Among the most outrageous and horrific incidents of police terror and racially motivated crimes against humanity in American history is the bombing of the Move commune of Philadelphia on this day in 1978.
Our endemic and pervasive racism as a nation and a society combines horrifically with authoritarianism and a militarized police state of force and control according to the counterinsurgency model, force multipliers which serve to dehumanize our nonwhite population, devalue the idea of citizenship, and enforce their subjugation and re enslavement as bond prison labor.
While racism and submission to authority are complex and as social and psychological issues beyond the scope of structural change alone, racist police violence has a simple cure; disarm and demilitarize the police. Without weapons they are rendered harmless.
We must return to our public safety and security services their primary role as guarantors of our universal human rights and providers of public well being.
The bombing of the Move Commune gives the lie to our idea of policing as a public safety service; we must dismantle the carceral state to free ourselves from the legacies of slavery and historical inequalities and injustices, abandon the use of social force, and begin to forge a free society of equals.
As written by Ed Pilkington in The Guardian in an article entitled A siege. A bomb. 48 dogs. And the black commune that would not surrender; “For 40 years, Janine Phillips Africa had a technique for coping with being cooped up in a prison cell for a crime she says she did not commit. She would avoid birthdays, Christmas, New Year and any other events that emphasized time passing while she was not free.
“The years are not my focus,” she wrote in a letter to the Guardian. “I keep my mind on my health and the things I need to do day by day.”
On Saturday she could finally begin accepting the passage of time. She and her cellmate and sister in the black liberation struggle, Janet Holloway Africa, were released from SCI Cambridge Springs in Pennsylvania, after a long struggle for parole.
The release of Janine, 63, and Janet, 68, marks a key moment in the history of the Move 9, the group of African American black power and environmental campaigners who were imprisoned after a police siege of their home in August 1978. The pair were the last of four women in the group either to be paroled or to die behind bars.
The saga of Move was one of the most dramatic and surreal of the 1970s black liberation struggle. Along with their peers, the women lived in a communal house in Philadelphia under group founder John Africa, AKA Vincent Leaphart. All members took the last name Africa to show they considered themselves a family.
A cross between the Black Panthers and west coast hippies, Move campaigned not only for equal treatment for African Americans but also for respect for animals and nature, caring for 48 stray dogs in the house.
Such unconventional attitudes brought them into conflict with neighbours and the Philadelphia police, a notoriously brutal force even by American standards. After a siege lasting several months, on 8 August 1978 officers went in to clear the group from the property. In the melee, officer James Ramp was shot and killed with a single bullet.
Despite the single shooter, and despite the fact that the group always protested that they were unarmed and that Ramp was killed by fire from fellow officers, the five men and four women were each sentenced to 30 years to life.
Janine Africa’s release was bittersweet. While she was in prison, she corresponded over two years with the Guardian. In her letters she talked about the double tragedy of her life.
Two years before the 1978 siege, police turned up at the Move house in Powelton Village and began harassing the group. A scuffle ensued and Janine was knocked over as she held her three-week-old baby, Life, in her arms.
The baby appeared to have been trampled, his skull shattered. He died later that day.
Then on 13 May 1985, by which time Janine Africa had been in prison for seven years, she was told the terrible news that the remaining members of the Move “family” had been assaulted a second time. On this occasion police didn’t just go in guns blazing – they dropped an incendiary bomb from a helicopter.
It caused a fire that destroyed the Move house and 60 other homes in a largely African American neighborhood. Eleven Move members burned to death. They included founder John Africa and five children, one of whom was Janine’s other son, Little Phil, aged 12.
The Guardian asked Janine how she came to terms with having seen two children killed by police brutality.
“There are times when I think about Life and my son Phil,” she wrote, “but I don’t keep those thoughts in my mind long because they hurt. The murder of my children, my family, will always affect me, but not in a bad way. When I think about what this system has done to me and my family, it makes me even more committed to my belief.”
The parole of the two women follows the release last June of Debbie Sims Africa, who was arrested in the 1978 siege when she was eight months pregnant and who went on to give birth to her son, Michael Davis Jr, in a prison cell. A fourth woman, Merle Austin Africa, died in prison in March 1998.
Of the men, three remain in prison: Eddie Goodman Africa, who has recently gone before a parole panel, and Chuck Sims Africa and Delbert Orr Africa. Michael Davis Africa Sr, the father of the boy born in a cell and husband of Debbie, was released in October. Phil Africa died in prison in January 2015.
The attorney for the two released women, Brad Thomson of People’s Law Office, said their parole was a victory not only for them and their loved ones but also for the Move organization and the “movement to free all political prisoners”.
As written by former Mayor W Wilson Goode in The Guardian; “When I was mayor, Philadelphia bombed civilians. It’s time for the city to apologise
Thiry-five years ago, we did something inexcusable. A formal apology is crucial for the healing process, and overdue.
The date 13 May will be forever etched in my mind.
Thirty-five years ago, members of Move, a black liberation and back-to-nature group, barricaded themselves in a row house in west Philadelphia. The situation escalated into an armed standoff with the Philadelphia police. On 13 May 1985, the police dropped an explosive device from a helicopter on to the house. The decision to drop explosives on a house filled with people was indefensible. The bombs ignited a fire which killed 11 people, including five children, and razed 61 homes to the ground.
The event will remain on my conscience for the rest of my life. I was the mayor of Philadelphia at the time. Although I was not personally involved in all the decisions that resulted in 11 deaths, I was chief executive of the city. I would not intentionally harm anyone, but it happened on my watch. I am ultimately responsible for those I appointed. I accept that responsibility and I apologize for their reckless actions that brought about this horrific outcome, even though I knew nothing about their specific plan of action.
This is the fourth time I’ve publicly apologized. My first official apology on behalf of the city came on 14 May 1985 in a televised address to the citizens of Philadelphia, to the Move family and to their neighbors. Today I would like to apologize again and extend that apology to all who experienced, and in many cases continue to experience, pain and distress from the government actions that day. They include the Move family, their neighbors, the police officers, firefighters and other public servants as well as all the citizens of Philadelphia.
There can never be an excuse for dropping an explosive from a helicopter on to a house with men, women and children inside
But there’s something more I want to suggest on this important anniversary. After 35 years it would be helpful for the healing of all involved, especially the victims of this terrible event, if there was a formal apology made by the City of Philadelphia. That way we can begin to build a bridge that spans from the tragic events of the past into our future. Many in the city still feel the pain of that day. I know I will always feel the pain.
There can never be an excuse for dropping an explosive from a helicopter on to a house with men, women and children inside and then letting the fire burn. I will never accept one. Some want me to blame the Move family or their neighbors; that is absolutely wrong thinking and I will never do so. We will never know exactly what happened on 13 May 1985 on Osage Avenue, but I do know there are some things beyond excusing.
I know I can’t change the past by apologizing, but I can express my deep and sincere regrets and call upon other former and current elected officials to do so. I believe this action can be a small step toward healing. I apologize and encourage others do the same. We will be a better city for it.
The Rev Dr W Wilson Goode, Sr served as mayor of Philadelphia from 1984-1992”.
As written by Hannah Epstein in MSN, in an article entitled 40 Years After the MOVE Bombing, the Scars Remain; “Mike Africa Jr. sat in his office in West Philadelphia, his hands resting on the table, his gaze steady and straight ahead. “I saw smoke, and a friend of mine said, ‘They dropped a bomb on MOVE.’ And I just immediately dismissed him. Like, ‘No they didn’t’.”
Forty years ago today, Philadelphia became known as the city that bombed itself.
The bombing, which has come to be seen as one of the darkest days in the city’s history, began as a tense standoff between city officials and a back-to-earth Black liberation organization called MOVE over neighborhood noise complaints. It ended with the brutal deaths of 11 MOVE members, five of whom were children.
Africa, now 46, was only 6 years old when Philadelphia police dropped a bomb on 6221 Osage Avenue, MOVE’s then-headquarters. But he remembers everything. “I knew something was happening because in the house people were moving funny.… I went in [my grandma’s] house to find out what was up. And I saw them watching the news.”
“It was a dark day because of what happened,” he added. “But it was a bright day. It was a sunny day.”
Africa, who lived a few miles away with his grandmother, had spent so much time at the house that all 11 deaths, particularly those of the children, felt painfully personal. “Tomaso, he was the closest one to my age, and I remember there was one particular day. We were waiting for the snow to fall,” he recalled, recounting his life in the months before the bombing. “For a long time we didn’t see any snow. And we fell asleep in the window, back to back. And I don’t know how long it was that we were hanging out in the window, but when we woke up, snow was piled up. He was dancing in circles and then he ran out into it naked. He didn’t wait to put on any clothes, just ran directly out into the snow, jumped in it, and was just throwing it up in the air and letting it fall down on top of him. Shortly after that, he was bombed and shot to death.”
MOVE (which is not an acronym) was founded in 1973 by Mike Africa Jr.’s great uncle, John Africa, born Vincent Lephart. In some ways, it was decades ahead of its time. Africa shunned modern technology and cultural norms. He believed that the liberation of Black Americans required a total rejection of what he called the “system.” Africa’s followers wore their hair in dreadlocks, followed a raw diet, and repudiated modern amenities like central heating and gas ovens. Like their leader, they also adopted the last name of Africa. The group quickly became known for its nonviolent, though often disruptive, protests around the city. MOVE positioned itself against any organization viewed to be in opposition of the nature-based lifestyle they upheld: Protests were held at pet stores, political rallies, and zoos, to name a few.
The organization first settled in a house in Powelton Village, West Philadelphia. It was there that the first community disputes arose. Neighbors reported that MOVE’s compost system caused a putrid smell to waft through the street, attracting mice and rats. More troublingly, some alleged that members of the organization made threatening remarks to residents, who complained to the city.
In 1977, tensions escalated further when Philadelphia Mayor Frank Rizzo, who regarded the group as a “terrorist” organization, dispatched city health inspectors to the MOVE house. There they were met and barred from entry by beret-wearing, gun-wielding MOVE members. Though no one was harmed, the Philadelphia police department set up a 24-hour surveillance of the house, and MOVE members barricaded themselves inside for nearly a year following the initial standoff. It was the beginning of what would become a long, and painful, relationship between MOVE and the city.
By 1982, MOVE had relocated to the 6221 Osage Avenue row-house where John Africa and ten others would eventually be killed. Shortly thereafter, Wilson Goode was elected as the first Black mayor of Philadelphia. Two years later, he would watch as his own police, televised, dropped a two-pound satchel bomb on a row house containing children.
By the time of the relocation, two other people had already died during MOVE-related confrontations: Police Officer James J. Ramp, and an infant, Life Africa.
Life was only three weeks old when he died in 1976. His mother, Janine Africa, later told The Philadelphia Inquirer that she’d been holding her newborn when a police officer shoved her to the ground during a scuffle between the department and MOVE. She said that the infant was crushed beneath her. No police officer was charged in the death, and only a limited investigation into the incident took place.
In 1978, violent confrontation came to a head following an eviction notice from the city. In an ensuing gun battle between MOVE and the police department, veteran Officer Ramp was shot to death. Two other police officers, as well as three firefighters, were shot and wounded. Nine MOVE members, including Mike Africa Jr.’s mother, were sentenced up to 100 years each for Ramp’s death. MOVE maintains that the officer was killed by friendly fire and that all nine members were wrongfully convicted.
In the wake of Life Africa’s death and the imprisonment of nine of their members, MOVE became increasingly hostile toward the police. By the early 1980s, neighbors on Osage Avenue reported nearly round-the-clock bullhorn speeches, often laced with vulgar language disparaging city officials as well as anyone else MOVE saw as a part of the “system.” Nearby residents said the noise and disruption made daily life chronically unpleasant.
“It was one thing to be two blocks away and hear it,” Lloyd Wilson, an Osage Avenue resident who lived in the rowhouse next to MOVE, recounted later in a public hearing. “But to live next door, full blast in our bedroom—I watched my wife many nights lay there in that bed and cry. Wasn’t nothing else she could do.”
Mike Africa Jr. remembers the growing friction well. “It feels like it was born into me,” he recalled. “I remember the tension before I remember the people. Tension from neighbors. Tension from the police. Tension from other family members.”
Residents of Osage Avenue had, without success, asked the city government to intervene. But it was not until MOVE began to set up a wooden bunker, outfitted with holes for gun ports, that action was taken. In a highly publicized meeting with the governor of Pennsylvania, community members made a desperate appeal to the city. It worked. On Mother’s Day, May 12, 1985, Mayor Goode gave the go-ahead to the city’s police department to remove John Africa and his followers from 6221 Osage Avenue.
Pete Kane was an NBC10 cameraman at the time. As residents near Osage Avenue were being evacuated by the police, Kane hid in the house next door to MOVE, offering the residents compensation in exchange for him to remain as the confrontation began.
“They [the police] never knew I was in the house,” he said, recalling the hours before the bombing. “So what I went through for the next couple of hours were tow trucks coming through the block, towing the cars away, the electric company coming through, killing power on the block to the homes. And then the bullhorn. The police on the bullhorn negotiating with MOVE about coming out [of] the house.”
On the morning of May 13, at 6 am, gunfire was exchanged between the police and MOVE. “My son at that time was only three weeks old,” Kane said, his voice cracking slightly as he recounted that fearful day. “When [the] gunfire started that morning, and the bullets were whizzing by me, I said to myself, ‘I’m not gonna see Chris grow up.’”
But Kane stayed in the house, motivated by what he said was his journalistic responsibility to bear witness to the police force’s actions. “ My TV station kept calling me saying, ‘the police are calling us. They [don’t] know what house you’re in and [want to] make sure you’re safe.’ I said, ‘Eff them.’ I was not going to give up my location. Because everything I shot would’ve been destroyed. And I wasn’t gonna do it. [I] would’ve stayed to the end [even] if I had died.”
By early afternoon, the police department had sprayed tear gas, jet-streamed gallons of water onto the MOVE house’s roof, and fired “over 10,000 rounds of ammunition…at a row house containing children,” as is reported in the city’s 1986 investigation into the incident. And then at 5:27 pm, barely more than 24 hours since the operation began, with the approval of Mayor Goode, a helicopter flew over the MOVE house, dropping a bomb made out of tovex and C-4 and assembled by Philadelphia police.
“All of a sudden the house shook,” Kane recalled. It was only moments after the bomb had been dropped that “ the fire started spreading. The homes on either side started to burn. It’s heavy black smoke, and no water was put on it.”
Only two people inside of 6221 Osage Avenue survived the bombing and subsequent fire: Birdie and Ramona Africa. Birdie was only 13 years old when he ran out of an alleyway, naked, to escape the burning rowhouse. According to his account, as well as Ramona’s, police gunfire rained on the members as they tried to escape with their hands in the air and without wielding any weapons. Birdie was forced to leave his siblings behind in the inferno.
“What bothers me to this day,” Kane says, “is I hear police officers outside my window saying, ‘They’re coming out the back. They’re coming out the back.’ And that’s when I hear more gunfire.”
By the end of the day, Katricia (14), Delisha (12), Zanetta (12), Phil (12), and Tomaso (9), as well as John Africa, Rhonda Africa, Theresa Africa, Frank Africa, Conrad Africa, and Raymond Africa, perished in the fire. In addition to those killed, 61 homes were destroyed, rendering more than 250 Philadelphians homeless.
In April of 2021 the local news site Billy Penn, operated by Philadelphia’s public media station WHYY, reported that the Penn Museum had kept, and at points misplaced, the remains of two of the MOVE children, Katricia and Delisha, despite knowing that both victims had living next-of-kin. It was later reported that the remains had been used as examples in online lectures run by the museum as recently as 2021.
But the mishandling of the bodies dates back to the bombing itself. In its initial aftermath, a crane had been used to dig up the remains not only of the victims but of animals as well, leading to a “comingling of remains and six bones—both human and animal,” according to the report. Beyond being profoundly disrespectful, the careless handling of the bodies also seriously compromised future forensic investigations.
Eventually the remains, which forensic scientists claimed to be unable to properly identify, were transferred to a lab at the University of Pennsylvania. Over the years, their existence was seemingly forgotten by the city altogether, though officials claimed the remains had been cremated following WHYY’s reporting—without the knowledge or consent of the families. They then backtracked, saying the remains were still intact.
Penn Museum claimed that all known remains were returned in 2021. But in November 2024, the museum discovered the remains of Delisha Africa, which had been tucked away in an archive.
Rachel Watkins, a visiting associate professor of anthropology at the University of Pennsylvania, is currently the curator for the Biological Anthropology section of the Penn Museum. She is part of a team that works on re-inventorying archived remains, including those of the MOVE children. She takes the gesture as an attempt to rectify the museum’s wrongs of the past.
“[That the] museum was willing to hire someone with my background, shows to me that they are committed to change,” she told The Nation. “In a matter of months these remains were recovered, to me that means that the [new] system is working.”
The museum hasn’t been alone in trying to make amends. In 1990, the city paid $2.5 million in wrongful-death settlements to the families of the children. In 1991, Birdie Africa, who subsequently went by the name Michael Moses Ward, received a settlement of $840,000, along with a lifetime monthly payment, from the city. Ward passed away in 2013.
In 1996, a federal judge awarded Ramona Africa, one of the survivors, $1.5 million in damages related to the bombing.
In the 40 years since the bombing, Mike Africa Jr. hasn’t given up trying to memorialize the people killed that day. Three years ago, he set up a GoFundMe account to try to raise funds to repurchase 6221 Osage Avenue, which was rebuilt in 2020.
When asked what he would like to do with the reclaimed home, Africa told The Nation he “want[ed] to make a bronze memorial, with the names, and the birth dates and death dates…to honor the people that were killed. And also, I want to make a memorial for the people that lost their property and their possessions that day. I think they’re overshadowed because people died. So it’s kind of like, how do you compare property to people? If 60 homes had burned down and nobody died, the 60 homes, the jewelry, the wedding pictures, the children’s posters on the refrigerator, that you can never get back, [would be remembered].”
According to the GoFundMe, Africa has raised more than $22,000, but he still needs over $350,000 to fully “reclaim Osage,” as his fundraising page describes it.
“Eleven people died and no official was punished for it. The government got away with murder. And if MOVE wasn’t facing and fighting an injustice within their own community, the bombing would’ve never happened,” he said. “That’s what problems do. If they’re not solved, they create another problem.”
MOVE members defending their home and church on May 21, 1977
Attack on Black liberation group MOVE: The day Philadelphia bombed its own citizens • FRANCE 24
The Philadelphia Inquirer documentary series:
The 1985 Move bombing in Philadelphia – Before the bombing
The 1985 Move bombing in Philadelphia – The Confrontation
The 1985 Move bombing in Philadelphia – The Aftermath
On this anniversary of the assassination of beloved journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, as I wrote years ago now; possibly as our devils whisper by a sniper belonging to a rogue black ops unit of IDF Reconnaissance in Gaza, Sayaret Haruv, refounded under the command of Lt. Col. Yaniv Barut, Kfir Brigade, and operating in coordination with elements of the infamous Duvdevan, Counter Terrorism Unit 217 of the 89th Commando Brigade, whose history has been fictionalized in the Israeli telenovela Fauda available on Netflix, other special operations agents and most importantly the deniable paramilitary assets and settler militias which now threaten to wag the dog and seize power from the civilian government of Israel, let us bring a Reckoning.
A new documentary, Who Killed Shireen?, has exposed the assassin Israel and America have attempted to conceal, IDF soldier Alon Scagio, but this is not the whole answer to the question. For this was not the random murderous act of a fanatical racist killer in a uniform, but a targeted political assassination to silence the witness of history by the terrorist Netanyahu regime and its sponsors of genocide, ethnic cleansing, war crimes and other crimes against humanity, and imperial conquest and dominion including former President Joe Biden, and until Netanyahu and Biden along with all persons who ordered the killing or conspired in the coverup are on trial in the International Court none of us are safe; no Palestinians, but also no Israelis and no Americans. Because the states of Israel and America can come for any of us, at any time and for any reason, and with such precedents will come for anyone who bears witness of their crimes.
The killer who pulled the trigger has met his Reckoning; not yet those who ordered and authorized the assassination.
For many years teaching high school my mother would hold up the crooked finger broken by a nun with a ruler to silence her questions as a child, whereupon she walked out of the school and the Catholic Church and never looked back, and announce to the class her first principle of action and of education; “We are not silent.”
Our best reply to the murder of a journalist by any state is to ask questions and speak in witness, and to do so together as mass action and solidarity across all divisions of faith, race, gender, and national identity as liberation struggle. This is how we set each other free; by truths which delegitimize authority, by solidarity of action which forges a United Humankind, and by seizures of power.
In the context of the Israeli Occupation and the campaign of terror against the people of Palestine, a friend has offered her witness of history as to why she no longer wears the Star of David in the wake of the 1967 Six Day War, and wrote of the 1995 assassination of Rabin, who like Gandhi was killed by an ultranationalist in the first action of the capture of the state by a totalitarian and imperial colonialist regime, as a lost hope of democracy in Israel.
To this I have replied; Yes, but remember always my friend, that though the state of Israel now unfolds from its unique history, its failures are not those of Jewish identity or faith but universal to humankind. Tyranny is a predictable phase of anticolonial struggle, and determined by its imposed conditions. So seductive, to be the arbiter of virtue in pursuit of security. But security is an illusion, and use of social force subversive to democracy and the values and goals of a society in which we are each other’s guarantors of universal human rights, and not our jailors.
My friends and I fought for a long time for the freedom to wear the Star of David without fear; seize and own it as a power paid for in blood. One day the citizens of Israel will liberate themselves; until then all I can do is try to buy time for that future to unfold, and shield those I can from its costs as tyranny and terror. I offer for your consideration the premise that Rabin was among the 36 Good Men upon whom the fate of the world depends, and the hope that we may live up to his example.
Cede nothing to the enemy; not symbols or histories, nor abandon anything to capture and subversion of meaning in service to power and authorized identities as falsification. Identity is a ground of struggle, where liberty or tyranny begin.
Always there remains the struggle between the masks others make for us and those we make for ourselves. This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the seizure of power as ownership of ourselves.
As written by Bethan McKernan in The Guardian, in an article entitled Shireen Abu Akleh: friends and family call for justice on anniversary of killing:
Israeli forces admit ‘high possibility’ Al Jazeera reporter was shot by sniper at West Bank refugee camp; “Family members, friends and colleagues of Palestinian-American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, who was almost certainly fatally shot by an Israeli sniper, have renewed calls for justice on the first anniversary of her killing, during a week of memorials and events celebrating her life.
Abu Akleh, a household name in the Arab world who worked for Qatar-based Al Jazeera, was shot in the head in the slumlike refugee camp on the outskirts of the occupied West Bank city of Jenin on 11 May last year while covering an Israel Defence Forces (IDF) raid. International outrage at the reporter’s death was fuelled by scenes of violence at her funeral in Jerusalem, when Israeli police attacked pallbearers, almost causing them to drop the coffin.
The IDF eventually admitted there was a “high possibility” Abu Akleh was killed by a soldier, but maintains the shooting was accidental and a criminal investigation is not warranted.
In the year since, international efforts at accountability have moved painfully slowly. But at a concert honouring the Jerusalemite in Ramallah earlier this week, hundreds of people gathered to remember a remarkable trailblazer and her legacy.
“Years of seeing justice not being served for Palestinians tells me we shouldn’t expect much [from officials]. But if we focus on whatever silver lining there is, I’d never seen anything like the turnout at her funeral … It showed how loved and respected she was,” said Dalia Hatuqa, Abu Akleh’s friend and former colleague.
“Shireen has inspired a whole generation of young women and men who admire her and her work and want to follow in her footsteps.”
Tributes from Abu Akleh’s family and colleagues at Tuesday’s concert spoke of her dedication to showing the world the harsh realities of Israeli occupation, as well as moments of happiness and resilience. A Jerusalem girls’ choir, and young women from the Edward Said National Conservatory of Music, performed several pieces composed in her memory.
A raft of universities have announced awards and scholarships in Abu Akleh’s name, a street in Ramallah has been renamed after her, and her name will also live on in the form of a media museum scheduled to open in the city in 2025.
For Palestinians, and much of the rest of the world, it is clear who bears responsibility for Abu Akleh’s death. Several journalistic investigations as well as a UN probe have concluded that Israeli forces killed the well-known journalist. Some findings suggest the small group of journalists she was with were deliberately targeted, even though they were wearing helmets and protective vests clearly marked “Press”.
While the Biden administration has largely embraced Israel’s version of events, and resisted launching an independent investigation into the killing of a US citizen, pressure from Congress forced it to agree to an FBI inquiry last November, which for now appears to be the most promising avenue for justice – although Israel has said it will not cooperate. Abu Akleh’s family and Al Jazeera have also referred the case to the international criminal court (ICC) in The Hague, but proceedings typically take years, and Israel is not a member.
Abu Akleh is far from the only Palestinian journalist killed in recent years whose death has gone unpunished. A new report from the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), released this week to coincide with the anniversary of Abu Akleh’s death, found that Israel has never charged or found any soldier accountable for the killings of at least 20 journalists, 18 of whom were Palestinian, since 2001.
“Israeli officials discount evidence and witness claims, often appearing to clear soldiers for the killings while inquiries are still in progress … When probes do take place, the Israeli military often takes months or years to investigate killings and families of the mostly Palestinian journalists have little recourse inside Israel to pursue justice,” the report said.
In the year that has passed since the reporter’s death, violence in the region has risen substantially. Tensions in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have soared over the past year: more than 116 Palestinians and at least 19 Israelis and foreigners have been killed in 2023 so far, leading to fears of a return to full-scale fighting.
About half of this year’s Palestinian death toll are civilians, according to media tallies. But according to army data analysed by Yesh Din, an Israeli human rights organisation, the IDF has near-total impunity from prosecution in cases in which Palestinians and their property were harmed by soldiers.
Between 2017 and 2021, only 21.4% of complaints led to an investigation – and of the 248 investigations, just 11 resulted in an indictment, making the rate 0.87%.
The IDF says it opens initial operational investigations in all cases in the West Bank in which a Palestinian is killed, unless the death occurred in a combat environment. Based on those findings, the military advocate decides whether a criminal investigation is merited.
“I thought when they killed Shireen, if they can kill her, then they can kill any of us,” said Amira, a 20-year-old student at the Ramallah concert. “But we need to continue resisting and we need to have hope.”
As written by Dion Nissenbaum in The Guardian, in an article entitled Who killed Palestinian-American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh – and why?; “You may think you know the story of the first Palestinian-American journalist to be killed by Israeli forces, but you probably don’t.
For much of the world, Shireen Abu Akleh was the voice of Palestine, a brave, seasoned Al Jazeera journalist who repeatedly put her life on the line to cover the Israeli occupation of the West Bank.
On 11 May 2022, Shireen strapped on her helmet and blue body armor with the word “press” emblazoned across her chest and set out for what she expected to be another tense day covering an Israeli military raid in the West Bank city of Jenin. It turned out to be her last: Shireen was shot in the back of the head by an Israeli soldier.
Her death became a polarizing flashpoint between Israel and the US. After falsely blaming Palestinian militants for killing Shireen, the Israeli military begrudgingly admitted – four months later – that one of their own soldiers almost certainly shot the 51-year-old journalist.
No one was ever held to account for Shireen’s killing. Israel objected to an FBI investigation into her death and rejected US calls for the Israeli military to revise the rules of engagement to try to prevent more innocent people from being killed.
Israel refused to let the US interview the soldier who fired the fatal shots. Israel refused to give Americans the soldier’s statement about what he had been thinking when he shot Shireen. Israel wouldn’t even tell the US the soldier’s name. Without that information, US officials said, they couldn’t determine whether the Israeli military was guilty of any human rights violations for killing Shireen.
So I and a team of journalists set out to find out who killed Shireen – and why.
Our months-long investigation uncovered some disturbing revelations. First, it became clear that Israel knew right away that one of its soldiers had probably killed Shireen – even though Israeli leaders were falsely blaming Palestinian militants for her death.
Hours after Shireen was killed, current and former US government officials told me, the top Israeli general in charge of the West Bank told American officials that one of his soldiers had probably killed Shireen. From the beginning, Israeli and American officials knew the truth. But Israel spent months denouncing a series of independent investigations by journalists that concluded an Israeli soldier had shot Shireen.
Our reporting also reveals that an initial American assessment determined that the Israeli soldier intentionally shot Shireen – and that he should have been able to tell that she was a journalist because she was wearing the blue body armor marked “press”.
A key Biden administration official familiar with the examination told us that the soldier who had killed Shireen probably could have been convicted of murder in an American courtroom. But the initial finding was rejected. Instead, the Biden administration did a 180. The US concluded that it found no reason to believe her killing was intentional and blamed it on “tragic circumstances”.
It is difficult to find a news story on Shireen’s death that clearly lays out what happened that day, so let me lay out the facts: an Israeli soldier inside an armored vehicle saw Shireen walking up the street 200 meters away and intentionally shot her. The Israeli military’s own investigation concluded that the soldier had falsely identified Shireen as a militant and killed her. The Israeli military’s own investigation found no evidence to back up its initial claims that Shireen might have been killed in crossfire. The Israeli military’s own investigation documented no Palestinian militants near Shireen when she was killed.
To be clear: Israel’s own investigation concluded that it was almost certain that its soldier intentionally killed Shireen. The only lingering question is: why? Since the US government failed to find the shooter, we decided to track him down ourselves.
We spoke to seasoned Israeli military soldiers and American investigators who told us that they would not have opened fire on Shireen. They told us it was an example of poor training or poor discipline.
One Israeli soldier who knew the shooter also defended his comrade by telling us that if “you see someone who holds a camera or something that … point at you, you don’t need more than that to shoot the bullet”.
That perspective has long been present in the Israeli military. In 2002, an Israeli sniper shot the Boston Globe journalist Anthony Shadid in the shoulder while he was wearing blue body armor in the West Bank capital, Ramallah. In 2008, an Israeli tank in the Gaza Strip fired a tank round from 700 meters away at 24-year-old Reuters journalist Fadel Shana’a, who was wearing blue body armor and filming with a camera set on tripod; Israel said the tank unit thought the camera was a weapon and absolved the soldiers of any wrongdoing. In October 2023, an Israeli tank opened fire on a group of journalists on a distant hillside across the border in southern Lebanon, killing the Reuters journalist Issam Abdallah; Israel has never admitted any fault.
Israel has long rejected accusations that it intentionally targets journalists. But the 7 October 2023 Hamas attack in southern Israel appears to have changed the nation’s calculus. Since then, the Israeli military has changed its tune. Israel has deliberately killed journalists in Gaza it has accused of being “combat propagandists” working for news outlets affiliated with Palestinian militant groups. The Israeli military’s top international spokesperson sent a clear message that wearing blue body armor with the word “press” on it does not provide any level of protection for journalists.
“Wearing a vest that says ‘press’ doesn’t turn a terrorist into a journalist,” Lt Col Nadav Shoshani tweeted last year . So it’s no surprise that Israel has now become the most dangerous country for journalists. Israel has killed more than 175 journalists since 7 October 2023, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. More journalists were killed in 2024 than in any other year since the committee began documenting such deaths more than three decades ago. Israel killed nearly two-thirds of the 124 journalists who died around the world in 2024.
Israeli soldiers and settlers have also killed at least six more Americans since Shireen’s death. The country has held no one to account for any of the killings. Sen Chris Van Hollen, who has repeatedly called on the US government to investigate these deaths and press Israel to change its rules of engagement, told me that Benjamin Netanyahu has repeatedly given the US the middle finger when it comes to these killings.
Israel has continued its crackdown on Palestinian media. Ali Samoudi, Shireen’s producer, was shot and injured by the same Israeli soldier who killed Shireen. A documentary team met Samoudi in Jenin while he was covering an ongoing Israeli military operation.
“We have been overcome by fear,” Samoudi says in the documentary. “From the moment Shireen was killed, I said, and continue to say, and will continue to say, that this bullet was meant to prevent the Palestinian media from the documentation and the exposure of the occupation’s crimes.”
In late April, Israeli forces arrested Samoudi and accused him, without providing evidence, of being “identified” with the militant group Islamic Jihad. His family said that he was beaten by Israeli soldiers and handcuffed to a hospital bed. Samoudi remains in detention.
Earlier this year, we did what the US failed to do and found Shireen’s killer. It turned out that the Israeli soldier who shot Shireen in Jenin was himself killed last year in the same West Bank city. The soldier, Alon Scagio, had been quietly transferred to a different unit after the Israeli investigation into Shireen’s death. He was buried as a hero for rescuing other Israeli soldiers injured in a Palestinian militant attack. The Israeli soldier who knew the shooter told me that his comrades had been so incensed that Scagio’s reputation had been tarnished by his killing Shireen that they started using Shireen’s picture for target practice.
Our reporting made one thing clear: the Biden administration failed Shireen Abu Akleh. Our Biden administration source told us that the US allowed Israel to get away with murder. Scagio’s death makes it harder to find out what he was thinking that day. The Israeli military could help provide some answers by releasing Scagio’s statement.
Congress could bring key witnesses to Washington for hearings into why the US investigation’s findings were changed. The Israeli military could revise the way it trains its soldiers so that they kill fewer innocent people. And Israel itself could change course and make it clear that it does not see journalists as the enemy.
Until that happens, more journalists, more Americans, and more innocent civilians are likely to keep dying at the hands of the Israeli military.”
On this day two years ago I wrote; May 12 2022, Reflections of the Third Intifada Part 3: In the Shadow of the Israeli Assassination of Truthteller and Journalist Shireen Abu Aqla; During a military raid on the Jenin Palestinian refugee camp in which Israeli provocateurs created confusion and pretexts for the use of deadly force by the state, an Israeli sniper assassinated iconic and beloved Palestinian journalist and American citizen Shireen Abu Aqla, who was wearing her unmistakable blue press jacket, in order to silence her witness of history. Hers was a fearless and heroic life of truth telling, and she was a role model for a generation of women who grew up with the implicit understanding that silence is complicity.
Our world is a Wilderness of Mirrors, distorted funhouse images, rewritten histories, filled with surfaces which capture and reflect, in which the witness of history and the sacred calling to pursue the truth must be beyond the power of the state, the elite, or of anyone to silence and erase, or we become simulacra, forgeries of ourselves and shadow puppets of authority. Our authenticity and uniqueness, our ownership of ourselves, is put at risk and in question by propaganda and thought control, repression of dissent, dehumanization, and subjugation.
We need what Foucault called truth tellers, not merely as guarantors of our liberty, but also of our humanity and the inviolability of our souls.
Al Jazeera has written of this; “In a blatant murder, violating international laws and norms, the Israeli Occupation Forces assassinated in cold blood Al Jazeera’s correspondent in Palestine, Shireen Abu Aqla, targeting her with live fire early this morning… while conducting her journalistic duty.”
The network called on the international community to hold the Israeli government and military accountable for the “intentional targeting and killing” of a journalist.
Qatar – which funds Al Jazeera – said it considered the killing a “heinous crime and a flagrant violation of international humanitarian law and a blatant infringement on freedom of media and expression”.
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas condemned the shooting of Abu Aqla and Samoudi and alleged that it was “part of the occupation’s policy of targeting journalists to obscure the truth and commit crimes silently”.
As I wrote in my post of January 16 2021, Silence Is Complicity: No One Gets to Sit This One Out; A post in which I quote Adam Parkhomenko elicited an interesting reaction from someone, one which makes me question how the rhetoric of fascist and racist privilege creates complicity; the quote is in reference to the massive responsibility avoidance and denial on the part of the Republican lawmakers who refuse to join the call impeach our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, and his rabble of murderous barbarians.
Here is the quotation; “I have a very simple message for Republicans calling for unity without accountability: the United States does not negotiate with terrorists.”
This was the reaction; first, repetition of the very call for unity without accountability, which I would characterize as granting permission through failure to consequent behaviors, which the quote calls out; “These words are just creating more divisions!”
Second, an attempt at silencing dissent; “Please Stop!”
Third, an attempt at blame shifting; “Whenever one person thinks they are right and everyone else is wrong you are the problem!”
