, through the Four Primary Duties of a Citizen, Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority, and through Defining Acts of Becoming Human; Transgression of the Forbidden, Violations of Normality, Performances of Unauthorized Identities, and Subversions of Other People’s Ideas of Virtue.
The great secret of power is that alone it is hollow and brittle, and crumbles to nothingness when confronted with disbelief and disobedience. And these are powers which cannot be taken from us, to disbelieve and disobey, inherent and defining qualities of our humanity, which once seized as the power over ourselves to choose, discover, and create our identity and destiny, confer autonomy and freedom as we become Unconquered and Living Autonomous Zones.
This is what I learned about Becoming Human as an art of revolution in Beirut 1982 when Jean Genet and I defied the Israeli siege in a burning house, in a lost cause, in a time of darkness and a Last Stand beyond hope of victory of survival in which we expected to be burned alive, and am now illuminated by again here is Damascus 2024, beyond our maps of becoming human and the topologies of civilization, in the empty places of unknowns marked Here Be Dragons.
Be not afraid of unknowns, for they hold both beauty and horror, and are spaces of free creative play wherein we may reimagine and transform ourselves and our ideas of human being, meaning, and value. Always go through the Forbidden Door, as have I in the forty two years I have lived among the Dragons of the Unknown, and do so now in the hells below Damascus.
Here I search for the perpetrators of crimes which have no names, and for the bioweapons network of laboratories, torture chambers, and factories designed originally by Nazis seeking to transform some of us into a posthuman species of elite supermen while annihilating the rest of us, a programme of human extinction moderated only by the need for slaves and a parallel scientific organization devoted to thought control technology. The infamous Alois Brunner was not alone in creating the state of Syria under the Assad regime as an instrument of the Nazi vision of a master race, nor is Syria alone in this role as host and profiteer of Nazi terror among nations.
I, monster and hunter of monsters, wish to inscribe upon the memory of humankind and hurl in defiance into the chasms of our darkness this one true and possibly final witness; our humanity is not an imposed condition of being nor is our biology, genetics, hormones, and the morphology of our form destiny, but processes of becoming human shaped by our prochronism or the history of our choices and adaptations across vast epochs of time as a continuum of being, not national identity, nor race, nor gender, nor class, nor of any fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, not of hierarchies of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness of any kind, but our embrace of love over hate, hope over fear, faith in each other as solidarity over division, and of mercy, empathy, and compassion over cruelty and the pathology of our disconnectedness.
As written by Alex MacDonald in Middle East Eye, in an article entitled Alois Brunner: The Nazi who helped the Assads torture Syrians: While his presence was long denied by Damascus, the influence of Adolf Eichmann’s righthand man has cast a long shadow over Syria; “The overthrow of President Bashar al-Assad of Syria, led by the group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, has emptied the country’s jails.
Many of those who have emerged after years or decades of confinement are pale and starving. Frequently they bear the marks of Assad’s torturers.
Few places are worse than the sprawling Sednaya Prison, around 30km north of Damascus, where thousands are believed to have been executed in what was known as the “Human Slaughterhouse”.
The methods employed by Bashar are a continuation of those of his father Hafez al-Assad, who ruled Syria between 1970 and 2000.
Such practices were in part learned from Nazi war criminal Alois Brunner, who lived in Syria for more than half his life and who served as an adviser to the state on repressing dissent and establishing a regime of torture.
Alois Brunner and the Holocaust
Brunner was born in April 1912 in Vas, which was then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. By the end of the 1920s he was a member of the Nazi Party, before joining the SS in 1938 following Germany’s annexation of Austria.
He was the righthand man of Adolf Eichmann, architect of the Holocaust and responsible for implementing the mass murder of Jews throughout Europe. Brunner’s postings included as commandant at the Drancy internment and transit camp in northwestern Paris; and at the Breendonk internment camp along the Antwerp-Brussels highway in Belgium.
According to Efraim Zuroff of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, Brunner “was responsible for the deportation to the death camps of 128,500 Jews”. These included 47,000 from Austria, 44,000 from Greece, 23,500 from France, and 14,000 from Slovakia. “He was a fanatic antisemite, a sadist and a person who was totally dedicated to the mass murder of European Jewry.”
Several interviews published during the 1980s appeared to show Brunner unrepentant about his role during the Holocaust. “All of [the Jews] deserved to die because they were the Devil’s agents and human garbage,” he told the Chicago Sun-Times in 1987. “I have no regrets and would do it again.”
Earlier, in an interview with a German magazine in 1985, Brunner is reported as having said: “My only regret is I didn’t murder more Jews.”
Brunner arrives in the Middle East
After the defeat of Nazi Germany in 1945, Brunner fled using a fake Red Cross passport, heading first to Egypt and then to Syria in 1954, where he would remain for the rest of his life.
Syria at the time was fertile ground for Brunner. After the creation of the State of Israel in 1948 and the Nakbah (“Catastrophe”) that saw more than 700,000 Palestinians expelled from their homes and land, Jewish residents of neighbouring states faced intense scrutiny and persecution.
Syrian Jews, whose population once numbered around 25,000, faced some of the harshest treatment in the region. They were forbidden to work for the government, nationally owned enterprises, and banks. When the head of a Jewish family died his property would be forfeited to the state while members of the family could only stay by paying rent to the state. Some confiscated Jewish property was handed to Palestinian refugees.
With a few notable exceptions, Syrian Jews were not allowed to leave the country, amid fears they would bolster Israel. They were the only minority to have their religion mentioned on their passports and identification papers.
In addition, post-war Syria was a highly unstable entity that regularly underwent coups, including four violent changes of power between 1949 and 1954, the first of them orchestrated by the CIA.
Brunner initially stayed at George Haddad Street in Damascus as a sublease of Kurt Witzke, a German officer and adviser to the Syrian government. But the new arrival was later to denounce his landlord, leading to the arrest and torture of Witzke and leaving Brunner as the property’s only resident.
During the 1950s, Brunner worked with fellow Nazi fugitives in Damascus, smuggling weapons, including between the Soviet Union and the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) in Algeria’s fight against French colonialism.
Eventually Brunner’s work was noticed by Syrian intelligence, who arrested him for interrogation. “I was Eichmann’s assistant,” he reportedly told his interrogators, “and I’m hunted because I’m an enemy of the Jews.” He was promptly hired.
Brunner’s fortunes fluctuated during the late 1950s and early 1960s. His position was eventually secured with the rise of the Arab Ba’ath Party, which seized power in March 1963, and the subsequent Assad dynasty which would govern Syria until December 2024.
Brunner and the Assad dynasty
Brunner was reportedly “spoiled” by the Baathist leaders who carried out the coup, according to Danny Orbach, an associate professor at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Brunner’s benefits included a generous salary, a driver and regular contact with senior regime officials.
The new leadership also included eventual defence minister Hafez al-Assad, who was introduced to Brunner by Colonel Abd al Hamid Al-Sarraj.
It was while living in Syria under the pseudonym “Dr Georg Fischer” that Brunner taught Hafez Assad “how to torture”, according to Zuroff. “He was involved in the harsh treatment of the Jewish community of Syria and was an expert in terror and torture.”
The extent and exact details of Brunner’s status and influence on Assad remain hard to verify due to the secrecy surrounding it (new information may come to light with the overthrow of the Assad dynasty).
But one torture method attributed to Brunner is the technique known as the “German Chair”, whereby a detainee has their hands and feet tied underneath a flexible metal chair which can then be bent to apply pressure to the neck and spine, resulting in paralysis or death.
Defence lawyer Andreas Schulz outlined the method at the trial of alleged Syrian war criminals in Koblenz, Germany, in December 2021. He said that Brunner was likely to have been responsible for the technique, although the Communist government of East Germany had also had links with Syria.
In a report of proceedings by the Syrian Center for Legal Studies and Research (SCLSR), Schulz said that Brunner “established a suppression apparatus to ensure the future of the Baath Party and the Alawites”. He managed this, according to Schulz, through mention of his relationship with Nazi leader Adolf Hitler, thereby securing the post of presidential adviser to Assad, training intelligence officials and testing torture techniques.
Brunner’s first work was at an intelligence base specialising in torture in Syria’s southwest Wadi Barada valley region, the SCLSR reported Schulz as saying. But the relationship eventually soured and he fell out with Assad.
In 2017, the French magazine Revue XXI reported three Syrian security sources as stating that Brunner “trained all the leaders” of the Assad regime at Wadi Barada.
“With the help of Alois Brunner, the new Syrian president sets up a repressive apparatus of rare efficiency,” wrote Hedi Aouidj and Mathieu Palain. “Complex, divided into numerous branches which all monitor and spy on each other, operating on the basis of absolute compartmentalisation, this apparatus is built on a principle: to hold the country by the use of limitless terror.”
The hunt for Brunner
But Syria was not the only Middle Eastern government with an interest in Brunner: he had also attracted attention from Israel, which in May 1960 had drugged and kidnapped his former boss Eichmann, ahead of a trial and eventual execution in Israel in June 1962.
Brunner survived at least two Israeli intelligence assassination attempts while in Syria in 1961 and 1980 that reportedly cost him three fingers and an eye. During the 1985 interview, he was reported to have pulled a poison pill from his pocket, swearing that he would never allow the Israelis to take him alive like they did Eichmann.
Since the end of World War Two, Nazi war criminals had always been on the radar of those who wanted to bring them to justice: during the 1950s, Brunner himself had been found guilty in France in his absence and sentenced to death.
But towards the end of the 20th century, concerted international efforts were made to track down elderly Nazi war criminals before they died and escaped justice.
Brunner was one of those still on the list: at the launch of the UN Nazi War Crimes Commission in New York in November 1987, Benjamin Netanyahu, then Israel’s ambassador to the UN, held up a file about Brunner’s activities.
In March 2001, a French court again found him guilty in his absence, this time for the arrest and deportation of 345 orphans from the Paris region.
By July 2007, Austria was prepared to pay €50,000 for information that led to his arrest and extradition. Six years later, the Annual Simon Wiesenthal Center Report on The Status of Nazi War Criminals stated that Brunner was the “most important unpunished Nazi war criminal who may still be alive” while conceding that the “chances of his being alive are relatively slim”.
But Syria had always rebuffed attempts by France and other nations to investigate Brunner or even admit he was in the country.
The mystery of Brunner’s death
By the 1990s, Brunner’s high-profile interviews had made him a liability for his hosts in Damascus.
Revue XXI magazine suggested that Brunner died in 2001 in Damascus, aged 89, living in a squalid basement under a police station where he was quietly stowed by the authorities in 1996. The report quoted one of Brunner’s guards as saying that he “suffered and cried a lot in his final years, [and] everyone heard him”.
A second guard testified that the door to his cell was closed “and never opened again”, similar to the fate dealt to numerous prisoners in Sednaya. “We are satisfied to learn that he lived badly rather than well,” Nazi hunter Serge Klarsfeld told the AFP news agency at the time. Another report by a German intelligence official suggested to the Simon Wiesenthal Center in 2010 that he was dead.
The opaque nature of the Syrian state, combined with the chaos of the recent civil war, means that the true extent of the influence of Brunner and other Nazi war criminals on the Assad dynasty is still unknown.
In the years following the downfall of Nazi Germany, war crimes trials followed to ensure that those responsible faced justice. In a statement on Monday, the International Federation for Human Rights called for similar accountability for the violence inflicted on the Syrian people since 2011.