And Fourth, the very worst of the apologetics of historical fascism, a claim of moral equivalence; “Everyone just needs to stop all of these posts because there are good people on both sides!”
And this last I cannot let pass, for on the last occasion of its general use this propagandistic lie and rhetorical device led directly to the Holocaust and the global devastation of total war.
I am unclear which good people she could be referring to; the ones who were going to capture and hang or guillotine members of Congress, the ones who murdered a police officer and attempted to bomb both the Democratic and Republican offices, the white supremacist terrorists who have rallied to the cause of treason and armed sedition, or the mad tyrant who commanded them?
To this I replied; You are wrong. Treason, terror, and the murder of police officers has no excuse. You are either with us as American patriots or against us; no one gets to sit this one out and be counted among the honorable, the moral, and the loyal.
Silence is complicity.
Such is the Talmudic principle, “Shtika Kehoda”, famously paraphrased by Einstein in his 1954 speech to the Chicago Decalogue Society as “If I were to remain silent, I’d be guilty of complicity”, and referenced by Eli Weisel as “the opposite of love is not only hate, it is also indifference.”
Martin Luther King said it this way in Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story; “He who passively accepts evil is as much involved in it as he who helps to perpetrate it. He who accepts evil without protesting against it is really cooperating with it.”
John Stuart Mill expressed a related idea in his 1867 Inaugural Address to the University of St. Andrews; “Let not anyone pacify his conscience by the delusion that he can do no harm if he takes no part, and forms no opinion. Bad men need nothing more to compass their ends, than that good men should look on and do nothing. He is not a good man who, without a protest, allows wrong to be committed in his name, and with the means he helps to supply, because he will not trouble himself to use his mind on the subject.”
Leonardo da Vinci formulated it as resistance to tyranny, with which he was very familiar in the wars of dominion between the princes of Renaissance Italy; “Nothing strengthens authority so much as silence.”
Silence is complicity.
Should this concept require further clarification, please refer to the following recording and transcript of Elie Wiesel’s Millennium Lecture at the White House, on April 12 1999, hosted by President Bill Clinton and First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton:
Mr. President, Mrs. Clinton, members of Congress, Ambassador Holbrooke, Excellencies, friends: Fifty-four years ago to the day, a young Jewish boy from a small town in the Carpathian Mountains woke up, not far from Goethe’s beloved Weimar, in a place of eternal infamy called Buchenwald. He was finally free, but there was no joy in his heart. He thought there never would be again.
Liberated a day earlier by American soldiers, he remembers their rage at what they saw. And even if he lives to be a very old man, he will always be grateful to them for that rage, and also for their compassion. Though he did not understand their language, their eyes told him what he needed to know — that they, too, would remember, and bear witness.
And now, I stand before you, Mr. President — Commander-in-Chief of the army that freed me, and tens of thousands of others — and I am filled with a profound and abiding gratitude to the American people.
Gratitude is a word that I cherish. Gratitude is what defines the humanity of the human being. And I am grateful to you, Hillary — or Mrs. Clinton — for what you said, and for what you are doing for children in the world, for the homeless, for the victims of injustice, the victims of destiny and society. And I thank all of you for being here.
We are on the threshold of a new century, a new millennium. What will the legacy of this vanishing century be? How will it be remembered in the new millennium? Surely it will be judged, and judged severely, in both moral and metaphysical terms. These failures have cast a dark shadow over humanity: two World Wars, countless civil wars, the senseless chain of assassinations — Gandhi, the Kennedys, Martin Luther King, Sadat, Rabin — bloodbaths in Cambodia and Nigeria, India and Pakistan, Ireland and Rwanda, Eritrea and Ethiopia, Sarajevo and Kosovo; the inhumanity in the gulag and the tragedy of Hiroshima. And, on a different level, of course, Auschwitz and Treblinka. So much violence, so much indifference.
What is indifference? Etymologically, the word means “no difference.” A strange and unnatural state in which the lines blur between light and darkness, dusk and dawn, crime and punishment, cruelty and compassion, good and evil.
What are its courses and inescapable consequences? Is it a philosophy? Is there a philosophy of indifference conceivable? Can one possibly view indifference as a virtue? Is it necessary at times to practice it simply to keep one’s sanity, live normally, enjoy a fine meal and a glass of wine, as the world around us experiences harrowing upheavals?
Of course, indifference can be tempting — more than that, seductive. It is so much easier to look away from victims. It is so much easier to avoid such rude interruptions to our work, our dreams, our hopes. It is, after all, awkward, troublesome, to be involved in another person’s pain and despair. Yet, for the person who is indifferent, his or her neighbor are of no consequence. And, therefore, their lives are meaningless. Their hidden or even visible anguish is of no interest. Indifference reduces the other to an abstraction.
Over there, behind the black gates of Auschwitz, the most tragic of all prisoners were the “Muselmanner,” as they were called. Wrapped in their torn blankets, they would sit or lie on the ground, staring vacantly into space, unaware of who or where they were, strangers to their surroundings. They no longer felt pain, hunger, thirst. They feared nothing. They felt nothing. They were dead and did not know it.
Rooted in our tradition, some of us felt that to be abandoned by humanity then was not the ultimate. We felt that to be abandoned by God was worse than to be punished by Him. Better an unjust God than an indifferent one. For us to be ignored by God was a harsher punishment than to be a victim of His anger. Man can live far from God — not outside God. God is wherever we are. Even in suffering? Even in suffering.
In a way, to be indifferent to that suffering is what makes the human being inhuman. Indifference, after all, is more dangerous than anger and hatred. Anger can at times be creative. One writes a great poem, a great symphony, one does something special for the sake of humanity because one is angry at the injustice that one witnesses. But indifference is never creative. Even hatred at times may elicit a response. You fight it. You denounce it. You disarm it. Indifference elicits no response. Indifference is not a response.
Indifference is not a beginning, it is an end. And, therefore, indifference is always the friend of the enemy, for it benefits the aggressor — never his victim, whose pain is magnified when he or she feels forgotten. The political prisoner in his cell, the hungry children, the homeless refugees — not to respond to their plight, not to relieve their solitude by offering them a spark of hope is to exile them from human memory. And in denying their humanity we betray our own.
Indifference, then, is not only a sin, it is a punishment. And this is one of the most important lessons of this outgoing century’s wide-ranging experiments in good and evil.
In the place that I come from, society was composed of three simple categories: the killers, the victims, and the bystanders. During the darkest of times, inside the ghettoes and death camps — and I’m glad that Mrs. Clinton mentioned that we are now commemorating that event, that period, that we are now in the Days of Remembrance — but then, we felt abandoned, forgotten. All of us did.
And our only miserable consolation was that we believed that Auschwitz and Treblinka were closely guarded secrets; that the leaders of the free world did not know what was going on behind those black gates and barbed wire; that they had no knowledge of the war against the Jews that Hitler’s armies and their accomplices waged as part of the war against the Allies.
If they knew, we thought, surely those leaders would have moved heaven and earth to intervene. They would have spoken out with great outrage and conviction. They would have bombed the railways leading to Birkenau, just the railways, just once.
And now we knew, we learned, we discovered that the Pentagon knew, the State Department knew. And the illustrious occupant of the White House then, who was a great leader — and I say it with some anguish and pain, because, today is exactly 54 years marking his death — Franklin Delano Roosevelt died on April the 12th, 1945, so he is very much present to me and to us.
No doubt, he was a great leader. He mobilized the American people and the world, going into battle, bringing hundreds and thousands of valiant and brave soldiers in America to fight fascism, to fight dictatorship, to fight Hitler. And so many of the young people fell in battle. And, nevertheless, his image in Jewish history — I must say it — his image in Jewish history is flawed.
The depressing tale of the St. Louis is a case in point. Sixty years ago, its human cargo — maybe 1,000 Jews — was turned back to Nazi Germany. And that happened after the Kristallnacht, after the first state sponsored pogrom, with hundreds of Jewish shops destroyed, synagogues burned, thousands of people put in concentration camps. And that ship, which was already on the shores of the United States, was sent back.
I don’t understand. Roosevelt was a good man, with a heart. He understood those who needed help. Why didn’t he allow these refugees to disembark? A thousand people — in America, a great country, the greatest democracy, the most generous of all new nations in modern history. What happened? I don’t understand. Why the indifference, on the highest level, to the suffering of the victims?
But then, there were human beings who were sensitive to our tragedy. Those non-Jews, those Christians, that we called the “Righteous Gentiles,” whose selfless acts of heroism saved the honor of their faith. Why were they so few? Why was there a greater effort to save SS murderers after the war than to save their victims during the war?
Why did some of America’s largest corporations continue to do business with Hitler’s Germany until 1942? It has been suggested, and it was documented, that the Wehrmacht could not have conducted its invasion of France without oil obtained from American sources. How is one to explain their indifference?
And yet, my friends, good things have also happened in this traumatic century: the defeat of Nazism, the collapse of communism, the rebirth of Israel on its ancestral soil, the demise of apartheid, Israel’s peace treaty with Egypt, the peace accord in Ireland. And let us remember the meeting, filled with drama and emotion, between Rabin and Arafat that you, Mr. President, convened in this very place. I was here and I will never forget it.
And then, of course, the joint decision of the United States and NATO to intervene in Kosovo and save those victims, those refugees, those who were uprooted by a man whom I believe that because of his crimes, should be charged with crimes against humanity. But this time, the world was not silent. This time, we do respond. This time, we intervene.
Does it mean that we have learned from the past? Does it mean that society has changed? Has the human being become less indifferent and more human? Have we really learned from our experiences? Are we less insensitive to the plight of victims of ethnic cleansing and other forms of injustices in places near and far? Is today’s justified intervention in Kosovo, led by you, Mr. President, a lasting warning that never again will the deportation, the terrorization of children and their parents be allowed anywhere in the world? Will it discourage other dictators in other lands to do the same?
What about the children? Oh, we see them on television, we read about them in the papers, and we do so with a broken heart. Their fate is always the most tragic, inevitably. When adults wage war, children perish. We see their faces, their eyes. Do we hear their pleas? Do we feel their pain, their agony? Every minute one of them dies of disease, violence, famine. Some of them — so many of them — could be saved.
And so, once again, I think of the young Jewish boy from the Carpathian Mountains. He has accompanied the old man I have become throughout these years of quest and struggle. And together we walk towards the new millennium, carried by profound fear and extraordinary hope.
Elie Wiesel – April 12, 1999”
As I wrote in my post of May 12 2021, Day Three of the Third Intifada: Israel Launches its Final Solution in a General Campaign Against the People of Palestine; As Hamas defends the people of Palestine in an exchange of rocket fire with Israel, Israel launches a general campaign of state terror in its Final Solution to the Palestinian Problem, unleashing the deniable assets of militarized hate groups with which it provoked this conflict in coordination with military conquest. This is a program of ethnic cleansing which echoes that of the Nakba, the 1948 expulsion and genocide of the Palestinians.
Fire, explosions, screams; the night is filled with the horror of erasure and annihilation, mass murder and the wailing of the families of the dead. Here is a hellscape out of Dante but for one thing; the victims are innocents, caught in the jaws of a fascist tyranny which denies their humanity.
And in America, President Joe Biden responds to the news of Israeli Blitzkrieg and Kristallnacht against Palestine, in which hundreds of civilian noncombatants are now dead including children, with the words; “Israel has the right to defend itself.”
Tell that to the dead children, America. Their blood is on your hands.
And the judgement of history will hold you responsible.
What of the right of Palestine to defend itself from Israeli terror and war?
There is no right of defense against a people you are Occupying.
Why does America subsidize a fascist tyranny of blood, faith, and soil in the state of Israel? This is about wealth and power, and oil as a strategic resource which confers it.
If the nations who own the oil unite in solidarity with the people of Palestine against the Israeli conquest and Occupation, America will have no choice but to disavow and abandon our colony and proxy state.
If we can expose the monster behind the Israeli mask of virtue conferred by its historical legacies of victimization, and hold America and its other sponsors and partner states complicit in its crimes against humanity as a rogue state, the community of nations will abandon their policies of collaboration.
Let us dream a new world, wherein all humankind are equal and the guarantee of universal human rights is real and not an illusion of lies which serve power.
In America we need only ask, do we really hold that all human beings are created equal, and endowed with equal and inalienable rights? If we answer yes, then we must repudiate and renounce the state of Israel, until it can be reimagined and transformed as a free society of equals.
We must pursue a policy of exposure of the state of Israel’s crimes against humanity, and unite as an international community in the Boycott, Divestiture, and Sanction of Israel and in political action in our respective nations.
And it is crucial to do so in partnership with the citizens of Israel who welcome their Palestinian brothers and sisters in a free society of equals, wherein divisions of faith, blood, language, and history are without meaning under the law.
We must forge a new Israel free of tyrannies of force and control and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, free of its toxic military culture and carceral state, for along with the Palestinians who are enslaved under its Apartheid regime, its own citizens are also slaves of an unjust and unequal system.
Let us liberate Palestine and Israel, and let us liberate America from her complicity in evil.
Who Killed Shireen?
Who killed Palestinian-American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh – and why?
12 במאי 2023 שירין אבו עקל’ה, שהיד בעדות ובעיתונות כקריאה קדושה במרדף אחר האמת
ביום השנה לרצח העיתונאית האהובה שירין אבו עקל’ה, אולי כשהשדים שלנו לוחשים על ידי צלף השייך ליחידת מבצעים שחורים נוכלים של סיירת צה”ל בעזה, סיירת חרוב, בפיקודו של סא”ל יניב בארות, כפיר. החטיבה, ופועלת בתיאום עם גורמי דובדבן הידועה לשמצה, יחידה 217 ללוחמה בטרור של חטיבת הקומנדו 89, שההיסטוריה שלה הומצאה בטלנובלה הישראלית “פאודה” הזמינה בנטפליקס, סוכני מבצעים מיוחדים אחרים והכי חשוב הנכסים החצי-צבאיים הניתנים להכחשה שכיום. לאיים לכשכש בכלב ולתפוס את השלטון מהממשלה האזרחית של ישראל, בואו נביא חשבון נפש.
במשך שנים רבות מלמדת תיכון אמי הייתה מרימה את האצבע העקומה שנשברה על ידי נזירה עם סרגל כדי להשתיק את שאלותיה בילדותה, ואז היא יצאה מבית הספר ומהכנסייה הקתולית ולא הביטה לאחור, והודיעה לכיתה עקרון הפעולה והחינוך הראשון שלה; “אנחנו לא שותקים.”
התשובה הטובה ביותר שלנו לרצח של עיתונאי על ידי כל מדינה היא לשאול שאלות ולדבר לעדות, ולעשות זאת יחד כפעולה המונית וסולידריות על פני כל חטיבות האמונה, הגזע, המגדר והזהות הלאומית כמאבק שחרור. כך אנו משחררים אחד את השני; על ידי אמיתות המוציאות דה-לגיטימציה לסמכות ולא בכוח.
רצח רבין ב-1995, שכמו גנדי נהרג על ידי אולטרה-לאומי בפעולה הראשונה של כיבוש המדינה על ידי משטר קולוניאליסטי טוטליטרי ואימפריאלי, כתקווה אבודה לדמוקרטיה בישראל.
על כך השבתי; כן, אבל זכור תמיד ידידי, שלמרות שמדינת ישראל מתגלה כעת מההיסטוריה הייחודית שלה, כישלונותיה אינם של זהות יהודית אלא אוניברסליים למין האנושי. עריצות היא שלב צפוי של מאבק אנטי-קולוניאלי, ונקבע על פי התנאים המוטלים עליו. כל כך מפתה, להיות פוסק המידות במרדף אחר הביטחון. אבל ביטחון הוא אשליה, ושימוש בכוח חברתי החתרן לדמוקרטיה ולערכים ולמטרות של חברה שבה אנחנו ערבים זה לזה לזכויות האדם האוניברסליות, ולא הסוהרים שלנו.
אני וחברי נלחמנו זמן רב למען החופש לענוד מגן דוד ללא חשש; לתפוס ולהחזיק בו ככוח ששולם בדם. יום אחד אזרחי ישראל ישחררו את עצמם; עד אז כל מה שאני יכול לעשות הוא לנסות לקנות זמן כדי שהעתיד הזה יתפתח, ולגונן על אלה שאני יכול מפני העלויות שלו כעריצות ואימה. אני מציע לשיקולך את הנחת היסוד שרבין היה בין 36 האנשים הטובים שגורל העולם תלוי בהם, ואת התקווה שנוכל לעמוד בדוגמה שלו.
לא לוותר דבר לאויב; לא סמלים או היסטוריות, ולא לנטוש שום דבר כדי ללכוד ולחתר את המשמעות בשירות לשלטון וזהויות מורשות כזיוף. זהות היא קרקע של מאבק, שבו מתחילות חירות או עריצות.
תמיד נשאר המאבק בין המסכות שאחרים עושים לנו לבין אלה שאנחנו עושים לעצמנו. זו המהפכה הראשונה שבה כולנו חייבים להילחם; תפיסת השלטון כבעלות על עצמנו.
Arabic
في هذه الذكرى السنوية لاغتيال الصحفية المحبوبة شيرين أبو عقله ، ربما بينما يهمس شياطيننا على يد قناص تابع لوحدة العمليات السوداء المارقة التابعة لوحدة الاستطلاع التابعة للجيش الإسرائيلي في غزة ، سيارت حاروف ، التي أعيد تأسيسها تحت قيادة المقدم يانيف باروت ، كفير. اللواء ، ويعمل بالتنسيق مع عناصر من Duvdevan سيئ السمعة ، وحدة مكافحة الإرهاب 217 من لواء الكوماندوز 89 ، الذي تم تخيل تاريخه في Telenovela Fauda الإسرائيلي المتاح على Netflix ، وعملاء العمليات الخاصة الآخرين ، والأهم من ذلك الأصول شبه العسكرية التي يمكن إنكارها والتي أصبحت الآن يهددون بهز الكلب والاستيلاء على السلطة من الحكومة المدنية لإسرائيل ، دعونا نجلب الحساب.
لسنوات عديدة أثناء التدريس في المدرسة الثانوية ، كانت والدتي ترفع إصبعها الملتوي المكسور بواسطة راهبة مع حاكم لإسكات أسئلتها عندما كانت طفلة ، وعندها خرجت من المدرسة والكنيسة الكاثوليكية ولم تنظر إلى الوراء أبدًا ، وتعلن للصف. مبدأها الأول في العمل والتعليم ؛ “نحن لسنا صامتين.”
أفضل رد لدينا على مقتل صحفي على يد أي دولة هو طرح الأسئلة والتحدث بشهادة ، والقيام بذلك معًا كعمل جماهيري وتضامن عبر جميع الانقسامات الدينية والعرقية والجنس والهوية الوطنية كنضال من أجل التحرر. هذه هي الطريقة التي نحرر بها بعضنا البعض. بالحقائق التي تنزع الشرعية عن السلطة وليس بالقوة.
في سياق الاحتلال الإسرائيلي وحملة الإرهاب ضد الشعب الفلسطيني ، قدّمت صديقة لها شهادتها في التاريخ حول سبب عدم ارتدائها لنجمة داود في أعقاب حرب الأيام الستة عام 1967 ، وكتبت عن اغتيال رابين عام 1995 ، الذي قُتل مثل غاندي على يد قوميين متطرفين في أول عمل للاستيلاء على الدولة من قبل نظام استعماري شمولي واستعماري ، كأمل ضائع في الديمقراطية في إسرائيل.
لقد أجبت على هذا. نعم ، لكن تذكر دائمًا يا صديقي ، أنه على الرغم من أن دولة إسرائيل تتكشف الآن من تاريخها الفريد ، فإن إخفاقاتها ليست فشل الهوية اليهودية بل عالمية للبشرية. الاستبداد هو مرحلة متوقعة من النضال المناهض للاستعمار ، وتحدده شروطه المفروضة. من المغري أن أكون حكم الفضيلة في السعي وراء الأمن. لكن الأمن وهم ، واستخدام القوة الاجتماعية المخربة للديمقراطية وقيم وأهداف مجتمع نكون فيه ضامنين لبعضنا البعض لحقوق الإنسان العالمية ، وليس سجناءنا.
كافحنا أنا وأصدقائي لفترة طويلة من أجل حرية ارتداء نجمة داود دون خوف. الاستيلاء عليها وامتلاكها كسلطة مدفوعة بالدم. في يوم من الأيام سيحرر مواطنو إسرائيل أنفسهم. حتى ذلك الحين ، كل ما يمكنني فعله هو محاولة كسب الوقت حتى يتكشف هذا المستقبل ، وحماية أولئك الذين أستطيع من تكاليفه مثل الاستبداد والرعب. أعرض عليكم فرضية أن رابين كان من بين 36 رجلاً صالحًا يعتمد عليهم مصير العالم ، ونأمل أن نرتقي إلى قدوته.
لا تتنازل عن أي شيء للعدو. لا رموز أو تواريخ ، ولا تتخلى عن أي شيء لالتقاط وتخريب المعنى في خدمة السلطة والهويات المصرح بها كتزوير. الهوية هي أرض الصراع ، حيث تبدأ الحرية أو الاستبداد.
لا يزال هناك دائمًا صراع بين الأقنعة التي يصنعها الآخرون لنا وتلك التي نصنعها لأنفسنا. هذه هي الثورة الأولى التي يجب أن نقاتل فيها جميعًا. الاستيلاء على السلطة كملكية لأنفسنا.
The tide crashes in, overwhelming what has been and become familiar, chaotic and ferocious, and we are devastated in that moment as our castles in the sand vanish like illusions that never were, and only emptiness remains.
The tide recedes, revealing wonders; for what is left behind is always extraordinary even if it is commonplace, for it is ours, and unique, belonging to whoever finds and cherishes it.
So with our memories over vast chasms of time; each has its own moment and in this endless impermanence of being some events become defining moments and leap across the boundaries of time and space, of our world and ourselves, to reorganize and awaken us like the unpredictable illumination of a lightning strike.
Awake and seize the terror and rapture of our totalizing disruption and sudden realization of nothingness, not in fear and despair at our loss of what we have known and been, but in joy and absolute freedom in who we may become.
Notes on the Composition, Written in 2020:
As to form, my intention is to present the afore displayed poem on the left column in the dialectical journal format of a traditional Jesuit report, side by side with the interpretive and narrative material and personal reflections which follows on the right, an old habit of mine when writing with a pen. In a responsive digital format, its easier to read on a mobile device as a single text block, as it is here.
Once again I find myself contemplating Gaston Bachelard’s description of sounds as shells of speech, coquilles au parole, as I have throughout my life when the realm of the senses and that of meaning and value seen incongruent and discontiguous, like a shadow moving as a living thing independently from the object which casts it, an echo which changes the meaning of its source and returns our words to us in strange languages, a reflection which distorts, falsifies, and reshapes our images in a recursive wilderness of funhouse mirrors.
Identity is like the seashells found along a beach; each one a history expressed in their form of how its bearer and predecessors solved problems of adaptation and growth over vast epochs of time. Such structures protect us, but also limit us, and like the wise beings who create the shells we admire, we must learn when to cast them aside and create ourselves anew.
Death of our loved ones is the ultimate disruptive event; today I celebrated Mother’s Day having lost mine at the start of the year of 2020, with my partner Theresa and her dad Gene for whom I cooked dinner, she also having lost her mother and he his wife of 66 years only two years past. Yet with our shared grief there was also the strength of our bond as a family, humor, wit, and the anchorages of common memories.
On Mother’s Day we celebrate the redemptive and transformative power of love, and our interconnectedness with others through successive generations and our families and communities both natural to us and chosen by us.
May we all find the people through whom we can recreate ourselves as the person we want to become, and for whom we can empower and help actualize the same liberation.
2025 Update
Its just the two of us now, Dolly and I, her father lost to the Pandemic in 2021, though his dog Mala stays at our side like a shadow, and our cats Amok, Oscar Wild, Biscuit, Fluffy, and Socks also remain. Much of our joy lives now in the shadows in similar ways, negative spaces which grow larger with time until they are all that remains of us to be carried by others, and to reflect and dream is to fall through a well of infinite pasts and futures like a kaleidoscope of mimesis and reification.
Last year on the night before Mother’s Day we watched the magnificent aurora borealis together, from the fathomless darkness of the massif on which the old monastery of Mount St. Michaels broods over Spokane, a few minutes drive from our home on a nearby hill, and on the opposite side of the monastery from which we watched the lights of the city fifty one years ago during Expo 74, the summer our childhood love became a grand romance, and wished we may one day own a mountain from which to watch the stars. Twenty eight years later we made the impossible real and built Dollhouse Park together, twenty three years ago now. Stunning displays in the red spectrum of the far upper atmosphere dominated the aurora borealis show on this night last year, like a window opening in the celestial forever, letting angels through, or devils.
And which is which is impossible to tell.
Like most men, my ideas of women and of identities of sex and gender are defined by the chiaroscuro of two primary figures in my history, my mother and my life partner; but that is a story for another time.
In this moment, what is most important is that all women, including those we love, are now under multiple threats to bodily autonomy, agency, citizenship, and the ownership of identity by systems of oppression and theocratic patriarchal sexual terror.
What is to be done, as Lenin asked? All women face enormous forces of historical, social, and often institutional oppression as well as the limits of our form as imposed conditions of struggle, and we can act in solidarity and allyship both with women in general and with those in our lives as partners, sisters, daughters, ancestors and descendants, and mothers.
Of all the many strategies focused on gendered liberation struggle, the first and among the most important is simply listening to women’s voices and making space for them to be heard.
As I wrote in my post of May 14 2023, of the victims of the monster Trump and the system of patriarchal theocratic sexual terror he represents, This Mother’s Day, the Citizenship and Autonomy of Women Are In Question: the Case of E. Jean Carroll and CNN’s Town Hall; On this Mother’s Day, when the citizenship and autonomy of women are in question and the fate of our nation yet hangs in the balance, I think of my mother who carried me on her shoulders when we seized the Hall of Justice containing the courts and police station, in San Francisco in 1968, of her life of liberation struggle and the championing of others, and against systems and forces of unequal power and the idea of biology as destiny, as imposed conditions of struggle both as the limits of our form- fourteen miscarriages and nearly forty years of recurring cancer since her first surgery- and institutional Patriarchy as she changed fields at university because all the posted science jobs said “no women need apply” right out in print for all the world to see.
I think now of what remains to be achieved in seizures of power from those who would enslave us in the shadow of CNN’s Town Hall and the vindication of E. Jean Carroll of which the Republicans made a joke.
Behind the Republican Party’s mask of macho glorification of violence and our right to kill each other en masse with military firearms, of centralization of power to the state in the militarization of police as enforcers of theocratic Gideonite sexual terror and virtue as defined by authority, of capitalist war on nature as limitless need for control of our wildness which is driving our species to extinction, of systems of unequal power and the need for force and control itself, lies a simple motive; fear.
Fear of Otherness, of loss of power and elite hegemonies of wealth, privilege, and the use of social force, and of the inchoate and chaotic forces of desire which are life itself and topple all structures of social control as unanswerable tides of being and truths written in our flesh.
Fear is the forge of power, especially in the context of identitarian politics, tyrannical regimes, fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, and fear shaped by authority in service to power through division and narratives of victimization. Politics is the Art of Fear, as my father once taught me, and the power of authority rests on the Calculus of Fear, how much fear is used in its primary mission of social control, and how it is used; too little fear and order collapses, too much and it creates its own counterforce as resistance and revolution.
I have thought of resistance and revolution much in days of study of the Party of Treason’s reaction to the vindication in court of the heroic truthteller E. Jean Carroll as performed in CNN’s Town Hall, wherein the Third Primary Duty of a Citizen, Mock Authority, has been deployed by authority itself as a strategy of reaction and counter-revolution.
This is pathetic, Absurd which I capitalize in reference to Artaud’s Theatre of Cruelty from which Republican propaganda is derived, politics as spectacle which induces horror and revulsion, and a typical performance by Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, but I cannot overstate its peril. The purpose of such propaganda is to unify group identity and mobilize its forces; and we see how well it works in the January 6 Insurrection.
The American Fourth Reich and its captured glove the Republican Party demonstrates in the CNN Town Hall the flag it rallies round, Patriarchy and sexual terror, the silencing, commodification, and dehumanization of women and the theft of women’s citizenship as vote suppression and repression of dissent and public witness, and the disempowerment and theft of autonomy of women in legal and political actions to keep control of women’s bodies and reproductive rights in male hands. In this key mission, the Grabber is a figure of predation who grants permission and immunity to his followers as loaned power, and it is the power of sexual terror Republicans want most of all.
Thanks for showing us all what’s under your masks, Republicans; Treason, Racism, Untruth, Misogyny, Predator.
As I wrote in my post of March 30 2020, Embracing Fear as Liberation from Authority and Control: Anarchy as a Path of Psychological and Social Freedom; Even more terrible than blaming the victim is when no one believes the victim; it is an erasure and silencing which is the particular horror of women, as the dread that no one is coming to help is that of the LGBT and other marginalized communities.
The degree to which we are trusted and believed, our authority, and the reach of our voices in witness are excellent and reliable measures of our power and our position in social hierarchies. As a measure of societies themselves, this will tell you about the relative democracy or tyranny of a culture.
What Matthew Jacobs calls The Ubiquity of Disbelief in his insightful criticism in Huffpost of The Invisible Man starring Elizabeth Moss, entitled Why Does No One In Horror Movies Believe The Female Protagonist?, and examines disbelief and the horror of disconnectedness as a disease of mistrust and failure of solidarity, points directly to the cathartic function of art, its ability to hold up a mirror to our darkness.
For the mechanism and pathology of fear is what drives patriarchy, unequal power, and inauthentic relationships, abstracts us from ourselves and one another as simulacra and creates aberrations of violence and sexual terror.
From fear are monsters born; yet it is our fear we must embrace to free ourselves of the tyranny of others and the spectre of authoritarian force and control.
We must not let fear define us; it is the degree to which we can embrace, learn from, and free ourselves from our fear which measures our freedom and enacts our liberation from the control of others.
For when we cannot be driven into submission by authority through fear and learned helplessness the use of force becomes meaningless as does its scale; thus do we reclaim our power and agency to define ourselves, and ownership of the performances of our identities.
The Handmaid’s Tale Interrogates the Past, but must it also predict the future?
July 21 2020 How Patriarchy Works: Unequal Power, Identities of Sex and Gender, Autonomy Versus Authorization, Complicity and Responsibility, and the Social Use of Force
As I reflect on the events of the Third Intifada as I lived them, it occurs to me that among the things which are important here is the process of storytelling as self-reflective memory, history, and identity; for when we tell the story of a thing history looks back on itself, and through its author and readers becomes embodied and self aware. There is no telling nor hearing of stories without participation and interpretation; they bear liminal force as a principle of change.
Here I write in the special form of social media, wherein all truths are relative, ephemeral, impermanent; but also extend infinitely in all directions free of the limits of form and of time as artifacts of consciousness and abstract information by which the real organizes itself, and collide with other truths in a Brownian motion which transforms them and ourselves as informing, motivating, and shaping sources. We have forged a network of ideas which is a mirror of the network of ourselves.
How if this social construction of identity through narrative is both metaphorical or poetic truth and an instrument with which we may seize control of our own evolution?
Jung reimagined the Platonic Ideal as the Collective Unconscious, and referenced its previous forms as the Logos in the Biblical Book of John the Evangelist, Ibn Arabi’s alam al-mythal, Coleridge’s Primary Imagination, and the Bardo in Hindu and Buddhist philosophy. But in the context of the usefulness of stories in the creation of ourselves, it is not the function of dreams and poetic vision as a gate of the soul to the Infinite, as rapture, exaltation, and transcendence, of which I speak now, but of the power of reimagination and transformation in healing the brokenness of the world.
Such a unitary field of human being, meaning, and value which co-evolves with us as its individual expressions and manifestations, this sea of consciousness which connects us below the surface of our awareness and beyond the limits of our individuality, and in which we participate as its creators in recursive process, is a primary ground of struggle.
As we learn from John Cage in music, Harold Pinter in theatre, and Piet Mondrian in art, it is the blank spaces which define and order meaning; and in history it is the silenced and erased voices to which we must listen most carefully, for here the emptiness speaks to us of secret power and of the key functions and relationships which authority must conceal to maintain its hegemony over us.
Always pay attention to the man behind the curtain. For if we are to free ourselves of those who would enslave us and steal our souls through falsification, lies and illusions, rewritten histories, and captured narratives, we must perform the Four Primary Duties of a Citizen; Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority, and live, write, speak, teach, and organize as what Foucault called truthtellers in the sacred calling to pursue the truth.
Thus may we enact solidarity and place our lives in the balance with those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased.
Such is my hope that love as solidarity may redeem the flaws of our humanity and that its praxis as liberation struggle may bring healing to the brokenness of the world, and that through poetic vision as reimagination and transformation of human being, meaning, and value and the limitless possibilities of becoming human we may dream a better future than we have the past.
As I wrote in my post of October 5 2021, Seizure of Power, Self-Creation and Self-Ownership, Authenticity and Autonomy, Self Representation as Construction of Identity, and Ourselves as Living Memoirs: the Case of Social Media; Something crucial we ignore about social media; though its pitched as connectedness, its primary function is to construct identity through ordering and prioritizing our experience in time. Our social media publications are a form of memoir, and this is a ground of struggle between the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others, and those which others tell about us.
As with the public negotiations of national identity and conflicted histories in the competing narratives of the 1619 Project and the Mayflower origin story, and of the authorized identities of Israelis and Palestinians, the first question we must ask of our stories is simple and direct; whose story is this?
This is the great test of disambiguation between falsification and authenticity, and between autonomy and subjugation; not whether a statement is a lie or an objective and testable truth, though this is also important, but whose truth is it?
As I wrote in my post of June 22 2021, Our History Swallows Us Like An Infinite Moebius Loop and We Become Prisoners of Its Gordian Knot: the Case of Critical Race Theory; History becomes a Wilderness of Mirrors; of lies and illusions, distorted and captured images endlessly reflected which violate our uniqueness, falsify us, limit and entrap us in authorized identities and narratives which serve the interests of elite power and not our own.
Our histories and memories are the anchorages of our identity and the wellspring of our becoming, networks of connectedness which sustain our harmony and wholeness; but such nets can ensnare us as well, and become atavisms we drag behind us like an invisible reptilian tail.
Our history swallows us like an infinite Moebius Loop, and we become prisoners of its Gordian Knot; the case of Critical Race Theory repression illumines the vicious cycle of fear, power, and force as racism and fascist tyranny overlap and intermingle hideously, consuming our most vulnerable population as sacrifices on the altar of wealth and power.
As I wrote in my post of December 5 2020, Whose Story Is This?; We are the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and one another. So it becomes important to ask of our stories and representations, whose story is this?
I call this the Narrative Theory of Identity, and my intention is that it serves as a lever for changing the balance of power in the world. Our idea of self derives from the persona, the ancient Greek theatrical mask through which characters speak, and the possibilities of becoming human are a function of the struggle between authorized identities and the self- ownership of autonomous individuals.
We have one problem in common as we grow up and create ourselves; each of us must reinvent how to be human. Our informing, motivating, and shaping forces, modeled and communicated to us by others, are necessary to our processes of growth and individuation, but also integral to the dialectics of self and others.
The struggle between the masks that others make for us and those we make for ourselves is the first revolution in which we all must fight.
The Atlantic questions yesterday’s Facebook Down event;
“Caroline Mimbs Nyce: What does today’s outage say about the state of Facebook, the company? About the fragility of our social web?
Adrienne LaFrance: The web isn’t just fragile; it’s wholly ephemeral. We get a false sense of permanence from these tech giants with their walled-garden platforms. But the truth is that nothing lasts online, and it’s all decaying all the time. Still, an outage this severe is almost unheard-of.
Caroline: What are the typical consequences of an outage like this?
Adrienne: The ripple effects can be profound. A massive, if temporary, shift in the attention of billions of people has cultural consequences—like people taking note of their own reflexive habits, their relationships to these sites.”
In this reflectivity of our stories and ourselves we see metaphors of change, reimagination, and transformation; like the Hobgoblin’s Broken Mirror, our memories and dreams, ephemeral and protean, fragments of truths and illusions, Defining Moments and Baudrillard’s simulacra, each a Rashomon Gate Event of relative truths.
Of our histories I have written; there are those which must be kept and remembered, and those we must escape, and if we are very lucky they are not always the same.
As written by Helena de Bresis, author of Artful Truths: The Philosophy of Memoir, in Aeon; “I wrote a memoir recently, and sometimes I ask myself why on earth I did. It was difficult and time-consuming, it involved some rather unpleasant self-examination, and it raised suspicions of self-involvement, exhibitionism and insufferable earnestness that I’d so far mainly avoided in life. If I publish it, I risk being accused by friends of betrayal, by readers of lying, and by critics of any number of literary flaws. Since selling a memoir is hard, all of that would represent things going well. When I complain to my sister about this, she suggests that ‘maybe’ I should have – ‘I don’t know’ – considered these points two years ago, before embarking on this thing that she would ‘never, like, ever do’.
When asked why they bother, memoirists offer a range of reasons. Saint Teresa did it for the glory of God; Jean-Jacques Rousseau to express his inner self; Vladimir Nabokov to recreate his vanished childhood; Frederick Douglass to advance the cause of abolition. But maybe the deepest reason for writing a memoir, intertwined with all the rest, is the desire to find meaning in one’s past experience. Whatever else they’re up to, memoirists are in the business of locating some form or order in their personal history: setting it down as an intelligible shape, not a hot mess. Finding this form is both a necessary part of memoir and one of its key rewards. That was what I was after, anyway. Life moves so fast. Stuff had gone down. I wanted to slow the passage of events, grasp what the past had meant, before picking up the pace once again.
You can search for form in life through philosophy, science, religion and any kind of art. The memoirist’s distinctive move is to do it via autobiographical narrative: the construction of an organised sequence of personally experienced events, along with an implied evaluative response to them. Life stories have three things going for them when it comes to making experience intelligible. They’re selective, highlighting particular agents, settings and episodes out of the mass of material that life provides. They’re also unifying, drawing connections between their disparate parts and situating them in context. And they’re isomorphic: they share deep structural and thematic features with other stories, which we use as a shortcut when interpreting them. Psychologists report that most autobiographical narratives follow the classical story arc: steady state, complication, rising action, crisis, resolution, then coda. And they involve quests, comings-of-age, fatal errors, comeuppances and returns recognisable from myths, parables and fairy tales. Most, though maybe not all, humans tell such life stories. Memoirists recount them at length, in writing, with literary ambitions. We’re trying to do it, but make it art.
What are memoirists doing exactly, when we claim to ‘find’ this form and meaning in our past experience? Are we genuinely discovering it back there or just making it up? For the past century or so, the wind has been behind the latter interpretation. Many take the existentialist line that seeing your life in narrative terms is a form of mauvaise foi, or bad faith. We urgently want there to be order and meaning in the world, independently of us. But there isn’t, and our attempts to impose coherence and significance where none exist are self-deceiving and absurd. Roquentin, the protagonist of Jean-Paul Sartre’s novel Nausea (1938), describes the ‘disgust’ and ‘nausea’ produced by our meaningless universe, alongside its ineffective narrative remedy:
This is what fools people: a man is always a teller of tales, he lives surrounded by his stories and the stories of others, he sees everything that happens to him through them; and he tries to live his own life as if he were telling a story.
What exactly is wrong with construing your past as a story? In his memoir The Words (1963), Sartre suggests that storytelling distorts our understanding of life, by confusing it with literature. We can tell autobiographical narratives if we like but, if so, we should be clear about what we’re doing: producing fiction. This take suggests that memoir, which calls itself nonfiction, is a fundamentally suspect enterprise.
A similar critique of narrative emerged in the philosophy of history in the 1970s. In his book Metahistory (1973), Hayden White argued that historical writing is a constructive process, in which the historian selects a subset of past events, imaginatively fills in the gaps, and orders the lot into a unified story. These historical stories, like the life stories of individuals, take conventional literary forms – tragedy, romance, comedy and satire – and employ poetic devices, including metaphor, synecdoche and irony. All of this is a creative act on the part of the historian, an imposition on the historical record. As a result, different historians can and do provide different narrative interpretations of the same events, none of which can be said to uniquely fit the facts. White concludes that historical writing, despite its scientific pretensions, reduces to fiction.
The philosopher Noël Carroll offered two main lines of response to White that transfer nicely to memoir. The first points to a set of faulty inferences in the argument. White assumes that each of the following features of an interpretation transforms it into fiction: inventiveness, selectivity, multiplicity, conventionality and literary quality. But a quick run-through shows that each can be present without an immediate diagnosis of fictionalising. Photos are invented rather than found, but that doesn’t make them inaccurate representations of the past. My telling you only some things about my spring break doesn’t mean that what I do tell you is made up. The availability of multiple good stories about the Loretta Lynn fan convention doesn’t demonstrate that one or all of them are fiction: each can just highlight a distinct aspect of the same complex course of events. And your description of what you’ve been up to recently might be Homeric, but some weekends genuinely are epic, and nonfigurative, nonliterary language might not be enough to capture the truth about them.
Carroll’s second reply to White questions the assertion that the world isn’t story-shaped. Humans act for reasons, and those actions have consequences, including the imprint of certain patterns on the world. We can describe all this in terms of atoms moving in the void, sure. But there’s an equally legitimate form of explanation that appeals to the values and goals driving the action, and therefore to the purpose and significance that human life genuinely contains. A story that offers such an explanation is picking up on real aspects of the world, not confabulating. Similarly, since humans think and act symbolically, narratives that incorporate metaphor and myth can serve to reflect, rather than distort, reality.
That said, there’s some truth in the claim that narrative is created, not found. Successful nonfictional storytellers both discover and construct. They do the difficult work of pruning and unifying experience into a shape they and others can understand. As the writer Lorrie Moore puts it: ‘Life is a cornfield, but literature is that shot of whiskey that’s been distilled down.’ And when nonfictional storytellers succeed, the shape they create tracks genuine features in the life described.
To defend nonfictional narrative isn’t, of course, to defend all particular life stories. At one early point in writing my memoir, I announced: ‘OMG, I think my life tracks the history of Western philosophy!’ ‘That’s wonderful!’ my long-suffering sister replied, but the angle of her eyebrow effectively consigned that one to the trash. There are also some general narrative conventions we’re better off without. No literary memoirist would be caught dead these days writing a traditional autobiography: a strictly chronological tracing of events, from infancy on, in a tone of untroubled authority. The contemporary memoir zooms in on a specific period or theme, and moves back and forth in time. Modern memoirists tend to be less certain than autobiographers, more alert to the seductions of narrative closure. As a result, their books are more complex, searching, and truer to life.
But we can welcome these salutary effects of 20th-century narrative scepticism while keeping the baby in the bath. Old-fashioned storytelling has real virtues when making sense of the world. (I once lunched with a literary magazine editor after he’d gone through the latest set of submissions. ‘Oh god,’ he exclaimed, like a frustrated police chief, ‘just tell me what happened in order!’) Those virtues are so great that even narrative sceptics make use of them. Joan Didion ends her essay ‘The White Album’ (1968-78) with an admission of defeat: ‘Writing has not yet helped me to see what [experience] means.’ But sometimes the pattern just is chaos, and Didion’s use of personal narrative in this essay deftly captures that truth about 1960s California.
Cynics about narrative often give off an air of expecting more from stories than memoirists themselves do. No memoir can reveal an underlying grand narrative in the universe as a whole, or give its writer anything more than a partial and provisional grip on their personal past. But it can sometimes provide that grip, which is no small thing. When I look at my own memoir, I can clearly see its fictive qualities. The stage is set, the action rises, the protagonist falls apart, then lurches out of the abyss. There’s a coda, written in a tone of battered hope. Sartre would give it one star on Goodreads. That would be mean (I gave his five!), but I’m not too troubled by it. The book reads to me like my life, a life that makes better sense to me now that I’ve written it down.”
As I wrote in my post of May 11 2021, Tangled in the Nets of History: Day Two of the Third Intifada; Here follows the Witness of History given by myself as Zafir abd ul Muntaqim, Servant of the Avenger, regarding the Defense of al Aqsa and the advent of the Third Intifada.
Before all else must be the true names of things; I have many, for countless roles which I perform in many languages, times, and places as a maker of mischief, a bringer of Chaos, a truthteller and a witness of history, but the name I awaken to here in al Quds in the wake of a night of terror has nuances I shall describe for you; Zafir which means Victorious, one of many variants I have used of the name of the great rebel Victor Frankenstein and also referential to Invictus in the poem by William Ernest Henley, part of my identity since the day I began high school and recited it before the student assembly to set the terms of struggle between us, and to the primary human act of self-creation in refusal to submit to authority; Muntaqim which defines me as an avenger of wrongs in reference to the mission statement given me by the Matadors in Sao Paulo the summer before high school when they rescued me from execution by a police death squad and welcomed me into their fearsome brotherhood with the words; “You are one of us; come with us. We can’t save everyone, but we can avenge,” and as this is a Name of the Infinite as Retribution and cannot be used without the preface servant of or abd ul, I become now Zafir abd ul Muntaqim, for the part we must play defines our identity as a persona, and through this mask I must here speak.
This morning I reflect on the words written in my journal the night before, awakening not to the miasma of smoke and death but to incense and songs of mourning, resistance, and strangely joyful thankfulness for the mercy and compassion of the Infinite; someone is playing love songs in all of this, duets of Lebanese divas Nancy Ajram with Cheb Khaled and Marita Nader with Mario Karam resounding through the twisted alleyways below my window, and I marvel at the resilience of the human spirit.
I have no idea where I am or how I got here; a situation with which I am far too familiar and absurdly happy to find myself in, for I have fallen down the rabbit hole once more.
I begin to explore my new world. No smells of coffee greet me; the sun is up and the Ramadan fast has begun. Light pours through the open wooden latticework of an arched window into a room of stone with few but very fine furnishings; some old tribal pillows, framed calligraphy, a prayer rug oriented to Mecca, a magnificent pierced silver lantern, the blanket I was sleeping on; I am possibly no longer in the squalid tenements of Sheikh Jarrah.
My comrades have brought me to a place of refuge and safety; I must have lost consciousness in the course of rescuing the families trapped by the Israeli assault on al Aqsa and the confused street fighting which followed as they hunted fleeing women and children through the labyrinth of darkness that is Jerusalem.
For such it is under the iron hammer of tyranny and state terror, a nightmare of walls and concentration camps, razor wire and the brutal arrogance of power, though some of us may seek the City of Light which it has consumed and hidden behind its mask, a city of fables and dreams which I call al Quds.
Someone has left a silver bowl of water for ritual ablutions before morning prayers and exquisite formal white robes to replace my tattered khakis, along with a Palestinian keffiyah and a Bisht or cloak worn by dignitaries such as royalty or holy men, an honor I do not merit but cannot refuse; it is probably a cherished family heirloom.
While washing and changing I read the tale of the night’s events in the superficial marks on my flesh; I have been shot, bayoneted, blown up, and set on fire yet again, all without any injuries of consequence. I wonder what stories my comrades have told of these events.
What is it with the Israel Defense Forces and setting people on fire? It’s like they have a standing order; if it runs, shoot it, if it stands its ground, set it on fire.
Fragments of memories surface during this assessment; a long abdominal surface cut from barely evading a disembowling thrust, bruises, cuts, and a bit of shrapnel along the arm and shoulder from a grenade that dropped a wall on me from the far side and a piece that came through the crumbling mortar, a fist sized bruise of backface deformation, the mark of a well placed chest shot from a rifle stopped by a flak jacket I had seized from the first soldier who tried to kill me. And at some point I had been on fire, with nothing burned other than the left side of my clothes from being too close to something that was firebombed; though I recall only thunder, light, and a flash of heat.
My old clothes, however, looked like they had been savaged by wild dogs and then thrown in a bonfire, and I had undoubtedly looked to be in worse shape than I was to whomever carried me here. I begin to wonder whether the robes I now wear were intended for my burial. But no, that’s three white shrouds, tied head and foot; so I was deemed to be alive.
Now properly clean and dressed, I say the morning prayers, and then recite three times the Request for Forgiveness from the Holy Quran, sūrat l-baqarah The Cow verse 2:286, thus following the translation of Yusuf Ali, Peace Be Upon Him; “O Lord! Lay not on us a burden greater than we have strength to bear. Blot out our sins, and grant us forgiveness. Have mercy on us. You are our Protector; help us against those who stand against faith.”
This seems reflexive though this is a dua or personal recitation and not part of the five daily prayers; I get the feeling that I often need forgiveness.
In the serenity which follows, I submerge myself in the role into which I have been cast in the game which is about to unfold.
I have many names in many languages, but my name in this place and time is Zafir abd ul Muntaqim; it is a name to conjure with, for I have used it in other struggles of liberation and reckoning, across decades and throughout the world in places where I may be remembered, as have others before me and as will others after I am gone.
I came to Jerusalem for the liminal time of five days between two anniversaries of tragedy, an Occupation now in its fifty fourth year since the June 7 1967 Conquest of Old Jerusalem, which the State of Israel celebrated according to the Hebrew calendar as Jerusalem Day yesterday on May 10 by attacking al Aqsa, the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood, and the Palestinian community, and a Catastrophe ongoing now for seventy three years since Nakba Day May 15 1948.
Last night I attended a protest in defense of al Aqsa Mosque that was met with the iron fist of tyranny and state terror as Israel attacked the families at worship in the mosque, a protest that may become a revolution. If America and the world can intercede to stay the Israeli hand of fear and force, we may yet avoid that fate, but in the meanwhile I have decided to record this in my journal as Day Two of the Third Intifada.
In this moment we are to be tested, we humans; are we no longer moved by mercy or compassion, have we lost the quality of our humanity in the modern pathology of our disconnectedness and become brute things, mere atavisms of instinct, brother to the ox? Have we no horizons beyond self interest and the vortex of wickedness which is greed and dominion? Are we no longer owners of ourselves, but images captured and distorted by authority, falsifications, lies and illusions by which those who would enslave us have stolen our souls?
I have chosen the name of abd ul Muntaqim in this arena of the struggle, a name which means Servant of The Avenger as an aspect of the Infinite or Bringer of Retribution, but my struggle is against no people but an unjust system which dehumanizes and enslaves both the peoples of Israel and of Palestine.
Such is my hope for and faith in the limitless possibilities of becoming human; but in the streets below fighters are gathering, and I hear a dozen languages in their conversations, varieties of Arabic but also Farsi and Turkish. Within days we will be joined not only by local factions including Hamas, Fatah,
and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, but also by Hezbollah and governments throughout the world.
When the fight began at al Aqsa and in all the screaming and running away I moved against the tide and toward the sounds of violence, a man said to me “What are you doing? The Israelis will kill you to get to them”, pointing at the women and children. To this I replied; “And die on the steps of God’s house, defending his people? I’ll take it.” This was being portrayed in discussion beneath my window as a call for fedayeen, and by morning had already reached beyond Palestine.
In attacking al Aqsa, Netanyahu and his cabal have exposed the monster behind the Israeli mask of virtue conferred by its historical legacies of victimhood, and triggered the one issue capable of unifying the Islamic world and of destabilizing the Arab-American Alliance whose member nations only recently recognized the legitimacy of the state of Israel.
This city seethes with resentment and ancient vendettas, and the attack on al Aqsa has provided a focus. Janus like, Jerusalem and al Quds are a dual identity which traps alien paradigms into the same physical spaces in a titanic struggle of dominion, victim and abuser confused in one ambiguous and discontiguous flesh like a Frankenstein’s monster of unnaturally joined parts, a struggle from which I hope will emerge something new.
Is war the only reckoning humankind can offer, or will accept? I pray that we are better than this, that hope and love can triumph over fear and hate, and we will choose to be bearers of life and not of death.
Thus I am praying when my host finds me, and the curtain begins to rise on our performance. We are about to challenge a world order of amoral nihilism and the psychopathy of power in which only force and power are real and have meaning, in which hierarchies of elite wealth, power, and privilege enforce systems of oppression which divide, falsify, commodify, and dehumanize us, wherein fear and belonging are the sole means of exchange and arbiters of power, and in which authorized identities of exclusionary otherness and divisions of faith and race, nationality and historical narratives of victimization, have been weaponized in the service of our subjugation and in repression of our solidarity and unity of purpose in liberation and revolutionary struggle.
To restore to us our possibilities of human being, meaning, and value we must free ourselves from our histories, for we are tangled in its nets.
A Quixotic quest, but not one without hope; not if the world stands with us.
It is time to bring the chaos; to make mischief and let the games of reimagination and transformation begin.
“God does not burden a soul beyond its scope. It shall have what it has earned and it shall be liable for what it has earned. Our Lord, do not hold us accountable if we forget or Our Lord, do not place on us a burden as You laid on those before us. Our Lord, do not place on us what is not. Power for us with it, and pardon us, and forgive us, and have mercy on us.”
١١ مايو ٢٠٢٢ تذكر الانتفاضة الثالثة ، الجزء الثاني
بينما أفكر في أحداث الانتفاضة الثالثة العام الماضي كما عشتها ، يخطر ببالي أن من بين الأشياء المهمة هنا عملية سرد القصص كذاكرة ذاتية التأمل ، وتاريخ ، وهوية. لأنه عندما نحكي قصة شيء ما ، فإن التاريخ ينظر إلى نفسه مرة أخرى ، ومن خلال مؤلفه وقراءه يصبح متجسدًا ومدركًا لذاته. ليس هناك رواية ولا سماع للقصص بدون مشاركة وتفسير. إنهم يتحملون القوة الحدية كمبدأ للتغيير.
أكتب هنا في شكل خاص من وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي ، حيث تكون جميع الحقائق نسبية وعابرة وغير دائمة ؛ بل يمتد أيضًا إلى ما لا نهاية في جميع الاتجاهات الخالية من حدود الشكل والوقت كأدوات للوعي والمعلومات المجردة التي من خلالها ينظم الواقعي نفسه ، ويصطدم بالحقائق الأخرى في حركة براونية تحوّلها نحن وأنفسنا كمعلمين ومحفزين و مصادر التشكيل. لقد أنشأنا شبكة من الأفكار التي هي مرآة لشبكة أنفسنا.
كيف إذا كان هذا البناء الاجتماعي للهوية من خلال السرد حقيقة مجازية أو شعرية وأداة يمكننا من خلالها السيطرة على تطورنا؟
أعاد يونغ تصور المثل الأفلاطوني باعتباره اللاوعي الجماعي ، وأشار إلى أشكاله السابقة على أنها الشعارات الموجودة في الكتاب التوراتي ليوحنا الإنجيلي ، وعلم الميثال لابن عربي ، وتصور كوليردج الأساسي ، وباردو في الفلسفة الهندوسية والبوذية. لكن في سياق فائدة القصص في خلق أنفسنا ، فإن وظيفة الأحلام والرؤية الشعرية ليست بوابة الروح إلى اللانهائي ، مثل نشوة الطرب ، والتمجيد ، والتعالي ، التي أتحدث عنها الآن ، ولكن لقوة إعادة التخيل والتحول في شفاء كسر العالم.
مثل هذا المجال الوحدوي للإنسان والمعنى والقيمة التي تتطور معنا باعتبارها تعبيرات ومظاهر فردية ، بحر الوعي هذا الذي يربطنا تحت سطح وعينا والذي نشارك فيه كمبدعين في عملية تكرارية ، هو أساس النضال.
كما نتعلم من جون كيج في الموسيقى ، وهارولد بينتر في المسرح ، وبيت موندريان في الفن ، فإن المساحات الفارغة هي التي تحدد المعنى وترتبها ؛ وفي التاريخ ، يجب أن نستمع إلى الأصوات التي تم إسكاتها ومحوها بعناية ، لأن الفراغ هنا يتحدث إلينا عن القوة السرية والوظائف والعلاقات الرئيسية التي يجب أن تخفيها السلطة للحفاظ على هيمنتها علينا.
انتبه دائمًا للرجل خلف الستارة. لأنه إذا أردنا أن نحرر أنفسنا من أولئك الذين يستعبدوننا ويسرقون أرواحنا من خلال التزييف والأكاذيب والأوهام وإعادة كتابة التواريخ والروايات التي تم التقاطها ، فيجب علينا أداء الواجبات الأساسية الأربعة للمواطن ؛ سلطة السؤال ، وفضح السلطة ، والسلطة الوهمية ، وسلطة التحدي ، والعيش والكتابة والتحدث والتدريس والتنظيم كما أطلق عليها فوكو صانعي الحقيقة في الدعوة المقدسة لمتابعة الحقيقة.
وهكذا يمكننا أن نتضامن ونضع حياتنا في الميزان مع أولئك الذين أسماهم فرانتس فانون “معذبو الأرض” ؛ الضعيف والمحروم ، الصامت والمحو.
هذا هو أملي في أن الحب كتضامن قد يصلح عيوب إنسانيتنا وأن التطبيق العملي له كنضال من أجل التحرر قد يجلب الشفاء إلى انكسار العالم ، وذلك من خلال الرؤية الشعرية كإعادة تخيل وتحويل للإنسان والمعنى والقيمة و الاحتمالات اللامحدودة في أن نصبح بشر قد نحلم بمستقبل أفضل مما كان لدينا في الماضي.
11 مايو 2021 متشابك في شبكات التاريخ: اليوم الثاني من الانتفاضة الثالثة
قبل كل شيء يجب أن تكون الأسماء الحقيقية للأشياء ؛ لدي العديد من الأدوار التي لا حصر لها والتي أؤديها في العديد من اللغات والأماكن كصانع للفوضى ، وجالب للفوضى ، وصاحب الحقيقة وشاهد على التاريخ ، لكن الاسم الذي أيقظته هنا في القدس في أعقاب ليلة الإرهاب له فروق دقيقة سأصفها لك ؛ Zafir الذي يعني فيكتوريوس ، أحد المتغيرات العديدة التي استخدمتها لاسم المتمرد العظيم فيكتور فرانكشتاين وأيضًا مرجعيًا إلى Invictus في قصيدة ويليام إرنست هينلي ، وهي جزء من هويتي منذ اليوم الذي بدأت فيه المدرسة الثانوية وتلاوتها قبل تجمع الطلاب لتحديد شروط الصراع بيننا ، والفعل الإنساني الأساسي لخلق الذات في رفض الخضوع للسلطة ؛ منتقم الذي يعرّفني بأنني منتقم للخطأ في إشارة إلى بيان المهمة الذي أعطاني إياه الماتادور في ساو باولو في الصيف قبل المدرسة الثانوية عندما أنقذوني من الإعدام على يد الشرطة ورحبوا بي في مجتمعهم بالكلمات ؛ “لا يمكننا إنقاذ الجميع ، لكن يمكننا الانتقام” ، وبما أن هذا اسم اللانهائي كعقاب ولا يمكن استخدامه بدون مقدمة خادم أو عبد المجيد ، فقد أصبحت الآن ظافر عبد المنتقم ، من جانبنا يجب أن يلعب يحدد هويتنا.
فيما يلي شاهد التاريخ الذي قدمه ظافر منتقم بشأن الدفاع عن الأقصى وظهور الانتفاضة الثالثة:
هذا الصباح أتأمل في الكلمات التي كتبت في يومياتي الليلة السابقة ، مستيقظًا ليس على مستنقع الدخان والموت بل على البخور وأغاني الحداد والمقاومة والشكر الغريب المبتهج لرحمة اللامتناهي وحنانه ؛ كل هذا يعزف اغاني حب ، ديو للمغنيات اللبنانية نانسي عجرم مع الشاب خالد وماريتا نادر مع ماريو كرم في الأزقة الملتوية أسفل نافذتي ، وأتعجب من صمود الروح الإنسانية.
ليس لدي أي فكرة عن مكاني أو كيف وصلت إلى هنا ؛ وضع أكون مألوفًا جدًا به وسعداء بشكل سخيف أن أجد نفسي فيه ، لأنني سقطت في حفرة الأرانب مرة أخرى.
بدأت في استكشاف عالمي الجديد. لا روائح القهوة ترحب بي. أشرقت الشمس وبدأ صيام رمضان. يتدفق الضوء من خلال التشبيك الخشبي المفتوح لنافذة مقوسة إلى غرفة من الحجر بها عدد قليل من المفروشات الجيدة ولكن جيدة جدًا ؛ بعض الوسائد القبلية القديمة ، خط مؤطر ، سجادة صلاة موجهة إلى مكة ، فانوس فضي رائع مثقوب ، البطانية التي كنت أنام عليها ؛ ربما لم أعد في مساكن الشيخ جراح المزرية.
لقد أوصلني رفاقي إلى ملجأ وآمن ؛ لا بد أنني فقدت وعيي أثناء عملية إنقاذ العائلات المحاصرة بالهجوم الإسرائيلي على الأقصى والقتال المرتبك الذي تلا ذلك أثناء مطاردة النساء والأطفال الهاربين عبر متاهة الظلام التي هي القدس.
فهي تحت المطرقة الحديدية للاستبداد وإرهاب الدولة ، كابوس الجدران ومعسكرات الاعتقال والأسلاك الشائكة والغطرسة الوحشية للسلطة ، رغم أن البعض منا قد يبحث عن مدينة النور التي استهلكتها وأخفتها وراء قناعها. مدينة الخرافات والأحلام التي أسميها القدس.
لقد ترك شخص ما وعاءً فضيًا من الماء للوضوء قبل صلاة الفجر ، وأردية بيضاء رسمية رائعة لتحل محل الكوفية الممزقة ، جنبًا إلى جنب مع كوفية فلسطينية وبشت أو عباءة يرتديها كبار الشخصيات مثل الملوك أو الرجال المقدسين ، وهذا شرف لا أفعله. الجدارة ولكن لا يمكن أن ترفض ؛ من المحتمل أنه إرث عائلي عزيز.
أثناء الاغتسال والتغيير ، قرأت حكاية أحداث الليل في العلامات السطحية على جسدي ؛ لقد تم إطلاق النار عليّ ، ورمي بالحراب ، والتفجير ، وإشعال النيران مرة أخرى ، وكل ذلك دون أي إصابات.
ما مصير جيش الدفاع الإسرائيلي وإضرام النار في الناس؟ يبدو الأمر كما لو كان لديهم أمر دائم. إذا ركض ، أطلق عليه النار ، وإذا وقفت على الأرض ، أشعل النار فيه.
تظهر أجزاء من الذكريات خلال هذا التقييم ؛ سطح بطني طويل مقطوع بالكاد من التملص من قوة الدفع ، والكدمات ، والجروح ، وقليل من الشظايا على طول الذراع والكتف من قنبلة يدوية أسقطت جدارًا من الجانب البعيد وقطعة مرت عبر الهاون المتهالك ، كدمة بحجم قبضة اليد من تشوه في الظهر ، وهي علامة على لقطة صدر في وضع جيد من بندقية أوقفتها سترة واقية من الرصاص. وفي وقت ما كنت مشتعلًا ، ولم يحترق شيء سوى الجانب الأيسر من ملابسي من كونه قريبًا جدًا من شيء تم إلقاء قنابل حارقة عليه ؛ على الرغم من أنني أتذكر فقط الرعد والضوء وميض الحرارة.
ومع ذلك ، بدت ملابسي القديمة وكأنها تعرضت للوحشية من قبل الكلاب البرية ثم ألقيت في النار ، وكنت بلا شك في حالة أسوأ مما كنت عليه لمن كان يحملني إلى هنا. بدأت أتساءل عما إذا كان الجلباب الذي أرتديه الآن مخصصًا لدفني. لكن لا ، هذه ثلاثة أكفان بيضاء ، رأسها وقدمها مقيدتان ؛ لذلك اعتبرت على قيد الحياة.
الآن أنا نظيف ومرتدي بشكل صحيح ، أقول صلاة الصبح ، ثم أقرأ ثلاث مرات طلب الاستغفار من القرآن الكريم ، سورة البقرة البقرة الآية 2: 286 ، وبالتالي اتباع ترجمة يوسف علي عليه السلام ؛ “يا إلهي! لا تضع على عاتقنا عبئًا أعظم مما لدينا قوة نتحمله. امسح خطايانا وامنحنا الغفران. ارحمنا. أنت حامينا. ساعدونا ضد أولئك الذين يقفون ضد الإيمان “.
يبدو هذا انعكاسيًا على الرغم من أن هذا دعاء أو تلاوة شخصية وليس جزءًا من الصلوات الخمس اليومية ؛ لدي شعور بأنني غالبًا ما أحتاج إلى التسامح.
في الهدوء الذي يلي ذلك ، أغوص في الدور الذي ألقيت فيه في اللعبة التي على وشك أن تتكشف.
لدي العديد من الأسماء في العديد من اللغات ، لكن اسمي في هذا المكان والزمان هو ظافر منتقم. إنه اسم يستحضره ، لأنني استخدمته في أماكن أخرى قد أتذكرها.
لقد أتيت إلى القدس لمدة خمسة أيام بين ذكرى سنوية للمأساة ، احتلال الآن في عامه الرابع والخمسين منذ احتلال القدس القديمة في 7 يونيو 1967 ، والذي احتفلت به دولة إسرائيل وفقًا للتقويم العبري بيوم القدس أمس. في 10 مايو بمهاجمة الأقصى وحي الشيخ جراح وص
المجتمع الفلسطيني ، وكارثة مستمرة الآن منذ ثلاثة وسبعين عامًا منذ يوم النكبة في 15 مايو 1948.
شاركت الليلة الماضية في مظاهرة دفاعا عن المسجد الأقصى قوبلت بقبضة حديدية للاستبداد وإرهاب الدولة ، وهي احتجاج قد يتحول إلى ثورة. إذا استطاعت أمريكا والعالم أن يتوسطوا لإبقاء يد إسرائيل الخائفة والقوة ، فربما نتجنب هذا المصير ، لكنني قررت في الوقت نفسه تسجيل ذلك في مجلتي على أنه اليوم الثاني من الانتفاضة الثالثة.
في هذه اللحظة علينا أن نختبر ، نحن البشر. ألم نعد نتحرك بالرحمة أو الرحمة ، هل فقدنا صفة إنسانيتنا في علم الأمراض الحديث لانفصالنا وأصبحنا أشياء قاسية ، مجرد نزعة غريزية ، أخ للثور؟ أليس لدينا آفاق تتجاوز المصلحة الذاتية ودوامة الشر الذي هو الجشع والسيطرة؟ هل لم نعد أصحاب أنفسنا ، بل صور تم التقاطها وتشويهها بالسلطة والتزييف والأكاذيب والأوهام التي بها سرق من استعبدنا أرواحنا؟
لقد اخترت اسم منتقم في ساحة النضال هذه ، وهو اسم يعني المنتقم أو جالب القصاص ، لكن كفاحي ليس ضد أي شعب سوى نظام جائر يجرد من إنسانيته ويستعبد كلا من شعب إسرائيل وفلسطين.
هذا هو أملي وإيماني بالإمكانيات اللامحدودة لأصبح إنسانًا ؛ لكن في الشوارع أسفل المقاتلين يتجمعون ، وأسمع عشرات اللغات في محادثاتهم ، أنواع مختلفة من العربية ولكن أيضًا الفارسية والتركية. في غضون أيام ، ستنضم إلينا ليس فقط الفصائل المحلية بما في ذلك حماس وفتح والجهاد الإسلامي الفلسطيني ، ولكن أيضًا حزب الله والحكومات في جميع أنحاء العالم. بمهاجمة الأقصى كشف نتنياهو وعصابته الوحش وراء القناع الإسرائيلي للفضيلة التي تجلت في إرثها التاريخي من الضحية ، وأثار القضية الوحيدة القادرة على توحيد العالم الإسلامي وزعزعة استقرار التحالف العربي الأمريكي الذي تضم دوله الأعضاء فقط. اعترف مؤخرا بشرعية دولة إسرائيل.
هذه المدينة مليئة بالاستياء والثأر القديم ، وكان الهجوم على الأقصى محط تركيز. يانوس مثل ، القدس والقدس هي هوية مزدوجة تحبس النماذج الفضائية في نفس المساحات المادية في صراع عملاق للسيطرة ، والضحية والمسيء مرتبكون في جسد واحد غامض وغير مترابط مثل وحش فرانكشتاين المكون من أجزاء مرتبطة بشكل غير طبيعي ، وهو صراع من خلاله آمل أن يظهر شيء جديد.
هل الحرب هي الحساب الوحيد الذي يمكن للبشرية أن تقدمه أم ستقبله؟ أدعو الله أن نكون أفضل من هذا ، وأن ينتصر الأمل والحب على الخوف والكراهية ، وسنختار أن نكون حاملين للحياة لا للموت.
وهكذا أصلي عندما يجدني مضيفي ، ويبدأ الستار في الارتفاع على أدائنا. نحن على وشك تحدي نظام عالمي من العدمية اللاأخلاقية حيث القوة والسلطة فقط هي الحقيقية ولها معنى ، حيث الثروة والتسلسل الهرمي لامتياز النخبة والانتماء هي الوسيلة الوحيدة للتبادل والتحكم في السلطة ، والتي فيها الهويات المصرح بها لـ تم تسليح الآخر الإقصائي وانقسامات الإيمان والعرق والجنسية والروايات التاريخية عن الضحية ، في خدمة إخضاعنا وقمع تضامننا ووحدة الهدف في التحرير والنضال الثوري.
لاستعادة إمكانياتنا للإنسان والمعنى والقيمة علينا أن نحرر أنفسنا من تاريخنا ، لأننا متشابكون في شباكه.
بحث خيالي ، لكن ليس بلا أمل ؛ ليس إذا كان العالم يقف معنا.
حان الوقت لجلب الفوضى. لإحداث الأذى وترك ألعاب إعادة التخيل والتحول تبدأ.
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11 במאי 2022 לזכור את האינתיפאדה השלישית, חלק 2
כשאני מהרהר על אירועי האינתיפאדה השלישית בשנה שעברה בזמן שחייתי אותם, עולה בדעתי שבין הדברים החשובים כאן הוא תהליך הסיפור כזיכרון, היסטוריה וזהות המשקפת את עצמי; שכן כאשר אנו מספרים את סיפורו של דבר, ההיסטוריה מסתכלת על עצמה לאחור, ודרך מחברה וקוראיה מתגלמת ומודעת לעצמה. אין לספר או לשמוע סיפורים ללא השתתפות ופרשנות; הם נושאים כוח לימינלי כעיקרון של שינוי.
כאן אני כותב בצורה המיוחדת של מדיה חברתית, שבה כל האמיתות הן יחסיות, ארעיות, ארעיות; אלא גם משתרעים עד אין קץ לכל הכיוונים משוחררים ממגבלות הצורה והזמן כחפצים של תודעה ומידע מופשט שבאמצעותם הממשי מארגן את עצמו, ומתנגש עם אמיתות אחרות בתנועה בראונית ההופכת אותם ואת עצמנו כמודיעים, מניעים ו עיצוב מקורות. יצרנו רשת של רעיונות שהיא מראה של הרשת של עצמנו.
מה אם הבנייה החברתית הזו של זהות באמצעות נרטיב היא אמת מטפורית או פואטית וגם מכשיר שבעזרתו נוכל להשתלט על האבולוציה שלנו?
יונג דמיין מחדש את האידיאל האפלטוני בתור הלא-מודע הקולקטיבי, והתייחס לצורותיו הקודמות כאללוגוס בספר התנ”כי של יוחנן האוונגליסט, עלאם אל-מיתאל של אבן ערבי, הדמיון הראשוני של קולרידג’ והבארדו בפילוסופיה ההינדית והבודהיסטית. אבל בהקשר של התועלת של סיפורים ביצירת עצמנו, אין זה תפקידם של החלומות והראייה הפואטית כשער הנשמה אל האינסוף, כהתלהבות, התעלות והתעלות, שעליהם אני מדבר כעת, אלא של כוח הדמיון מחדש והשינוי בריפוי השבר של העולם.