“The brutal repression unleashed on the Syrian population since March 2011 has led to nearly 500,000 deaths, displaced over 6 million refugees, and caused more than 150,000 disappearances,” it said. “These atrocities cannot go unpunished, and those responsible must be held accountable.”
The case of Alois Brunner proves that the legacy of repression in Syria originated before 2011, and in many respects can be traced back to World War Two and earlier.”
As the conversation goes in Christopher Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus;
“Faust: How comes it then that thou art out of hell?
Mephistopheles: Why, this is hell, nor am I out of it.”
Alois Brunner: The Nazi who helped the Assads torture Syrians
While his presence was long denied by Damascus, the influence of Adolf Eichmann’s righthand man has cast a long shadow over Syria
A reasonable account of a fragment of the backstory on the Liberation of Syria from open sources, though I disagree with some of the author’s interpretive claims and he seems to not know that American intelligence and special operations forces had been active in Syria for a year before the blitzkrieg, setting it up:
Covert Action in Irregular Wars: Unraveling the Case of Timber Sycamore in Syria (2012-2017)
Islamist militants take control of Aleppo – in pictures: Syrian militants led by the Islamist group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham launched an offensive on 27 November, taking control of large parts of Aleppo, Syria’s second-largest city
Today, December seven, is a day that “will live in infamy”; but what lessons have we learned?
As Elizabeth D. Samet, author of the new book Good War: American Amnesia and the Violent Pursuit of Happiness, writes in her article in Time entitled America Learned the Wrong Lessons From Pearl Harbor—And the World Is Still Living With the Consequences; “On Tuesday, December 7, 2021, we will remember Pearl Harbor, the 1941 Japanese attack on the U.S. naval base on Oahu, Hawaii, for the eightieth time. It is a ritual remembrance that has much to reveal about Americans’ present-day understanding of themselves and their country’s role in the world, especially at a moment when we are also trying to understand the exit from Afghanistan. What happens on such anniversaries reveals the double edge of a nation’s memory, which offers a sense of strength and unity even as it tends to foreclose a certain kind of future.
We will remember Pearl Harbor in unsurprising ways: there will be the customary memorial parade in Hawaii (the theme of which is to be Valor, Sacrifice, and Peace); television networks will run World War II programming; newscasters will introduce segments of documentary footage and interviews with some of the dwindling number of World War II veterans. These remembrances will be both solemn and sentimental: they will awaken the nostalgia of a confused country for a period of supposed clarity, when good and evil could be readily discerned and disentangled, when the U.S. wielded its military might in the service of liberating the world from its oppressors, and when the exercise of violent force brought about a definitive resolution.
Americans were being taught how to remember the events of December 7, 1941, almost as soon as they happened. Hours after learning of the attack, President Franklin D. Roosevelt dictated the first draft of his War Message to Congress. He would revise the initial language, “a date which will live in world history,” into what would ultimately become the speech’s most well-known phrase, “a date which will live in infamy.” Merriam-Webster notes that Roosevelt’s language is frequently misremembered as “day of infamy.” But it also reports a yearly spike in lookups of the word infamy. In other words, the core message of treachery summoning a righteous vengeance has not been lost even if our recollection is imperfect and even if Americans have to be reminded annually of what the word actually means.
Infamy—perfidy and surprise—and the compulsion to exact revenge for it shaped the narrative from the beginning. In Cultures of War, the historian John W. Dower called the word infamy a “code” that would teach Americans how to understand not only Pearl Harbor but also, ultimately, 9/11, after which the word again appeared in newspaper headlines and speeches, thus indelibly linking the two attacks.
In 1941, organizing chaotic violence and suffering into a story with meaning, propaganda posters soon gave graphic representation to these concepts. Sometimes featuring a fist raised in defiance or a tattered flag, they enjoined the American public to “Avenge Pearl Harbor” by making bullets or ships, buying war bonds, or joining the navy or coast guard “NOW.” Americans were exhorted to do all of these things so that those who perished at Pearl Harbor would not have “died in vain.”
Relentless calls to “remember” served as a goad to revenge, and the propagandists’ message gave us a vocabulary still in use today for framing American violence. In a representative example, a postcard features a sailor remarking to two shipmates as they watch a Japanese ship they’ve just shelled sink: “Just a little something ‘to remember Pearl Harbor.’” A poster, which proclaims “Make him pay for that day,” depicts a knife plunged into a calendar open to December 7, while another, portraying a blind serviceman, demands, “He CAN’T forget Pearl Harbor—Can you?”
Just a week after the attack, Don Reid and Sammy Kaye produced the song “Remember Pearl Harbor,” which proclaimed to its listeners that all those who died on December 7 died “for liberty.” When the journalist Eric Sevareid, recently returned from Europe, heard it, he mocked the song for its “saccharine melody” and referred to it as “Remember-r-r Pearl Harbor-r-r.” He was also disgusted by the atmosphere of the New York night clubs in which people danced to it.
The spectacle seemed to Sevareid typical of America’s cynical response to a war they had only just joined. He saw not patriotic fervor but a kind of visceral excitement: there was “money to burn,” fashion had seized on the “military motif,” black marketeers thrived, jingoistic newspaper “headlines blared the good news every time that three Jap planes went down,” and billboards told consumers that Wrigley’s gum and Lucky Strikes “had gone to war.” Americans were persuaded that the country “could produce its way to victory,” but they ignored the political and social realities of a world in flames. “Little men sneered at the Four Freedoms,” Sevareid recalled, “and the great vision of the century of the common man was sneered at as ‘globaloney.’”
That’s not the way we remember it now. We imagine that everything changed overnight. But, as the historian Richard W. Steele carefully documented, by early 1942, only two months after the attack, members of the Roosevelt Administration were already worrying that the public had lost interest. On February 16, Time ran a story with the headline, “THE PEOPLE: Smug, Slothful, Asleep?” It catalogued a list of warnings expressed by everyone from Eleanor Roosevelt to James Landis, the executive head of Civil Defense, to Edward R. Murrow that, as Murrow put it, Americans “do not fully appreciate the need for speed … do not quite understand that if we delay too long in winning the victory we will inherit nothing but a cold, starving embittered world… Already there are signs that we’re coming to accept slavery and suppression as part of the pattern of living in this year of disgrace.” General Johnson was more succinct: “The general public . . . simply does not seem to give a tinker’s dam.”
The further irony is that it is far less convenient to remember the Pacific Theater than it is the European. The brutality of the war against Japan, often racially motivated on both sides, as Dower chronicled in War Without Mercy, and its ready association with the internment camps at home, does not easily fit into the narrative of the Good War we prefer to remember today. While Pearl Harbor was the catalyst for our entrance into the conflict, we have ever since tended to overlook the Pacific in favor of the war against the Nazis.
The real and immediate consequences of the war we have chosen to remember—chiefly the liberation of Europe from fascist tyranny—offered then and still offers us the most attractive version of ourselves. Yet that liberation, together with the establishment of a new world order, gave us a false impression that the violent force we inflict on others would inevitably yield virtuous results. Our memory also omits certain compromising details: our reluctance to enter the war on behalf of liberating anyone, our callousness toward the fate of Europe’s Jews, our short-lived interest in denazification, our exportation of segregation to postwar Europe.
In recent years, we have become increasingly enthralled with the idea that when Americans die, they die for liberty, and thus we are repeatedly committed to sending more righteous liberators to die—in Iraq, in Afghanistan—so that others will not have died “in vain.” We seem also to have grown to love the idea of being hated for our freedom, for “our way of life,” and this leads quite naturally to an obsession with American greatness and goodness. We can find aggrieved, reductive versions of this exceptionalist belief on t-shirts or in the lyrics of a pop song like Darryl Worley’s “Have You Forgotten?”
But we can also discern an influence on national policy. The assumption that when Americans fight they fight for liberty has a long history, but that assumption, together with a confidence in the exceptional nature of American violence as a mode of deliverance, has been used since World War II to frame and to justify a series of dubious military actions. This is especially true of our most recent conflicts. It clearly undergirded President George W. Bush’s victory declaration in the War on Terror on the decks of the USS Abraham Lincoln in 2003: “In this battle, we have fought for the cause of liberty and for the peace of the world,” he told the assembled sailors, “And wherever you go, you carry a message of hope, a message that is ancient and ever new. In the words of the prophet Isaiah, ‘To the captives, come out; and to those in darkness, be free.’” Such faith—or a cynical appeal to it—likewise inspires us to cling amid the ruins to our unintentional, impermanent liberation of women in Afghanistan.
Commemoration is a natural, normal, even necessary part of any culture. Remembrance can forge a sense of collectiveness otherwise elusive, especially in a fractured democracy like our own. But when memory is so tightly yoked to righteous indignation—as is the case with Pearl Harbor or 9/11—it risks becoming pathological by obstructing the growth essential to a nation’s progress.
World War II was an aberration in so many ways: the existential threat posed by fascism, the unequivocal necessity of our participation, and the decisiveness of Allied victory are only the most obvious. When we remember Pearl Harbor, we find ourselves in the position of Orpheus, suddenly mistrusting Hades’ bargain, compelled to look back, only to discover that Eurydice has vanished. Betrayed by the last twenty years, we grasp in vain to retrieve an elusive glory. Our tragic postwar mistake was in thinking that the consequences of World War II could be endlessly duplicated. Over the years we have somehow developed a capacity to be surprised when American military might doesn’t establish, as it once helped to do, a new world but instead, after twenty wasteful years of occupation, fitful nation-building, and unfounded confidence, are left right back where we started. There is a cruel and particular irony in the paradox that a country the imagination of which has always been knit so tightly to the future—to the seductive dream of beginning anew—now finds itself in the position of hoping that history will miraculously repeat itself.”
Here follows the text of F.D.R.’s immortal Day of Infamy speech, in which the greatest leader America has ever known other than Lincoln set us forever on a course of total resistance to fascist tyranny which would usher in the Imperial American epoch of global history.
I direct your attention to this moment because we stand in its echo today, but with our positions reversed as sponsors of Israeli ethnic cleansing and genocide in Gaza and throughout Palestine, and in the wake of the Fourth Reich’s recapture of the state under Traitor Trump as the Resistance and our partners in the Democratic Party begin the long process of salvaging democracy and rebuilding our institutions and the public trust and faith in the idea of America as a free society of equals, founded on the values of freedom, equality, truth, and justice for all, a guarantor of liberty and universal human rights, a beacon of hope to the world, and a refuge for the “huddled masses yearning to breathe free” as the Statue of Liberty proclaims, we must fully inhabit the terror of our victims.
There can be no reclaiming our heart or transformation to a global United Humankind of universal freedom and equality without owning our complicity in evil and the restoration of balance through acts of redemption, reckoning, and restitution. America’s creation of the state of Israel as a colony and proxy of imperial dominion and control of oil as a strategic resource was very useful in establishing the third phase of American Empire in the wake of World War Two, and like the Conquest by which we seized a continent and slavery by which we created our seed capital of empire, for such original sins we must give answer to the court of history.
Our nightmare history as a colonial and imperial power is a legacy from which we must emerge, and still today shapes, motivates, informs, and determines our actions and ideas of belonging and otherness as identity politics, legitimation of power, and manufacture of consent.
In the Israeli war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza, and the far more general ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians, one people divided by history and faith as weaponized by those who would enslave us, we have a vivid and immediate example of the psychopathy of power and the state as embodied violence, atrocities in which we Americans are complicit as our taxes paid for the bombs and tanks which now consume, silence, and erase whole cities, families, and peoples in a storm of fire and steel.
This too we must resist, if democracy and our universal human rights are to be meaningful in future, and if we human beings are to be guarantors of each other’s humanity. Why must we be each other’s jailors, and not each other’s liberators?
The tragic events of October 7 have often been compared to those of December 7 as events of disruption and fracture of the world order; so may we compare our own violations of human rights through our client state of Israel with those we suffered at the hands of the enemies of democracy in the Second World War.
In the dark mirror of Gaza we must confront our own darkness, in witness and solidarity of action.
As Elie Weisel teaches us; “Silence is complicity.”
“Yesterday, December 7th, 1941—a date which will live in infamy—the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.
The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.
Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message. And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.
It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.
The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.
Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.
Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.
Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.
Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.
Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.
And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.
Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.
As Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.
No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.
I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.
Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.
With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph—so help us God.
I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.”
President Franklin D. Roosevelt – Declaration of War Address – “A Day Which Will Live in Infamy”
From Here to Eternity film trailer
Tora! Tora! Tora! Film trailer
The Thin Red Line trailer
Farewell to the King
Hacksaw Ridge trailer
America Learned the Wrong Lessons From Pearl Harbor—And the World Is Still Living With the Consequences/ Time
With the Old Breed: At Peleliu and Okinawa, E.B. Sledge
(Stunning record of a campaign whose atrocities remain under the National Secrets Act. My uncle Sgt. John Weeks United States Army fought in the Okinawa Campaign, after surviving the Bataan Death March, and he said he still wasn’t allowed to talk about it decades later. After this he fought in the Korean War; his MOS was Military Intelligence.)
Under the unseeing eye of dead God who cannot punish or redeem, the fading echoes of whose terrible truths have long been stolen by those who would enslave us as their interpreters in the manufacture of legitimacy, authority, and the centralization of power to carceral states of force and control, the stuff of nightmares woven by fiends into a fictive reality which substitutes itself for that of nature, the Wilderness of Mirrors in which we wander lost; lies, illusions, conspiracy theories, propaganda, alternate realities, and a schizophrenic humankind transformed from citizens into subjects through falsification, commodification, and dehumanization.
Such is the siren song of madness from which we must escape; strategies of alienation and subjugation deployed to create and enforce hegemonic elites of wealth, power, and privilege.
In this Year of the Fall of America which now draws to a close with the Moon of the Abyss in full reign and the earth frozen in entropic darkness like the lowest ring of Dante’s Hell, the Giants of Frost and Old Night like the loathsome criminals of the Trump regime running loose without restraint, lunatics in charge of the asylum who disavow all mercy and abandon the idea of humanity with intent to steal our souls, to all of this I say with Dylan Thomas; let us “not go not gentle into that good night, but rage, rage, against the dying of the light.”
For this refusal to submit is a power that cannot be taken from us, and before disbelief and disobedience authority becomes delegitimized and hollow, a mirage empty of the power it has stolen from those who serve it. We can be killed, but we cannot be silenced and erased if we bear witness and remember, nor can we be conquered and subjugated if we yield not and abandon not our fellows, as the Oat of the Resistance goes. In Resistance we become Unconquered and free; this is our victory and our humanity.
When the Enemy comes for us, as they always have and will, whether as police repression of dissent or for purposes darker still like the ICE white supremacist terror force now perpetrating ethnic cleansing throughout America, or the rain of death beyond our shores like the Venezuelan fishermen murdered by our Navy in acts of piracy, and like the genocide of the Palestinians wherein our taxes buy the deaths of children so that Trump and other apex predators of capitalism can build a Riviera of casinos for elites on the bones of a people, let them find not a humankind divided against itself by fascisms of blood, faith, and soil or reduced from citizens to subjects by despair, abjection, and learned helplessness, but united in solidarity of action as guarantors of each other’s rights as citizens and as human beings. When they come for one of us, let them be met with all of us.
This, friends, is how we reclaim our liberty and restore our democracy; this, this, this.
As I wrote in my post of December 15 2024, Beneath the Gaze of a Dead God: From Damascus, With Love; Beneath the gaze of a dead God, leprous and cold, which seizes and shakes us with its horror and judgement, the full Moon of the Long Nights devours us with its baleful and malevolent eye, window into endless chasms of darkness, like a rotting thing washed up on the shores of time, carcass of a lost beauty upon whose waning echoes of power our civilization has been built by those who would enslave us as they mine its authority for their own.
Herein I write of the cartography of our monstrosity and the limits of the human, of the tyranny and terror of faith weaponized in service to power, of the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world, from the ruins of a glorious antiquity undermined by a series of hells constructed by the fallen Assad regime and a people sacrificed to the power of a tyrant; a letter to any possible future humanity, from Damascus, with love.
For this is the end result of all such power and the state as embodied violence, and we must look upon it and bear witness, not in despair and learned helplessness as such tyrants intend, but in solidarity, refusal to submit, and certain knowledge that all systems of oppression and carceral states of force and control will in the end fall and become nothing.
Let us say with Ahab; “To the end, I will grapple with thee.”
As written by Shelley in his poem Ozymandias:
“I met a traveller from an antique land,
Who said—“Two vast and trunkless legs of stone
Stand in the desert. . . . Near them, on the sand,
Half sunk a shattered visage lies, whose frown,
And wrinkled lip, and sneer of cold command,
Tell that its sculptor well those passions read
Which yet survive, stamped on these lifeless things,
The hand that mocked them, and the heart that fed;
And on the pedestal, these words appear:
My name is Ozymandias, King of Kings;
Look on my Works, ye Mighty, and despair!
Nothing beside remains. Round the decay
Of that colossal Wreck, boundless and bare
The lone and level sands stretch far away.”
As I wrote in celebration of Herman Melville, on his birthday August 1; To each of us his own White Whale, to lift us beyond our limits in pursuit of the Impossible; this gift has Herman Melville given us in his magnificent novel Moby Dick, written as an answer to the Book of Job.
And yet more; fables which intertwine with our histories to magnify and deepen us through the dreams in which we live, the courage to embrace our passions and our shadows as their master and wield the darkness as a forge of destiny rather than be consumed by it, to live Unconquered and free, and finally the glorious mad quest to strike through the mask of illusion which is the material world and its Wilderness of Mirrors, lies, and falsifications, and with rapture and terror, or fascinans et tremendum as Rudolf Otto phrased it, seize the creative power and vision of the Infinite which lies beyond; Herman Melville charted themes of Romantic Idealism with the subversive intent of Victor Hugo’s social realism and the interrogation of traditional religious values through its symbols of his direct model Nathaniel Hawthorne.
There are other layers to the ideas of Herman Melville, who describes and questions the arbitrary nature of rule bound systems and of reality, and moreover is revolutionary and transgressive.
In his great book Moby Dick, we have a Marxist- environmentalist diatribe against capitalism valorizing workingmen’s labor in the form of a critique of the Romantic project of projecting ourselves into nature for the purpose of dominating and exploiting its resources, harnessed to a narrative which is primarily an exploration of men’s relationships with other men and starring the beautiful and very human marriage of his narrator Ishmael and the tattooed Islander Queequeg. Though mad Ahab is the tragic Romantic hero of the story and referential to Victor Frankenstein, the whale is its main character; it is the epic of a nonhuman personification of unconquerable nature. Moby Dick is also a figure of the ferocious patriarchal god of the Old Testament; the novel is laden with religious symbolism and images, and its humanism prefigures Freud and Nietzsche.
He wrote of gender inequality in The Tartarus of Maids, memorialized the cause of abolition in his civil war poetry which begins with John Brown’s Ferry and ends with the assassination of Lincoln, and his novel of a slave revolt at sea, Benito Cereno, references Frederick Douglass’ The Heroic Slave.
Bartleby the Scrivener, a Story of Wall Street, a short story universally taught in American high schools, was influenced by The Communist Manifesto and by his own experience of the European revolutions of 1848-49. Herein Sartrean
authenticity, Marxist commodification, and Kafkaesque absurdism play together in a sandbox of ideas a hundred years in advance of its time.
Herman Melville still fulfills his mission as a revolutionary writing in the role of the Jester of King Lear to incite, provoke, and disturb; Camille Paglia devoted a whole chapter to him in her course on western civilization published as Sexual Personae, as has Harold Bloom in The Daemon Knows: Literary Greatness and the American Sublime. C.L.R. James wrote a study of capitalism and its consequences for the rise of totalitarian fascism while imprisoned with other communists awaiting deportation from Ellis Island in Mariners, Renegades and Castaways: The Story of Herman Melville and the World We Live In.
For each of us can find reflection in the magnificent Ahab and his tragic but glorious quest to reach beyond our limits, to dream an impossible thing and make it real.
“From Hell’s Heart I stab at Thee” Star Trek II: The Wrath of Khan
Patrick Stewart as Ahab in Moby Dick, trailer for BBC series
Michael Sheen performs ‘Do not go gentle into that good night’ by Dylan Thomas
(who I am)
“Fire Is Catching”; where we live now
The Hunger Games: Mockingjay – Part 1; Fire Catches
“If we burn, you burn with us”
References
Wilderness of Mirrors: Intrigue, Deception, and the Secrets that Destroyed Two of the Cold War’s Most Important Agents, David C. Martin
The Giants of Frost and Old Night, meaning of Entropy and Chaos, whom I have named my kin as the Trickster God Loki is among them, and all Chaos is a measure of the adaptive potential of systems from which rebirth arises as well as a symbolization of the horrors of their collapse; a reading list
A Little Book on the Human Shadow: A Poetic Journey into the Dark Side of the Human Personality, Shadow Work, and the Importance of Confronting Our Hidden Self, Robert Bly
“Monster” – Imagine Dragons (cover by Runaground on youtube)
With film montage of Marvel’s Loki
Let us embrace our monstrosity and proclaim with Loki the Trickster; “I am burdened with glorious purpose.”
Like the ripples from a stone tossed into a pool, this; with second and third order consequences which propagate outward through time and the alternate universes produced by Rashomon Gate events.
In a world which is a museum of holocausts and atrocities, how do we live among the unknowns beyond the limits of the human and claw back something of our humanity from the darkness?
In refusal to submit to Authority we become Unconquered and free, but also marked by Otherness and often savaged by loneliness and the pathology of disconnectedness because we no longer truly belong. This is a problem because belonging is the only thing that balances fear as a means of social exchange. But it can also become a sacred wound which opens us to the pain of others.
How do we seize power from those who would enslave us, without becoming tyrants ourselves? To become the arbiter of virtue in an unjust world is a seductive phantasm of tyranny we must avoid, and revolutions tend to become tyrannies as a predictable phase of struggle due to the imposed conditions of struggle as unequal power and its legacies.
In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power. Do something beautiful with yours.
Tonight our avengers come out to play; for Krampus is a figure of retributive justice, who restores balance to the brokenness of the world and the flaws of our humanity.
With a name derived from the word for claw, krampen, Krampus is clearly a chthonic underworld being, who brings a Reckoning for violations of normality and transgressions of the boundaries of the Forbidden, as an instrument for the restoration of social order, especially in his role as a punisher of naughty children, yet we must recognize what we mean when we say a thing is naughty or evil; it defies authority.