שדה אחד כזה של הוויה אנושית, משמעות וערך המתפתח יחד איתנו כביטוייו וביטוייו האינדיבידואליים, ים התודעה הזה שמחבר אותנו מתחת לפני השטח של המודעות שלנו ובו אנו משתתפים כיוצריו בתהליך רקורסיבי, מהווה בסיס עיקרי למאבק.
כפי שאנו לומדים מג’ון קייג’ במוזיקה, מהרולד פינטר בתיאטרון ומפיט מונדריאן באמנות, החללים הריקים הם שמגדירים ומסדרים משמעות; ובהיסטוריה אלו הקולות המושתקים והמחוקים שעלינו להקשיב להם בקפידה רבה, שכן כאן הריק מדבר אלינו על כוח סודי ועל הפונקציות והיחסים המרכזיים שעל הסמכות להסתיר כדי לשמור על ההגמוניה שלה עלינו.
תמיד שימו לב לאיש שמאחורי הווילון. שכן אם ברצוננו להשתחרר מאלה שישעבדו אותנו ויגנבו את נשמתנו באמצעות זיוף, שקרים ואשליות, היסטוריות משוכתבות ונרטיבים כלואים, עלינו לבצע את ארבע החובות העיקריות של אזרח; תשאלו את הסמכות, הסמכות לחשוף, הסמכות המדומה וסמכות האתגר, וחיו, כתבו, דברו, ללמדו והתארגנו כמו מה שפוקו כינה דוברי אמת בקריאה הקדושה לרדוף אחר האמת.
כך נוכל לחוקק סולידריות ולהציב את חיינו באיזון עם אלה שפרנץ פאנון כינה עלובי כדור הארץ; חסרי הכוח והמנושלים, המושתקים והמחוקים.
כזו היא תקוותי שאהבה כסולידריות עשויה לגאול את פגמי האנושות שלנו ושהפרקסיס שלה כמאבק שחרור עשוי להביא ריפוי לשברונו של העולם, וכי באמצעות חזון פואטי כדמיון מחדש והפיכת האדם, המשמעות והערך. את האפשרויות הבלתי מוגבלות של להיות אנושיים אנו עשויים לחלום עתיד טוב יותר ממה שהיה לנו בעבר.
כפי שכתבתי בפוסט שלי מ-11 במאי 2021, הסתבכות ברשתות ההיסטוריה: היום השני של האינתיפאדה השלישית; להלן עד ההיסטוריה שניתנו על ידי כזפיר עבד אל מונטאקים, בנוגע להגנת אל אקצא והופעת האינתיפאדה השלישית.
לפני כל השאר חייבים להיות השמות האמיתיים של הדברים; יש לי הרבה, על אינספור תפקידים שאני מבצע בשפות ובמקומות רבים כיוצר שובבות, מביא תוהו ובוהו, דובר אמת ועד להיסטוריה, אבל השם אני מתעורר אליו כאן באל קודס בעקבות לילה לאימה יש ניואנסים שאתאר לך; זפיר שפירושו מנצח, אחת מיני גרסאות רבות שהשתמשתי בהן לשמו של המורד הגדול ויקטור פרנקנשטיין וגם מתייחסת לאינוויקטוס בשירו של ויליאם ארנסט הנלי, חלק מהזהות שלי מאז היום שהתחלתי בתיכון ודיקלמתי אותו לפני אסיפת תלמידים לקביעת תנאי המאבק בינינו, ולמעשה האנושי העיקרי של יצירה עצמית בסירוב להיכנע לסמכות; מונטאקים שמגדיר אותי כנוקם עוולות בהתייחס להצהרת המשימה שנתנו לי המטאדורים בסאו פאולו בקיץ שלפני התיכון כאשר חילצו אותי מהוצאה להורג על ידי המשטרה וקיבלו אותי בברכה בחברה שלהם במילים; “אנחנו לא יכולים להציל את כולם, אבל אנחנו יכולים לנקום”, ומכיוון שזהו שם האינסופי כגמול ולא ניתן להשתמש בו ללא משרת ההקדמה של או עבד אול, אני הופך כעת לצפיר עבד אול מונטקים, עבור החלק שאנו חייב לשחק מגדיר את הזהות שלנו כפרסונה.
הבוקר אני מהרהר במילים שנכתבו ביומן שלי בלילה הקודם, מתעורר לא למיאזמה של עשן ומוות אלא לקטורת ושירי אבל, התנגדות והכרת תודה משמחת באופן מוזר על הרחמים והחמלה של האינסופי; מישהו מנגן שירי אהבה בכל זה, דואטים של הדיוות הלבנוניות ננסי עג’רם עם צ’ב חאלד ומריטה נאדר עם מריו קאראם מהדהדים בסמטאות המעוותות מתחת לחלון שלי, ואני מתפלא על חוסנה של הרוח האנושית.
אין לי מושג איפה אני או איך הגעתי לכאן; סיטואציה שאני יותר מדי מכירה ושמחה באופן אבסורדי למצוא את עצמי בה, כי נפלתי לחור הארנב פעם נוספת.
אני מתחיל לחקור את העולם החדש שלי. שום ריחות של קפה לא מקבלים את פניי; השמש זורחת וצום הרמדאן החל. אור נשפך מבעד לרשת העץ הפתוחה של חלון מקושת אל חדר מאבן עם ריהוט מועט אך משובח מאוד; כמה כריות שבטיות ישנות, קליגרפיה ממוסגרת, שטיח תפילה בכיוון מכה, עששית כסף מפוארת מחוררת, השמיכה שישנתי עליה; אולי אני כבר לא במעונות העלובים של שייח ג’ראח.
חבריי הביאו אותי למקום מקלט ובטחון; כנראה איבדתי את ההכרה במהלך חילוץ המשפחות שנלכדו מההסתערות הישראלית על אל אקצא וקרבות הרחוב המבולבלים שבאו לאחר מכן כשהם צדו נשים וילדים בורחים דרך מבוך האפלה שהוא ירושלים.
עבור כאלה היא נמצאת תחת פטיש הברזל של עריצות וטרור ממלכתי, סיוט של חומות ומחנות ריכוז, תיל ויהירות אכזרית של הכוח, אם כי חלקנו עשויים לחפש את עיר האור שהיא כילה והסתירה מאחורי מסכתה. , עיר של אגדות וחלומות שאני קורא לה אל קודס.
מישהו השאיר קערת כסף עם מים לניקוי טקסים לפני תפילת שחרית וגלימות לבנות רשמיות מעולות כדי להחליף את נעלי החאקי המרופטות שלי, יחד עם קפה פלסטינית ובישט או גלימה שלובשים מכובדים כמו מלוכה או גברים קדושים, כבוד שאני לא עושה ראוי אך אינו יכול לסרב; זה כנראה ירושה משפחתית אהובה.
תוך כדי כביסה והחלפה קראתי את סיפור אירועי הלילה בסימנים השטחיים על בשרי; ירו בי, כידון, פוצצתי והוצתי שוב, והכל ללא כל פציעות בעלות משמעות.
מה הקשר לצבא ההגנה לישראל ולהצתת אנשים? זה כאילו יש להם הוראת קבע; אם הוא רץ, ירה בו, אם הוא עומד על שלו, הצית אותו.
שברי זיכרונות צפים במהלך הערכה זו; משטח בטן ארוך שנחתך בקושי להתחמק מדחף מתפרק, חבורות, חתכים ומעט רסיסים לאורך הזרוע והכתף מרימון שהפיל עליי קיר מהצד הרחוק ומחתיכה שהגיעה דרך המרגמה המתפוררת, חבורה בגודל אגרוף של דפורמציה בפנים האחורית, סימן של יריית חזה ממוקמת היטב מרובה שנעצרה על ידי ז’קט קלוש שתפסתי מהחייל הראשון שניסה להרוג אותי. ובשלב מסוים עליתי באש, שום דבר לא נשרף מלבד הצד השמאלי של הבגדים שלי בגלל שהוא קרוב מדי למשהו שהופצץ; למרות שאני זוכר רק רעמים, אור והבזק של חום.
הבגדים הישנים שלי, לעומת זאת, נראו כאילו ניצלו אותם על ידי כלבי פרא ואז הושלכו למדורה, וללא ספק נראיתי במצב גרוע יותר ממה שהייתי למי שנשא אותי לכאן. אני מתחיל לתהות אם הגלימות שאני לובש עכשיו נועדו לקבורה שלי. אבל לא, זה שלושה שרו לבנים
אודס, ראש ורגל קשורים; אז נחשבתי כחיה.
עכשיו נקי ולבוש כהלכה, אני אומר את תפילת שחרית, ואז קורא שלוש פעמים את בקשת הסליחה מהקוראן הקדוש, sūrat l-baqarah הפרה פסוק 2:286, ובכך עוקב אחר התרגום של יוסף עלי, עליו השלום; “הו אלוהים! אל תטיל עלינו משא גדול מכפי שיש לנו כוח לשאת. למחוק את חטאינו, ולהעניק לנו מחילה. רחם עלינו. אתה המגן שלנו; עזור לנו נגד אלה שמתנגדים לאמונה”.
זה נראה רפלקסיבי למרות שזהו דואה או דקלום אישי ולא חלק מחמש התפילות היומיות; יש לי הרגשה שלעתים קרובות אני זקוק לסליחה.
בשלווה שלאחר מכן, אני שוקע בתפקיד אליו לוהקתי במשחק שעומד להתפתח.
יש לי הרבה שמות בשפות רבות, אבל שמי במקום ובזמן הזה הוא צפיר עבד אל מונטאקים; זה שם שצריך להעלות על הדעת, כי השתמשתי בו במקומות אחרים שבהם אני עשוי להיזכר, כמו אחרים לפניי וכפי שיעשו אחרים אחרי שעזבתי.
הגעתי לירושלים לזמן המינימלי של חמישה ימים בין שני ימי נישואין לטרגדיה, כיבוש שנמצא כעת בשנתו החמישים וארבע מאז כיבוש ירושלים העתיקה ב-7 ביוני 1967, שמדינת ישראל חגגה אתמול לפי הלוח העברי כיום ירושלים. ב-10 במאי על ידי תקיפת אל אקצא, שכונת שייח’ ג’ראח והקהילה הפלסטינית, ואסון הנמשך כבר שבעים ושלוש שנים מאז יום הנכבה ה-15 במאי 1948.
אמש השתתפתי במחאה להגנת מסגד אל אקצא שנפגשה ביד ברזל של עריצות וטרור מדינה, מחאה שעשויה להפוך למהפכה. אם אמריקה והעולם יוכלו להתערב כדי להישאר ביד הישראלית של הפחד והכוח, אולי עוד נמנע מהגורל הזה, אבל בינתיים החלטתי לרשום את זה ביומן שלי בתור היום השני של האינתיפאדה השלישית.
ברגע זה עלינו להיבחן, אנו בני האדם; האם איננו מתרגשים עוד מרחמים או חמלה, האם איבדנו את איכות האנושיות שלנו בפתולוגיה המודרנית של הניתוק שלנו והפכנו לדברים אכזריים, סתם אטאביסטים של אינסטינקט, אח לשור? האם אין לנו אופקים מעבר לאינטרס העצמי ולמערבולת הרשע שהיא חמדנות ושליטה? האם אנחנו כבר לא הבעלים של עצמנו, אלא דימויים שנלכדו ומעוותים על ידי סמכות, זיופים, שקרים ואשליות שבאמצעותם גנבו את נשמתנו מי שהיו משעבדים אותנו?
בחרתי את שמו של מונטאקים בזירת המאבק הזו,
שם שפירושו הנוקם או מביא הגמול והנקמה,
אבל המאבק שלי לא נגד אנשים
אלא מערכת לא צודקת
כזו היא תקוותי ואמונתי באפשרויות הבלתי מוגבלות של הפיכתי לאדם; אבל ברחובות למטה מתאספים לוחמים, ואני שומע תריסר שפות בשיחות שלהם, סוגים של ערבית אבל גם פרסית וטורקית. בתוך ימים יצטרפו אלינו לא רק פלגים מקומיים, כולל חמאס, פת”ח והג’יהאד האסלאמי הפלסטיני, אלא גם חיזבאללה וממשלות ברחבי העולם. בתקיפת אל-אקצא, נתניהו וחבורתו חשפו את המפלצת שמאחורי מסכת הסגולות הישראלית המוענקת על ידי מורשת הקורבנות ההיסטורית שלה, והפעילו את הנושא האחד המסוגל לאחד את העולם האסלאמי ולערער את יציבות הברית הערבית-אמריקאית שרק המדינות החברות בה. הכיר לאחרונה בלגיטימציה של מדינת ישראל.
העיר הזו גועשת טינה ומעשי נקמה עתיקים, וההתקפה על אל אקצא סיפקה מוקד. כמו יאנוס, ירושלים ואל קודס הם זהות כפולה אשר לוכדת פרדיגמות זרות באותם מרחבים פיזיים במאבק טיטאני של שליטה, קורבן ומתעלל המבולבלים בבשר אחד מעורפל ולא רציף כמו מפלצת פרנקנשטיין של חלקים משולבים באופן לא טבעי, מאבק שממנו אני מקווה שיצא משהו חדש.
האם מלחמה היא ההתחשבנות היחידה שהמין האנושי יכול להציע או לקבל? אני מתפלל שאנחנו טובים מזה, שהתקווה והאהבה יוכלו לנצח את הפחד והשנאה, ונבחר להיות נושאי חיים ולא של מוות.
כך אני מתפלל כשהמארח שלי מוצא אותי, והמסך מתחיל להתרומם על ההופעה שלנו. אנו עומדים לקרוא תיגר על סדר עולמי של ניהיליזם מוסרי שבו רק כוח וכוח הם אמיתיים ובעלי משמעות, שבו עושר והיררכיות של פריבילגיות ושייכות עילית הם האמצעי היחיד להחלפה ופוסקי כוח, ובהם זהויות מורשות של האחרות המהדרת וחלוקות של אמונה וגזע, לאום ונרטיבים היסטוריים של קורבנות, נוצלו בשירות הכפפה שלנו ובהדחקה של הסולידריות שלנו ואחדות התכלית שלנו בשחרור ובמאבק מהפכני.
כדי להחזיר לנו את האפשרויות האנושיות, המשמעות והערך שלנו, עלינו להשתחרר מההיסטוריה שלנו, כי אנחנו סבוכים ברשתותיה.
מסע קישוט, אבל לא אחד ללא תקווה; לא אם העולם יעמוד איתנו.
Both visitors to the Holy Land seeking signs of the Invisible manifest in its Disneyland of conflicted faiths and those trapped within its nightmare of walls, checkpoints, razor wire, pervasive surveillance, universalized violence, identitarian politics, and the tyranny and terror of one of our world’s most horrific regimes of force and control are here become the ghosts of the Holocaust; Israel echoes with the silent screams of stolen voices and the devouring shadows of a history weaponized in service to power as narratives of victimization and security as power, a strategy designed to first break our solidarity with division and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil as falsification and then dehumanize and subjugate us as masters and slaves and as genocide and ethnic cleansing.
Israel as a dream of refuge and of universal brotherhood and love has been betrayed and subverted by Israel as a xenophobic theocracy, military empire, and slave camp; here Auschwitz has been institutionalized on a national scale, its former prisoners now its guards.
Why would anyone choose to recreate a hell they had escaped from, even as its masters rather than its slaves?
I understand all too well the seduction of power as security in a world of hostile and chaotic forces, and how overwhelming and generalized fear can be shaped by authority to centralize power by offering us loaned power over Others as figures of existential threats; to be the arbiter of virtue through force and control. But security is an illusion, the state as embodied violence obeys Newton’s Third Law of Motion and creates its own Resistance, and our common pain unites us in ways which transcend the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, which only love can free us from.
Love as solidarity in action can redeem the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world, Tikkun Olam in Hebrew, and liberate us to live as guarantors of each other’s humanity.
As I wrote on the first anniversary of the Third Intifada on this night years ago; This must be the most written about, studied, debated, experimented with and fought over issue in global politics since the Second World War of which it is a result, this nation wherein one people are divided by history as Israelis and Palestinians, and a measure of our humanity, as the classic example of the double minority; what do you do with one city and one nation claimed by two historical communities, as a basis of identity as faith and nationality and the consequences and praxis of identity politics as violence?
Here a nation and a people are riven by dissociative identity disorder, conflicted and locked in titanic struggle as with the fragmentation of identity, memory, and consciousness of multiple personalities, madness on a national and civilizational scale born of the legacies of history and life disruptive events, epigenetic trauma, grief, terror, guilt, despair; and also rage.
In the duality of Israel and Palestine are made plain the origins of evil as violence and tyranny in the recursive and interdependent Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, as overwhelming and generalized fear and existential threats are weaponized in service to power by authority, which forms carceral states of force and control as unequal power and embodied violence, through elite hierarchies and divisions of belonging and otherness and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.
Here fascism as a systemic evil operates as possession and theft of the soul. What can we do about it? As Lenin asked in his essay of 1902; “What is to be done?” How free ourselves of the systemic forces of our subjugation to authority, elites, and those who would enslave us?
We must first recognize and be cautious of those who claim to speak for us and act in our name, for this is a primary strategy of fascism. To free ourselves of the lies and illusions, falsification and rewritten histories, conspiracy theories and alternate realities through which we become dehumanized, we must be truthtellers engaged in the pursuit of truth as a sacred calling, and perform the Four Primary Duties of a Citizen; Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority.
We must second seize our self-ownership and autonomy in refusal to submit to authority, for the great secret of power is that it is empty and hollow, and is delegitimized through refusal to trust and believe authority, and of force that it is brittle and finds its limit at the point of disobedience. Simple acts, but also inherent powers of human being which cannot be taken from us; for who refuses to submit is free, and becomes Unconquerable.
Always there remains the struggle between the masks that others make for us, and those we make for ourselves. This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the struggle for self-ownership and for freedom of identity.
There is no just authority.
Tonight I sit at home among the vast darkness of my hills, a night which follows days of rain and filled with the songs of frogs and birds, a serenity disturbed only by the chiaroscuro of my memories of this night of 2021 one year ago, in the defense of al Aqsa. Like flashes of lightning, the hand of the past can bring the Chaos and reach out to seize and shake us, destabilizing us and our constructions of normality with unpredictable and sudden disruptive events unmoored from their anchorages in time.
But Chaos is also a measure of the adaptive range of a system, which brings both the terror of our nothingness and the joy of total freedom in our reimagination and transformative rebirth of ourselves and our limitless possibilities of becoming human.
Guillermo del Toro, in his magnificent epic of migration and racial equality Carnival Row, has a scene in which two young successors to leadership of traditionally rival factions find themselves in love and in need of allies in a subplot which reimagines Romeo and Juliet; the rebellious hellion Jonah Breakspear asks his Machiavellian lover Sophie Longerbane, “Who is chaos good for?” To which she replies, “Chaos is good for us. Chaos is the great hope of the powerless.”
One may think of Bringing the Chaos in terms of the redemptive power of love, of solidarity, of our duty of care for others, of seizures of power as the restoration of balance, of Resistance and revolutionary struggle as placing our lives in the balance with those of the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, and as tikkun olam or healing the brokenness of the world.
In Jerusalem and al Quds, we are betrayed by the normality of submission to authority and the divisions of unequal power, dehumanized by those who commit atrocities in our name, and made complicit in crimes against humanity through narratives of victimization which as Voltaire teaches us permit anything.
Gott mitt uns; it is an ancient terror. And this we must resist.
Old myths, and old grievances, woven into the fabric of our psyche and our civilization. And like all history, memory, and authorized identity, mimetic forces from whose legacies we must emerge.
In this moment I turn once again to the brilliant diagnosis of the illness of power as captured identity as written by Alon Ben-Meirin in Huffpost, though his prescription of a two state system is debatable and for myself must be superseded in time with a secular state with one law for all and no official divisions of tribe, language, or faith, in an article entitled In The Grip Of Powerful Illusions; “The deadlock in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process appears to be illogical and unsettling as a majority of Israelis and Palestinians realize that coexistence, whether under conditions of enmity or friendship, is a fact that neither side can change short of a catastrophe.
The deadlock in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process appears to be illogical and unsettling as a majority of Israelis and Palestinians realize that coexistence, whether under conditions of enmity or friendship, is a fact that neither side can change short of a catastrophe. Both sides understand that the general parameters of a sustainable peace agreement must rest on a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders with some land swaps. However, both sides choose to revel in illusions and live in defiance of time and circumstances. They seem to prefer continuing violent clashes and bloodshed over peaceful coexistence, while blaming each other for the unending destructive path that tragically both have chosen to travel.
There are fundamental imperatives, coupled with long-term mutual security measures, which represent what was on the negotiating table in 2000 at Camp David and in 2010/2011 and 2013/2014 under the Obama administration’s auspices in Jerusalem and Ramallah. Each round, with various degrees of progress, aimed at finalizing an agreement and yet ultimately failed to do so. The question is: why?
Biased and selective perceptions, reinforced by historical experiences, religion, and incompatible ideologies, have locked both sides into immobile positions. The factors that maintain and enhance these patterns include emotions such as fear, distrust, and insecurity. The psychological outcome is mutual denial of the narrative of the other and mutual delegitimization.
Put together, the operative result is stagnation and polarization. What is therefore needed is a consensus-oriented dialogue at the leadership level by both officials and non-officials, and people-to-people interactions, to resolve the issue of perception – a tall order given the current environment that buttresses rather than ameliorates prejudiced perceptions.
There are certain psychological concepts which are relevant to understanding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; the concept of illusion is an essential one. In The Future of an Illusion, Freud offers the following definition: “…we call a belief an illusion when a wish-fulfillment is a prominent factor in its motivation, and in doing so we disregard its relations to reality, just as the illusion itself sets no store by verification.”
What is characteristic of illusions is that: 1) they are derived from deep human wishes, and 2) the belief is held (or would be held) in the absence of any compelling evidence, or good rational grounds, on its behalf.
It is impossible to deny that both Israelis and Palestinians are in the grip of very powerful illusions which only serve to prolong the conflict and prevent any mutual understanding. In particular, the belief shared by many Israelis that they have a biblical right to the land (including Judea and Samaria) and that God gave it to the Jews in perpetuity is undoubtedly an illusion of yesterday.
This belief is not affirmed because there is real evidence that God deemed it to be (although two Jewish kingdoms did exist–the first in the tenth century BCE and the second beginning in 539 BCE–on the same land), but because it satisfies a deep-seated psychological need for a God-given Jewish homeland.
The belief that by expanding the settlements Israel will augment its national security and maintain its hold on the entire land is an illusion of tomorrow, which generally ignores the presence of Muslims in the same land for more than 1,300 years.
It is important to note how these illusions sustain and reinforce one another, and constitute a psychological barrier which is much more impervious to critical reflection. Israel’s illusions have served to create the logic for occupation.
The Palestinians, for their part, are not without their own illusions. They also believe that God has reserved the land for them, and appeal to the fact that they had inhabited the land for centuries. From their perspective, the presence of the al-Aqsa Mosque, which was built in 705 AD in Jerusalem, attests to their historical and religious affinity to the Holy City.
They also cling to the idea that they will someday return to the land of their forbearers, as they have and continue to insist on the right of return of the Palestinian refugees, even though this has become a virtual impossibility.
The Palestinians hold fast to their illusions of yesterday and tomorrow just as blindly and desperately as the Israelis, which leads to resistance to and fear of change. As such, unless both sides change course and accept each other’s affinity to the same land, specifically because it is religiously-based, the situation is bound to lead to a catastrophe.
This has contributed to making the Israeli-Palestinian conflict both chronic and intractable, as the various illusions are continuously and consciously nurtured by daily hostile and often violent encounters between the two sides.
In seeking to bridge concepts that could link between the domains of psychology and politics in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, it could be proposed that a collective mutual resistance to change (both conscious and deliberate, and inner unconscious) protects a vulnerable identity.
Compared, for example, to the stable and mature political identities of the American, British, and French nations, the political identities of both the Israeli and Palestinian peoples are, in a way, in their adolescence.
Identities in this setting are more vulnerable, and the protagonists are naturally more defensive and resistant to change. By its very nature, the players must find it difficult (if not impossible) to articulate this publicly, as to do so is to admit to this vulnerability.
The concept of psychological resistance to change may well affect the political setting in general and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular; it is closely connected to perceptions at many levels and provides protection for vulnerable identity formation.
It is this mindset, strengthened by historical experiences, which transcends the more than seven decades since the Israeli-Palestinian conflict began. Individuals and groups, Israelis and Palestinians alike, have and continue to interpret the nature of the discord between them as “you versus me” in a prejudiced and selective way.
In turn, this has stifled any new information and enabled the continuing resistance to change, which could shed new light on the nature and substance of the conflict and help advance the peace process.
The concept of unconscious resistance to change in this setting links well to the view of perceptions driving the polarization in the conflict. Historical experience, which formulates perceptions, serves among other things to enhance the sense of identity of “who we really are,” a formative collective assumption that sits at the bedrock of both key players and drives functional and dysfunctional behavior.
In principle, such a mindset prevents either side from entertaining new ideas that might lead to compromises for a peaceful solution. The paradox here is that majorities on both sides do want and seek peace, knowing full well that this would require significant concessions, but are unable to reconcile the required concessions with imbedded perceptions that have precluded these compromises as a result of resistance to and fear of change.
Therefore, any framework for peace must include provisions that would dramatically increase the odds in favor of a solution. First, both sides need to commit to reaching an agreement based on a two-state solution out of the conviction that change, which translates to coexistence, is inevitable. Therefore, they ought to adjust to each other’s requirements, which of necessity requires them to make significant concessions.
Second, to facilitate that, they must undertake reconciliatory people-to-people social, economic, cultural, and security interactions to mitigate their resistance to change, which must begin, at a minimum, one year before the negotiations commence to create the psychological and political atmosphere to cultivate the trust necessary for substantive and successful peace negotiations.
The resumption of peace talks will go nowhere unless Israelis and Palestinians change their prejudiced perception and resistance to and fear of change, and finally come to the realization that their fate is intertwined and neither can live in peace and security without the other.
I feel compelled to conclude my last article for the year with a dire warning that both Israelis and Palestinians alike will do well to ponder upon as they approach the end of the seventh decade of their tragic conflict.
Every Israeli extremist and Palestinian militant, those who want it all must stop and think where Israel and the Palestinians will be in ten years if the current situation persists?
Your illusions of today will not become a reality of tomorrow, and what tomorrow will bring is nothing but more pain, tears, and agony.
Your conflict is evolving ever faster into a religious war. A Muslim-Jewish Armageddon is in the making that will set the whole region on unfathomable fire.
If you are true believers, dare not defy God’s will, for he has thrust you together to put you to the test–you must either live in peace and harmony, or you will be condemned to oblivion and despair.
You possess the power to choose your own destiny. Will it be self-destruction or will it be the fulfilment of a glorious dream?
Rise up and pass a legacy of hope to every Israeli and Palestinian child, for they have the God-given right to grow up and prosper and none should die for your illusions in vain.”
As I wrote in my post of November 9 2023, A Mirror of Our Darkness: Kristallnact; Israel is commemorating this tragedy which opened a door to an even greater tragedy in the Holocaust by doing exactly the same thing to the Palestinians, one people divided by history and faith weaponized in service to power. And this too will open doors to greater state terror and tyranny, unless both peoples can unite against authorities who commit atrocities in their name as a strategy of subjugation and liberate each other from those who would enslave them.
If you think of nations as children who are survivors of abuse, much becomes clear; for once they have seized power they are far more likely to become abusers themselves. This is how fear works, why it is the true basis of exchange, why politics is the Art of Fear, and why states are embodied violence. Both Israelis and Palestinians have been savaged by existential threats long before they began savaging, brutalizing, and dehumanizing each other.
That predatory regimes on both sides have used division and identity politics to centralize power and legitimize authoritarian dominion is a predictable phase of liberation struggle, especially of anti-colonial revolution.
The trick of becoming human, friends, is to embrace ones own darkness in struggle as well as one’s enemies, and emerge from the legacies of our history which shadow us like an invisible crocodile tail.
There is a line spoken by the villain in the series The Magicians, a survivor of childhood abuse and tyrant known as The Beast for his horrific crimes, once the powerless and terrified boy Martin Chatwin and now a monstrous god; “You know, when I was a boy, a man who was meant to care for me bent me over his desk and had me over and over every time I was alone with him. It helps me understand a truth. You’re powerful or you’re weak. “
Here is the original lie of the tyrant and the fascist in the apologetics, self-justification, and psychopathy of power; the lie that only power has meaning and is real, that there is no good or evil. How we use power is of equal importance as who holds it. Fear and force are a primary means of human exchange, but not the only means; love, membership, and belonging are as important.
It’s a line which captures perfectly the inherent contradictions of the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force as an origin of evil; for the use of social force is subversive of its own values. Yet the imposed conditions of revolutionary struggle often require violence, and until the gods of law and order have been cast down from their thrones I must agree with the famous dictum of Sartre in his 1948 play Dirty Hands, quoted by Frantz Fanon in his 1960 speech Why We Use Violence, and made immortal by Malcolm X; “by any means necessary.”
As written by Walter Rodney in The Groundings with my Brothers; “We were told that violence in itself is evil, and that, whatever the cause, it is unjustified morally. By what standard of morality can the violence used by a slave to break his chains be considered the same as the violence of a slave master? By what standards can we equate the violence of blacks who have been oppressed, suppressed, depressed and repressed for four centuries with the violence of white fascists. Violence aimed at the recovery of human dignity and at equality cannot be judged by the same yardstick as violence aimed at maintenance of discrimination and oppression.”
And here is the passage he references from Leon Trotsky in Their Morals and Ours: The Class Foundations of Moral Practice; “A slave-owner who through cunning and violence shackles a slave in chains, and a slave who through cunning or violence breaks the chains – let not the contemptible eunuchs tell us that they are equals before a court of morality!”
Yet in reflection I think of those great figures who have been both heroes of liberation and villains of tyranny; my teenage role model Napoleon, Washington who is central to our family history and coined the motto on our coat of arms in the passcode during the Battle of Trenton, Victory or Death, when the whole Revolution was wagered on a forlorn hope, of the tragic drama of fallen heroes like Robert Mugabe, the monstrous tyrants Stalin and Mao, the list is a near endless litany of woes and failures of vision wherein Brave New Worlds became hells and carceral states. In evidence I offer the American and Napoleonic Revolutions become Empires, the Soviet Union, the Chinese Communist Party, India where the glory of liberation come hand in hand with the tragedy of Partition and is now under the boot of Hindu Nationalism, nearly all anticolonial revolutions which with the first period of liberty as new nations became dreadful tyrannies, and above all the state of Israel, a dream of refuge forged in the terror of the Holocaust whose victims learned the wrong lessons from the Nazis and assumed their role in the Occupation of Palestine. The dangers of Idealism are very real; but so are the dangers of submission to authority and the complicity of silence in the face of evil.
I am a hunter of fascists, and mine is a hunter’s morality. For me there is a simple test for the use of force; who holds power?
A great many wise people have written beautifully of the horrors of fascisms of blood, faith, and soil and of hierarchies of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, as does Paul Oestreicher in the article which follows; herein I wish only to signpost that the forces which lie both within us and without as social conditions and epigenetic trauma, of atavisms of barbarism and systems of oppression, are universal to human beings as imposed conditions of struggle and operate continually even when obscured from view, beyond the horror and abjection of points of fracture of the human soul like those of Kristallnacht and the ethnic cleansing of Gaza.
I write to you as one who has lived by the battle cry of Never Again! for over forty years now, and it is of deep and vital importance to apply this principle of action not only in Resistance to fascism as an intrusive enemy of all that is human in us, but also to ourselves and our own use of violence and social force toward others.
In the end, all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.
No matter where you begin with divisions and hierarchies of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.
As Nietzsche teaches us in Beyond Good and Evil; “Those who hunt monsters might take care lest he thereby become a monster. And if you gaze for long into an abyss, the abyss gazes also into you.”
In the dark mirror of Gaza, with its monstrous reflections of Kristallnacht and of Auschwitz, do you like what you see, O Israel?
As I wrote in my post of May 10 2021, The Defense of al Aqsa: Liberty versus Tyranny in Jerusalem; We may have witnessed the advent of a Third Intifada this night, in the Defense of al Aqsa and the street fighting in Gaza which followed, ignited by the perfidy and imperial conquest of a xenophobic and fascist state of Israel which regards no one but their own tribe and faith as truly human, and which has perpetrated an unprovoked and deadly attack as an act of state terror and a crime against humanity on the peaceful worshippers at one of the most sacred mosques in the Islamic world, a demonstration of power and dominion which follows weeks of provocations, assaults, and acts of propagandistic dehumanization against the people of Palestine.
Like the Second or al Aqsa Intifada which lasted four years from 28 September 2000 to 8 February 2005, unresolved issues of an Occupation now in its fifty fourth year since the June 7 1967 Conquest of Old Jerusalem by Israel, which the State of Israel celebrated according to the Hebrew calendar as Jerusalem Day today by attacking al Aqsa, and a Catastrophe ongoing now for seventy three years since Nakba Day May 15 1948, have coalesced around the symbolic value of al Aqsa, which has a contested dual identity as the Temple Mount in Judaism.
Chances of de-escalation and averting a war depend now not on local factors but on the response of the international community, for history has here become a trap which collapses to ensnare us in its jaws, and outside forces must liberate us from the failures of our system’s internal contradictions.
Will America disavow and renounce its colony of Israel, Queen of her imperial policy in the Middle East and control of the strategic resource of oil? Can international unity and the pressure of Boycott, Divestiture, and Sanction free us from the tyranny and terror of an Apartheid regime as it did in South Africa?
Or is war the only reckoning humankind can offer, or will accept?
As written by Ishaan Tharoor in The Washington Post; “On Monday night, militants in the Gaza Strip and the Israeli military exchanged rocket fire and airstrikes amid a deadly escalation of violence. Hamas and Islamic Jihad, armed groups based in blockaded Gaza, launched a barrage of rockets that landed near Jerusalem and in parts of southern Israel, injuring at least one person. Israeli airstrikes in retaliation killed at least 20 people in Gaza, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry, including nine children.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the “terrorist groups” in Gaza had “crossed a red line” with their rocket attacks. But the latest explosion of hostilities has a long tail, following numerous aggressive actions by both Israeli security forces and far-right Jewish supremacist groups in Jerusalem. Two weeks ago, bands of Jewish extremists, including some settlers from the West Bank, marched through Palestinian-populated areas of the holy city, chanting “Death to Arabs,” attacking bystanders and damaging Palestinian property and homes. Israeli attempts to evict a number of Palestinian families in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah — a microcosm of what Palestinians view as part of a long history of dispossession and erasure at the hands of the Israeli state — had stirred Palestinian solidarity protests in various parts of the occupied territories and Israel proper.
It also raised tensions ahead of the commemoration of Jerusalem Day on Monday, an official Israeli holiday celebrating the capture of the city during the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. A planned annual march by far-right ultranationalist Israelis was called off after authorities rerouted its path at the last minute. Large numbers still made their way to the Western Wall and sang an extremist vengeance song against Palestinians.
“The Hamas rocket attacks, which included the first strikes against Jerusalem in several years, came after running clashes among Israeli police, Palestinian protesters and far-right Jewish Israelis around the Old City,” my colleagues reported. “Among the hundreds injured were seven who were hospitalized in serious condition, according to the Palestinian Red Crescent. Video footage circulated on social media of Israeli police officers brutally beating a detained Palestinian man.”
How can America support the state of Israel in tyranny and terror, conquest and plunder? It’s a question asked in tones of outrage, sorrow, and bafflement since the advent of the Nakba on May 15 1948, the Day of Catastrophe which began the Occupation of Palestine and the systematic enslavement and genocide of its people in the wake of the Israeli conquest of Jerusalem. How is this legitimized?