Herein is birthed violence and the use of social force as both systems of oppression enforced by the tyranny and terror of carceral states of force and control, for all states are embodied violence and there is no just authority, and its counterforce in recursion according to Newtons Third Law of Motion, revolutionary struggle and seizures of power. And if we are very lucky, they are not always the same.
We must change the rules of the games others have designed for us to play in order to seize our power and our autonomy; test limits, enact violations of normality, transgress boundaries, challenge authority and seize our power from those who would enslave us and liberate ourselves and each other from authorized identities and the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue.
Here our Krampuses can help us too, for Krampus is an ambivalent figure who may equally act as an agent of the repression of dissent and as an ally in solidarity of action and revolutionary struggle, like all of us who place our lives in the balance with those of the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, all of us who embrace our monstrosity in defense of others from those who wield unequal power as tyrants.
In the figure of Krampus we have the dialectics of fear, power, and force and the dilemma of the liberator and the tyrant in the use of social force and violence. This is due to the imposed conditions of struggle, and a process of the centralization of power to authority which arises from the violence necessary to win freedom; the historical examples of liberators who became tyrants are nearly endless.
As my rescuers in Sao Paulo Brazil 1974 said to me when they ambushed the police bounty hunters who were about to kill me for helping the street children escape execution, and welcomed me into their ferocious brotherhood; “We can’t save everyone, but we can avenge.”
In the fifty one years since that day, I have learned that to live as an Avenger requires two things; to embrace our monstrosity in the performance of solidarity, and to remain ever vigilant lest it consume us.
How may a child seize his power and autonomy from a parent in becoming human, a slave from his master, a colonized people from an empire and its vast armies of occupation, a rebel angel from a tyrant god?
As we launch our actions to bring a Reckoning to those who would enslave us wherever men hunger to be free, in America and possibly soon in Venezuela against the Trump regime, in Ukraine and Palestine and where ever men hunger to be free, there are things I would whisper in your ear as you drive your chariot through the streets in triumph like Caesar; one is the test of when force may be used, to free others and never to control, to enforce virtue, or to shape others to our own wishes and ideas, but only to help them seize these things for themselves, however they may imagine their best selves, how to be human together, and the possibilities of becoming human.
My test for disambiguation of who to fight for is simply this; Who is suffering? And for who to fight against; Who holds power?
Let us send no armies to enforce virtue. That path leads to the gates of Auschwitz and to its reflection in the Israeli ethnic cleansing and genocide of the Palestinians.
Herein there is but one exception in which the use of social force is just; to prevent any of us or our freedoms from infringing on those of another.
The only justifiable role of force among human beings is to bring balance to systems of unequal power, to liberate and to avenge and bring a Reckoning, and as a guarantor of our universal human rights.
To discover and enact our uniqueness among the limitless possibilities of becoming human, while holding space for others to do the same in all ways imaginable so long as no ones joy harms that of another; this is the point of balance we struggle to achieve.
In this sacred calling to pursue the truth, both that of others and of ourselves, of those truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh and of those we ourselves create, in all liberation and revolutionary struggle against imposed orders of human being, meaning, and value, how can we claw our way out of the ruins and make yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory of even survival?
First before all else, victory is refusal to submit; we can be killed but we cannot be conquered so long as we resist, and this is a power no one can take from us.
All resistance and revolutionary struggle is war to the knife. By this I mean total war, without boundaries or limits and with nothing held back, for if we let authority set the rules of the game they will falsify, commodify, dehumanize, and subjugate us.
Who respects no laws and no limits may hide behind none.
As my father once taught me, never play someone else’s game, and when you cannot walk away, you must change the rules. Among the best examples of this which I can offer is when a monster trapped me into playing a game of chess for the life of a prisoner in Sarajevo over several days; where I learned to play the man and not the board, surely among the most bizarre of jailbreaks, but a lesson I have used in conflicts ever since.
As Jean Genet said when he swore me to the Oath of the Resistance in Beirut 1982; “When there is no hope, we are free to do impossible things, glorious things.”
I am a hunter of fascists, and mine is a hunter’s morality. My test for the use of force is simple; who holds power? For I am on the side of all those whom Frantz Fanon called the Wretched of the Earth.
From where does this idea arise?
As written by Walter Rodney in The Groundings with my Brothers; “We were told that violence in itself is evil, and that, whatever the cause, it is unjustified morally. By what standard of morality can the violence used by a slave to break his chains be considered the same as the violence of a slave master? By what standards can we equate the violence of blacks who have been oppressed, suppressed, depressed and repressed for four centuries with the violence of white fascists? Violence aimed at the recovery of human dignity and at equality cannot be judged by the same yardstick as violence aimed at maintenance of discrimination and oppression.”
And here is the passage he references from Leon Trotsky in Their Morals and Ours: The Class Foundations of Moral Practice; “A slave-owner who through cunning and violence shackles a slave in chains, and a slave who through cunning or violence breaks the chains – let not the contemptible eunuchs tell us that they are equals before a court of morality!”
As written by Jean-Paul Sartre in his play of 1948 Dirty Hands: act 5, scene 3; “I was not the one to invent lies: they were created in a society divided by class and each of us inherited lies when we were born. It is not by refusing to lie that we will abolish lies: it is by eradicating class by any means necessary. “
As Frantz Fanon said in his 1960 Address to the Accra Positive Action Conference, “Why we use violence”, and published in his book Alienation and Freedom: part 3, chapter 22; “Violence in everyday behaviour, violence against the past that is emptied of all substance, violence against the future, for the colonial regime presents itself as necessarily eternal. We see, therefore, that the colonized people, caught in a web of a three-dimensional violence, a meeting point of multiple, diverse, repeated, cumulative violences, are soon logically confronted by the problem of ending the colonial regime by any means necessary.”
As Malcolm X said in the speech of 1965; “We declare our right on this earth to be a man, to be a human being, to be respected as a human being, to be given the rights of a human being in this society, on this earth, in this day, which we intend to bring into existence by any means necessary.”
While all of this remains true, and especially for those who pass through the Arch d’ Triumph and find themselves masters of the systems they wagered their lives to overthrow; we must remember always Nietzsche’s warning in Beyond Good and Evil; “He who fights monsters should be careful lest he thereby become a monster. And if thou gaze long into an abyss, the abyss gazes back into thee.”
In Gaza the Nothing devours whole families, cities, and the slave caste of one people divided by history and authorized identities of blood, faith, and soil weaponized in service to power, unleashed like a wrathful god of cannibal terror by survivors of horrors beyond imagining in the Holocaust who have duplicated the conditions of their trauma in the concentration camps in Palestine, internalized oppression, substitution, and displacement reflected in changing places with their former guards and driven by the amoral nihilism of the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force.
Like all victims who become abusers, the Israelis have learned the wrong lessons from the Nazis; the apologetics of power, that only power is real and has meaning, and that only fear is the basis of human exchange. This is the Original Lie of the tyrant, and this we must resist if we are to become human.
Security is an illusion, one born of overwhelming and generalized fear weaponized through falsification and lies in service to power and the manufacture of authority, and from this Wilderness of Mirrors we must Awaken.
As Sinead O’Connor taught us, we must “fight the real enemy”; systems of unequal power and oppression and the elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege who must subjugate and dehumanize us to maintain unequal power, as apex predators, and not each other.
This war, like so many others, ends only when the people of Israel and Palestine unite to free themselves from those who would enslave them and who pit them against each other as a primary strategy of power.
There are no Israelis, no Palestinians; only people like ourselves, and the choices they make about how to be human together.
Today is the Anniversary of the assassination of Fred Hampton, founder of the Rainbow Coalition, by the FBI and Chicago Police, for teaching the principle of solidarity in revolutionary struggle across divisions of class, race, gender, and political ideology, a primary insight rekindled and popularized by Jesse Jackson as an extension of Martin Luther King’s Poor People’s Campaign for social justice.
Fred Hampton’s story is told in the film Judas and the Black Messiah; one of heroism and martyrdom at the hands of a carceral state of white supremacist terror and fearmongering in service to elite wealth, power, and privilege and the weaponization of divisions of exclusionary otherness and hierarchies of membership and belonging.
The story of the Rainbow Coalition which he founded on April 4 1969 in Oakland California in a meeting which he attended as Chairman of the Illinois Black Panthers is greater still, a history which remains to be told in full.
This Conference for a United Front was a national meeting of diverse groups involved in social and political activism, which brought together the Black Panthers and the white Young Patriots from Chicago, as well as Cesar Chavez’s Farm Workers Union, the Students for a Democratic Society, the Communist Party USA, and the Peace and Freedom Party of which my mother was a lifelong member and among their delegation, among many others.
I have vague memories of hearing Fred Hampton and others speak, some of my first memories of hearing political rhetoric as a nine year old; my mother forevermore proudly proclaimed herself among the first members of the Rainbow Tribe, as do I.
A month later, on Bloody Thursday May 15 at People’s Park in Berkeley, I witnessed and survived the most terrible atrocity of state terror in the history of our nation excluding the Civil War, when the police opened fire on peaceful student protest and then hunted us through the streets in a two week campaign of brutal repression with 2,400 National Guard soldiers and a mercenary force of the Alameda County Sheriffs, who had discarded their badges and donned Halloween masks while the city was tear gassed from helicopters. I would need the Rainbow Coalition’s vision of unity and hope to balance the fear and despair used by our government as a weapon of mass terror, repression of dissent, and subjugation at the orders of Governor Ronald Reagan, who in Bloody Thursday joined the many tyrants of history who have waged war against their own citizens in crimes against humanity.
But I had such words of unity, hope, and the redemptive power of love to heal the brokenness of the world and the flaws of our humanity, thanks to my mother, Gary Snyder’s Smokey the Bear Sutra which was in the hands of the six thousand students and chanted as a magic spell versus tyranny and police terror and visionaries like Fred Hampton, and I refused to give them up or allow myself to be subjugated by learned helplessness, abjection, and despair which is the true objective of the use of force and control by authority and those who would enslave us.
To her and heroic figures which include Fred Hampton I owe growing up with ideals of solidarity, equality, diversity, and inclusion as part of my identity, shaping forces and informing and motivating sources of my self-creation as seizures of power and autonomy, of the witness of history and what Foucault called truthtelling as a sacred path in pursuit of truth, and of the Four Primary Duties of a Citizen; question authority, expose authority, mock authority, and challenge authority which includes disbelief and disobedience as well as direct action.
This above all we can learn from the example of the witness and martyrdom of Fred Hampton; force and power become meaningless and empty when met with refusal to believe, obey, or submit. We can be killed and imprisoned, but we cannot be defeated, for who refuses to submit becomes free and Unconquered.
This is how one voice bearing the truth becomes an unstoppable tide of mass action and of history, and how we can find the will to claw our way out the ruins of our dreams to make yet another Last Stand beyond hope of victory or even survival. In the wake of the last year’s second election of Our Clown of Cruelty, Traitor Trump, the Fall of America and the coming Age of Tyrants which it heralds, we will need such examples of solidarity of action and the victory of hope over fear, and if we follow ever thus we shall remain unbroken and Unconquered.
For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.
As written by Alicia Harmon in IDS News in her article, Want to learn about productive allyship? Look to the Rainbow Coalition; “To learn how to best be an ally, look to the Rainbow Coalition, a radical, multiracial coalition based in Chicago. From them, we can learn what it means to work with vision, bridge divides and get work done that tangibly helps communities.”