A friend has recently reframed this question for me; “I loved and embraced the Jewish tradition, joining a synagogue and working alongside its Rabbi. When I witness the treatment of Palestinians by the Jewish government of Israel, I am overwhelmed by feelings of confusion and anger. Unable to reconcile this immorality, I question the very foundation of my faith. Where is the good and moral uprising of international Jewish voices condemning the government’s path? I’ve lost faith in being Jewish.”
What is clear to me is that this crisis of faith is also an existential crisis of identity, a situation of utmost gravity and danger which also holds the potential for reimagination and transformative rebirth, a personal echo of a parallel civilizational crisis from which humankind and the global community of nations must find a way to emerge and free ourselves of the legacies of our history. Here is my reply:
The state of Israel is not identical with the Jewish faith, though the fascist-imperialist faction which Netanyahu represents would like everyone to think so.
A nation based on the assignment of its citizens to a tribal identity, the sectarian weaponization of faith in service to power and an authorized national identity, a military society with universal compulsory service and a pervasive fetishization of myths of martial valor and its symbols including guns, and a reconstructed Hebrew language of national unity has used identity politics to subjugate its citizens to the centralized power of tyranny; Israel is a fascist state of blood, faith, and soil no less than that of the Nazis.
Add to this toxic mix a kleptocratic regime which has propagandized narratives of historical victimization to legitimize massive theft and imperial conquest of other people’s nations and one thing is clear; Israel has learned the wrong lessons from the Nazis.
You may know from my many references to the incident in my writing that I am an antifascist, sworn to the Oath of the Resistance by Jean Genet in 1982 in Beirut, during our fight against the Israeli invasion and siege. In the 39 years after, I have been a hunter of Nazis and a revolutionary of democracy engaged in struggle for the liberation of humankind against tyranny and authoritarian regimes of force and control.
A Palestinian homeland, and justice for its people, has been among my goals since that summer so long ago. Like the goal of liberation of Ireland from British colonial rule, it remains to be achieved. In question is the idea of freedom and citizenship as the sovereignty and independence of peoples from foreign colonialism and authoritarian tyranny, and the primacy of a nonsectarian state free from divisions and hierarchies of faith, for who stands between each of us and the Infinite serves neither.
I also support the idea of an Israeli homeland, and see no reason these two states, Palestine and Israeli, should be mutually exclusive or antagonistic. Some Israelis who would disagree with me on the question of Palestine and militarism in imperial conquest and regional dominion have been allies in the cause of hunting Nazis and fascists generally throughout the world, but are blind to their own complicity in this evil due to seeing themselves as victims rather than perpetrators of crimes against humanity. This is about fear, and the destructive cycle of abuse and violence.
When faith is appropriated by authority for legitimation in identity politics, identity itself becomes confused and ambiguous. To become free, we must seize ownership of ourselves as self-created and autonomous beings.
This is why the primary duties of a citizen are to question authority, expose authority, mock authority, and challenge authority.
Always there remains the struggle between the masks others make for us and those we make for ourselves; this is the first revolution in which we all must fight.
I think of the problem of human evil and its cycle of fear, power, and force in the case of states which become the tyrannies they fought to liberate themselves from, and this is true of anticolonial revolutionary states generally because of the historical legacies of victimization, in this way; victims often become abusers because their identity is organized around power as the only means of escape in a world wherein no one can be trusted.
When trust has been abrogated and proven empty and without meaning, when the capacity to bond with and feel the pain of others in empathy has been broken and one is without pity or remorse, when fear is overwhelming and generalized and has been shaped by authority to the service of power, victims learn that only power has meaning and is real. We must not allow our abusers to become our teachers.
While every such issue has its own unique origins and history, the problem itself is universal, and relates to what one fears, and how that fear is shaped by authority as identity. From our perspective as Americans interpreting events in the classic problem of the double minority typified by Israel and Palestine, how we perceive issues has much to do with how they are framed by our informing and motivating sources.
In the end we are defined by what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.
The first question to ask of any story, and the most important, is simple; whose story is this?
We are lost in a Wilderness of Mirrors, of lies and illusions, falsifications of ourselves, distorted images and reflections, echoes and authorized identities which disfigure, disempower, and steal our souls.
How shall we answer those who would enslave us? Our authenticity and autonomy is realized through seizure of power, and the reimagination and transformation of ourselves and humankind as a free society of equals.
We Americans tend to see things in terms of white hats and black hats, as in the Western films which serve as origin myths and archetypes of our national character. Once victim status has been conferred, such groups and persons become white hats and good guys, incapable of evil and diametrically opposed to whomever must then be black hats. It’s a terrible way of choosing national policy.
Sadly, we humans can be good and evil at once, the flaws of our humanity echo and reflect the brokenness of the world. It is a truth proven once again tonight in al Quds or Jerusalem depending on to whom one is speaking and in what language, as Gaza burns from the onslaught of an Israeli Defense Forces run amok much the same as the night almost four decades ago in Beirut when they tried to burn Genet and I alive in our café, as a dozen human beings from whom everything but hope has been stolen swear vows to each other to hold a position covering the escape of the women and children trapped by the Israeli attack until all are safe, in a final defense not of al Aqsa Mosque, magnificent and beautiful and filled with significance, monument to the human impulse to reach beyond ourselves and to the limitless possibilities of becoming human, a stage fit for the glorious deaths of heroes, but of the disembodied screams of strangers among the nameless warrens of a derelict antiquity.
Against the chasms of emptiness and nihilistic barbarism of a world of darkness and fire, of fear and force, I have only words to offer, and I write to you what I have said to my comrades who have chosen to stand with me; I’ve lost count of Last Stands, but I’ve risked everything against impossible odds and survived more times than I can remember, and all that matters is that we abandon neither ourselves nor one another, that we refuse to submit, for this is the moment of our freedom, and it can never be taken from us.
From this night, Palestine is free, for we can be killed, but we cannot be conquered.
On the Origins of Evil and Our Monstrosity: a portrait of Hitler and Netanyahu in the character of Martin Chatwin in The Magicians
Violence: Six Sideways Reflections, by Slavoj Žižek
10 مايو 2024 ذكرى الانتفاضة الثالثة لعام 2021، الجارية الآن في المسرح العاشر للحرب العالمية الثالثة التي تحتوي وتحل محل حرب غزة
يسعى كل من زوار الأرض المقدسة إلى ظهور علامات غير مرئية في ديزني لاند التي تضم أديانًا متضاربة وأولئك المحاصرين داخل كابوس الجدران ونقاط التفتيش والأسلاك الشائكة والمراقبة المنتشرة والعنف العالمي وسياسات الهوية والطغيان والإرهاب في أحد بلداننا. إن أفظع أنظمة القوة والسيطرة في العالم أصبحت هنا أشباح الهولوكوست؛ تردد صدى إسرائيل مع الصرخات الصامتة للأصوات المسروقة والظلال المفترسة لتاريخ تم تسليحه في خدمة السلطة كسرديات عن الإيذاء والأمن كقوة، وهي استراتيجية مصممة أولاً لكسر تضامننا مع الانقسام وفاشية الدم والعقيدة والتربة كما التزوير ومن ثم تجريدنا من إنسانيتنا وإخضاعنا كأسياد وعبيد وإبادة جماعية وتطهير عرقي.
لقد تعرضت إسرائيل، باعتبارها حلم اللجوء والأخوة والمحبة العالمية، للخيانة والتخريب من قبل إسرائيل باعتبارها دولة دينية كارهة للأجانب، وإمبراطورية عسكرية، ومعسكرًا للعبيد؛ وهنا تم إضفاء الطابع المؤسسي على أوشفيتز على نطاق وطني، وأصبح سجناؤه السابقون الآن حراسه.
لماذا يختار أي شخص إعادة خلق الجحيم الذي هرب منه، حتى لو كان أسياده وليس عبيده؟
إنني أفهم جيدًا إغراء القوة كأمن في عالم مليء بالقوى المعادية والفوضوية، وكيف يمكن تشكيل الخوف الساحق والمعمم من خلال السلطة لمركزية السلطة من خلال منحنا سلطة معارة على الآخرين كرموز للتهديدات الوجودية؛ ليكون حكم الفضيلة من خلال القوة والسيطرة. لكن الأمن وهم، والدولة كعنف متجسد تطيع قانون نيوتن الثالث للحركة وتخلق مقاومتها الخاصة، وألمنا المشترك يوحدنا بطرق تتجاوز حلقة فاغنر من الخوف والقوة والقوة، والتي لا يمكن أن يحررنا إلا الحب. من.
الحب كتضامن في العمل يمكن أن يخلص عيوب إنسانيتنا وانكسارات العالم، تيكون أولام بالعبرية، ويحررنا لنعيش كضامنين لإنسانية بعضنا البعض.
وكما كتبت في الذكرى الأولى للانتفاضة الثالثة في مثل هذه الليلة قبل عامين؛ يجب أن تكون هذه هي القضية الأكثر كتابةً ودراسةً ومناقشةً وتجريبًا وخوضًا حولها في السياسة العالمية منذ الحرب العالمية الثانية التي كانت نتيجة لها، هذه الأمة التي يقسم فيها التاريخ شعبًا واحدًا إلى إسرائيليين وفلسطينيين، ومقياسًا إنسانيتنا، كمثال كلاسيكي للأقلية المزدوجة؛ ماذا تفعل بمدينة واحدة وأمة واحدة يطالب بها مجتمعان تاريخيان، كأساس للهوية كإيمان وجنسية وعواقب وممارسة سياسات الهوية كعنف؟
هنا أمة وشعب يمزقهما اضطراب الهوية الانفصامية، متضاربان ومنغلقان في صراع هائل كما هو الحال مع تجزئة الهوية والذاكرة والوعي لشخصيات متعددة، والجنون على المستوى الوطني والحضاري المولود من تراث التاريخ ومعطل الحياة الأحداث، والصدمة اللاجينية، والحزن، والرعب، والشعور بالذنب، واليأس.
في ازدواجية إسرائيل وفلسطين، تتضح أصول الشر كالعنف والطغيان في حلقة فاغنري المتكررة والمترابطة من الخوف والقوة والقوة، حيث يتم استخدام الخوف الساحق والمعمم والتهديدات الوجودية كسلاح في خدمة السلطة عن طريق السلطة. والتي تشكل حالات القوة والسيطرة الجسيمية كقوة غير متكافئة وعنف متجسد، من خلال التسلسلات الهرمية النخبوية وتقسيمات الانتماء والغيرية وفاشية الدم والإيمان والتربة.
هنا الفاشية كشر نظامي تعمل كحيازة وسرقة للروح. مالذي يمكننا فعله حيال هذا؟ وكما سأل لينين في مقالته عام 1902؛ “ما الذي يجب عمله؟” كيف نحرر أنفسنا من القوى النظامية لخضوعنا للسلطة والنخب وأولئك الذين يريدون استعبادنا؟
يجب علينا أولاً أن ندرك ونحذر من أولئك الذين يدعون أنهم يتحدثون باسمنا ويتصرفون باسمنا، فهذه هي الإستراتيجية الأساسية للفاشية. لتحرير أنفسنا من الأكاذيب والأوهام، والتزييف وإعادة كتابة التاريخ، ونظريات المؤامرة والحقائق البديلة التي من خلالها نصبح مجردين من إنسانيتنا، يجب أن نكون رواة للحقيقة ونشارك في السعي وراء الحقيقة باعتبارها دعوة مقدسة، ونؤدي الواجبات الأساسية الأربعة للمواطن؛ سلطة السؤال، وسلطة الكشف، وسلطة المحاكاة، وسلطة التحدي.
يجب علينا ثانيًا أن نستغل ملكيتنا الذاتية واستقلالنا في رفض الخضوع للسلطة، لأن السر الأعظم للسلطة هو أنها فارغة وجوفاء، ويتم فقدان شرعيتها من خلال رفض الثقة في السلطة والتصديق بها، والقوة هي هشة وهشة. ويجد حدوده عند نقطة العصيان. أفعال بسيطة، ولكنها أيضًا قوى متأصلة في الإنسان لا يمكن أن تؤخذ منا؛ لأن من يرفض الخضوع فهو حر، ولا يُقهر.
دائمًا يبقى الصراع بين الأقنعة التي يصنعها الآخرون لنا، وتلك التي نصنعها لأنفسنا. هذه هي الثورة الأولى التي نحن جميعا فيها
جب أن يقاتل؛ النضال من أجل الملكية الذاتية وحرية الهوية.
لا توجد سلطة عادلة.
الليلة أجلس في منزلي وسط الظلام الدامس لتلالي، ليلة تتبع أيامًا من المطر ومليئة بأغاني الضفادع والطيور، هدوء لا يزعجه إلا ضوء الضوء في ذكرياتي عن هذه الليلة قبل عام، في الدفاع. الأقصى. مثل ومضات البرق، يمكن ليد الماضي أن تجلب الفوضى وتمتد لتسيطر علينا وتهزنا، وزعزعة استقرارنا واستقرارنا وبنياتنا الطبيعية من خلال أحداث مدمرة مفاجئة وغير متوقعة غير مربوطة بمرتكزاتها في الوقت المناسب.
لكن الفوضى هي أيضًا مقياس للمدى التكيفي للنظام، الذي يجلب كلاً من الرعب من عدمنا ومتعة الحرية الكاملة في إعادة تصورنا وإعادة ميلادنا التحويلي لأنفسنا وإمكانياتنا اللامحدودة في أن نصبح بشرًا.
لدى غييرمو ديل تورو، في ملحمته الرائعة عن الهجرة والمساواة العرقية كرنفال رو، مشهد يجد فيه شابان خلفاء لقيادة الفصائل المتنافسة تقليديًا نفسيهما في حالة حب وبحاجة إلى حلفاء في حبكة فرعية تعيد تصوير روميو وجولييت؛ يسأل الجحيم المتمرد جونا بريكسبير عشيقته المكيافيلية صوفي لونجيربان: “لمن تصلح الفوضى؟” فأجابت: “الفوضى جيدة لنا. الفوضى هي الأمل العظيم للضعفاء.”
قد يفكر المرء في جلب الفوضى من حيث القوة الخلاصية للحب، والتضامن، وواجبنا في رعاية الآخرين، والاستيلاء على السلطة كاستعادة للتوازن، والمقاومة والنضال الثوري كوضع حياتنا في التوازن مع أولئك الذين لا حول لهم ولا قوة والمحرومين، والمُسكتين والممحيين، وtikkun olam أو شفاء انكسار العالم.
في القدس والقدس، نتعرض للخيانة بسبب طبيعة الخضوع للسلطة والانقسامات غير المتكافئة للسلطة، ويتم تجريدنا من إنسانيتنا من قبل أولئك الذين يرتكبون الفظائع باسمنا، ويصبحون متواطئين في جرائم ضد الإنسانية من خلال روايات الإيذاء التي يسمح بها كما يعلمنا فولتير. أي شئ.
حصلت على قفاز غيرنا. إنه إرهاب قديم. وهذا يجب أن نقاومه.
الأساطير القديمة، والمظالم القديمة، منسوجة في نسيج نفسيتنا وحضارتنا. ومثل كل التاريخ والذاكرة والهوية المعتمدة، تحاكي القوى التي يجب أن نخرج من تراثها.
في هذه اللحظة، أعود مرة أخرى إلى التشخيص الرائع لمرض السلطة باعتبارها هوية مستولى عليها، كما كتب ألون بن ميرين في هافبوست، على الرغم من أن وصفه لنظام الدولتين مثير للنقاش، وبالنسبة لي يجب استبداله بمرور الوقت بنظام علماني. دولة بقانون واحد للجميع وبدون تقسيمات رسمية للقبيلة أو اللغة أو العقيدة، في مقال بعنوان “في قبضة الأوهام القوية”؛ “يبدو أن الطريق المسدود الذي وصلت إليه عملية السلام الإسرائيلية الفلسطينية غير منطقي ومثير للقلق، حيث أن غالبية الإسرائيليين والفلسطينيين يدركون أن التعايش، سواء في ظل ظروف العداء أو الصداقة، هو حقيقة لا يمكن لأي من الطرفين تغييرها إلا بحدوث كارثة.
يبدو أن الطريق المسدود الذي وصلت إليه عملية السلام الإسرائيلية الفلسطينية غير منطقي ومثير للقلق، حيث أن أغلبية من الإسرائيليين والفلسطينيين يدركون أن التعايش، سواء في ظل ظروف من العداء أو الصداقة، يشكل حقيقة لا يستطيع أي من الطرفين أن يغيرها إلا بالكارثة. ويدرك الجانبان أن المعايير العامة لاتفاق سلام مستدام يجب أن ترتكز على حل الدولتين على أساس حدود 1967 مع بعض تبادل الأراضي. لكن كلا الطرفين اختار الاستمتاع بالأوهام والعيش في تحدي الزمن والظروف. ويبدو أنهما يفضلان استمرار الاشتباكات العنيفة وإراقة الدماء على التعايش السلمي، في حين يلقي كل منهما اللوم على الآخر في المسار المدمر الذي لا ينتهي والذي اختار كل منهما أن يسلكه بشكل مأساوي.
هناك ضرورات أساسية، مقرونة بتدابير أمنية متبادلة طويلة الأمد، تمثل ما كان على طاولة المفاوضات في عام 2000 في كامب ديفيد وفي 2010/2011 و2013/2014 تحت رعاية إدارة أوباما في القدس ورام الله. وكانت كل جولة، بدرجات متفاوتة من التقدم، تهدف إلى وضع اللمسات النهائية على الاتفاق، لكنها فشلت في نهاية المطاف في القيام بذلك. السؤال هو: لماذا؟
وكانت التصورات المتحيزة والانتقائية، والتي عززتها التجارب التاريخية، والدين، والإيديولوجيات غير المتوافقة، سبباً في حبس كلا الجانبين في مواقف جامدة. وتشمل العوامل التي تحافظ على هذه الأنماط وتعززها المشاعر مثل الخوف وعدم الثقة وانعدام الأمن. والنتيجة النفسية هي الإنكار المتبادل لسردية الآخر ونزع الشرعية المتبادلة.
والنتيجة العملية مجتمعة هي الركود والاستقطاب. ولذلك فإن ما نحتاج إليه هو حوار موجه نحو الإجماع على مستوى القيادة بين المسؤولين وغير المسؤولين، والتفاعلات بين الناس، لحل مسألة التصور – وهي مهمة صعبة نظراً للبيئة الحالية التي تدعم التحيز بدلاً من تحسينه. التصورات.
هناك بعض المفاهيم النفسية ذات الصلة بفهم العلاقة الإسرائيلية الفلسطينية
فلكت؛ مفهوم الوهم هو مفهوم أساسي. في كتابه مستقبل الوهم، يقدم فرويد التعريف التالي: “… نحن نسمي الاعتقاد وهمًا عندما يكون تحقيق الرغبة عاملاً بارزًا في دوافعه، وبذلك نتجاهل علاقاته بالواقع، تمامًا كما الوهم في حد ذاته لا يشكل أي أهمية للتحقق.”
ما يميز الأوهام هو: 1) أنها مستمدة من رغبات إنسانية عميقة، و2) الاعتقاد قائم (أو سيتم الاعتقاد به) في غياب أي دليل مقنع، أو أسس عقلانية جيدة، لصالحه.
من المستحيل إنكار أن كلا من الإسرائيليين والفلسطينيين يقعون في قبضة أوهام قوية للغاية لا تؤدي إلا إلى إطالة أمد الصراع ومنع أي تفاهم متبادل. وعلى وجه الخصوص، فإن الاعتقاد الذي يتقاسمه العديد من الإسرائيليين بأن لديهم حق كتابي في الأرض (بما في ذلك يهودا والسامرة)، وأن الله أعطاها لليهود إلى الأبد، هو بلا شك وهم من وهم الأمس.
لم يتم تأكيد هذا الاعتقاد لأن هناك دليل حقيقي على أن الله اعتبره كذلك (على الرغم من وجود مملكتين يهوديتين – الأولى في القرن العاشر قبل الميلاد والثانية في بداية عام 539 قبل الميلاد – على نفس الأرض)، ولكن لأنه يرضي حاجة نفسية عميقة الجذور لوطن يهودي وهبه الله.
والاعتقاد بأن إسرائيل من خلال توسيع المستوطنات سوف تعزز أمنها القومي وتحافظ على قبضتها على الأرض بالكامل هو وهم الغد، وهو وهم يتجاهل عموماً وجود المسلمين في نفس الأرض لأكثر من 1300 عام.
من المهم أن نلاحظ كيف تدعم هذه الأوهام وتعزز بعضها البعض، وتشكل حاجزًا نفسيًا أكثر مناعة للتفكير النقدي. لقد ساهمت أوهام إسرائيل في خلق منطق الاحتلال.
الفلسطينيون، من جانبهم، لا يخلو من أوهامهم. كما يعتقدون أن الله قد حفظ لهم الأرض، ويحتجون بحقيقة أنهم سكنوا الأرض لعدة قرون. ومن وجهة نظرهم فإن وجود المسجد الأقصى الذي بني عام 705م في القدس يشهد على ارتباطهم التاريخي والديني بالمدينة المقدسة.
كما أنهم يتمسكون بفكرة أنهم سيعودون يوماً ما إلى أرض أسلافهم، كما فعلوا وما زالوا يصرون على حق العودة للاجئين الفلسطينيين، على الرغم من أن ذلك أصبح مستحيلاً فعلياً.
يتمسك الفلسطينيون بأوهام الأمس والغد بشكل أعمى ويائس مثل الإسرائيليين، الأمر الذي يؤدي إلى مقاومة التغيير والخوف منه. وعلى هذا النحو، ما لم يغير الجانبان مسارهما ويقبلا انتماء كل منهما إلى نفس الأرض، خاصة لأنها قائمة على أساس ديني، فمن المحتم أن يؤدي الوضع إلى كارثة.
وقد ساهم ذلك في جعل الصراع الإسرائيلي الفلسطيني مزمناً وعصياً على الحل، حيث تتغذى الأوهام المختلفة بشكل مستمر وواعي من خلال المواجهات العدائية اليومية والعنيفة في كثير من الأحيان بين الجانبين.
في السعي إلى سد المفاهيم التي يمكن أن تربط بين مجالات علم النفس والسياسة في الصراع الإسرائيلي الفلسطيني، يمكن اقتراح أن المقاومة الجماعية المتبادلة للتغيير (سواء الواعي أو المتعمد، أو اللاوعي الداخلي) تحمي الهوية الضعيفة.
فمقارنة، على سبيل المثال، بالهويات السياسية المستقرة والناضجة للدول الأمريكية والبريطانية والفرنسية، فإن الهويات السياسية لكل من الشعبين الإسرائيلي والفلسطيني، بطريقة ما، في مرحلة المراهقة.
تكون الهويات في هذا السياق أكثر عرضة للخطر، والأبطال بطبيعة الحال أكثر دفاعية ومقاومة للتغيير. بحكم طبيعتها، يجب على اللاعبين أن يجدوا صعوبة (إن لم يكن من المستحيل) في التعبير عن ذلك علنًا، لأن القيام بذلك يعني الاعتراف بهذه الثغرة الأمنية.
إن مفهوم المقاومة النفسية للتغيير قد يؤثر على الوضع السياسي بشكل عام وعلى الصراع الإسرائيلي الفلسطيني بشكل خاص. فهو يرتبط ارتباطًا وثيقًا بالتصورات على العديد من المستويات ويوفر الحماية لتكوين الهوية الضعيفة.
وهذه العقلية، التي تعززها التجارب التاريخية، هي التي تتجاوز أكثر من سبعة عقود منذ بدأ الصراع الإسرائيلي الفلسطيني. وما زال الأفراد والجماعات، الإسرائيليون والفلسطينيون على حد سواء، يفسرون طبيعة الخلاف بينهم على أنه “أنت ضدي” بطريقة متحيزة وانتقائية.
وهذا بدوره أدى إلى خنق أي معلومات جديدة ومكن من استمرار مقاومة التغيير، الأمر الذي يمكن أن يلقي ضوءا جديدا على طبيعة وجوهر الصراع ويساعد في دفع عملية السلام.
يرتبط مفهوم المقاومة اللاواعية للتغيير في هذا الإطار جيدًا بوجهة نظر التصورات التي تحرك الاستقطاب في الصراع. إن الخبرة التاريخية، التي تصوغ التصورات، تعمل من بين أمور أخرى على تعزيز الإحساس بالهوية “من نحن حقًا”، وهو افتراض جماعي تكويني يقع في حجر الأساس لكل من اللاعبين الرئيسيين ويحرك السلوك الوظيفي والمختل.
ومن حيث المبدأ، فإن مثل هذه العقلية تمنع أياً من الطرفين من طرح أفكار جديدة قد تؤدي إلى تنازلات من أجل التوصل إلى حل سلمي. والمفارقة هنا هي أن الأغلبية على كلا الجانبين تريد السلام وتسعى إليه، وهي تعلم جيداً أن ذلك يتطلب تنازلات كبيرة، لكنها غير قادرة على التوفيق بين التنازلات المطلوبة والتصورات المتأصلة التي حالت دون هذه التنازلات نتيجة المقاومة والخوف من ذلك. يتغير.
ولذلك، فإن أي إطار للسلام يجب أن يتضمن بنوداً من شأنها أن تزيد بشكل كبير من احتمالات التوصل إلى حل. أولاً، يتعين على الجانبين الالتزام بالتوصل إلى اتفاق على أساس حل الدولتين انطلاقاً من الاقتناع بأن التغيير، الذي يترجم إلى التعايش، أمر لا مفر منه. ولذلك، يتعين عليهم أن يتكيفوا مع متطلبات بعضهم البعض، الأمر الذي يتطلب منهم بالضرورة تقديم تنازلات كبيرة.
ثانياً، لتسهيل ذلك، يجب عليهم إجراء تفاعلات تصالحية اجتماعية واقتصادية وثقافية وأمنية بين الناس للتخفيف من مقاومتهم للتغيير، والتي يجب أن تبدأ، على الأقل، قبل عام واحد من بدء المفاوضات لخلق الحالة النفسية والاجتماعية. مناخ سياسي لبناء الثقة اللازمة لمفاوضات سلام موضوعية وناجحة.
إن استئناف محادثات السلام لن يؤدي إلى أي نتيجة ما لم يغير الإسرائيليون والفلسطينيون تصوراتهم المتحيزة ومقاومتهم للتغيير وخوفهم منه، ثم يدركون أخيراً أن مصيرهم متشابك ولا يستطيع أي منهما أن يعيش في سلام وأمن دون الآخر.
أشعر بأنني مضطر إلى اختتام مقالتي الأخيرة لهذا العام بتحذير شديد من أنه من الأفضل للإسرائيليين والفلسطينيين على حد سواء أن يفكروا فيه مع اقترابهم من نهاية العقد السابع من صراعهم المأساوي.
يجب على كل متطرف إسرائيلي ومتشدد فلسطيني، أولئك الذين يريدون كل ذلك، أن يتوقفوا ويفكروا أين ستكون إسرائيل والفلسطينيون بعد عشر سنوات إذا استمر الوضع الحالي؟
أوهامك اليوم لن تصبح حقيقة غدًا، وما سيأتي به الغد ليس سوى المزيد من الألم والدموع والعذاب.
صراعكم يتطور بشكل أسرع من أي وقت مضى إلى حرب دينية. إن هرمجدون بين المسلمين واليهود يجري الإعداد له الآن، وهو ما من شأنه أن يشعل المنطقة بأكملها على نار لا يمكن تصورها.
إذا كنتم مؤمنين حقيقيين، فلا تجرؤوا على تحدي مشيئة الله، لأنه جمعكم معًا ليضعكم في الاختبار – يجب عليكم إما أن تعيشوا في سلام ووئام، أو سيحكم عليكم بالنسيان واليأس.
لديك القدرة على اختيار مصيرك. هل سيكون تدميرًا ذاتيًا أم سيكون تحقيقًا لحلم مجيد؟
انهضوا ومرروا إرثًا من الأمل لكل طفل إسرائيلي وفلسطيني، لأن لديهم الحق الذي منحه الله لهم في أن يكبروا ويزدهروا ولا ينبغي لأحد أن يموت من أجل أوهامكم عبثًا”.
كما كتبت في رسالتي بتاريخ 9 نوفمبر 2023، مرآة ظلامنا: كريستالناكت؛ إن إسرائيل تحيي ذكرى هذه المأساة التي فتحت الباب أمام مأساة أكبر في المحرقة من خلال فعل الشيء نفسه بالضبط مع الفلسطينيين، شعب واحد منقسم بسبب التاريخ والدين الذي تم استخدامه كسلاح في خدمة السلطة. وهذا أيضاً سيفتح الأبواب أمام المزيد من إرهاب الدولة وطغيانها، ما لم يتمكن الشعبان من الاتحاد ضد السلطات التي ترتكب الفظائع باسمهما كإستراتيجية لإخضاع وتحرير بعضهما البعض من أولئك الذين يستعبدونهما.
إذا كنت تفكر في الأمم باعتبارها أطفالًا ناجين من سوء المعاملة، يصبح الكثير واضحًا؛ لأنه بمجرد استيلائهم على السلطة، فمن المرجح أن يصبحوا هم أنفسهم مسيئين. هذه هي الطريقة التي يعمل بها الخوف، ولماذا هو الأساس الحقيقي للتبادل، ولماذا السياسة هي فن الخوف، ولماذا تتجسد الدول في العنف. لقد تعرض كل من الإسرائيليين والفلسطينيين للتهديدات الوجودية بوحشية قبل وقت طويل من بدء ممارسة الوحشية والوحشية وتجريد بعضهم البعض من إنسانيتهم.
إن استخدام الأنظمة المفترسة على كلا الجانبين لسياسات الانقسام والهوية لمركزية السلطة وإضفاء الشرعية على الهيمنة الاستبدادية هي مرحلة يمكن التنبؤ بها من النضال من أجل التحرير، وخاصة الثورة المناهضة للاستعمار.
إن الحيلة في أن نصبح بشرًا، وأصدقاء، هي أن نحتضن ظلامنا في النضال وكذلك أعداءنا، ونخرج من تراث تاريخنا الذي يظللنا مثل ذيل تمساح غير مرئي.
هناك سطر يتحدث به الشرير في مسلسل The Magicians، وهو أحد الناجين من إساءة معاملة الأطفال والطاغية المعروف باسم The Beast لجرائمه المروعة، وكان في السابق الصبي الضعيف والمرعوب مارتن شاتوين والآن إله وحشي؛ “كما تعلم، عندما كنت صبيًا، كان الرجل الذي كان من المفترض أن يعتني بي، يثنيني على مكتبه ويحتضنني مرارًا وتكرارًا في كل مرة كنت وحدي معه. إنه يساعدني على فهم الحقيقة. أنت قوي أو أنت ضعيف. “
وهنا تكمن الكذبة الأصلية للطاغية والفاشي في الدفاعيات وتبرير الذات وسيكوباتية السلطة؛ الكذبة القائلة بأن القوة وحدها هي التي لها معنى وهي حقيقية، وأنه لا يوجد خير أو شر. إن كيفية استخدامنا للسلطة لا تقل أهمية عن من يملكها. الخوف والقوة هما الوسيلة الأساسية للتبادل البشري، ولكن
ليست الوسيلة الوحيدة؛ الحب والعضوية والانتماء لا تقل أهمية.
إنه خط يجسد بشكل مثالي التناقضات المتأصلة في حلقة فاغنر من الخوف والقوة والقوة كأصل للشر؛ لأن استخدام القوة الاجتماعية هو أمر تخريبي لقيمه الخاصة. ومع ذلك، فإن الظروف المفروضة للنضال الثوري غالبا ما تتطلب العنف، وإلى أن يتم إسقاط آلهة القانون والنظام من عروشهم، يجب أن أتفق مع القول المأثور الشهير لسارتر في مسرحيته “الأيدي القذرة” عام 1948، والتي اقتبسها فرانتز فانون في خطابه عام 1960. لماذا نستخدم العنف، والذي جعله خالدًا مالكولم إكس؛ “بأي وسيلة ضرورية.”
كما كتب والتر رودني في The Groundings with my Brothers؛ “لقد قيل لنا أن العنف في حد ذاته شر، وأنه، مهما كان سببه، فهو غير مبرر أخلاقيا. بأي معيار أخلاقي يمكن اعتبار العنف الذي يستخدمه العبد لكسر أغلاله مثل عنف سيد العبد؟ بأي معايير يمكننا أن نساوي عنف السود الذين تعرضوا للاضطهاد والقمع والاكتئاب لمدة أربعة قرون مع عنف الفاشيين البيض. ولا يمكن الحكم على العنف الذي يهدف إلى استعادة الكرامة الإنسانية والمساواة بنفس مقياس العنف الذي يهدف إلى الحفاظ على التمييز والقمع.
وهذا هو المقطع الذي يشير إليه من ليون تروتسكي في كتابه “أخلاقهم وأخلاقنا: الأسس الطبقية للممارسة الأخلاقية”؛ “مالك العبيد الذي من خلال المكر والعنف يقيد عبدًا مقيدًا بالسلاسل، والعبد الذي يكسر القيود من خلال المكر أو العنف – لا تدع الخصيان المحتقرين يخبروننا أنهم متساوون أمام محكمة الأخلاق!”
ومع ذلك، أفكر في تلك الشخصيات العظيمة التي كانت أبطال التحرير وأشرار الطغيان؛ قدوتي المراهقة نابليون، واشنطن، الذي يعد محوريًا في تاريخ عائلتنا وصاغ الشعار على شعار النبالة الخاص بنا في رمز المرور خلال معركة ترينتون، النصر أو الموت، عندما كانت الثورة بأكملها تراهن على أمل بائس، من المأساوية دراما الأبطال الذين سقطوا مثل روبرت موغابي، والطغاة المتوحشين ستالين وماو، والقائمة عبارة عن سلسلة لا نهاية لها تقريبًا من الويلات وإخفاقات الرؤية حيث تحولت عوالم جديدة شجاعة إلى جحيم وحالات جنونية. في الدليل الذي أقدمه، أصبحت الثورات الأمريكية والنابليونية إمبراطوريات، والاتحاد السوفييتي، والحزب الشيوعي الصيني، والهند حيث يأتي مجد التحرير جنبًا إلى جنب مع مأساة التقسيم، وهي الآن تحت حذاء القومية الهندوسية، وجميع الثورات المناهضة للاستعمار تقريبًا. والتي أصبحت، مع الفترة الأولى من الحرية كأمم جديدة، أنظمة استبدادية مروعة، وقبل كل شيء دولة إسرائيل، حلم اللجوء الذي نشأ في إرهاب المحرقة التي تعلم ضحاياها الدروس الخاطئة من النازيين وتولوا دورهم في احتلال إسرائيل. فلسطين. إن مخاطر المثالية حقيقية للغاية؛ ولكن كذلك مخاطر الخضوع للسلطة والتواطؤ في الصمت في وجه الشر.
أنا صياد الفاشيين، وأخلاقي هي أخلاق الصياد. بالنسبة لي هناك اختبار بسيط لاستخدام القوة؛ من يملك السلطة؟
لقد كتب عدد كبير من الحكماء بشكل جميل عن أهوال فاشية الدم والإيمان والتربة والتسلسلات الهرمية للانتماء النخبوي والاختلاف الإقصائي، كما يفعل بول أوستريشر في المقالة التالية؛ أود هنا فقط أن أشير إلى أن القوى التي تكمن في داخلنا وخارجها، مثل الظروف الاجتماعية والصدمات اللاجينية، والحركات الرجعية للهمجية وأنظمة القمع، هي قوى عالمية بالنسبة للبشر كشروط مفروضة للنضال وتعمل باستمرار حتى عندما تكون محجوبة عن الأنظار. أبعد من الرعب والإذلال الناتج عن نقاط الانكسار في الروح الإنسانية مثل تلك التي حدثت في ليلة الكريستال والتطهير العرقي في غزة.
أكتب إليك كشخص عاش صرخة معركة “لن يحدث مرة أخرى أبدًا”! منذ أكثر من أربعين عامًا، ومن الأهمية العميقة والحيوية تطبيق مبدأ العمل هذا ليس فقط في مقاومة الفاشية كعدو متطفل على كل ما هو إنساني فينا، ولكن أيضًا على أنفسنا واستخدامنا للعنف والوسائل الاجتماعية. القوة تجاه الآخرين.
في النهاية، كل ما يهم هو ما نفعله بمخاوفنا، وكيف نستخدم قوتنا.
بغض النظر عن المكان الذي تبدأ فيه بالانقسامات والتسلسلات الهرمية للانتماء النخبوي والاختلاف الاستبعادي، فإنك دائمًا ينتهي بك الأمر عند أبواب أوشفيتز.
كما يعلمنا نيتشه في كتابه ما وراء الخير والشر؛ “أولئك الذين يصطادون الوحوش يجب أن ينتبهوا لئلا يصبح وحشًا. وإذا حدقت طويلا في الهاوية، فإن الهاوية ستحدق فيك أيضا.”
في مرآة غزة المظلمة، بانعكاساتها الوحشية على ليلة الكريستال وأوشفيتز، هل يعجبك ما تراه يا إسرائيل؟
وكما كتبت في رسالتي بتاريخ 10 مايو 2021، الدفاع عن الأقصى: الحرية مقابل الاستبداد في القدس؛ ربما شهدنا قدوم الانتفاضة الثالثة هذه الليلة، دفاعًا عن الأقصى ومعارك الشوارع في غزة التي أعقبت ذلك، والتي أشعلها الغدر والغزو الإمبراطوري لدولة إسرائيل الفاشية والكارهة للأجانب والتي لا تنظر إلا إلى أحد.
قبيلتهم ودينهم كإنسان حقيقي، والذي ارتكب هجومًا مميتًا غير مبرر كعمل من أعمال إرهاب الدولة وجريمة ضد الإنسانية على المصلين المسالمين في أحد أكثر المساجد قدسية في العالم الإسلامي، وهو استعراض للقوة والقوة. الهيمنة التي تأتي بعد أسابيع من الاستفزازات والاعتداءات وأعمال الدعاية التجريدية من الإنسانية ضد شعب فلسطين.
مثل انتفاضة الأقصى الثانية التي استمرت أربع سنوات من 28 سبتمبر 2000 إلى 8 فبراير 2005، فإن القضايا التي لم يتم حلها للاحتلال هي الآن في عامها الرابع والخمسين منذ احتلال إسرائيل للقدس القديمة في 7 يونيو 1967، والذي احتفلت به دولة إسرائيل وفقًا لـ إلى التقويم العبري باعتباره يوم القدس اليوم من خلال مهاجمة الأقصى، والكارثة المستمرة الآن منذ ثلاثة وسبعين عامًا منذ يوم النكبة في 15 مايو 1948، تضافرت حول القيمة الرمزية للأقصى، الذي له هوية مزدوجة متنازع عليها مثل جبل الهيكل في القدس. اليهودية.
إن فرص التهدئة وتجنب الحرب لا تعتمد الآن على العوامل المحلية، بل على استجابة المجتمع الدولي، لأن التاريخ هنا أصبح فخًا ينهار ليوقعنا في شركه، ويجب على القوى الخارجية أن تحررنا من إخفاقات الغرب. التناقضات الداخلية لنظامنا.
فهل ستتنصل أمريكا وتتخلى عن مستعمرتها إسرائيل، ملكة سياستها الإمبراطورية في الشرق الأوسط وسيطرتها على المورد الاستراتيجي للنفط؟ هل يمكن للوحدة الدولية وضغوط المقاطعة وسحب الاستثمارات وفرض العقوبات أن تحررنا من طغيان وإرهاب نظام الفصل العنصري كما حدث في جنوب أفريقيا؟
أم أن الحرب هي الحساب الوحيد الذي يمكن للبشرية تقديمه أو قبوله؟
كما كتب إيشان ثارور في صحيفة واشنطن بوست؛ ليلة الإثنين، تبادل المسلحون في قطاع غزة والجيش الإسرائيلي إطلاق الصواريخ والغارات الجوية وسط تصعيد مميت للعنف. أطلقت حماس والجهاد الإسلامي، الجماعتان المسلحتان المتمركزتان في غزة المحاصرة، وابلًا من الصواريخ التي سقطت بالقرب من القدس وفي أجزاء من جنوب إسرائيل، مما أدى إلى إصابة شخص واحد على الأقل. وأدت الغارات الجوية الإسرائيلية ردا على ذلك إلى مقتل ما لا يقل عن 20 شخصا في غزة، وفقا لوزارة الصحة في غزة، من بينهم تسعة أطفال.
وقال رئيس الوزراء الإسرائيلي بنيامين نتنياهو إن “الجماعات الإرهابية” في غزة “تجاوزت الخط الأحمر” بهجماتها الصاروخية. لكن الانفجار الأخير للأعمال العدائية له ذيل طويل، في أعقاب العديد من الأعمال العدوانية التي قامت بها قوات الأمن الإسرائيلية والجماعات اليهودية اليمينية المتطرفة في القدس. قبل أسبوعين، قامت مجموعات من المتطرفين اليهود، بما في ذلك بعض المستوطنين من الضفة الغربية، بمسيرة عبر المناطق المأهولة بالسكان الفلسطينيين في المدينة المقدسة، وهم يهتفون “الموت للعرب”، وهاجموا المارة وألحقوا أضرارًا بالممتلكات والمنازل الفلسطينية. أثارت المحاولات الإسرائيلية لطرد عدد من العائلات الفلسطينية في حي الشيخ جراح بالقدس الشرقية – وهو نموذج مصغر لما يعتبره الفلسطينيون جزءًا من تاريخ طويل من السلب والمحو على يد الدولة الإسرائيلية – احتجاجات التضامن الفلسطيني في أجزاء مختلفة للأراضي المحتلة وإسرائيل.
كما أثارت التوترات قبيل إحياء يوم القدس يوم الاثنين، وهو يوم عطلة إسرائيلية رسمي يحتفل بالاستيلاء على المدينة خلال الحرب العربية الإسرائيلية عام 1967. تم إلغاء مسيرة سنوية كان من المقرر أن يقوم بها إسرائيليون من اليمين المتطرف بعد أن غيرت السلطات مسارها في اللحظة الأخيرة. ولا تزال أعداد كبيرة تشق طريقها إلى حائط المبكى وتغني أغنية انتقامية متطرفة ضد الفلسطينيين.
أفاد زملائي أن “هجمات حماس الصاروخية، والتي تضمنت الضربات الأولى ضد القدس منذ عدة سنوات، جاءت بعد اشتباكات بين الشرطة الإسرائيلية والمتظاهرين الفلسطينيين والإسرائيليين اليهود اليمينيين المتطرفين حول المدينة القديمة”. ومن بين مئات الجرحى سبعة نقلوا إلى المستشفى في حالة خطيرة، بحسب الهلال الأحمر الفلسطيني. وتم تداول مقطع فيديو على وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي يظهر ضباط شرطة إسرائيليين يضربون بوحشية رجلاً فلسطينيًا معتقلًا.
فكيف يمكن لأمريكا أن تدعم دولة إسرائيل في الطغيان والإرهاب والغزو والنهب؟ إنه سؤال يُطرح بلهجة الغضب والأسى والحيرة منذ حلول النكبة في 15 مايو/أيار 1948، يوم النكبة التي بدأ فيها احتلال فلسطين والاستعباد الممنهج والإبادة الجماعية لشعبها في أعقاب الغزو الإسرائيلي. القدس. كيف يتم إضفاء الشرعية على هذا؟
لقد أعاد أحد الأصدقاء صياغة هذا السؤال لي مؤخرًا؛ “لقد أحببت التقليد اليهودي واعتنقته، وانضممت إلى كنيس يهودي وعملت جنبًا إلى جنب مع حاخامه. عندما أشاهد معاملة الحكومة اليهودية في إسرائيل للفلسطينيين، تغمرني مشاعر الارتباك والغضب. ولأنني غير قادر على التوفيق بين هذا الفجور، فإنني أشكك في أساس إيماني. أين الانتفاضة الطيبة والأخلاقية للأصوات اليهودية العالمية المنددة بمسار الحكومة؟ لقد فقدت الثقة في كوني يهودية”.
ما هو واضح بالنسبة لي هو أن أزمة الإيمان هذه هي أيضًا أزمة هوية وجودية
ن الوضع في غاية الخطورة والخطر والذي يحمل أيضًا إمكانية إعادة التصور والولادة التحويلية، وهو صدى شخصي لأزمة حضارية موازية يجب على البشرية والمجتمع العالمي للأمم أن يجدوا منها طريقة للخروج وتحرير أنفسنا من تراث الحضارة الإنسانية. تاريخنا. وهنا ردي:
دولة إسرائيل ليست متطابقة مع الديانة اليهودية، على الرغم من أن الفصيل الإمبريالي الفاشي الذي يمثله نتنياهو يرغب في أن يعتقد الجميع ذلك.
أمة تقوم على تخصيص مواطنيها لهوية قبلية، والتسليح الطائفي للعقيدة في خدمة السلطة والهوية الوطنية المصرح بها، ومجتمع عسكري مع خدمة إلزامية عالمية، وصنم منتشر لأساطير الشجاعة العسكرية ورموزها بما في ذلك البنادق. واستخدمت لغة الوحدة الوطنية العبرية المعاد بناؤها سياسات الهوية لإخضاع مواطنيها لسلطة الاستبداد المركزية؛ إسرائيل دولة فاشية من الدم والإيمان والأرض لا تقل عن دولة النازيين.
أضف إلى هذا المزيج السام النظام الكليبتوقراطي الذي روج لسرديات الإيذاء التاريخي لإضفاء الشرعية على السرقة الجماعية والغزو الإمبراطوري لشعوب أخرى، وهناك شيء واحد واضح؛ لقد تعلمت إسرائيل الدروس الخاطئة من النازيين.
ربما تعلمون من إشاراتي العديدة إلى الحادثة في كتاباتي أنني مناهض للفاشية، وقد أقسمت قسم المقاومة على يد جان جينيه عام 1982 في بيروت، أثناء معركتنا ضد الغزو والحصار الإسرائيلي. وفي الأعوام التسع والثلاثين التي تلت ذلك، كنت صائدًا للنازيين وثوريًا للديمقراطية منخرطًا في النضال من أجل تحرير البشرية ضد الطغيان والأنظمة الاستبدادية التي تعتمد على القوة والسيطرة.
لقد كان الوطن الفلسطيني، والعدالة لشعبه، من بين أهدافي منذ ذلك الصيف منذ فترة طويلة. ومثله كمثل هدف تحرير أيرلندا من الحكم الاستعماري البريطاني، فلا يزال يتعين تحقيقه. موضع التساؤل هو فكرة الحرية والمواطنة باعتبارها سيادة واستقلال الشعوب عن الاستعمار الأجنبي والطغيان الاستبدادي، وأولوية دولة غير طائفية خالية من الانقسامات والتسلسلات الهرمية للإيمان، لأن من يقف بين كل واحد منا وبين اللانهائي لا يخدم أيًا منهما. .
كما أنني أؤيد فكرة إقامة وطن إسرائيلي، ولا أرى أي سبب يجعل هاتين الدولتين، فلسطين وإسرائيل، متنافيتين أو متعارضتين. بعض الإسرائيليين الذين يختلفون معي حول قضية فلسطين والنزعة العسكرية في الغزو الإمبراطوري والسيطرة الإقليمية كانوا حلفاء في قضية مطاردة النازيين والفاشيين عمومًا في جميع أنحاء العالم، لكنهم غافلون عن تواطؤهم في هذا الشر بسبب رؤيتهم لأنفسهم. كضحايا وليس كمرتكبي جرائم ضد الإنسانية. يتعلق الأمر بالخوف والدورة المدمرة للإساءة والعنف.
عندما تستولي السلطة على الإيمان لإضفاء الشرعية على سياسات الهوية، تصبح الهوية نفسها مشوشة وغامضة. لكي نصبح أحرارًا، يجب علينا أن نمتلك ملكية أنفسنا ككائنات مخلوقة ذاتيًا ومستقلة.
ولهذا السبب فإن الواجبات الأساسية للمواطن هي مساءلة السلطة، وكشف السلطة، والسخرية من السلطة، وتحدي السلطة.
دائمًا يبقى الصراع بين الأقنعة التي يصنعها الآخرون لنا وتلك التي نصنعها لأنفسنا؛ هذه هي الثورة الأولى التي يجب علينا جميعا أن نقاتل فيها.
أفكر في مشكلة الشر البشري ودورة الخوف والقوة والقوة في حالة الدول التي أصبحت أنظمة استبدادية قاتلت من أجل تحرير نفسها منها، وهذا ينطبق على الدول الثورية المناهضة للاستعمار بشكل عام بسبب الموروثات التاريخية من الإيذاء. ، في هذا الطريق؛ غالبًا ما يصبح الضحايا مسيئين لأن هويتهم منظمة حول السلطة باعتبارها الوسيلة الوحيدة للهروب في عالم لا يمكن الوثوق فيه بأحد.
عندما يتم إلغاء الثقة وإثبات أنها فارغة وبلا معنى، عندما تنكسر القدرة على الارتباط بالآخرين والشعور بألمهم في التعاطف، ويصبح المرء بلا شفقة أو ندم، عندما يكون الخوف طاغيًا ومعممًا وتشكله السلطة على التعامل مع الآخرين. وفي خدمة السلطة، يتعلم الضحايا أن القوة وحدها هي التي لها معنى وهي حقيقية. يجب ألا نسمح للمسيئين أن يصبحوا معلمينا.
وفي حين أن كل قضية من هذا القبيل لها أصولها وتاريخها الفريد، فإن المشكلة في حد ذاتها عالمية، وتتعلق بما يخشاه المرء، وكيف يتشكل هذا الخوف من خلال السلطة كهوية. من وجهة نظرنا كأميركيين يفسرون الأحداث في المشكلة الكلاسيكية المتمثلة في الأقلية المزدوجة التي تمثلها إسرائيل وفلسطين، فإن كيفية إدراكنا للقضايا لها علاقة كبيرة بكيفية تأطيرها من خلال مصادرنا الإعلامية والمحفزة.
في النهاية، يتم تعريفنا بما نفعله بخوفنا، وكيف نستخدم قوتنا.
السؤال الأول الذي يجب طرحه في أي قصة، والأهم، هو سؤال بسيط؛ من هذه القصة؟
نحن ضائعون في برية المرايا، من الأكاذيب والأوهام، وتزييف أنفسنا، والصور والانعكاسات المشوهة، والأصداء والهويات المرخصة التي تشوه وتشوه.
مكين، وسرقة أرواحنا.
فكيف نجيب أولئك الذين يستعبدوننا؟ يتم تحقيق أصالتنا واستقلالنا من خلال الاستيلاء على السلطة، وإعادة تصور وتحويل أنفسنا والبشرية كمجتمع حر متساوين.
نحن الأمريكيون نميل إلى رؤية الأشياء من منظور القبعات البيضاء والقبعات السوداء، كما هو الحال في الأفلام الغربية التي تعتبر بمثابة أساطير أصلية ونماذج أولية لشخصيتنا الوطنية. بمجرد منح مكانة الضحية، تصبح هذه المجموعات والأشخاص من القبعات البيضاء والأخيار، غير قادرين على الشر ومعارضين تمامًا لأي شخص يجب أن يكون من القبعات السوداء. إنها طريقة فظيعة لاختيار السياسة الوطنية.
للأسف، نحن البشر يمكن أن نكون خيرًا وأشرارًا في الوقت نفسه، فعيوب إنسانيتنا تتردد وتعكس انكسار العالم. إنها حقيقة تم إثباتها مرة أخرى الليلة في القدس أو القدس اعتمادًا على من يتحدث وبأي لغة، بينما تحترق غزة من هجوم قوات الدفاع الإسرائيلية المسعورة تمامًا كما حدث في الليلة التي مضت قبل أربعة عقود تقريبًا في بيروت. عندما حاولوا حرقي أنا وجينيه أحياء في المقهى الخاص بنا، كعشرات البشر الذين سُرق منهم كل شيء ما عدا الأمل، أقسموا لبعضهم البعض أن يتخذوا موقعًا يغطي هروب النساء والأطفال المحاصرين بالهجوم الإسرائيلي حتى النهاية. نحن آمنون، في دفاع أخير ليس عن المسجد الأقصى، رائع وجميل ومليء بالأهمية، نصب تذكاري للدافع البشري للوصول إلى ما هو أبعد من أنفسنا والإمكانيات اللامحدودة لأن نصبح بشرًا، مرحلة مناسبة للموت المجيد للأبطال، ولكن من صرخات الغرباء بلا جسد بين المحاربين المجهولين في العصور القديمة المهجورة.
في مواجهة هوة الفراغ والهمجية العدمية في عالم من الظلام والنار، من الخوف والقوة، ليس لدي سوى الكلمات لأقدمها، وأنا أكتب إليكم ما قلته لرفاقي الذين اختاروا الوقوف معي؛ لقد فقدت عدد مرات الوقوف الأخيرة، لكنني خاطرت بكل شيء ضد احتمالات مستحيلة ونجوت مرات أكثر مما أستطيع أن أتذكر، وكل ما يهم هو أننا لا نتخلى عن أنفسنا ولا عن بعضنا البعض، وأن نرفض الاستسلام، لأن هذا هو لحظة حريتنا، ولا يمكن أن تؤخذ منا أبدا.
من هذه الليلة تتحرر فلسطين، يمكن أن نقتل ولكن لا يمكن أن نفتح.
Hebrew
10 במאי 2024 יום השנה לאינתיפאדה השלישית של 2021, מתקיים כעת בתיאטרון העשירי של מלחמת העולם השלישית המכיל ומחליף את מלחמת עזה
הן המבקרים בארץ הקודש המחפשים סימנים של הבלתי נראה המתגלים בדיסנילנד של אמונות מסוכסכות והן אלה שנלכדו בתוך הסיוט של חומות, מחסומים, תיל תער, מעקבים נרחבים, אלימות אוניברסלית, פוליטיקה זהותית, והעריצות והטרור של אחד מאיתנו. משטרי הכוח והשליטה הנוראיים ביותר בעולם הפכו כאן לרוחות הרפאים של השואה; ישראל מהדהדת עם הצרחות השקטות של הקולות הגנובים והצללים הטורפים של היסטוריה שנושקה בשירות לשלטון כנרטיבים של קורבנות וביטחון ככוח, אסטרטגיה שנועדה לשבור תחילה את הסולידריות שלנו עם פילוג ופשיזם של דם, אמונה ואדמה. זיוף ולאחר מכן דה-הומניזציה והכניעתנו כאדונים ועבדים וכרצח עם וטיהור אתני.
ישראל כחלום מקלט ושל אחווה ואהבה אוניברסליים נבגדה וחתרנה על ידי ישראל כתיאוקרטיה שנאת זרים, אימפריה צבאית ומחנה עבדים; כאן אושוויץ התמסד בקנה מידה לאומי, אסיריה לשעבר עכשיו השומרים שלה.
מדוע שמישהו יבחר לשחזר גיהנום ממנו נמלט, אפילו כאדוניו ולא כעבדיו?
אני מבין היטב את הפיתוי של כוח כביטחון בעולם של כוחות עוינים וכאוטיים, וכיצד ניתן לעצב פחד מוחץ ומוכלל על ידי סמכות לרכז כוח על ידי הצעת לנו כוח מושאל על אחרים כדמויות של איומים קיומיים; להיות פוסק המידות באמצעות כוח ושליטה. אבל ביטחון הוא אשליה, המדינה כאלימות מגולמת מצייתת לחוק התנועה השלישי של ניוטון ויוצרת התנגדות משלה, והכאב המשותף שלנו מאחד אותנו בדרכים שמתעלות מעל הטבעת הווגנרית של פחד, כוח וכוח, שרק אהבה יכולה לשחרר אותנו מ.
אהבה כסולידריות בעשייה יכולה לגאול את פגמי אנושיותנו ואת שברו של העולם, תיקון עולם בעברית, ולשחרר אותנו לחיות כערבים לאנושיותו של זה.
כפי שכתבתי ביום השנה הראשון לאינתיפאדה השלישית בלילה הזה לפני שנתיים; זה חייב להיות הנושא הנכתב ביותר, הנלמד, התווכח, התנסה בו ונלחם בנושא בפוליטיקה הגלובלית מאז מלחמת העולם השנייה שהוא תוצאה ממנה, העם הזה שבו עם אחד מחולק לפי ההיסטוריה כישראלים ופלסטינים, ומדד של האנושות שלנו, כדוגמה הקלאסית של המיעוט הכפול; מה עושים עם עיר אחת ואומה אחת שתיבעות על ידי שתי קהילות היסטוריות, כבסיס לזהות כאמונה ולאום וההשלכות והפרקסיס של פוליטיקת זהויות כאלימות?
כאן אומה ועם נקרעים על ידי הפרעת זהות דיסוציאטיבית, מסוכסכים ונעולים במאבק טיטאני כמו עם פיצול הזהות, הזיכרון והתודעה של מספר אישים, טירוף בקנה מידה לאומי וציוויליזציוני שנולד ממורשת ההיסטוריה והחיים משבשים אירועים, טראומה אפיגנטית, אבל, אימה, אשמה וייאוש.
בדואליות של ישראל ופלסטין מתבררים מקורות הרוע כאלימות ועריצות בטבעת הווגנרית הרקורסיבית והתלויה הדדית של פחד, כוח וכוח, כאשר פחד סוחף ומוכלל ואיומים קיומיים מופעלים בנשק בשירות לשלטון על ידי הסמכות. היוצר מצבי כוח ושליטה קרסראליים ככוח לא שוויוני ואלימות מגולמת, באמצעות היררכיות עילית וחלוקות של שייכות ואחרות ופשיזם של דם, אמונה ואדמה.
כאן פועל הפשיזם כרע מערכתי כהחזקה וגניבה של הנשמה. מה אנחנו יכולים לעשות לגבי זה? כפי ששאל לנין במאמרו משנת 1902; “מה יש לעשות?” איך להשתחרר מהכוחות המערכתיים של ההכנעה שלנו לסמכות, לאליטות ולאלה שישעבדו אותנו?
ראשית עלינו להכיר ולהיזהר מאלה המתיימרים לדבר בשמנו ולפעול בשמנו, שכן זוהי אסטרטגיה ראשית של הפשיזם. כדי לשחרר את עצמנו מהשקרים והאשליות, הזיוף וההיסטוריה המשוכתבת, תיאוריות הקונספירציה והמציאות החלופית שבאמצעותן אנו הופכים לדה-הומניזציה, עלינו להיות דוברי אמת העוסקים במרדף אחר האמת כקריאה קדושה, ולבצע את ארבע החובות העיקריות של אזרח; רשות שאלה, רשות חשיפה, רשות מדומה ורשות אתגר.
שנית עלינו לתפוס את הבעלות העצמית והאוטונומיה שלנו בסירוב להיכנע לסמכות, שכן הסוד הגדול של הכוח הוא שהוא ריק וחלול, והוא עובר דה-לגיטימציה דרך סירוב לסמוך ולהאמין בסמכות, ושל כוח שהוא שביר ו מוצא את הגבול שלו בנקודה של אי ציות. מעשים פשוטים, אבל גם כוחות טבועים של האדם שלא ניתן לקחת מאיתנו; שכן מי שמסרב להיכנע הוא חופשי, והופך לבלתי ניתן לכיבוש.
תמיד נשאר המאבק בין המסכות שאחרים עושים לנו, לבין אלה שאנחנו עושים לעצמנו. זו המהפכה הראשונה שבה כולנו
חייב להילחם; המאבק לבעלות עצמית ולחופש הזהות.
אין סמכות צודקת.
הלילה אני יושב בבית בין החושך העצום של גבעותיי, לילה שעוקב אחרי ימים של גשם ומלא בשירי צפרדעים וציפורים, שלווה המופרעת רק בגלל הכירוסקורו של זיכרונותיי מהלילה הזה לפני שנה, בהגנה. של אל אקצא. כמו הבזקים של ברק, יד העבר יכולה להביא את הכאוס ולהושיט יד לתפוס ולטלטל אותנו, ולערער אותנו ואת מבני הנורמליות שלנו עם אירועים בלתי צפויים ופתאומיים משבשים שנפרמו מעגןיהם בזמן.
אבל הכאוס הוא גם מדד לטווח ההסתגלותי של מערכת, שמביאה הן את אימת האין שלנו והן את השמחה על החופש המוחלט בדמיון המחודש שלנו והלידה מחדש המשנה של עצמנו ושל האפשרויות הבלתי מוגבלות שלנו להפוך לאנושות.
לגיירמו דל טורו, באפוס המפואר שלו של הגירה ושוויון גזעי קרנבל רואו, יש סצנה שבה שני ממשיכים צעירים להנהגה של פלגים יריבים מסורתיים מוצאים עצמם מאוהבים וזקוקים לבעלי ברית בעלילת משנה המדמה מחדש את רומיאו ויוליה; הגיהנום המורד, ג’ונה ברייקספיר, שואל את אהובתו המקיאוולית, סופי לונגרבין, “למי כאוס טוב?” על כך היא משיבה, “כאוס טוב לנו. כאוס הוא התקווה הגדולה של חסרי הכוח”.
אפשר לחשוב על הבאת הכאוס במונחים של כוח הגאולה של אהבה, של סולידריות, של חובת הדאגה שלנו לזולת, של תפיסות כוח כהחזרת האיזון, של התנגדות ומאבק מהפכני כמו העמדת חיינו באיזון עם אלה של חסרי הכוח והמנושלים, המושתקים והנמחקים, וכתיקון עולם או ריפוי שברו של העולם.
בירושלים ובאל קודס, אנו נבגדים על ידי הנורמליות של כניעה לסמכות וחלוקת הכוח הלא שוויוני, דה-הומניזציה על ידי אלה שמבצעים זוועות בשמנו, ונעשים שותפים לפשעים נגד האנושות באמצעות נרטיבים של קורבנות, כפי שוולטר מלמד אותנו מאפשרים. כל דבר.
Gott mitt uns; זה טרור עתיק יומין. ולכך עלינו להתנגד.
מיתוסים ישנים, ותלונות ישנות, שזורים במרקם הנפש שלנו והציוויליזציה שלנו. וכמו כל היסטוריה, זיכרון וזהות מורשית, כוחות מימטיים שממורשתם עלינו לצאת.
ברגע זה אני פונה שוב לאבחנה המבריקה של מחלת הכוח כזהות שנתפסה כפי שכתב אלון בן-מאירין בהאפפוסט, אם כי המרשם שלו למערכת שתי מדינות שנוי במחלוקת ובשבילי יש להחליפו בזמן עם חילוני. מדינה עם חוק אחד לכולם וללא חטיבות רשמיות של שבט, שפה או אמונה, במאמר שכותרתו In The Grip Of Powerful Illusions; “המבוי הסתום בתהליך השלום הישראלי-פלסטיני נראה לא הגיוני ומטריד, שכן רוב הישראלים והפלסטינים מבינים שדו-קיום, בין אם בתנאי איבה או ידידות, הוא עובדה שאף צד לא יכול להשתנות מלבד קטסטרופה.
המבוי הסתום בתהליך השלום הישראלי-פלסטיני נראה לא הגיוני ומטריד, שכן רוב הישראלים והפלסטינים מבינים שדו-קיום, בין אם בתנאי איבה ובין אם בתנאי ידידות, הוא עובדה שאף אחד מהצדדים אינו יכול להשתנות מלבד קטסטרופה. שני הצדדים מבינים שהפרמטרים הכלליים של הסכם שלום בר קיימא חייבים להישען על פתרון שתי מדינות המבוסס על גבולות 1967 עם כמה חילופי קרקעות. עם זאת, שני הצדדים בוחרים להתענג על אשליות ולחיות בהתרסה לזמן ולנסיבות. נראה שהם מעדיפים המשך התנגשויות אלימות ושפיכות דמים על פני דו-קיום שליו, תוך שהם מאשימים זה את זה בדרך ההרסנית הבלתי נגמרת, שבאופן טרגי שניהם בחרו לעבור.
ישנם ציווי יסוד, יחד עם אמצעי ביטחון הדדיים ארוכי טווח, המייצגים את מה שהיה על שולחן המשא ומתן בשנת 2000 בקמפ דיוויד ובשנים 2010/2011 ו-2013/2014 בחסות ממשל אובמה בירושלים וברמאללה. כל סבב, עם דרגות שונות של התקדמות, נועד להשלים הסכם ועם זאת בסופו של דבר לא הצליח לעשות זאת. השאלה היא: למה?
תפיסות מוטות וסלקטיביות, שמחוזקות על ידי חוויות היסטוריות, דת ואידיאולוגיות לא תואמות, נעלו את שני הצדדים בעמדות חסרות תנועה. הגורמים המשמרים ומעצימים דפוסים אלה כוללים רגשות כמו פחד, חוסר אמון וחוסר ביטחון. התוצאה הפסיכולוגית היא הכחשה הדדית של הנרטיב של האחר ודה-לגיטימציה הדדית.
ביחד, התוצאה האופרטיבית היא סטגנציה וקיטוב. לכן, מה שנדרש הוא דיאלוג מכוון קונצנזוס ברמת המנהיגות של פקידים ולא פקידים כאחד, ואינטראקציות בין אנשים, כדי לפתור את סוגיית התפיסה – סדר גבוה בהתחשב בסביבה הנוכחית שמתבססת ולא משפרת דעות קדומות. תפיסות.
ישנם מושגים פסיכולוגיים מסוימים הרלוונטיים להבנת השיתוף הישראלי-פלסטיני
מושג האשליה הוא מושג חיוני. ב”עתידה של אשליה”, פרויד מציע את ההגדרה הבאה: “…אנו קוראים לאמונה אשליה כאשר הגשמת משאלות היא גורם בולט במוטיבציה שלה, ובכך אנו מתעלמים מיחסיה למציאות, בדיוק כפי שה האשליה עצמה אינה מגדירה אימות”.
מה שמאפיין אשליות הוא ש: 1) הן נגזרות משאלות אנושיות עמוקות, ו-2) האמונה מוחזקת (או תוחזק) בהעדר כל ראיה משכנעת, או נימוקים רציונליים טובים, מטעמה.
אי אפשר להכחיש שהן הישראלים והן הפלסטינים נמצאים באחיזת אשליות חזקות מאוד שרק משמשות להארכת הסכסוך ולמנוע כל הבנה הדדית. בפרט, האמונה המשותפת לישראלים רבים שיש להם זכות מקראית על הארץ (כולל יהודה ושומרון) ושאלוהים נתן אותה ליהודים לנצח היא ללא ספק אשליה של אתמול.
אמונה זו אינה מאושרת משום שיש ראיות אמיתיות לכך שאלוהים ראה אותה (למרות ששתי ממלכות יהודיות אכן קיימות – הראשונה במאה העשירית לפנה”ס והשנייה החלה בשנת 539 לפנה”ס – על אותה אדמה), אלא משום שהיא מספק צורך פסיכולוגי עמוק במולדת יהודית שניתנת לאלוהים.
האמונה שבאמצעות הרחבת ההתנחלויות ישראל תגביר את ביטחונה הלאומי ותשמור על אחיזתה בכל הארץ היא אשליה של המחר, שמתעלמת בדרך כלל מנוכחותם של מוסלמים באותה אדמה במשך יותר מ-1,300 שנה.
חשוב לציין כיצד אשליות אלו מקיימות ומחזקות אחת את השנייה, ומהוות מחסום פסיכולוגי שהוא הרבה יותר אטום לרפלקציה ביקורתית. אשליותיה של ישראל שימשו ליצירת ההיגיון לכיבוש.
הפלסטינים, מצדם, אינם חפים מאשליות משלהם. הם גם מאמינים שאלוהים שמר להם את הארץ, ופונים לעובדה שהם ישבו את הארץ במשך מאות שנים. מנקודת המבט שלהם, נוכחותו של מסגד אל-אקצא, שנבנה בשנת 705 לספירה בירושלים, מעידה על זיקתם ההיסטורית והדתית לעיר הקודש.
הם גם נאחזים ברעיון שהם יחזרו מתישהו לאדמת אבותיהם, כפי שיש להם וממשיכים להתעקש על זכות השיבה של הפליטים הפלסטינים, למרות שזה הפך לבלתי אפשרי כמעט.
הפלסטינים נאחזים באשליותיהם מאתמול ומחר באותה עיוורון ונואש כמו הישראלים, מה שמוביל להתנגדות ופחד משינויים. ככזה, אלא אם שני הצדדים ישנו מסלול ויקבלו את הזיקה של זה לאותה ארץ, במיוחד בגלל שהיא מבוססת דתית, המצב צפוי להוביל לאסון.
זה תרם להפיכת הסכסוך הישראלי-פלסטיני לכרוני ובלתי פתיר כאחד, שכן האשליות השונות ניזונות באופן רציף ומודע ממפגשים עוינים ולעתים קרובות אלימים בין שני הצדדים.
בניסיון לגשר בין מושגים שיכולים לקשר בין תחומי הפסיכולוגיה והפוליטיקה בסכסוך הישראלי-פלסטיני, ניתן להציע שהתנגדות הדדית קולקטיבית לשינוי (הן מודעת ומכוונת, והן בלתי מודעת פנימית) מגינה על זהות פגיעה.
בהשוואה, למשל, לזהות הפוליטית היציבה והבוגרת של האומות האמריקאיות, הבריטיות והצרפתיות, הזהות הפוליטית של העם הישראלי והפלסטיני כאחד נמצאת, במידה מסוימת, בגיל ההתבגרות.
זהויות בסביבה זו פגיעות יותר, והגיבורים באופן טבעי מתגוננים יותר ועמידים בפני שינויים. מעצם טבעו, על השחקנים להתקשות (אם לא בלתי אפשרי) לבטא זאת בפומבי, שכן לעשות זאת הוא להודות בפגיעות זו.
הרעיון של התנגדות פסיכולוגית לשינוי עשוי בהחלט להשפיע על המסגרת הפוליטית בכלל ועל הסכסוך הישראלי-פלסטיני בפרט; הוא קשור קשר הדוק לתפיסות ברמות רבות ומספק הגנה על גיבוש זהות פגיעה.
הלך הרוח הזה, המחוזק על ידי חוויות היסטוריות, הוא שמתעלה על יותר משבעת העשורים מאז החל הסכסוך הישראלי-פלסטיני. ליחידים ולקבוצות, ישראלים ופלסטינים כאחד, יש וממשיכים לפרש את אופי המחלוקת ביניהם כ”אתה נגדי” בצורה דעות קדומות וסלקטיביות.
בתורו, זה חנק כל מידע חדש ואפשר את ההתנגדות המתמשכת לשינוי, מה שיכול לשפוך אור חדש על מהות הסכסוך ומהותו ולעזור לקדם את תהליך השלום.
הרעיון של התנגדות לא מודעת לשינוי במסגרת זו מתקשר היטב לתפיסה של תפיסות המניעות את הקיטוב בקונפליקט. התנסות היסטורית, המגבשת תפיסות, משמשת בין היתר להגברת תחושת הזהות של “מי שאנחנו באמת”, הנחה קולקטיבית מעצבת היושבת בסלע של שחקני מפתח כאחד ומניעה התנהגות תפקודית ולא מתפקדת.
באופן עקרוני, חשיבה כזו מונעת משני הצדדים לבדר רעיונות חדשים שעלולים להוביל לפשרות לפתרון של שלום. הפרדוקס כאן הוא שהרוב משני הצדדים אמנם רוצים ומחפשים שלום, ביודעים היטב שהדבר ידרוש ויתורים משמעותיים, אך אינם מסוגלים ליישב את הוויתורים הנדרשים עם תפיסות טבועות שמנעו את הפשרות הללו כתוצאה מהתנגדות וחשש מפני שינוי.
לכן, כל מסגרת לשלום חייבת לכלול הוראות שיגדילו באופן דרמטי את הסיכויים לטובת פתרון. ראשית, שני הצדדים צריכים להתחייב להגיע להסכם המבוסס על פתרון שתי מדינות מתוך אמונה ששינוי, שמתורגם לדו-קיום, הוא בלתי נמנע. לכן, עליהם להתאים את עצמם זה לדרישותיו של זה, מה שמחייב אותם בהכרח לעשות ויתורים משמעותיים.