The Rainbow Coalition still lives on in large, city chapters and on campuses — including ours.
Jakobi Williams, an IU professor of African American and African Diaspora studies and history and the author of “From the Bullet to the Ballot: The Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party and Racial Coalition Politics in Chicago,” said the Rainbow Coalition was the brainchild of the Black Panther Party.
The Rainbow Coalition was a progressive, socialist movement that included the Black Panthers and a Puerto Rican gang-turned-human-rights organization called the Young Lords. Joining them was a white Appalachian migrant, leftist organization called the Young Patriots.
The coalition included Black Panther members Bobby Lee and Fred Hampton along with Young Lords founder José “Cha Cha” Jiménez and Young Patriots leader William “Preacherman” Fesperman. It eventually grew to include other Latino, Asian American, Native American and student organizations among others.
The Rainbow Coalition did not organize around colorblindness and non-confrontational political ideals.
“Chicago then, and still is today, the most racially, residentially segregated city in America,” Williams said.
According to South Side Weekly journalist Jacqueline Serrato, redlining, the systemic manner in which housing and services were segregated and denied to racial undesirables, was violently enforced by white street gangs. This was just one of many racial issues in Chicago.
“Fred Hampton and Bob Lee were able to transcend those so-called differences to bring these people together under the rubric of class solidarity,” Williams said.
They united to deal with poverty, gentrification, police brutality and political disempowerment.
Williams said the coalition saw itself as a continuation of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr ‘s Poor People’s Campaign, a democratic socialist effort that sought economic justice for poor people across backgrounds.
Survival programs, which the Panthers established to help meet the needs defined in their Ten Point Platform, were instrumental in the Coalition’s work.
According to Serrato, these programs included the free breakfast program, free health clinics, day care centers and other social service programs. The Panthers helped other organizations establish programs in their communities, and these efforts were primarily spearheaded by women.
Some continue to be implemented by our government today, most notably the School Breakfast Program.
Along with embracing radical politics and emphasizing community programming, The Rainbow Coalition rejected paternalistic forms of allyship that meant others would come into communities as apparent saviors, impose solutions, and dominate leadership.
Williams said Hampton and Lee asserted “that we’re working together in solidarity, but we’re not trying to run your communities. So you guys advocate for whatever you think is important for your communities, and then when you’re ready to move forward, you contact us and we show up in support.”
As we look at allyship today, it’s important to note the Rainbow Coalition did not come together for diluted ideas of diversity and representation.
They came together because of explicit and joint political goals. They did not dominate conversations of change, nor the communities being changed. They worked with each other, government organizations, and lawyers to bring change as quickly as possible.
Superficial reforms and demonstrations were not — and are not — enough. We need to have specific political vision, engage in community organizing, address policy directly, and work to break down oppressive systems systematically.
As we get ready to watch “Judas and the Black Messiah,” we should read and learn this history for ourselves. And when it’s time, get down and do the work.”
What can we learn about the art of revolutionary struggle from this film, and from the life of Fred Hampton?
As written by Joseph G. Ramsey in Black Agenda Report, How Should Revolutionaries Relate to this Film? 15 Lessons from Judas and the Black Messiah;
1) The FBI is not our friend. As American corporate media cozy up with the repressive state apparatus beneath the barbed umbrella of contra-Trump “resistance,” bringing many liberals with them, this film reminds us that, at root, the abiding purpose of the FBI is not to uphold justice for all, but to protect a social order that benefits only a few. While CNN and MSNBC now feature permanent pundit seats for former top officials from the CIA, NSA, or FBI, Judas reminds us of how such groups’ raison d’être has been to infiltrate, undermine, and destroy threats to the ruling class (capitalist, imperialist, white supremacist)—by any means necessary.
2) The Panthers were not “terrorists” but the target of state terror. Nothing justifies state power more than a terrorist; it’s popular revolutionaries and radical social movements that call that state power into question. Indeed, as Judas shows, much of the “worst” that was attributed to the BPP in terms of violence was in fact instigated or even deliberately perpetrated by state infiltrators themselves. And even where the Panther’s use of violence in the film is not strictly speaking a matter of immediate self-defense (and there is some of that sort), the film makes clear that such violence is still an indirect result of oppressive conditions and police state terror.
3) Cultural nationalism is not the same as revolutionary culture. The opening Hampton speech of the film—addressed to a student group at a predominantly black college—seems aimed at elements of our current moment and movements. As Hampton underscores in his critical comments, donning dashikis, renaming colleges, and blackening the public face of elite leadership, is of limited value as far as the masses are concerned. Such symbolic top-down reforms, though by no means a bad thing in themselves, won’t protect the people, and yet may play a co-opting role for more privileged strata (like college students), substituting for more revolutionary change. (As Hampton puts it later, addressing the “Southern heritage” of the white Young Patriots, when trapped in a house that’s on fire, the only “culture” that really matters is “water and escape.”)
4) Capitalist exploiters and ‘pig’ oppressors come in every shade. Just as the film makes clear that not all whites are capitalist exploiters or supporters of the police, not all capitalists or “pigs” are white. And, as the premise of the film makes clear, skin color is no guarantee of solidarity—and thinking it is can leave an organization open to destructive backstabbing. “We’re not going to fight capitalism with black capitalism,” as Hampton famously puts it—and as this film quotes him: “We’re going to fight it with socialism.” “We’re not going to fight racism with more racism…We’re going to fight it with solidarity.”
5) While Black radicals were the main target of police repression, what made the Panthers particularly “dangerous” in the view of J. Edgar Hoover and company was that the BPP grasped that poor people across race and social movement lines share common interests in challenging and changing this oppressive system. (As Hampton points out: “rats” and “pigs” alike were running rampant in poor white Chicago neighborhoods in 1969, too. Certainly, as Hampton recognizes, the conditions faced by black slaves, white tenant farmers, and overseers ought not to be equated. But all those groups could have still had an interest in “cutting the master’s throat,” as Hampton put it—and on this point of unity genuine solidarity could be built (and people transformed in the process).
6) It takes bold leadership to cross the prevailing social lines but doing so can yield major breakthroughs. The film shows Hampton bravely crossing onto the turf of supposed antagonists, from shotgun-armed street gangs, to hillbilly nationalists flying the confederate “Stars and Bars,” and winning friends where even his own Panther comrades expect enemies. Such underlying commonalities of interest, however, may not manifest unless one first breaches the existing social silos. Indeed, the underlying commonality may appear first as opposition, since oppressed people, hardened to survive an unjust system, may look upon strangers first as possible threats. But with the proper approach—with optimism, clarity, and humor—and with a strategic focus on common concerns and shared enemies, it is possible to find allies and new comrades in unexpected places. (Even among those who may seem to uphold symbols, styles, or rhetoric anathema to radical change.)
7) Beware the lure of the gun (and of revenge). The open defiance of the police on the street surely inspired and galvanized many—and was crucial to the Panthers’ sudden rise. But the brandishing of the gun can be effectively suicidal in a situation where the distribution of arms is so lopsided. There is therefore a danger in romanticizing revolutionary violence (and martyrdom) and, furthermore, with thinking of revolutionary-socialist politics primarily through the metaphor of a “war”—a point made powerfully in the film by Hampton’s partner, Deborah Johnson, whose lyric talents allow her to recognize in her beloved comrade not only a warrior, but also a poet.
8 ) The system fears the radical unity of the broad masses, and targets those who make such unity possible. What makes a leader or organization truly “dangerous” to the establishment is not merely its racial character or its militancy—though both certainly factor—but its ability to connect with other groups around shared interests, recruit allies, and galvanize broader support for a radical (socialist and anti-imperialist) program, beyond the ranks of the most oppressed. (This can also be applied to the state targeting of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X during, especially during the final years of their lives.)
9) Revolutionaries romanticize the oppressed at our peril. Yes, as Mao put it, “where there is oppression there is resistance,” but also, where there is oppression there is: isolation, vulnerability, fear and desperation. Each of which can make oppressed people not less but more prone to manipulation by agents of the state into counter-revolutionary activity—this is where the focus on the Bill O’Neal’s “Judas” character is crucial.
10) Study is essential to the struggle. Hampton’s Panthers took ideology and education seriously. The BPP were not merely a stylish armed breakfast organization, serving the people scrambled eggs on Tuesday and shotguns on Sunday. They were also teaching people—and themselves—core ideas of Marx, Lenin, Fanon, and Mao in Liberation Schools. They were working consciously at becoming socialists, internationalists, communists, and anti-imperialists, linking the US war in Vietnam to its abuse of oppressed people at home, and expressing solidarity and developing ties to regimes abroad, from Cuba to China to Algeria. (It is clear that Shaka King elected to foreground Hampton as educator—we see him more often with chalk in hand than gun. And just as Fred and Deborah study Malcolm X’s speeches with care, so a new generation should now study Hampton’s words, maybe even working from this film.)
11) State repression threatens not just to destroy revolutionary movement from without, but to distort it from within. Police violence can do double-damage, not only laying waste to the lives of revolutionaries, organizers, and people from oppressed communities, but also instilling in some of its victims a rage, desperation, and desire for revenge that can in turn play right into the enemies’ hands, undermining organizational discipline and collective strategy, substituting individual martyrdom for collective transformation. (The subsequent fear of state repression can in turn lead to a third form of damage, as organizational “security culture” cuts groups off from not just the state, but the people, too.)
12) Mass incarceration and repression create both political opportunities and dangers for revolutionary movement. The film foregrounds the contradictory implications: on the one hand, prisons have the potential to be a kind of “ground zero” for revolutionary activity, creating new forms of solidarity and collaboration among some of society’s most oppressed. On the other, the vulnerability to state coercion created by widespread criminalization creates the deadly potential for turning oppressed people against the very revolutionary organizations that aim to serve and to liberate them. (At the same time, some of the most powerful displays of community support for the BPP came in the wake of the police fire-bombing of their headquarters.)
13) Revolutionary leadership like Hampton’s is precious and has a crucial role to play, but over-reliance on it can become a movement weakness. There is no way you can watch this film and still feel unequivocally that we are somehow better off in horizontal “leaderless” organizations without the guidance of such charismatic voices. Yet the film shows Hampton’s own struggle in his last days against the tendency to elevate him at the expense of the group and its mission. As Hampton puts it, “You can kill a revolutionary…But you can’t kill Revolution.” How then can we cultivate and support revolutionary leadership without creating mass dependency upon it? (It’s crucial to recall here that the label “Black messiah” was a targeting invention of the state; we ought not to take up such a notion in our own movements.)
14) A line struggle runs through this entire society—between serving the people, even when it means breaking with the system(proletarian ideology), and defending the system or profiting oneself, even when it means hurting the people (the “pig” outlook). No one is excluded, no one immune.
15) It is the role of revolutionaries not to act in place of the people but to “sharpen the contradictions” and clarify the stakes, so that the people themselves can decide. As Hampton puts it: “Where there are people, there is power.” Yes! But how will the people grasp their power and come to wield it? What line will prevail? We need revolutionary educators of all types to help people “make the distinction,” as Chairman Fred put it, “between the proletariat and the pig.” To do so is not so simple a task as it might seem: for to separate the two is not just a matter of saying “these people are the heroes” and “those people the villains,” but of recognizing the ways in which the “proletarian v. pig” struggle is at work broadly across society, not just between but also within people’s lives and many of our institutions. “Making the distinction,” then entails working through the particularity of the contradiction, the class and ideological struggle cutting across all things in society, from the prison cell to the schoolhouse, from the workplace, to the street….to, yes, even the movie theater.