שנית, כדי להקל על כך, עליהם לבצע אינטראקציות חברתיות, כלכליות, תרבותיות וביטחוניות פייסות בין אנשים, כדי למתן את התנגדותם לשינוי, אשר חייבת להתחיל, לפחות, שנה אחת לפני תחילת המשא ומתן ליצירת הפסיכולוגיות וה אווירה פוליטית כדי לטפח את האמון הדרוש למשא ומתן לשלום מהותי ומוצלח.
חידוש שיחות השלום לא יוביל לשום מקום אלא אם ישראלים ופלסטינים ישנו את תפיסתם הדעות הקדומות ואת התנגדותם לשינוי ופחדם משינוי, ולבסוף יגיעו להכרה שגורלם שזור זה בזה ואינם יכולים לחיות בשלום ובביטחון ללא השני.
אני מרגיש נאלץ לסיים את המאמר האחרון שלי לשנה באזהרה חמורה שישראלים ופלסטינים כאחד יעשו אם להרהר בה כאשר הם מתקרבים לסוף העשור השביעי לסכסוך הטראגי שלהם.
כל מיליטנט ישראלי קיצוני ופלסטיני, מי שרוצה הכל חייב לעצור ולחשוב היכן יהיו ישראל והפלסטינים בעוד עשר שנים אם המצב הנוכחי יימשך?
אשליותיך של היום לא יהפכו למציאות של מחר, ומה שהמחר יביא אינו אלא עוד כאב, דמעות ויסורים.
הסכסוך שלך מתפתח מהר יותר למלחמת דת. מתקיים ארמגדון מוסלמי-יהודי שיעלה את כל האזור באש בלתי נתפסת.
אם אתם מאמינים אמיתיים, אל תעזו להתריס נגד רצונו של אלוהים, כי הוא דחף אתכם יחד כדי להעמיד אתכם במבחן – עליכם לחיות בשלום ובהרמוניה, או שתיגזרו על שכחה וייאוש.
יש לך את הכוח לבחור את הגורל שלך. האם זה יהיה הרס עצמי או שזה יהיה הגשמת חלום מפואר?
קום והעביר מורשת של תקווה לכל ילד ישראלי ופלסטיני, כי יש להם את הזכות הנתונה מאלוהים לגדול ולשגשג ואף אחד לא צריך למות על האשליות שלך לשווא”.
כפי שכתבתי בפוסט שלי מ-9 בנובמבר 2023, מראה של החושך שלנו: בדולח; ישראל מנציחה את הטרגדיה הזו שפתחה דלת לטרגדיה גדולה עוד יותר בשואה בכך שהיא עושה בדיוק את אותו הדבר לפלסטינים, עם אחד המחולק על ידי ההיסטוריה והאמונה המזוהה עם נשק בשירות לשלטון. וגם זה יפתח דלתות לטרור ועריצות מדינות, אלא אם כן שני העמים יוכלו להתאחד נגד רשויות המבצעות זוועות בשמם כאסטרטגיה של הכנעה ולשחרר זה את זה מאלה שישעבדו אותם.
אם אתה חושב על עמים כילדים שהם ניצולי התעללות, הרבה מתברר; שכן ברגע שהם תפסו את השלטון יש סיכוי גבוה יותר שהם יהפכו למתעללים בעצמם. כך פועל הפחד, מדוע הוא הבסיס האמיתי לחילופי דברים, מדוע פוליטיקה היא אמנות הפחד, ומדוע מדינות מגולמות באלימות. הן הישראלים והן הפלסטינים נפגעו מהאיומים הקיומיים הרבה לפני שהחלו לחבל, להתאכזר ולעשות דה-הומניזציה אחד את השני.
העובדה שהמשטרים הדורסניים משני הצדדים השתמשו בפוליטיקת פילוג וזהות כדי לרכז כוח ולהעניק לגיטימציה לשליטה אוטוריטרית היא שלב צפוי של מאבק השחרור, במיוחד של מהפכה אנטי-קולוניאלית.
הטריק של להיות אנושי, חברים, הוא לאמץ את החושך של עצמך במאבק, כמו גם את אויביו, ולצאת מהמורשת של ההיסטוריה שלנו שמצלה עלינו כמו זנב תנין בלתי נראה.
יש קו שאמר הנבל בסדרה הקוסמים, ניצול של התעללות בילדות ועריץ הידוע בשם החיה על פשעיו הנוראיים, פעם הילד חסר הכוח והמבועת מרטין צ’טווין וכיום אל מפלצתי; “אתה יודע, כשהייתי ילד, גבר שנועד לטפל בי כופף אותי מעל השולחן שלו וקיבל אותי שוב ושוב בכל פעם שהייתי איתו לבד. זה עוזר לי להבין אמת. אתה חזק או שאתה חלש. “
הנה השקר המקורי של העריץ והפשיסט באפולוגטיקה, בהצדקה העצמית ובפסיכופתיה של הכוח; השקר שרק לכוח יש משמעות והוא אמיתי, שאין טוב או רע. אופן השימוש בכוח הוא בעל חשיבות שווה למי שמחזיק בו. פחד וכוח הם אמצעי עיקרי לחילופי בני אדם, אבל
לא האמצעי היחיד; אהבה, חברות ושייכות חשובים לא פחות.
זהו קו אשר לוכד בצורה מושלמת את הסתירות הטבועות בטבעת הוואגנרית של פחד, כוח וכוח כמקור של הרוע; שכן השימוש בכוח חברתי הוא חתרני לערכיו שלו. עם זאת, התנאים המוטלים של מאבק מהפכני מצריכים לעתים קרובות אלימות, ועד שאלי החוק והסדר יופלו מכסאותיהם אני חייב להסכים עם הכתבה המפורסמת של סארטר במחזהו “ידיים מלוכלכות” מ-1948, שצוטט על ידי פרנץ פאנון בנאומו מ-1960. למה אנחנו משתמשים באלימות, והפכו לאלמוות על ידי מלקולם אקס; “בכל דרך אפשרית.”
כפי שכתב וולטר רודני ב-The Groundings with my Brothers; “אמרו לנו שאלימות כשלעצמה היא רוע, ושלא משנה מה הסיבה, היא לא מוצדקת מבחינה מוסרית. לפי איזה סטנדרט של מוסר יכולה האלימות שבה משתמש עבד כדי לשבור את שלשלאותיו להיחשב זהה לאלימות של אדון עבדים? לפי אילו אמות מידה נוכל להשוות את האלימות של שחורים שדוכאו, מדוכאים, מדוכאים ומדוכאים במשך ארבע מאות שנים עם אלימותם של פאשיסטים לבנים. לא ניתן לשפוט אלימות שמטרתה החזרת כבוד האדם ושוויון לפי אותו קנה מידה כמו אלימות שמטרתה לשמור על אפליה ודיכוי”.
והנה הקטע שאליו הוא מתייחס מפי ליאון טרוצקי ב-Their Morals and Ours: The Class Foundations of Moral Practice; “בעל עבדים שבאמצעות ערמומיות ואלימות כובל עבד בשלשלאות, ועבד שבאמצעות ערמומיות או אלימות שובר את השלשלאות – שלא יאמרו לנו הסריסים הבזויים שהם שווים בפני בית דין מוסר!”
אולם בהשתקפות אני חושב על אותן דמויות גדולות שהיו גם גיבורי השחרור וגם נבלי העריצות; המודל לחיקוי בגיל ההתבגרות שלי נפוליאון, וושינגטון, שהוא מרכזי בהיסטוריה המשפחתית שלנו וטבע את המוטו על הסמל שלנו בקוד הסיסמה במהלך קרב טרנטון, ניצחון או מוות, כאשר המהפכה כולה התנהלה על תקווה עזובה, של הטרגי דרמה של גיבורים שנפלו כמו רוברט מוגאבה, העריצים המפלצתיים סטלין ומאו, הרשימה היא אוסף כמעט אינסופי של צרות וכישלונות חזון שבהם עולמות חדשים אמיצים הפכו לגיהנום ולמדינות קרסרליות. לראיה אני מציע למהפכות האמריקניות והנפוליאון להפוך לאימפריות, ברית המועצות, המפלגה הקומוניסטית הסינית, הודו, שם תהילת השחרור באה יד ביד עם הטרגדיה של החלוקה וכעת היא תחת מגף הלאומיות ההינדית, כמעט כל המהפכות האנטי-קולוניאליות. שעם תקופת החירות הראשונה כאומות חדשות הפכו לעריצות איומה, ובעיקר למדינת ישראל, לחלום מקלט שנרקם באימת השואה שקורבנותיו למדו את הלקחים הלא נכונים מהנאצים ונטלו על עצמם את תפקידם בכיבוש פלשתינה. הסכנות של האידיאליזם הן אמיתיות מאוד; אבל כך גם הסכנות שבכניעה לסמכות ובשותפות השתיקה מול הרוע.
אני צייד של פשיסטים, ושלי הוא מוסר של צייד. מבחינתי יש מבחן פשוט לשימוש בכוח; מי מחזיק בכוח
הרבה מאוד אנשים חכמים כתבו יפה על זוועות הפשיזם של דם, אמונה ואדמה ועל היררכיות של השתייכות עילית ואחרות מוציאה מהכלל, כפי שעושה פול אוסטרייכר במאמר שלאחר מכן; כאן ברצוני רק להצביע על כך שהכוחות הטמונים בתוכנו ובחוץ כתנאים חברתיים וטראומה אפיגנטית, של אטאביסטים של ברבריות ומערכות דיכוי, הם אוניברסליים לבני אדם כתנאי מאבק כפויים ופועלים ללא הרף גם כשהם מעורפלים מהעין. , מעבר לאימה ולמחסור של נקודות השבר של נפש האדם כמו אלו של ליל הבדולח והטיהור האתני של עזה.
אני כותב לך כמי שחיה לפי קריאת הקרב של לעולם לא שוב! כבר למעלה מארבעים שנה, ויש חשיבות עמוקה וחיונית ליישם את עקרון הפעולה הזה לא רק בהתנגדות לפשיזם כאויב חודרני של כל מה שאנושי בנו, אלא גם לעצמנו ולשימוש שלנו באלימות ובחברתי. כוח כלפי אחרים.
בסופו של דבר, כל מה שחשוב הוא מה אנחנו עושים עם הפחד שלנו, ואיך אנחנו משתמשים בכוח שלנו.
לא משנה היכן אתה מתחיל עם פילוגים והיררכיות של השתייכות עילית ואחרות מדריגה, אתה תמיד מגיע בשערי אושוויץ.
כפי שמלמד אותנו ניטשה במעבר לטוב ולרע; “מי שצד מפלצות עשוי לדאוג שלא יהפוך בכך למפלצת. ואם אתה מסתכל זמן רב לתוך תהום, התהום מביטה גם בך.”
במראה האפלה של עזה, עם ההשתקפויות המפלצתיות של ליל הבדולח ושל אושוויץ, אתה אוהב את מה שאתה רואה, הו ישראל?
כפי שכתבתי בפוסט שלי מ-10 במאי 2021, ההגנה על אל אקצא: חירות מול עריצות בירושלים; ייתכן שהיינו עדים להופעת האינתיפאדה השלישית הלילה, בהגנת אל-אקצא ובקרבות הרחוב בעזה שבאו בעקבותיה, שהוצתו בעקבות הבגידה והכיבוש האימפריאלי של מדינת ישראל שנאת זרים ופשיסטית שאינה מתייחסת לאיש מלבד
השבט והאמונה שלהם כאנושיים באמת, ואשר ביצעו מתקפה בלתי מעוררת וקטלנית כמעשה טרור ממלכתי ופשע נגד האנושות על המתפללים השלווים באחד המסגדים הקדושים ביותר בעולם האסלאמי, הפגנת כוח ו שלטון שבא בעקבות שבועות של פרובוקציות, תקיפות ופעולות של דה-הומניזציה תעמולתית נגד העם הפלסטיני.
כמו אינתיפאדת אל-אקצא השנייה או אל-אקצא שנמשכה ארבע שנים מה-28 בספטמבר 2000 עד ה-8 בפברואר 2005, נושאים לא פתורים של כיבוש שנמצא כעת בחמישים וארבעה שנים מאז כיבוש ירושלים העתיקה ב-7 ביוני 1967 על ידי ישראל, שמדינת ישראל חגגה על פי ללוח העברי כיום ירושלים היום על ידי תקיפת אל אקצא, ואסון הנמשך כבר שבעים ושלוש שנים מאז יום הנכבה ה-15 במאי 1948, התלכדו סביב הערך הסמלי של אל אקצא, בעל זהות כפולה שנויה במחלוקת כהר הבית ב. יַהֲדוּת.
סיכויי הסלמה ומניעת מלחמה תלויים כעת לא בגורמים מקומיים אלא בתגובת הקהילה הבינלאומית, שכן ההיסטוריה הפכה כאן למלכודת שמתמוטטת כדי ללכוד אותנו במלתעותיה, וכוחות חיצוניים חייבים לשחרר אותנו מהכישלונות של הסתירות הפנימיות של המערכת שלנו.
האם אמריקה תתנער ותתנער ממושבה ישראל, מלכת המדיניות האימפריאלית שלה במזרח התיכון והשליטה במשאב האסטרטגי של הנפט? האם האחדות הבינלאומית והלחץ של חרם, ביטול וסנקציה יכולים לשחרר אותנו מהעריצות והטרור של משטר אפרטהייד כפי שעשה בדרום אפריקה?
או שמא מלחמה היא ההתחשבנות היחידה שהמין האנושי יכול להציע או לקבל?
כפי שנכתב על ידי ישאן ת’ארור בוושינגטון פוסט; “ביום שני בלילה, חמושים ברצועת עזה והצבא הישראלי החליפו ירי רקטות ותקיפות אוויריות על רקע הסלמה קטלנית של האלימות. חמאס והג’יהאד האיסלאמי, ארגונים חמושים שבסיסם בעזה המצוררת, שיגרו מטח רקטות שנחתו ליד ירושלים ובחלקים מדרום ישראל, ופצעו לפחות אדם אחד. תקיפות אוויריות ישראליות בתגמול הרגו לפחות 20 בני אדם בעזה, לפי משרד הבריאות של עזה, כולל תשעה ילדים.
ראש ממשלת ישראל בנימין נתניהו אמר כי “קבוצות הטרור” בעזה “חצו קו אדום” עם התקפות הרקטות שלהם. אבל לפיצוץ הלחימה האחרון יש זנב ארוך, בעקבות פעולות תוקפניות רבות הן של כוחות הביטחון הישראליים והן של ארגוני עליונות יהודים מהימין הקיצוני בירושלים. לפני שבועיים צעדו להקות של קיצונים יהודים, כולל כמה מתנחלים מהגדה המערבית, דרך אזורים מאוכלסים בפלסטינים בעיר הקדושה, קראו “מוות לערבים”, תקפו עוברי אורח ופגעו ברכוש ובבתים פלסטינים. ניסיונות ישראלים לפנות מספר משפחות פלסטיניות בשכונת שייח ג’ראח במזרח ירושלים – מיקרוקוסמוס של מה שהפלסטינים רואים כחלק מהיסטוריה ארוכה של נישול ומחיקה בידי מדינת ישראל – עוררו מחאות סולידריות פלסטיניות בחלקים שונים. של השטחים הכבושים וישראל עצמה.
היא גם העלתה את המתיחות לקראת ציון יום ירושלים ביום שני, חג ישראלי רשמי שחוגג את כיבוש העיר במהלך מלחמת ערב-ישראל ב-1967. צעדה שנתית מתוכננת של ישראלים אולטרה-לאומיים מהימין הקיצוני בוטלה לאחר שהרשויות ניתבו את דרכה ברגע האחרון. מספרים גדולים עדיין עשו את דרכם לכותל ושרו שיר נקמה קיצוני נגד הפלסטינים.
“התקפות הרקטות של חמאס, שכללו את התקיפות הראשונות נגד ירושלים מזה מספר שנים, הגיעו לאחר עימותים בין משטרת ישראל, מפגינים פלסטינים וישראלים יהודים מהימין הקיצוני ברחבי העיר העתיקה”, דיווחו עמיתיי. “בין מאות הפצועים היו שבעה שאושפזו במצב קשה, כך לפי הסהר האדום הפלסטיני. קטעי וידאו שהופצו ברשתות החברתיות של שוטרים ישראלים מכים באכזריות גבר פלסטיני עצור”.
איך אמריקה יכולה לתמוך במדינת ישראל בעריצות ובטרור, בכיבוש ובגזל? זו שאלה שנשאלת בטונים של זעם, צער ותמיהה מאז הופעת הנכבה ב-15 במאי 1948, יום הקטסטרופה שהחל את כיבוש פלסטין והשעבוד השיטתי ורצח העם של אנשיה בעקבות הכיבוש הישראלי. של ירושלים. איך זה מקבל לגיטימציה?
חבר ניסח לי לאחרונה מחדש את השאלה הזו; “אהבתי ואימצתי את המסורת היהודית, הצטרפתי לבית כנסת ועבדתי לצד רבו. כשאני עד ליחס של ממשלת ישראל היהודית לפלסטינים, אני מוצף ברגשות של בלבול וכעס. אני לא מצליח ליישב את חוסר המוסריות הזה, אני מטיל ספק בעצם היסוד של אמונתי. היכן ההתקוממות הטובה והמוסרית של הקולות היהודיים הבינלאומיים המגנה את דרכה של הממשלה? איבדתי את האמון בלהיות יהודי”.
מה שברור לי הוא שמשבר האמונה הזה הוא גם משבר קיומי של זהות
מצב של כובד ראש וסכנה אשר טומן בחובו גם פוטנציאל לדמיון מחודש ולידה מחדש טרנספורמטיבית, הד אישי למשבר ציוויליזציוני מקביל ממנו על המין האנושי וקהילת האומות העולמית למצוא דרך לצאת ולשחרר את עצמנו מהמורשת של ההיסטוריה שלנו. הנה תשובתי:
מדינת ישראל אינה זהה לאמונה היהודית, אם כי הפלג הפשיסטי-אימפריאליסטי שנתניהו מייצג היה רוצה שכולם יחשבו כך.
אומה המבוססת על הקצאת אזרחיה לזהות שבטית, נשק עדתי של אמונה בשירות לשלטון וזהות לאומית מורשית, חברה צבאית עם שירות חובה אוניברסלי ופטישיזציה נרחבת של מיתוסים של חיל לחימה וסמליה כולל רובים , ושפה עברית משוחזרת של אחדות לאומית השתמשה בפוליטיקת זהויות כדי להכפיף את אזרחיה לכוח הריכוזי של העריצות; ישראל היא מדינה פשיסטית של דם, אמונה ואדמה לא פחות מזו של הנאצים.
הוסיפו לתמהיל הרעיל הזה משטר קלפטוקרטי שהפיץ נרטיבים של קורבנות היסטורית כדי לתת לגיטימציה לגניבה מסיבית וכיבוש אימפריאלי של מדינות אחרות ודבר אחד ברור; ישראל למדה את הלקחים הלא נכונים מהנאצים.
אתה אולי יודע מההתייחסויות הרבות שלי לתקרית בכתיבתי שאני אנטי-פשיסט, שנשבע לשבועת ההתנגדות על ידי ז’אן ז’נה ב-1982 בביירות, במהלך מאבקנו נגד הפלישה והמצור הישראלים. ב-39 השנים שאחרי, הייתי צייד נאצים ומהפכן של דמוקרטיה העסוק במאבק לשחרור המין האנושי נגד עריצות ומשטרים אוטוריטריים של כוח ושליטה.
מולדת פלסטינית, וצדק לאנשיה, היו בין המטרות שלי מאז אותו קיץ לפני כל כך הרבה זמן. כמו המטרה של שחרור אירלנד מהשלטון הקולוניאלי הבריטי, עוד נותרה להשיגה. מדובר ברעיון החירות והאזרחות כריבונות ועצמאות של עמים מקולוניאליזם זר ועריצות אוטוריטרית, והקדימות של מדינה לא-כתתית נקייה מפילוגים והיררכיות של אמונה, שכן מי שעומד בין כל אחד מאיתנו לבין האינסופי אינו משרת אף אחד מהם. .
אני גם תומך ברעיון של מולדת ישראלית, ולא רואה סיבה ששתי המדינות הללו, פלסטין וישראלית, יהיו סותרות זו את זו או אנטגוניסטיות. כמה ישראלים שלא יסכימו איתי בשאלת פלסטין ומיליטריזם בכיבוש אימפריאלי ובשליטה אזורית היו בעלי ברית במטרת ציד הנאצים והפשיסטים בדרך כלל ברחבי העולם, אבל הם עיוורים לשותפותם שלהם ברוע זה בגלל שהם רואים את עצמם כקורבנות ולא כמבצעי פשעים נגד האנושות. מדובר בפחד, ובמעגל ההרסני של התעללות ואלימות.
כאשר האמונה מנוכסת על ידי סמכות ללגיטימציה בפוליטיקת זהויות, הזהות עצמה הופכת מבולבלת ומעורפלת. כדי להיות חופשיים, עלינו לתפוס בעלות על עצמנו כיצורים שנוצרו בעצמנו ואוטונומיים.
זו הסיבה שהתפקידים העיקריים של האזרח הם להטיל ספק בסמכות, לחשוף סמכות, ללעוג לסמכות ולערער על סמכות.
תמיד נשאר המאבק בין המסכות שאחרים עושים לנו לבין אלה שאנחנו עושים לעצמנו; זו המהפכה הראשונה שבה כולנו צריכים להילחם.
אני חושב על בעיית הרוע האנושי ומעגל הפחד, הכוח והכוח שלו במקרה של מדינות שהופכות לעריצות מהן נלחמו כדי להשתחרר מהן, וזה נכון לגבי מדינות מהפכניות אנטי-קולוניאליות בדרך כלל בגלל המורשת ההיסטורית של הקורבנות , בדרך זו; קורבנות הופכים לעתים קרובות למתעללים מכיוון שזהותם מאורגנת סביב כוח כאמצעי המילוט היחיד בעולם שבו לא ניתן לסמוך על איש.
כאשר האמון בוטל והוכח כריק וללא משמעות, כאשר היכולת להתחבר ולהרגיש את כאבם של אחרים באמפתיה נשברה ואדם ללא רחמים או חרטה, כאשר הפחד הוא מכריע ומוכלל ועוצב על ידי סמכות בשירות הכוח, הקורבנות לומדים שרק לכוח יש משמעות והוא אמיתי. אסור לנו לאפשר למתעללים שלנו להפוך למורים שלנו.
בעוד שלכל נושא כזה יש מקורות והיסטוריה ייחודיים משלו, הבעיה עצמה היא אוניברסלית, וקשורה למה שחוששים, ואיך הפחד הזה מעוצב על ידי סמכות זהות. מנקודת המבט שלנו כאמריקאים המפרשים אירועים בבעיה הקלאסית של המיעוט הכפול האופיינית על ידי ישראל ופלסטין, האופן שבו אנו תופסים נושאים קשורים רבות לאופן שבו הם ממוסגרים על ידי מקורות המידע והמניעים שלנו.
בסופו של דבר אנחנו מוגדרים לפי מה אנחנו עושים עם הפחד שלנו, ואיך אנחנו משתמשים בכוח שלנו.
השאלה הראשונה שיש לשאול על כל סיפור, והחשובה ביותר, היא פשוטה; של מי הסיפור הזה
אנחנו אבודים במדבר של מראות, של שקרים ואשליות, זיופים של עצמנו, דימויים והשתקפויות מעוותים, הדים וזהויות מורשות שמעוותות, משבשות.
להעצים ולגנוב את נשמתנו.
איך נענה למי שישעבד אותנו? האותנטיות והאוטונומיה שלנו מתממשות באמצעות תפיסת כוח, ודמיון מחדש והפיכתנו של עצמנו ושל המין האנושי כחברה חופשית של שווים.
אנו האמריקאים נוטים לראות דברים במונחים של כובעים לבנים וכובעים שחורים, כמו בסרטי המערבון המשמשים כמיתוסים וארכיטיפים של המקור הלאומי שלנו. ברגע שהוענק מעמד של קורבן, קבוצות ואנשים כאלה הופכים לכובעים לבנים ולחבר’ה טובים, חסרי יכולת לרוע ומנוגדים בתכלית למי שחייבים להיות כובעים שחורים. זו דרך איומה לבחור במדיניות לאומית.
למרבה הצער, אנו בני האדם יכולים להיות טובים ורעים בבת אחת, פגמי האנושות שלנו מהדהדים ומשקפים את השבר של העולם. זו אמת שהוכחה שוב הלילה באל קודס או בירושלים תלוי למי מדברים ובאיזה שפה, בעוד עזה בוערת מהסתערות של צבא הגנה ישראלי משתוללת בדומה ללילה לפני כמעט ארבעה עשורים בביירות. כשניסו לשרוף את ג’נט ואני בחיים בבית הקפה שלנו, כתריסר בני אדם שנגנב מהם הכל מלבד התקווה נשבעים נדרים זה לזה להחזיק בתפקיד שיכסה את בריחת הנשים והילדים שנלכדו בתקיפה הישראלית עד שכל בטוחים, בהגנה סופית לא על מסגד אל אקצא, מפואר ויפה ומלא במשמעות, אנדרטה לדחף האנושי להגיע אל מעבר לעצמנו ולאפשרויות הבלתי מוגבלות להפוך לאנושיות, במה המתאימה למותם המפואר של גיבורים, אבל של צרחות חסרות גוף של זרים בין המלחמות חסרות השם של עתיקות נטושה.
אל מול תהום הריקנות והברבריות הניהיליסטית של עולם של חושך ואש, של פחד וכוח, יש לי רק מילים להציע, ואני כותב לך את מה שאמרתי לחבריי שבחרו לעמוד איתי; איבדתי את ספירת היציעים האחרונים, אבל סיכנתי הכל כנגד סיכויים בלתי אפשריים ושרדתי יותר פעמים ממה שאני יכול לזכור, וכל מה שחשוב הוא שאנחנו לא נוטשים לא את עצמנו ולא אחד את השני, שאנחנו מסרבים להיכנע, כי זה רגע החופש שלנו, ולעולם לא ניתן לקחת אותו מאיתנו. מהלילה הזה, פלסטין חופשית, כי אנחנו
We celebrate Jewish American Heritage Month this May, the triumph of survival and refusal to surrender one’s history and identity against impossible odds and unimaginable horrors, the acts of grace and courage in clawing something of our humanity back from the darkness and the terror of our nothingness, and the countless innovations, primary insights, revolutions of sciences and intellect, praxis of values, and of the reimagination and transformation of our civilization and ourselves in every area of human achievement which this unique people have given humankind and America throughout their long history here, since the first organized Jewish migration to what is now New York in 1654 fleeing the Portuguese conquest of Brazil, and earlier as Texas was founded in 1579 as a colony of exiled Jews by Spain, under the Jewish Governor Luis de Carvajal, founder of Monterrey in what is now Mexico, who ruled it briefly as the dream of a new Sepharad wherein peoples of all races and faiths may live under the same law, until his success attracted the jealousy and avarice of the Inquisition, who burned his entire family at the stake in 1596.
America as a promise of sanctuary has always been conditional and shadowed by hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness, and we have yet to emerge from the legacies of our history.
From the first America has been founded on freedom of religion and imagined as a place of refuge and beyond the reach of tyrannies and empires, in which all of us are equal before the law and free to pursue our relationship with the Infinite without fear or compulsion by the state. Among the greatest principles of liberty we inherit is that he who stands between each of us and the Infinite serves neither.
This primary right of freedom of religion is universal and nonexclusionary, and for this we owe a debt to our Jewish American community no less than that of the Pilgrims and others who escaped to our shores from authoritarian force and control, and together created a free society of equals.
I hope we can prove equal to their example.
Because the personal and the political are interdependent, and we are made of the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others, I offer here a story from my family history as told to me by my mother of how Jewish people saved us, when no one else would, and without whom none of us would have ever lived.
Upon the docks of America arrived a nine year old girl, alone and without a penny or a word of English. A stranger, with no one waiting to meet her, no family, no friends, nothing. My maternal great grandmother Apollonia this was, with flaming red hair like my mother’s, whose family had arranged her escape from Austria as their home burned, the sole survivor of both her family and her entire city as it no longer exists and has but for the ruins of the family castle been erased from all history so far as we now know.
She wandered the port asking for help, in five languages of descending likelihood of recognition; French, Austrian, Hungarian, Serbo-Croatian, and finally, in despair and fear that the reaction would be far worse than being abandoned to starve and freeze to death, Yiddish.
This immediately gathered a crowd, to her astonishment not one bearing torches and axes.
So a stranger was taken in and raised by Jewish people as a member of their community for the next seven years, of whom I know nothing, and thus our family’s survival is owed to the entire Jewish community and people.
This happened in 1873, year of the glorious Vienna World’s Fair but also the stock market crash in the wake of the Franco-Prussian War which began a twenty year Depression in Europe and the Jewish persecutions as they were blamed for it; also conflicts between the Russian and Ottoman Empires in their borderlands.
In 1873 Seattle was a town of a thousand people, around one hundred of whom were Jews, so a small set of possible adoptive families for my great grandmother. But it was a wealthy and powerful community. In two years it would have a Jewish mayor, Bailey Gatzert, who founded Seattle’s first bank in 1883 with Jacob Furth and his in laws the Schwabacher brothers with whom he owned the general store and the wharf which was the gateway to the China trade connecting to the Great Northern Railway, and founded Seattle’s first synagogue, Ohaveth Shalom, now Temple de Hirsch-Sinai, in 1892. Bailey Gatzert’s wife, Babette Schwabacher, co-founded Seattle’s first charity in 1885, the Ladies Relief Society which operated an orphanage, now the Seattle Children’s Home, and was involved in the Ladies Hebrew Benevolent Society, now Jewish Family Service; possibly she would have been involved in placing Apollonia with her new family and in helping to raise and educate her.
She it was who owned her own rifles and horses by the age of sixteen in 1880 when she began her career as a hunting guide, and died in the saddle at the age of 95, rifle in her hand, having shot the bear that attacked her horses and killed her. The Indians buried her like the Huns buried Attila, on her horse and with her rifle, like a warrior princess.
I was born within days of her death, and as with all ancestors I bear her onward, literally as DNA and the stories which possess us as the ghosts of other lives; truths written in our flesh. From childhood I believed absolutely that I was her reincarnation.
Historical context and the fact that my ancestor in the direct maternal line knew Yiddish, and lived as a member of that community for seven years at minimum until sixteen and may have practiced and or identified Jewish throughout her life, makes it possible that we are Jewish by descent and under Jewish law, though my mother never claimed so and moreover was a radical atheist who raised us with no religious traditions at all. In so doing the family faith she liberated herself from was Catholicism, an artifact of her Austrian paternal line who were exiles of the 1919 fall of the Hapsburg Empire after 600 years.
If this is truly a part of our historical identity, it has been lost on the seas of time, or stolen from us, as is true of so many Americans who came here to escape or forget their past. But it also frees us to create new possibilities of becoming human, forged both from those who are different and those alike, and from this perspective the stories of the Jewish people offer us all examples we can use in the creation of ourselves and our uniqueness.
As a teenager immersed in Holocaust literature while working through the trauma of a near death experience in Brazil the summer before high school, my execution by a police death squad while rescuing abandoned street children they were bounty hunting having been prevented by the Matadors, and conversations with my mother as she wrote her study of psychosomatic muteness from the Soviet medical records and childhood therapy journal of Jerzy Kosinski which he fictionalized as The Painted Bird, I once asked her directly, Are we Jews?
To this she replied; “Everyone is a Jew. Everyone is someone’s Jew, someone’s scapegoat, someone’s Other. The great task of becoming human is to overcome fear of otherness, while embracing our uniqueness.”