So then: Rather than asking whether or not Judas & the Black Messiah fulfilled our own personal desires for what a revolutionary film about Fred Hampton or the Black Panthers ought to look like, perhaps we should begin with another sort of question: What can we do to make the most of this opportunity? How can this film be used as a tool for advancing the struggle? How can we use this powerful (if imperfect) film as a chance to “heighten the contradictions” so that more and more people can learn the enduring lessons of this history?”
There is another aspect of the execution of John Brown which has consequences for us today, in the shadows of the January 6 Insurrection and the capture of the state by the Fourth Reich through the Stolen Elections of 2016 and 2024 and the Presidency of the most successful foreign agent ever sent against our nation, the fascist, rapist, and treasonous Russian agent Traitor Trump.
A full recital of perversions and crimes against humanity, subversions of democracy in the sabotage of our institutions of government and violations of our national ideals, most especially in the twin campaigns of white supremacist terror at home in the ICE ethnic cleansing atrocities and abroad in the random murders of Venezuelan fishermen and acts of piracy on the high seas, would roll on endlessly like a litany of woes and songs of cruelty and the abandonment of our humanity.
Before the court of history wherein the idea of democracy now stands trial and for the next years of the Fourth Reich’s Trump regime in America will be under constant attack and subversion from the top by a cabal of lunatics and fiends whose mission is not only the destruction of the state and its institutions but the Fall of America as the land of the free, how shall we the people answer treason?
As written by Heather Cox Richardson in her newsletter; “On the clear, windy morning of December 2, 1859, just before 11:00, the doors of the jail in Charles Town, Virginia, opened, and guards moved John Brown to his funeral procession. Three companies of soldiers escorted the prisoner, who sat on his own coffin in a wagon drawn by two white horses, for the trip to the gallows.
Once there, Brown mounted the steep steps. The sheriff put a white hood on the prisoner’s head and adjusted a noose around his neck. After a delay of about fifteen minutes while officers arranged the troops that had escorted the wagon, the sheriff swung a hatchet at the rope supporting the trap door below Brown’s feet. The door snapped open and the man who had tried to launch a slave rebellion at Harpers Ferry two months before dangled, as one observer said, “between heaven and earth.”
That same observer, John T. L. Preston of the Virginia Military Institute, went on to explain that the “grand point” of the spectacle was its moral: that it was fatal to take up arms against the government.
John Brown was the first American to be executed for treason.
Before 1859 the punishment for treason in America had not been clear. In the early years of independence, as colonies tried to stamp out loyalty to the King, some colonies had broadened the definition of treason to include “preaching, teaching, speaking, writing, or printing,” and by the time of the ratification of the Constitution in 1788, twelve of the thirteen states had written their own laws against treason.
The Framers of the Constitution recognized the danger that leaders in the new nation might expand the definition of treason to sweep in political opposition, and after all, they had been “traitors” themselves just eleven years before. So the Framers specified in the Constitution a very limited definition of treason against the United States, saying that only levying war against the United States or “adhering to their enemies” or giving “aid and comfort” to an enemy could be considered treason. But they did not define a penalty for treason, leaving that to be determined by Congress.
They also voted to leave open the possibility for states to define treason as they wished. In the years after the ratification of the Constitution in 1788, most state constitutional conventions defined treason as a crime in their fundamental state law.
As men jockeyed for control of the government in the chaotic early years of the Republic, several men ran afoul of the federal and state treason clauses, but they did not pay the ultimate price for their missteps. Two men were convicted of treason against the federal government during the Whiskey Rebellion in the 1790s; President Washington pardoned them both. In 1838, Joseph Smith and five other Mormon leaders were charged with treason against Missouri for their part in the violent struggle between Mormons and non-Mormons in the state; they escaped before trial. Thomas Wilson Dorr was convicted of treason against Rhode Island for his part in the Dorr Rebellion of the 1840s and was sentenced to hard labor for life, but a popular protest won him amnesty after he had served a year.
Then, on October 16, 1859, abolitionist John Brown led 18 men to attack the federal armory in Harpers Ferry, Virginia—it became West Virginia in 1863—in order to seize guns from the armory, distribute them to local enslaved men, and lead them to freedom and self-government. As they cut the telegraph wires in the town in the dead of night, a free Black man, a baggage handler, stumbled upon them and they shot him. The sound attracted the attention of a local physician, who roused his neighbors. As they started to come awake, Brown’s men took the armory, which was defended by a single watchman who turned over the keys to the raiders.
At dawn the next day, a train came through the town, and its operators alerted authorities to the trouble in Harpers Ferry as soon as they got to a working telegraph. Meanwhile, Brown’s people captured Armory employees coming to work, and as news of the hostages spread, local militia converged on the site. As firing from the militia pinned Brown’s men down, they moved to a small brick building near the armory’s door. Intermittent shooting over the course of the day killed a number of Brown’s men as well as local militia before federal troops arrived on the morning of the next day, October 18.
Officers, commanded by Colonel Robert E. Lee, promised to spare the lives of Brown and his men if they surrendered, but Brown refused. Within minutes, soldiers had broken down the doors to their shelter and taken prisoner Brown and the seven of his men still alive.
On October 27 the state of Virginia began the trial of the still-wounded Brown for murder, inciting a slave insurrection, and treason against the state of Virginia. His lawyers argued that he could not have committed treason because he was not a resident of the state and so owed it no allegiance.
But the Virginia jury deliberated for only 45 minutes before they convicted John Brown of treason, agreeing with the prosecution that one did not have to reside in a state to be guilty of taking up arms against its government. On November 2 the judge sentenced Brown to death by hanging, a sentence that would be carried out after a legally required one-month delay.
Virginians like Preston applauded the decision. “Law had been violated by actual murder and attempted treason,” Preston wrote to his wife in a letter reprinted in the local newspaper, “and that gibbet was erected by law, and to uphold law was this military force assembled…. So perish all such enemies of Virginia! All such enemies of the Union! All such foes of the human race!”
The execution of John Brown for treason set a precedent.
And in just over a year, Virginians themselves would take up arms against the federal government. Men like Preston, who became an aide-de-camp to Stonewall Jackson, had to wonder if the precedent of hanging John Brown for treason might come back to haunt them.
Notes: J. Taylor McConkie, “State Treason: The History and Validity of Treason Against Individual States,” Kentucky Law Journal Vol. 101: Iss. 2, Article 3.”
Will this precedent of which Heather Cox Richardson has reminded us come back to haunt Traitor Trump and other conspirators in the January 6 Insurrection, the Doge monkeywrenching and kleptocracy which has stolen from the poor to give to the rich, and the criminals who have killed nameless peasants without trial or cause to legitimate the colonial invasion and capture of Venezuela’s oil under the pretext of stopping drug trafficking as Trump sells a pardon the American kingpin of the Silk Road syndicate who smuggled 400 million dollars of drugs into our nation?
The idea of capital punishment as absolute power of the state over its citizens is anathema to me; I prefer instead the ancient Roman custom of damnatio memorae or public forgetting and erasure from history, and in accord with the principle of minimum use of social force I believe the natural consequence of treason is loss of citizenship and exile.
But with Trump’s promise to pardon the January 6 Insurrectionists when he takes office, and the charges against him for leading it as a coup against the United States and in violation of his oath of office to protect and defend the Constitution against all enemies foreign and domestic, what options remain open to us?
Let us bring a Reckoning to those who would enslave us.
What has happened to bring us to the edge of the Restoration of America and the end of the criminal Trump regime?
As written in The Hartman Report, in an article entitled Breaking News: If Hegseth Gave an Order to “Kill Everybody,” He Must Be Removed and Prosecuted, And if Donald Trump approved or encouraged these actions, then impeachment and criminal referral are not optional: they’re required to defend the rule of law; “Shocking as this moment is, none of us should pretend we weren’t warned. When Donald Trump installed Pete Hegseth — a television provocateur whose public record is soaked in belligerence, booze, and culture-war performance — as America’s Defense Secretary, the world could see exactly where it was headed.
Still, nothing prepared us for today’s Washington Post’s revelation that Hegseth personally ordered U.S. forces to “kill everybody” on a small wooden boat off the coast of Trinidad on September 2.
You’d expect rogue militias or failed–state paramilitaries to speak that way. You don’t expect it from the man running the Pentagon.
What the Post reports is almost too grotesque to absorb.
After the first U.S. missile ripped the boat apart and set it burning, commanders watched on a live drone feed as two survivors clung desperately to the charred wreckage.
They were unarmed. They were wounded. They were no threat to anyone. They were simply alive; inconveniently alive for a man who had allegedly already given the order that there be no survivors.
And so, according to two officials with direct knowledge of the strike, the Special Operations commander overseeing the operation ordered a second missile. It hit the water and blew those two men apart.
History tells us to watch out for nations that lose their moral compass in real time.
It starts when the powerful stop seeing human beings as human. It accelerates when the government itself denies any obligation to justify its killings.
And when leaders begin lying to Congress and the public to cover what they’ve done, you’re no longer looking at isolated abuses. You’re staring straight into the machinery of authoritarianism.
Instead of telling Congress that the second strike was designed to finish off wounded survivors, Pentagon officials claimed it was to “remove a navigation hazard.”
That isn’t just spin: it’s an attempt to rewrite reality.
The Post quotes Todd Huntley, a former Special Operations military lawyer now at Georgetown Law, saying exactly what any first-year law student would immediately recognize: because the United States is not legally “at war” with drug traffickers, killing the people on that boat “amounts to murder.”
Even if a war did exist, Huntley notes, the order to kill wounded, unarmed survivors “would in essence be an order to show no quarter,” which is defined under the Geneva Conventions as a war crime.
This isn’t an obscure legal debate. This is basic civilization. Armed states do not execute helpless people in the water.
And yet this is now U.S. policy. The boat strike on September 2 was not a one–off. It was the beginning of a campaign.
The Post reports that since that first attack, Trump and Hegseth have ordered more than 20 similar missile strikes on small boats in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific, killing at least 80 people.
The administration insists the victims were members of the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua. But in classified briefings to Congress, Pentagon officials have not provided even one single verified name of a trafficker or gang leader they’ve killed. Lawmakers from both parties say they’ve been shown nothing beyond grainy videos of small boats being destroyed from the air.
If these men had truly been high–value cartel operatives, Trump would be parading names and photos across every rally stage in America. The silence tells its own story.
Experts warn that many of the dead may not have been traffickers at all. They may have been border–crossing migrants, subsistence fishermen, or small–scale smugglers whose crimes did not remotely justify summary execution.
International human rights groups are already calling these killings extrajudicial and illegal. Some foreign governments are asking whether the United States has effectively created a free-fire zone over parts of the Caribbean, and several have limited intelligence sharing with us for fear of being complicit in prosecutable war crimes and crimes against humanity.
This, too, has been part of the authoritarian playbook since ancient times.
Pick a foreign or criminal “other,” paint them as subhuman monsters, and then declare that the normal laws of war, morality, and basic decency no longer apply.
For years, right-wing media has been hyping Tren de Aragua as a kind of supercharged successor to MS-13, just as Trump once used MS-13 as a bludgeon to justify abuses at home.
The fact that the administration has produced no evidence for its claims isn’t a bug: it’s the point. When the government fabricates an omnipresent threat, it gives itself permission to kill whoever it wants.
This may also explain the ferocity with which Hegseth and Trump went after Democratic lawmakers last week when they reminded U.S. service members that they are duty-bound to disobey illegal orders.
Those officers weren’t being dramatic: they were issuing a warning grounded in fresh blood. And Hegseth’s and Trump’s panicked rage — calling for the death penalty for six members of Congress, including a decorated war hero and a CIA officer — now makes perfect sense: he knows perfectly well what he’s already ordered.
The strike on September 2 is not just a policy failure; it’s a moral collapse. If the Post’s reporting is accurate — and multiple congressional offices say it is consistent with what whistleblowers have told them — then the United States has engaged in the deliberate killing of wounded, unarmed men floating in the sea.
That is the kind of conduct that topples governments, triggers war-crimes investigations, and leaves scars on nations for generations.
Nobody elected Donald Trump or Pete Hegseth to serve as judge, jury, and executioner for impoverished people in wooden boats. Nobody gave them the authority to murder suspects without trial. And nobody gave them the right to lie to Congress about it.
Congress must not let this pass. These allegations demand immediate public hearings, subpoena power, and full investigative authority.
If Hegseth gave an order to “kill everybody,” he must be removed and prosecuted.
If U.S. commanders falsified reports to mislead Congress and the public, they must be held accountable.
And if Donald Trump approved or encouraged these actions, then impeachment and criminal referral are not optional: they’re required to defend the rule of law.
America doesn’t have many chances left to prove to the world, and to ourselves, that we still believe in the value of human life and the restraints of democratic power. This is one of them.
How best may we restore the balance of justice and our democracy?
As I wrote in my post of January 9 2022, How Shall We Answer Treason?; Disloyalty and the betrayal of trust are among the worst and most terrible of true crimes, for they signify and represent the failure and collapse of all other values and meaning. This is why Solidarity as Fraternity is among the three principles on which the Revolution is built, along with Liberty and Equality, for without them there can be no free society of equals.
A brilliant Meidas Touch video which indicts Trump as a domestic terrorist for the January 6 Insurrection provoked me to question, How shall we answer treason? So wrote the following in reply:
Actually, I would like to see Trump achieve his true nature by being fed to dogs and transformed into dog shit. Wouldn’t it be a lovely display in a glass case exhibited in a museum of holocausts, atrocities, and crimes against humanity? Let his monument read thus:
Here lies Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, in his true form, most terrible enemy democracy has faced since Alcibiades betrayed Athens, most dangerous foreign agent to ever attack America and leader of the most destructive and consequential attacks against our nation even including Pearl Harbor and the Twin Towers, who subverted our ideals and sabotaged our institutions, and nearly enacted the fall of civilization as the figurehead of the Fourth Reich and herald of an age of fascist tyranny and state terror.
Yet here he lies, nothing but a pile of dog shit. Look upon the rewards of treason, tyranny, and terror, you who are mighty, and despair.
For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.
We can but wish. Beyond such fantasies, exclusion is a just balance for crimes of treason, disloyalty, and betrayal, in the forms of loss of citizenship, the most terrible punishment any nation can inflict, and exile and erasure.
To be clear, all participants in the January 6 Insurrection, and all who conspired in this crime, had knowledge aforehand but did not sound an alarm, or acted subsequently to conceal, abet, or deny and excuse its perpetrators and its nature including all legislators who voted not to investigate it, the Justice department which sabotaged its investigation and trial, and all who became conspirators after the fact in voting for Trump in our last election, bear responsibility in its crimes and should be repaid with loss of citizenship, forfeitures of assets, exile, and erasure.
Exile as the natural consequence of treason was explored in the short story “The Man Without a Country” by Edward Everett Hale, first published in The Atlantic in December 1863. It is a story of a traitor who comes to understand the true meaning of his crime; the renunciation of his social contract, connection and interdependence with other human beings, and membership in a national identity.
As described in Wikipedia; “It is the story of American Army lieutenant Philip Nolan, who renounces his country during a trial for treason, and is consequently sentenced to spend the rest of his days at sea without so much as a word of news about the United States.
The protagonist is a young US Army lieutenant, Philip Nolan, who develops a friendship with the visiting Aaron Burr. When Burr is tried for treason (that historically occurred in 1807), Nolan is tried as an accomplice. During his testimony, he bitterly renounces his nation and, with a foul oath, angrily shouts, “I wish I may never hear of the United States again!” The judge is completely shocked at that announcement and, on convicting him, icily grants him his wish. Nolan is to spend the rest of his life aboard US Navy warships in exile with no right ever to set foot on US soil again and with explicit orders that no one shall ever again mention his country to him.
The sentence is carried out to the letter. For the rest of his life, Nolan is transported from ship to ship, lives out his life as a prisoner on the high seas, and is never allowed back in a home port.”
So for Exile; now also for Erasure. As I wrote in my post of January 7 2021, Treason and Terror: Trump’s Brownshirts Attack Congress; This leaves the ringleader and chief conspirator of treason, sedition, insurrection, and terror to be removed from power and denied a platform from which to spread madness and violence like a plague; our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump. I believe we must remove, impeach, deplatform, and prosecute him for his many crimes against America; Trump must be exiled from public life and isolated from his power to destroy us.
Roman law called this damnatio memoriae, the erasure of public forgetting, and coupled with the Amish practice of shunning provides a useful model of minimum use of social force in safeguarding ourselves from threats, without the brutality of torture and prison to which we have become addicted. A fascinating article by the classical scholar Alexander Meddings examines its use in the cases of Trump’s nearest Imperial parallels, Caligula and Nero.
Exile and Erasure; neither prison nor violence or the use of force and fear. Let us simply cast out those who would destroy us from among us, and forget them.
I came to my lifelong interest in the origins of evil by three Defining Moments of life disruptive events and trauma, which include a childhood growing up in a savagely repressive community of religious fanatics of the patriarchal and xenophobic Reformed Church, once the state faith of South Africa’s Apartheid regime, a childhood wherein divisions of exclusionary otherness and the three primary terrors, faith weaponized in service to authority and power as violence, subjugation, and identitarian-sectarian division, patriarchal sexual terror, and white supremacist terror and other racially motivated hate crime and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, were symbolized for me by two fires; a witch burning, hopefully the last in the United States when neighbors including other children whom I played with gathered to burn a solitary old woman alive in her home, having no father, husband, brother, or son to speak for her which was already a social crime without the rumor of witchcraft, and the burning of a cross on the lawn of newlyweds who had married outside of their churches, a Dutch Reformed Church man and a Swiss Calvinist woman, both white Protestants, referred to locally as a mixed marriage and officially shunned by the Reformed Church. This was all within an hours drive of San Francisco, not in some remote village lost in medieval Europe; but also under the shadow of a tyrant god. When one begins by forbidding music as sinful and the use of buttons as non-Biblical technology, divisions of exclusionary otherness and membership become easily reinforced by authority as a grim regime of force and control.
Second came a near-death experience of disembodied timeless vision and frontline witness at nine years of age of the most massive incident of state terror in American history, Bloody Thursday, May 15 1969 in People’s Park, Berkeley, when then Governor Reagan ordered the police to open fire on a nonviolent student protest.
Third were my experiences in the summer of 1974 just before high school, when I went to Brazil to train as a fencer for the Pan American Games, and stayed to defend abandoned street children and other outcasts from the police death squads and bounty hunters whom the rich had set on them, and my near-execution by police which echoes that of Maurice Blanchot in 1944 by the Gestapo and of Fyodur Dostoevsky’s 1849 mock execution by the Czar’s secret police as recounted in The Idiot.
This trauma and historical context I processed by reading and writing, and during my last two years of high school I discovered books which became instrumental to this process and to my understanding; Jerzy Kosinski’s The Painted Bird, whose protagonist I felt a deep identification and kinship with, and was a dinner table subject of conversation as my mother wrote her study of psychosomatic muteness from his childhood therapy journal and the Soviet mental hospital records Kosinski wrote his magnificent and terrible novel from, the works of Hannah Arendt, Albert Camus, and Jean Paul Sartre, and other Holocaust survivors and Resistance fighters who engaged with the problem of evil as tyranny and state terror, and Robert Waite’s magisterial study of Hitler in The Psychopathic God; this last work inspired me to question the origins of evil as fear, power, and force under the quadruple lens of psychology, history, philosophy, and literature as a field of scholarship at university and throughout my life.
How is this relevant to ideas of justice? Because we must not become our enemies in the use of social force, even to guarantee our universal human rights.
Remember always Nietzsche’s warning in Beyond Good and Evil; “He who fights monsters should be careful lest he thereby become a monster. And if thou gaze long into an abyss, the abyss gazes back into thee.”
We must escape the maelstrom of dehumanization which is the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force if we are to free ourselves from the disfiguring and crippling legacies of our history. To do this we must abandon power over others and the social use of force; but first we must seize our power over ourselves from those who would enslave us.
Family of victim in alleged Trump ‘drug boat’ killings files first formal complaint
Breaking News: If Hegseth Gave an Order to “Kill Everybody,” He Must Be Removed and Prosecuted
And if Donald Trump approved or encouraged these actions, then impeachment and criminal referral are not optional: they’re required to defend the rule of law…
On this day we meet in solidarity with our comrades and bearers of the Torch of Liberty, to swear our oaths and make our plans for the upcoming year of liberation struggle throughout the world; to make mischief for tyrants and bring a Reckoning to those who would enslave us.
Among the legacies of our history we must escape if we are to create a free society of equals and a United Humankind, slavery is a horror of depravity and terror which defines the limits of the human. The Abolition of slavery and its epigenetic consequences must always be a first priority mission for anyone who places their lives in the balance with those of the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, because it is a canary in the coal mine of unequal power, a symptom of the tyranny of elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, and a clearly evil example of a general condition of dehumanization and commodification as a casus belli for democracy.
In America we fought the Civil War against a Confederacy which was nothing more grand than a human trafficking syndicate which had declared itself a nation to evade morality and the rule of law; here the African slave stood in as a figure for all the exploited labor of the time, which included all women, many children, and whole sectors of our economy; what was a sailor, a miner, or any worker forced to sell his time in brutal and dehumanizing conditions but a slave? With the crusade of liberty which began as Abolition and became a second American revolution in the Civil War, all of the exploited classes united in solidarity to seize power and cast their owners down from their thrones. This is how we freed the slaves in America, and its how we must unite to free the slaves now.
Among its greatest horrors is that slavery today is not a marginal crime but one central to the internal contradictions of our civilization; it is omnipresent and touches our lives everywhere, like the violations of invisible hands which seek to shape us to their own purposes as commodities and labor which creates wealth and power for others who own us. Slavery is a pervasive and endemic harm, and an inherent evil of capitalism; nearly everything we own and use is an artifact of slavery in some form.
The United Nations figures there are fifty million slaves now living; including “28 million in forced labour and 22 million in forced marriage. Almost one in eight of all those in forced labour are children. More than half of these children are in commercial sexual exploitation.”
I once pointed out the ubiquity of slavery in our society and the banality of evil hiding in plain sight to my Forensics students using the skeleton in the school biology classroom as an example; “Ever wonder why the skeleton in your biology class is so tiny? It’s a child skeleton, like most, and like most they come from processing factories in places like the one in India which was just shut down, from which some four thousand skeletons were bought by schools all over America and Europe. The supply for this trade originates in India’s inheritable debt law; you can be put to work to pay off your grandfather’s debt, and they don’t have to be nice about how they do it. These skeletons exist because the local value of children as slave labor is less than the foreign value of their bones.”
A student who is now a doctor then asked; “So how do I become a doctor and study medicine in a just way?”
Here is my answer to her and to us all; “Become a doctor in honor of the people who bought that privilege for you with their lives, and change the evil we inherit into something good.”
For the past and the dead we can do nothing but remember and bear witness; it is the future and the living who must be redeemed.
In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power. Do something beautiful with yours.
Here is the Secretary-General’s Message on the International Day for the Abolition of Slavery; “As we commemorate the International Day for the Abolition of Slavery, we need to recognize that the legacy of the transatlantic trade of enslaved Africans reverberates to this day, scarring our societies and impeding equitable development.
We must also identify and eradicate contemporary forms of slavery, such as trafficking in persons, sexual exploitation, child labour, forced marriage and the use of children in armed conflict. The latest Global Estimates of Modern Slavery on forced labour and forced marriage reveal that, in 2021, some 50 million persons were thus enslaved, and this number has been growing.
The most marginalized groups remain particularly vulnerable, including ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities, migrants, children and persons with diverse gender identities and sexual orientations. The majority of these vulnerable persons are women.
On this International Day, I call on Governments and societies to recommit to eradicating slavery. Increased action needs to be taken with full participation of all stakeholders, including the private sector, trade unions, civil society and human rights institutions. I also urge all countries to protect and uphold the rights of victims and survivors of slavery.”
What is to be done?, as Lenin asked in his essay which launched the Russian Revolution. As it happens, history provides us with guidance in this cause of liberation struggle.
This is also the anniversary of the execution of John Brown in 1859 for the Harper’s Ferry raid, in which he forever taught us how to reply to those who would enslave us with his historic attempt to arm the slaves that they might seize for themselves the lands they worked and the wealth they created, much as the people of Haiti had done in the Revolution of 1791-1804.
As Frederick Douglass said of him, “If John Brown did not end the war that ended slavery, he did at least begin the war that ended slavery. . . . Until this blow was struck, the prospect for freedom was dim, shadowy and uncertain. The irrepressible conflict was one of words, votes and compromises. When John Brown stretched forth his arm, the sky was cleared. The time for compromises was gone–the armed hosts of freedom stood face to face over the chasm of a broken Union–and the clash of arms was at hand. The South staked all upon getting possession of the Federal Government, and failing to do that, drew the sword of rebellion and thus made her own, and not Brown’s, the lost cause of the century.”
How very like the moment of decision we face now, in the wake of the January 6 Insurrection and all that has come after in the Trump regime. Our glorious heroes and champions of the past, Frederick Douglass and John Brown among countless others, have given answer to those who would enslave us; now its our turn.
How answer we, for the suffering of the fifty million people who are slaves now? How bring we a Reckoning to the elite hegemons responsible for this vast and timeless crime against humanity, and bring change to the systems of unequal power by which those who would enslave us enforce their tyranny?
Who do we want to become, we humans; a world of masters and slaves, or a free society of equals?
As written in Jacobin in an article entitled Eugene Debs’s Stirring, Never-Before-Published Eulogy to John Brown at Harpers Ferry; “In a previously unpublished eulogy to John Brown from 1908, Eugene Debs proclaimed Brown the “greatest liberator this country has known” and declared that ”the Socialist Party is carrying on the work begun by John Brown.” We publish it here in full.
Eugene Debs revered John Brown as “history’s greatest hero,” a man who saw an unspeakable horror and tried to dash it from the world. In October 1908, while campaigning for president, Debs decided to make a brief stop at Harpers Ferry, West Virginia, the site of Brown’s doomed anti-slavery crusade.
After disembarking from the “Red Special,” his campaign train, Debs delivered a brief eulogy. His remarks, though stirring, were largely lost to history. A labor paper published a transcript in November 1908, but otherwise Debs’s remarks, as far as we know, have never been digitized or reprinted.
Jacobin’s Shawn Gude was able to obtain a copy of Debs’s speech — courtesy of the wonderful librarians at Indiana State University — while conducting research for his forthcoming biography of Eugene Debs. So here it is: Debs’s never-before-published eulogy to John Brown.
“It is fitting that the Red Special should stop here and that we should do honor to John Brown. He was the greatest liberator this country has known. He dared the whole world and gave up his life for freedom. What more can a man do?
A few years I came and followed his steps from this spot all the way to Charles Town, where he was hanged. All the way he was the only calm person. Kindly, sweetly, and not even hating those who hounded him, he went his way.
Even members of the poor despised race for which he had done so much were taught to despise him and look upon him as something vile. On that bright, sunny morning when he was led upon the gallows, he smiled. “This is a beautiful country,” he said. “I had not seen it before.” He went to his death without fear, knowing his work was done.
As I stand here on this spot where he stood, I can see him as he stood here with a rifle in his hand, and his sons on the ground, one dead and the other dying. What a heroic figure he is as I see him.
Even today he is not appreciated. But as time goes on the fog that obscures the acts of great heroic men will be swept away, and he will stand as one of the most heroic figures in the world. Emerson has said: “The time will come when John Brown will have made the gallows as glorious as Jesus Christ made the cross.” The Socialist Party is carrying on the work begun by John Brown.”
There is another aspect of the execution of John Brown which has consequences for us today, in the shadows of the January 6 Insurrection and the capture of the state by the Fourth Reich through the Stolen Elections of 2016 and 2024 and the bogus and fictive Presidencies of the most successful foreign agent ever sent against our nation, the fascist and Russian agent Traitor Trump.
As written by Heather Cox Richardson in her newsletter; “On the clear, windy morning of December 2, 1859, just before 11:00, the doors of the jail in Charles Town, Virginia, opened, and guards moved John Brown to his funeral procession. Three companies of soldiers escorted the prisoner, who sat on his own coffin in a wagon drawn by two white horses, for the trip to the gallows.
Once there, Brown mounted the steep steps. The sheriff put a white hood on the prisoner’s head and adjusted a noose around his neck. After a delay of about fifteen minutes while officers arranged the troops that had escorted the wagon, the sheriff swung a hatchet at the rope supporting the trap door below Brown’s feet. The door snapped open and the man who had tried to launch a slave rebellion at Harpers Ferry two months before dangled, as one observer said, “between heaven and earth.”
That same observer, John T. L. Preston of the Virginia Military Institute, went on to explain that the “grand point” of the spectacle was its moral: that it was fatal to take up arms against the government.
John Brown was the first American to be executed for treason.
Before 1859 the punishment for treason in America had not been clear. In the early years of independence, as colonies tried to stamp out loyalty to the King, some colonies had broadened the definition of treason to include “preaching, teaching, speaking, writing, or printing,” and by the time of the ratification of the Constitution in 1788, twelve of the thirteen states had written their own laws against treason.
The Framers of the Constitution recognized the danger that leaders in the new nation might expand the definition of treason to sweep in political opposition, and after all, they had been “traitors” themselves just eleven years before. So the Framers specified in the Constitution a very limited definition of treason against the United States, saying that only levying war against the United States or “adhering to their enemies” or giving “aid and comfort” to an enemy could be considered treason. But they did not define a penalty for treason, leaving that to be determined by Congress.
They also voted to leave open the possibility for states to define treason as they wished. In the years after the ratification of the Constitution in 1788, most state constitutional conventions defined treason as a crime in their fundamental state law.
As men jockeyed for control of the government in the chaotic early years of the Republic, several men ran afoul of the federal and state treason clauses, but they did not pay the ultimate price for their missteps. Two men were convicted of treason against the federal government during the Whiskey Rebellion in the 1790s; President Washington pardoned them both. In 1838, Joseph Smith and five other Mormon leaders were charged with treason against Missouri for their part in the violent struggle between Mormons and non-Mormons in the state; they escaped before trial. Thomas Wilson Dorr was convicted of treason against Rhode Island for his part in the Dorr Rebellion of the 1840s and was sentenced to hard labor for life, but a popular protest won him amnesty after he had served a year.
Then, on October 16, 1859, abolitionist John Brown led 18 men to attack the federal armory in Harpers Ferry, Virginia—it became West Virginia in 1863—in order to seize guns from the armory, distribute them to local enslaved men, and lead them to freedom and self-government. As they cut the telegraph wires in the town in the dead of night, a free Black man, a baggage handler, stumbled upon them and they shot him. The sound attracted the attention of a local physician, who roused his neighbors. As they started to come awake, Brown’s men took the armory, which was defended by a single watchman who turned over the keys to the raiders.
At dawn the next day, a train came through the town, and its operators alerted authorities to the trouble in Harpers Ferry as soon as they got to a working telegraph. Meanwhile, Brown’s people captured Armory employees coming to work, and as news of the hostages spread, local militia converged on the site. As firing from the militia pinned Brown’s men down, they moved to a small brick building near the armory’s door. Intermittent shooting over the course of the day killed a number of Brown’s men as well as local militia before federal troops arrived on the morning of the next day, October 18.
Officers, commanded by Colonel Robert E. Lee, promised to spare the lives of Brown and his men if they surrendered, but Brown refused. Within minutes, soldiers had broken down the doors to their shelter and taken prisoner Brown and the seven of his men still alive.
On October 27 the state of Virginia began the trial of the still-wounded Brown for murder, inciting a slave insurrection, and treason against the state of Virginia. His lawyers argued that he could not have committed treason because he was not a resident of the state and so owed it no allegiance.
But the Virginia jury deliberated for only 45 minutes before they convicted John Brown of treason, agreeing with the prosecution that one did not have to reside in a state to be guilty of taking up arms against its government. On November 2 the judge sentenced Brown to death by hanging, a sentence that would be carried out after a legally required one-month delay.
Virginians like Preston applauded the decision. “Law had been violated by actual murder and attempted treason,” Preston wrote to his wife in a letter reprinted in the local newspaper, “and that gibbet was erected by law, and to uphold law was this military force assembled…. So perish all such enemies of Virginia! All such enemies of the Union! All such foes of the human race!”
The execution of John Brown for treason set a precedent.
And in just over a year, Virginians themselves would take up arms against the federal government. Men like Preston, who became an aide-de-camp to Stonewall Jackson, had to wonder if the precedent of hanging John Brown for treason might come back to haunt them.
Notes:
J. Taylor McConkie, “State Treason: The History and Validity of Treason Against Individual States,” Kentucky Law Journal Vol. 101: Iss. 2, Article 3.”
Will this precedent of which Heather Cox Richardson has reminded us come back to haunt Traitor Trump and other conspirators in the January 6 Insurrection, the ICE white supremacist terror force and its criminal programme of ethnic cleansing, the racialization of our universities and the institutions of the state, the kleptocracy of a government for sale, the subveersions of our democracy and the violations of our ideals and values?
The idea of capital punishment as absolute power of the state over its citizens is anathema to me; I prefer instead the ancient Roman custom of damnatio memorae or public forgetting and erasure from history, and in accord with the principle of minimum use of social force I believe the natural consequence of treason is loss of citizenship and exile.
But if we are to become fulcrums and change the balance of power in the world, we must also dismantle unequal power and its systems of oppression.
Let us bring a Reckoning to those who would enslave us.