To frame this in its literary and historical context, herein I offer you an updated version of the reading list I used for high school American literature classes throughout my teaching career:
Jewish American History and Literature
Wanderings: Chaim Potok’s History of the Jews, The Chosen, The Promise, My Name is Asher Lev, The Gift of Asher Lev, Davita’s Harp, Chaim Potok
Notorious RBG: The Life and Times of Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Carmon & Knizhnik
The Winds of War, War and Remembrance, The Hope, The Glory, Marjorie Morningstar, Herman Wouk
The Origins of Totalitarianism, On Revolution, The Human Condition, Between Past and Future, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil, The Life of the Mind, Lectures on Kant’s Political Philosophy, Love and Saint Augustine, Thinking Without a Banister: Essays in Understanding, 1953-1975, The Promise of Politics, Crises of the Republic: Lying in Politics Civil Disobedience On Violence and Thoughts on Politics and Revolution, The Recovery of the Public World, Responsibility and Judgment, The Jew as Pariah: Jewish Identity and Politics in the Modern Age, Hannah Arendt: The Last Interview and Other Conversations, Hannah Arendt
The Three Escapes of Hannah Arendt: A Tyranny of Truth, Ken Krimstein
Hannah Arendt, Julia Kristeva
Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media, How the World Works, Masters of Mankind: Essays and Lectures, 1969-2013, Class Warfare: Interviews with David Barsamian, Noam Chomsky
Maus: A Survivor’s Tale, Art Spiegelman
The Five Books of Miriam: A Woman’s Commentary on the Torah, The Classic Tales: 4,000 Years of Jewish Lore, Jewish Spirit: Stories & Art, Ellen Frankel
The Nakedness of the Fathers: Biblical Visions and Revisions, For the Love of God: The Bible as an Open Book, The Volcano and After: Selected and New Poems 2002-2019, Dancing at the Devil’s Party: Essays on Poetry, Politics, and the Erotic, Alicia Suskin Ostriker
Sages and Dreamers, A Passover Haggadah, Messengers of God: Biblical Portraits and Legends, Wise Men and Their Tales: Portraits of Biblical, Talmudic, and Hasidic Masters, All RIvers Run To The Sea: Memoir, Night Trilogy (Night, Dawn, Day), The Trial of God: as it was held on February 25, 1649, in Shamgorod, A Beggar in Jerusalem, Elie Wiesel
Witness: Lessons from Elie Wiesel’s Classroom, Ariel Burger
The Red Tent – 20th Anniversary Edition: A Novel, Day After Night, Anita Diamant
The Rabbi of Lud, Boswell, George Mills, The Dick Gibson Show, Stanley Elkin
The Shawl/Rosa, Envy, or Yiddish in America / The Pagan Rabbi, Collected Stories, The Messiah of Stockholm, The Puttermesser Papers, Antiquities, Heir to the Glimmering World, Foreign Bodies, Art & Ardor, Metaphor & Memory, Quarrel & Quandary: Essays, The Din in the Head, Critics Monsters Fanatics and Other Literary Essays, Portrait Of The Artist As A Bad Character: And Other Essays On Writing Cynthia Ozick
Ragtime, Billy Bathgate, The March, World’s Fair, E.L. Doctorow
E.L. Doctorow’s Ragtime (Bloom’s Modern Critical Interpretations) Harold Bloom
Essays, Collected Stories, Grace Paley
Gimpel the Fool and other stories, Shadows on the Hudson, In My Father’s Court, Isaac Bashevis Singer and the Lower East Side (with Bruce Davidson), The Spinoza of Market Street, A Friend of Kafka and other stories, A Crown of Feathers and other stories, The Family Moskat, Isaac Bashevis Singer
Anarchy and other writings, Living My Life, Emma Goldman
The Adventures of Augie March, Seize the Day, Henderson the Rain King, Herzog, Mr. Sammler’s Planet, Humboldt’s Gift, Collected Stories, There Is Simply Too Much to Think about: Collected Nonfiction, Saul Bellow
Conversations with Saul Bellow, Saul Bellow (Editor), Gloria L. Cronin, Ben Siegel
The Life of Saul Bellow: To Fame and Fortune 1915-1964, The Life of Saul Bellow: Love and Strife, 1965-2005, Zachary Leader
The Complete Stories, The Natural, The Assistant, The Fixer, Dubin’s Lives, Bernard Malamud
The Ghost Writer, The Counterlife, Operation Shylock, The Plot Against America, American Pastoral, I Married A Communist, Philip Roth
Tolstoy Lied: A Love Story, I Was Here, The Weight of Ink, Rachel Kadish
Collected Poems, Alan Ginsberg
The Poem That Changed America: “Howl” Fifty Years Later, Jason Shinder ed
Man Walks into a Room, The History of Love, Great House, Forest Dark, Nicole Krauss
A Guide for the Perplexed: a novel, Septimania: a novel, Jonathan Levi
36 Arguments for the Existence of God: A Work of Fiction, Properties of Light: A Novel of Love Betrayal and Quantum Physics, The Dark Sister, Strange Attractors: Stories, Betraying Spinoza: The Renegade Jew Who Gave Us Modernity, Rebecca Goldstein
Kaddish, Leon Wieseltier
Everything Is Illuminated, Extremely Loud & Incredibly Close, Tree of Codes, Here I Am, Eating Animals, The Future Dictionary of America (Editor), New American Haggadah, Jonathan Safran Foer
Against Interpretation, Styles of Radical Will, Under the Sign of Saturn, On Photography, Where The Stress Falls, Sontag on Film, Susan Sontag
The Amazing Adventures of Kavalier & Clay, The Yiddish Policemen’s Union, The Final Solution, Summerland, Gentlemen of the Road, Telegraph Avenue, Moonglow, Manhood for Amateurs, Maps and Legends: Reading and Writing Along the Borderlands, Michael Chabon
Poems 1962-2020, American Originality: Essays on Poetry, Louise Glück
The Poetry of Louise Glück: A Thematic Introduction, Daniel Morris
World Literature: Jewish People
History
Wanderings: Chaim Potok’s History of the Jews
The Story of the Jews Volume One: Finding the Words 1000 BC-1492 AD, Volume Two: Belonging: 1492-1900, Simon Schama
Jerusalem: The Biography, Simon Sebag Montefiore
Personal Witness: Israel, Abba Iban
Israel, Gilbert
The Sunflower: On the Possibilities and Limits of Forgiveness, Every Day Remembrance Day: A Chronicle of Jewish Martyrdom, The Murderers Among Us, Krystyna: The Tragedy of the Polish Resistance, Simon Wiesenthal
Kingdom of Olives and Ash: Writers Confront the Occupation, Michael Chabon & Ayelet Waldman
Under Jerusalem: The Buried History of the World’s Most Contested City, Andrew Lawler
Historical Atlas of the Jewish People, Barnavi ed
Rome and Jerusalem: The Clash of Ancient Civilizations, A History of Judaism, Martin Goodman
Flags Over the Warsaw Ghetto: The Untold Story of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, Moshe Arens
Auschwitz, Laurence Rees
Treblinka, Jean-François Steiner, Simone de Beauvoir (Preface), Terrence Des Pres (Introduction)
Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind, Homo Deus: A History of Tomorrow, 21 Lessons for the 21st Century, Yuval Noah Harari
Homage to Chagall, Amiell ed
An Empire of Their Own: how the Jews Invented Hollywood, Neal Gabler
I’m Your Man: The Life of Leonard Cohen, Sylvie Simmons
The People and the Books: 18 Classics of Jewish Literature, The Blessing and the Curse: The Jewish People and Their Books in the Twentieth Century, Come and Hear: What I Saw in My Seven-And-A-Half-Year Journey Through the Talmud, Adam Kirsch
Literature
The Schoken Bible: The Five Books of Moses
The Guide for the Perplexed, Maimonides
Man Is Not Alone: A Philosophy of Religion, The Sabbath: Its Meaning for Modern Man, God in Search of Man: A Philosophy of Judaism, Moral Grandeur and Spiritual Audacity: Essays, The Ineffable Name of God: Man, Abraham Joshua Heschel
Siddur Leshabbat Veyom Tov: Prayer Book for Sabbath & Festivals with Torah Readings, Philip Birnbaum
On The Bible, Tales of the Hasidim, Vols 1-2 (Bonny V. Fetterman Editor, Chaim Potok Foreword), I and Thou, Between Man and Man, Martin Buber
Martin Buber, Diamond
The Text as Thou: Martin Buber’s Dialogical Hermeneutics and Narrative Theology, Steven Kepnes
Learning Through Dialogue: The Relevance of Martin Buber’s Classroom, Kenneth Paul Kramer
Zohar: The Book of Splendor: Basic Readings from the Kabbalah, On the Kabbalah and its Symbolism, On the Mystical Shape of the Godhead: Basic Concepts in the Kabbalah, Kabbalah, Origins of the Kabbalah, The Messianic Idea in Judaism: And Other Essays on Jewish Spirituality, Walter Benjamin: The Story of a Friendship, From Berlin to Jerusalem: Memories of My Youth, The Fullness of Time: Poems by Gershom Scholem, A Life in Letters, 1914-1982, Gershom Scholem
The Work of Art in the Age of Its Technological Reproducibility, and Other Writings on Media, Illuminations: Essays and Reflections, Reflections: Essays, Aphorisms, Autobiographical Writings, The Writer of Modern Life: Essays on Charles Baudelaire, Understanding Brecht, Walter Benjamin
The Five Books of Miriam, Ellen Frankel
Congregation, Rosenberg ed
The Essential Kabbalah, Daniel Matt
Sages and Dreamers, A Passover Haggadah, Messengers of God: Biblical Portraits and Legends, Wise Men and Their Tales: Portraits of Biblical, Talmudic, and Hasidic Masters, All RIvers Run To The Sea: Memoir, Night Trilogy ( Night, Dawn, Day), The Trial of God: as it was held on February 25, 1649, in Shamgorod, A Beggar in Jerusalem, Elie Wiesel
Witness: Lessons from Elie Wiesel’s Classroom, Ariel Burger
Survival in Auschwitz, Auschwitz Report, The Reawakening, The Drowned and the Saved, Moments of Reprieve, If Not Now When?, Periodic Table, The Mirror Maker: Stories and Essays, The Monkey’s Wrench, Collected Poems, Primo Levi
Primo Levi’s Resistance: Rebels and Collaborators in Occupied Italy, Sergio Luzzatto
Holiday Tales of Scholom Aleichem
The World of Scholom Aleichem, Samuel
Collected Stories of Isaac Babel
Days of Awe, S.Y. Agnon
Selected Poems and Prose of Paul Celan, Paul Celan, John Felstiner trans.
A Book Forged in Hell: Spinoza’s Scandalous Treatise and the Birth of the Secular Age, Steven Nadler
Betraying Spinoza: The Renegade Jew Who Gave Us Modernity, Rebecca Goldstein
The Communist Manifesto (with Friedrich Engels), Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Karl Marx
The Relevance of the Communist Manifesto, Slavoj Žižek
A Companion to Marx’s Capital, David Harvey
The Freud Reader Peter Gay (Editor), Totem and Taboo, Civilization and Its Discontents, The Interpretation of Dreams, Sigmund Freud
Freud: A Life for Our Time, Peter Gay
Man’s Search for Meaning, The Will to Meaning: Foundations and Applications of Logotherapy, Man’s Search for Ultimate Meaning, Yes to Life: In Spite of Everything, Recollections: An Autobiography, Viktor E. Frankl
Of Grammatology, Writing and Difference, Dissemination, Margins of Philosophy, Specters of Marx, Spurs: Nietzsche’s Styles, The Truth in Painting, Jacques Derrida
The Trial, The Castle, The Complete Stories, The Zürau Aphorisms, Franz Kafka
Conversations with Kafka, Gustav Janouch
Franz Kafka: a biography, Max Brod
Kafka: Toward a Minor Literature, Gilles Deleuze, Félix Guattari
The Nightmare of Reason: Kafka, Pawel
The Street of Crocodiles, Sanatorium Under the Sign of the Hourglass, Bruno Schulz
Elsewhere Perhaps, Fima, Amos Oz
The Chosen, Davita’s Harp, The Promise, My Name is Asher Lev, The Gift of Asher Lev, Chaim Potok
Hovering at a Low Altitude: The Collected Poetry of Dahlia Ravikovitch, Dalia Ravikovitch
City of Many Days, The Vocabulary of Peace: Life, Culture, and Politics in the Middle East, Shulamith Hareven
Mr Mani, Yehoshua
Apples From The Desert, Savyon Liebrecht
The Poetry of Yehuda Amichai, Alter ed
The Writing of Yehuda Amichai: A Thematic Approach, Glenda Abramson
An Impossible Life, David Black
Tree of Souls: The Mythology of Judaism, Voices Within The Ark, Lilith’s Cave: Jewish Tales of the Supernatural, Miriam’s Tambourine, Leaves from the Garden of Eden: One Hundred Classic Jewish Tales, Gabriel’s Palace: Jewish Mystical Tales, Invisible Kingdoms: Jewish Tales of Angels, Spirits, and Demons, A Palace of Pearls: The Stories of Rabbi Nachman of Bratslav, Reimagining the Bible: The Storytelling of the Rabbis, Voices Within the Ark: The Modern Jewish Poets, Howard Schwartz
The Complete Stories, Near to the Wild Heart, The Apple in the Dark, The Passion According to G.H., The Hour of the Star, Clarice Lispector
Reading with Clarice Lispector, Hélène Cixous
Why This World: A Biography of Clarice Lispector, Benjamin Moser
Gimpel the Fool and other stories, Shadows on the Hudson, In My Father’s Court, Isaac Bashevis Singer and the Lower East Side (with Bruce Davidson), The Spinoza of Market Street, A Friend of Kafka and other stories, A Crown of Feathers and other stories, The Family Moskat, Isaac Bashevis Singer
The Complete Stories, Near to the Wild Heart, The Apple in the Dark, The Passion According to G.H., The Hour of the Star, Clarice Lispector
Reading with Clarice Lispector, Hélène Cixous
Why This World: A Biography of Clarice Lispector, Benjamin Moser
Where the Bird Sings Best, Albina and the Dog-Men, The Son of Black Thursday, Alejandro Jodorowsky
Anarchy and Alchemy: the Films of Alejandro Jodorowsky
The Beauty Queen of Jerusalem, Sarit Yishai-Levi
Jerusalem: A Family Portrait, Boaz Yakin, Nick Bertozzi (Illustrations)
9 במאי 2024 מורשת של חופש משותפת לכולנו: חודש המורשת היהודית האמריקאית
אנו חוגגים את חודש המורשת היהודית-אמריקאית במאי הקרוב, את ניצחון ההישרדות והסירוב למסור את ההיסטוריה והזהות של האדם כנגד סיכויים בלתי אפשריים וזוועות בלתי נתפסות, מעשי החסד והאומץ בהחזרת משהו מהאנושיות שלנו מהחושך ואימת האין שלנו. , ואינספור החידושים, התובנות העיקריות, המהפכות של המדעים והאינטלקט, פרקטיקה של ערכים ושל הדמיון והטרנספורמציה של הציוויליזציה שלנו ושל עצמנו בכל תחום של הישגים אנושיים שהעם הייחודי הזה העניק למין האנושי ולאמריקה לאורך ההיסטוריה הארוכה שלהם כאן , מאז ההגירה היהודית המאורגנת הראשונה למה שהוא כיום ניו יורק בשנת 1654 בריחה מהכיבוש הפורטוגזי של ברזיל, וקודם לכן טקסס נוסדה בשנת 1579 כמושבת יהודים גולים על ידי ספרד, תחת המושל היהודי לואיס דה קרבחאל, מייסד מונטריי. במה שהיא כיום מקסיקו, ששלט בה לזמן קצר כחלום של ספרד חדש שבו עמים מכל הגזעים והדתות יכולים לחיות תחת אותו חוק, עד שהצלחתו משכה את הקנאה והקמצנות של האינקוויזיציה, ששרפו את כל משפחתו מניות בשנת 1596.
אמריקה כהבטחה למקלט תמיד הייתה מותנית ומוצלת על ידי היררכיות של שייכות והדרה, ועדיין לא יצאנו מהמורשת של ההיסטוריה שלנו.
מלכתחילה אמריקה הוקמה על חופש הדת ודומיינת כמקום מפלט ומעבר להישג ידם של עריצות ואימפריות, שבה כולנו שווים בפני החוק וחופשיים לרדוף אחר מערכת היחסים שלנו עם האינסופי ללא פחד או אילוץ לפי המדינה. בין עקרונות החירות הגדולים ביותר שאנו יורשים הוא שמי שעומד בין כל אחד מאיתנו לבין האינסופי אינו משרת אף אחד מהם.
הזכות העיקרית הזו לחופש הדת היא אוניברסלית וללא הדרה, ועל כך אנו חבים חוב לקהילה היהודית האמריקאית שלנו לא פחות מזה של עולי הרגל ואחרים שנמלטו לחופינו מכוח ושליטה אוטוריטריים, ויחד יצרו חברה חופשית. של שווים.
אני מקווה שנוכל להוכיח שווים לדוגמה שלהם.
מכיוון שהאישי והפוליטי תלויים זה בזה, ואנחנו עשויים מהסיפורים שאנו מספרים על עצמנו, לעצמנו ולאחרים, אני מציע כאן סיפור מההיסטוריה המשפחתית שלי כפי שסיפרה לי אמי כיצד העם היהודי הצילו אותנו, כשאף אחד אחר לא היה עושה זאת, ובלעדיו אף אחד מאיתנו לא היה חי.
אל רציפי אמריקה הגיעה ילדה בת תשע, לבד וללא אגורה או מילה באנגלית. זר, בלי אף אחד שמחכה לפגוש אותה, בלי משפחה, בלי חברים, בלי כלום. סבתא רבא שלי, אפולוניה, מצד אמי, זו הייתה, עם שיער אדום בוער כמו של אמי, שמשפחתה סידרה לה את הבריחה מאוסטריה כשביתם נשרף, הניצולה היחידה עד כמה שאנחנו יודעים עכשיו.
היא שוטטה בנמל וביקשה עזרה, בחמש שפות של ירידה בסבירות להכרה; צרפתית, אוסטרית, הונגרית, סרבו-קרואטית, ולבסוף, בייאוש וחשש שהתגובה תהיה גרועה בהרבה מהפקרת לרעב ולהקפיא, יידיש.
אז אדם זר נקלט וגדל על ידי אנשים יהודים, שאני לא יודע עליהם דבר, ולכן ההישרדות של המשפחה שלנו היא חב לכל הקהילה והעם היהודי.
זה קרה בשנת 1873, שנת התערוכה העולמית המפוארת של וינה אך גם התרסקות שוק המניות בעקבות מלחמת צרפת-פרוסיה שהחלה שפל של עשרים שנה באירופה והרדיפות היהודיות כפי שהואשמו בה; גם סכסוכים בין האימפריה הרוסית והעות’מאנית בארצות הגבול שלהם.
היא הייתה בעלת רובים וסוסים משלה עד גיל שש עשרה כשהחלה את דרכה כמדריכת ציד, ומתה על האוכף בגיל 95, רובה בידה, לאחר שירתה בדוב שתקף את סוסיה. הרג אותה. האינדיאנים קברו אותה כמו שההונים קברו את אטילה, על סוסה ועם הרובה שלה, כמו נסיכה לוחמת.
נולדתי תוך ימים של מותה, וכמו עם כל האבות הקדמונים אני נושא אותה הלאה, ממש כדנ”א והסיפורים שמחזיקים בנו כרוחות רפאים של חיים אחרים; אמיתות שנכתבו על בשרנו.
ההקשר ההיסטורי והעובדה שאבי הקדמון שלי בשושלת האם ידע יידיש מאפשרים שאנחנו יהודים במוצאנו, אם כי אמי מעולם לא טענה זאת ויותר מכך הייתה אתאיסטית רדיקלית שגידלה אותנו ללא מסורות דתיות כלל. בכך, האמונה המשפחתית שממנה השתחררה הייתה הקתוליות, חפץ משושלת האבה האוסטרית שהיו גולים של נפילת האימפריה ההבסבורגית ב-1919 לאחר 600 שנה.
אם זה באמת חלק מהזהות ההיסטורית שלנו, הוא אבד על ימי הזמן, או נגנב מאיתנו, כפי שנכון לכל כך הרבה אמריקאים שהגיעו לכאן כדי לברוח או לשכוח את עברם. אבל זה גם משחרר אותנו ליצור אפשרויות חדשות להיות אנושיות, שנוצרו הן מאלו השונים והן מהדומים, והן מהפי הזה.
בכל מקרה, סיפורי העם היהודי מציעים לכולנו דוגמאות שאנו יכולים להשתמש בהן ביצירת עצמנו וייחודיותנו.
כנער שקוע בספרות השואה בזמן שעבר את הטראומה של חווית כמעט מוות בברזיל בקיץ שלפני התיכון, הוצאתי להורג על ידי חוליית מוות משטרתית תוך כדי הצלת ילדי רחוב נטושים שהם צדו ראשים נמנעה על ידי המטאדורים, ושיחות עם אמי כשכתבה את המחקר שלה על אילמות פסיכוסומטית מתוך הרשומות הרפואיות הסובייטיות וכתב העת לטיפול בילדות של יז’י קוסינסקי, שאותו העלה בדיוני בתור הציפור המצוירת, שאלתי אותה פעם ישירות, האם אנחנו יהודים?
על כך השיבה; “כולם יהודים. כל אחד הוא יהודי של מישהו, שעיר לעזאזל של מישהו, הזולת של מישהו. המשימה הגדולה של להיות אנושי היא להתגבר על הפחד מאחרות, תוך אימוץ הייחודיות שלנו”.
Yiddish
9 מאי 2023 א לעגאַט פון פרייהייט מיט אונדז אַלע: ייִדיש אמעריקאנער העריטאַגע חודש
מיר פייַערן דעם ייִדישן אַמעריקאַנער העריטאַגע חודש דעם מייַ, דער טריומף פון ניצל און אָפּזאָג צו אַרויסגעבן זיין געשיכטע און אידענטיטעט קעגן אוממעגלעך שאַנסן און אַנימאַדזשאַנאַבאַל כאָרערז, די אקטן פון חן און מוט צו צוריקקריגן עפּעס פון אונדזער מענטשהייט פון דער פינצטערניש און די טעראָר פון אונדזער גאָרנישט. און די קאַונטלאַס ינאָווויישאַנז, ערשטיק ינסייץ, רעוואַלושאַנז פון וויסנשאפטן און סייכל, פּראַקסיס פון וואַלועס, און פון די ריימאַדזשאַניישאַן און טראַנספאָרמאַציע פון אונדזער ציוויליזאַציע און זיך אין יעדער געגנט פון מענטשלעך דערגרייה וואָס דאָס יינציק מענטשן האָבן געגעבן מענטשהייַט און אַמעריקע איבער זייער לאַנג געשיכטע דאָ זינט די ערשטע ארגאניזירטע אידישע מיגראציע צו דעם היינטיקן ניו יארק אין 1654 אנטלאפן פון פארטוגעזיש פארכאנג פון בראזיל, און פריער ווי טעקסאס איז געגרינדעט געווארן אין 1579 אלס א קאלאניע פון גלות אידן דורך שפאניע, אונטער דעם אידישן גאווערנאר לואיס דע קארוואדזשאל, גרינדער פון מאנטערי. אין וואָס איז איצט מעקסיקא, וואס רולד עס בעקיצער ווי דער חלום פון אַ נייַ ספאַראַד אין וואָס פעלקער פון אַלע ראַסעס און אמונה קענען לעבן אונטער די זעלבע געזעץ, ביז זיין הצלחה געצויגן די קנאה און קנאה פון די ינקוויסיטיאָן, וואָס פארברענט זיין גאנצע משפּחה אין די פלעקל אין 1596.
אַמעריקע ווי אַ צוזאָג פון מיזבייעך איז שטענדיק געווען קאַנדישאַנאַל און שאַדאָוד דורך כייעראַרקיז פון בילאָנגינג און יקסקלוזשאַן אנדערע, און מיר האָבן נאָך צו אַרויסקומען פון די לעגאַסיז פון אונדזער געשיכטע.
פון דער ערשטער אַמעריקע איז געגרינדעט אויף פרייהייט פון רעליגיע און ימאַדזשאַנד ווי אַ אָרט פון אָפּדאַך און ווייַטער פון די דערגרייכן פון טיראַניז און עמפּייערז, אין וואָס אַלע פון אונדז זענען גלייַך איידער די געזעץ און פריי צו נאָכגיין אונדזער שייכות מיט די ינפאַנאַט אָן מורא אָדער קאַמפּאַלשאַן דורך די שטאַט. צווישן די גרעסטע פּרינסאַפּאַלז פון פרייַהייַט מיר ירשענען איז אַז דער וואס שטייט צווישן יעדער פון אונדז און די ינפאַנאַט דינען ניט קיין.
דאס ערשטע רעכט פון רעליגיעז פרייהייט איז אוניווערסאל און נישט אויסשליסליך, און דערפאר זענען מיר שולדיק א חוב צו אונזער אידישער אמעריקאנער געמיינדע נישט ווייניגער ווי די פון די פילגרימען און אנדערע וואס זענען אנטלאפן צו אונזערע ברעגן פון אויטאריטאריע קראפט און קאנטראל, און צוזאמען האבן באשאפן א פרייע געזעלשאפט. פון גלייַך.
איך האָפֿן מיר קענען באַווייַזן גלייַך צו זייער בייַשפּיל.
ווייַל די פערזענלעכע און די פּאָליטיש זענען ינטעראָפענגיק, און מיר זענען געמאכט פון די מעשיות וואָס מיר דערציילן וועגן זיך, צו זיך און צו אנדערע, איך פאָרשלאָגן דאָ אַ געשיכטע פון מיין משפּחה געשיכטע ווי דערציילט מיר דורך מיין מוטער, ווי די אידישע מענטשן האָבן אונדז געראטעוועט, ווען קיינער אַנדערש וואָלט נישט, און אָן וועמען קיינער פון אונדז וואָלט קיינמאָל געלעבט.
זי איז ארומגעפארן אין פארט און געבעטן הילף, אין פינף שפראכן פון אראפנידערן ליקעליקייט פון דערקענונג; פראנצויזיש, עסטרייך, אונגאַריש, סערביש-קראָאַטיש, און ענדלעך, אין פאַרצווייפלונג און מורא, אַז דער רעאַקציע וועט זיין פיל ערגער ווי זיין פארלאזן צו הונגערן און פאַרפרוירן, ייִדיש.
אַזוי אַ פרעמדער איז אַרײַנגענומען געוואָרן און דערצויגן געוואָרן דורך אידישע מענטשן, פון וועלכן איך ווייס גאָרנישט, און אַזוי איז אונדזער משפּחה’ס ניצל צו שולדיג צו דער גאַנצער אידישער קהילה און פאָלק.
דאָס איז געשען אין 1873, יאָר פון דער הערלעכער ווינער וועלט-יריד אָבער אויך דער לאַגער-מאַרק קראַך נאָך דער פראַנקאָ-פּרוסישן מלחמה וואָס האָט אָנגעהויבן אַ צוואַנציק יאָר דעפּרעסיע אין אייראָפּע און די אידישע רדיפות ווי זיי זענען באַשולדיקט געוואָרן דערפאַר; אויך קאנפליקטן צווישן די רוסישע און אטאמאנישע אימפעריע אין זייערע גרענעצן.
זי איז געווען, וואָס האָט פאַרמאָגט אירע אייגענע ביקסן און פערד ביז זעכצן יאָר, ווען זי האָט אָנגעהויבן איר קאַריערע ווי אַ גייעג פירער, און איז געשטאָרבן אין זאָטל אין עלטער פון 95 יאָר, מיט אַ ביקס אין דער האַנט, בעת זי האָט געשאָסן דעם בער וואָס האָט אַטאַקירט אירע פערד און האָט זי דערהרגעט. די אינדיאנער האבן זי באגראבן װי די האנער האבן באגראבן אטילה, אויף איר פערד און מיט איר ביקס, װי א קריגערישע פרינצעסין.
איך בין געבוירן געוואָרן אין טעג נאָך איר טויט, און ווי מיט אַלע אָוועס איך טראָגן איר פאָרויס, ממש ווי דנאַ און די מעשיות וואָס פאַרמאָגן אונדז ווי די גאָוס פון אנדערע לעבן; אמת געשריבן אין אונדזער פלייש.
דער היסטאָרישער קאָנטעקסט און דער פאַקט אַז מיין אָוועס אין דער מוטערלעך שורה קען ייִדיש מאכט עס מעגלעך אַז מיר זענען אידן פון אָפּשטאַמלינג, כאָטש מיין מוטער האט קיינמאָל געטענהט אַזוי און דערצו איז געווען אַ ראַדיקאַל אַטעיסט וואָס האָט אונדז אויפשטיין מיט קיין רעליגיעז טראדיציעס. דערמיט איז די פאַמיליע אמונה פון וואָס זי האָט זיך באפרייט איז געווען קאַטהאָליסיסם, אַן אַרטאַפאַקט פון איר אַוסטריאַן פאָטערלעך ליניע וואָס זענען געווען גלות פון די 1919 פאַלן פון דער האַפּסבורגער אימפעריע נאָך 600 יאָר.
אויב דאָס איז טאַקע אַ טייל פון אונדזער היסטארישן אידענטיטעט, עס איז פאַרפאַלן אויף די ים פון צייַט, אָדער סטאָלען פון אונדז, ווי איז אמת פון אַזוי פילע אמעריקאנער וואָס זענען געקומען אַהער צו אַנטלויפן אָדער פאַרגעסן זייער פאַרגאַנגענהייט. אבער עס אויך פריי אונדז צו שאַפֿן נייַע פּאַסאַבילאַטיז פון ווערן מענטש, פאָרדזשד סיי פון די וואָס זענען אַנדערש און די ענלעך, און פון דעם פּע.
פֿון דעסטוועגן, פאָרשלאָגן אונדז די דערציילונגען פֿון דעם ייִדישן פֿאָלק אַלע ביישפילן וואָס מיר קענען נוצן אין דער שאַפונג פון זיך און אונדזער אייגנארטיקייט.
ווי אַ טיניידזשער געטובלט אין חורבן ליטעראַטור בשעת ארבעטן דורך די טראַוומע פון אַ לעבן טויט דערפאַרונג אין Brazil זומער איידער הויך שולע, מיין דורכפירונג דורך אַ פּאָליצייַ טויט סקוואַד בשעת רעסקיוינג פארלאזן גאַס קינדער וואָס זיי זענען געווען פּריווענטיד דורך די מאַטאַדאָר, און שמועסן. מיט מיין מוטער ווען זי האָט געשריבן איר לערנען וועגן פּסיכאָסאָמאַטיק שטום פון די סאָוויעט מעדיציניש רעקאָרדס און קינדשאַפט טעראַפּיע זשורנאַל פון דזשערזי קאָסינסקי וואָס ער פיקשאַנאַלייזד ווי די פּאַינטעד פויגל, איך אַמאָל געפרעגט איר גלייַך, זענען מיר אידן?
אויף דעם האט זי געענטפערט; „יעדער איז אַ ייִד. אַלעמען איז עמעצער ס ייִד, עמעצער ס קאַפּיטל, עמעצער ס אַנדערער. די גרויס אַרבעט פון ווערן מענטש איז צו באַקומען מורא פון אַנדערשקייט, בשעת אַרומנעמען אונדזער אייגנארטיקייט.
Seattle’s Jewish Community in 1873 and the Gilded Age
Victory Europe Day, Victory Over Fascism Day; what do such holidays mean to us now, when fascism has once again seized and shaken us in its jaws with the Israeli genocide of the Palestinians, the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and in Vichy America the capture of the state by the Nazi revivalist regime of Russian agent and Rapist In Chief Traitor Trump committed to the theft of our liberty and sabotage of truth, justice, and the American Way, a triad of the most disruptive events of our world order among several theatres of World War Three which has engulfed the world and threatens the global subversion of democracy and the nuclear extinction of humankind?
Netanyahu and his theocratic and kleptocratic settler regime has orchestrated the October 7 tragedy as a casus belli for the Final Solution of the Palestinians and the generalization of conflict to the conquest of the whole Middle East, and in Trump has a co-conspirator of state terror who has made us all complicit in crimes against humanity, a secondary purpose of Israel’s in the sabotage and delegitimation of democracy and the principle of universal human rights as the foundations of our world order.
As Israel prepares the annihilation of Gaza and the world’s future ruling elites at universities rise up to challenge our dehumanization in solidarity with the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, all those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth, we mark of anniversary of Genocide Joe Biden’s speech at a Holocaust remembrance event in which he weaponized the idea of antisemitism against students protesting the genocide of the Palestinians, fellow semites with Jews and one people divided by faith and history, to silence dissent as police thugs raid campuses in brutal repression. In this Trump has followed in Biden’s footsteps as it serves the legitimation of state power in the guise of security, nor has either of our political parties embraced free speech, the right to assembly in redress of grievances and protests, nor embraced Boycott, Sanction, and Divestiture from Israel to bring our dog to heel and stop the genocide as our taxes buy the deaths of children. America has fallen and become a performative democracy designed to deceive us all into believing we are citizens and not subjects. We have freedom of speech in America as co-owners of the state, but only when and if it serves power.
Democracy has already fallen in America, with the Stolen Election of 2016 by Russian spy and puppet ruler Traitor Trump, and in the Biden Presidency those we elected as champions of our liberty to enact the Restoration of America have betrayed us, and now the Democratic Party’s refusal to end our complicity in the genocide of the Palestinians and abandonment of our universal human rights and our rights as citizens has given Trump both a second term with few remaining checks and balances and free reign to enact madness and the sabotage of our institutions and principles in the centralization of power to a carceral state of force and control.
We ordered peace and are fed war. We choose freedom and are served slavery.
We were confronted with a dilemma in our last elections; vote for Traitor Trump and sacrifice democracy as the Fourth Reich emerges, or vote for Kommandant Kamala the committed Zionist and overseer of the carceral state and abandon our humanity. Either way, the Age of Tyrants begins, and as civilization falls humankind begins an irreversible path to extinction.
We must understand that both democracy and humankind are now irretrievably lost, and like the heroes of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising and the Romani Resistance at Auschwitz we fight only to choose the manner of our deaths. This awareness opens possibilities; as Jean Genet said to me in Beirut 1982, in a burning house, in a lost cause, in a time of death and terror; “When there is no hope, one can do impossible things, glorious things.” So have I lived for forty three years now, among the unknowns and blank spaces on our maps of becoming human marked Here Be Dragons, as a fulcrum of change and Unconquered in refusal to submit to Authority; this is not the end, but only a beginning.
Both Netanyahu and Putin now wage wars of terror and imperial conquest modeled on the doctrine of Total War as designed by Hitler and Franco and first tested at Guernica, which now finds echoes and reflections in Gaza and Mariupol. Such will be the wars of our future, and the extinction of humankind.
While in America and throughout Europe, a dark tide rises to engulf us all. Meloni is now the de facto ruler of Europe, leading the original Fascist Party of Mussolini which seized power in the 1922 March on Rome. And at her back marches Europe; as written last year by Jon Henley in The Guardian of the 2024 June vote to choose the future of the European Union, entitled Anti-European’ populists on track for big gains in EU elections; “Populist eurosceptic parties are likely to come first in Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, France, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland and Slovakia, and second or third in Bulgaria, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Latvia, Portugal, Romania, Spain and Sweden.”
Where the Gaza War is the tipping point of tyranny and democracy for the fate of humankind, it is but one of ten theatres of World War Three which include America, Russia, Ukraine, Libya, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Nagorno-Karabakh, far too much of Africa, and the nation with two faces, Israel and Palestine. Syria I once numbered among them, but we won that one, and in doing so proved that Russia is not invincible and can be defeated.
Putin and his puppet tyrant Traitor Trump are figureheads of the Fourth Reich and patrons of both white supremacist terror and theocratic patriarchal sexual terror who have perpetrated vast war crimes in the Russian imperial conquest and dominion of the Middle East and the Mediterranean, as well as in central Asia, Africa, and Europe. Poland knows it is next on Putin’s list of conquests along with Finland, Moldova, Romania which has recently elected a fascist regime and become a Russian ally as has Serbia, and then all of Eastern Europe and finally Berlin, where Putin once reigned as the lord of the criminal underworld east of the Iron Curtain. Putin has threatened to annihilate the British Isles and turn Warsaw into a city of ghosts and ruins like Mariupol. In all of this his puppet tyrant Traitor Trump is complicit in providing political cover and a free hand in the invasion of Ukraine, while Putin has provided Trump vast dark money through the real estate empire he operates as a money laundry for criminal syndicates and oligarchs.
And yet we have not purged our destroyers and predators from among us.
To a Wall Street Journal article about Russia bombing a school where children were sheltering I wrote this paragraph in commentary; Russia always bombs children first. This is a policy of terror, designed to manufacture helplessness, despair, and submission, but as in the Rape of Nanking actually creates resistance as a counterforce. The Calculus of Fear obeys Newton’s Third Law of Motion, and the people of Ukraine will resist beyond all reason, beyond hope of victory or survival, and while one Ukrainian yet lives and remembers who they are, are unconquerable.
Who cannot be compelled is free; this too is a truth demonstrated by Mariupol, and a gift of those who die for the freedom of us all. This we must witness and remember until the end of the world, and one thing more; Resist! To fascism and tyranny, to imperial conquest and dominion, to subjugation and dehumanization there can be but one reply; Never Again! On this Victory Over Fascism Day, let us unite in solidarity and liberation struggle to free ourselves from those who would enslave us.
What of those not killed but captured ? Of their fate Dean Kirby of Inews has written; “An investigation by i analysing Russian local news reports has identified 66 camps for Ukrainians in a network of former Soviet sanatoriums and other sites – and reveals how an underground network of Russians is helping people escape.
Thousands of Ukrainians have been sent to remote camps up to 5,500 miles from their homes as Vladimir Putin’s officials follow Kremlin orders to disperse them across Russia, i can reveal.
They include survivors from the besieged port city of Mariupol, where civilians remain trapped at the Azovstal steel plant as Russian forces make a final push to subdue to city’s last defenders.
An investigation by i analysing Russian local news reports has identified 66 camps in a network of former Soviet sanatoriums and other sites in regions including Siberia, the Caucasus, the Arctic Circle and the Far East.
i has also spoken to human rights activists in Russia who developed an underground grassroots network to help Ukrainians who want to leave the camps.
The Russians are taking people into their own homes, buying train tickets, and directing them to other groups who can help them get to the border.
One activist told i: “The state treats them as a labour force, as objects, moving them around without taking care of what they need. The state is unable to look after them. They are vulnerable and need help.”
i‘s investigation marks the first evidence of a major operation to spread them across a country gripped by a historic post-Cold War population decline.
It comes after i exclusively revealed last month that Moscow had ordered towns and cities across the Russian Federation to prepare for the arrival of nearly 100,000 “refugees”. Russia now claims it has “evacuated” one million people from the war zone.
Tanya Lokshina, associate director for Europe and Central Asia at Human Rights Watch, told i: “There is ample evidence that thousands of Ukrainians were taken to Russia under duress.
“When people are only given a choice to stay under increasingly heavy shelling or to enter the territory of an occupying power, it constitutes forced transfer under international humanitarian law.
“We are extremely concerned this is happening. People who seek evacuation to safer areas in Ukraine are shuttled off to Russia instead – in some cases to remote areas very far from Ukrainian or European borders.
“They are vulnerable, destitute, often without identification documents and find themselves at the mercy of the occupying power.”
The sites identified by i by cross-checking local news reports with Russian mapping websites are known in Russia as Temporary Accommodation Points (TAP). They include dozens of sanatoriums and former children’s wilderness camps, at least one “patriotic education” centre and even a former chemical weapons dump.
They stretch across the vast Russian Steppes and across 11 time zones over the Ural Mountains from Belgorod in the west to the remote Kamchatka Peninsula on the edge of the Pacific Ocean and Vladivostok at the end of the Trans-Siberian railroad.
With names that belie the misery being suffered by their occupants after surviving two months of war, they include the Little Prince in Perm, the Santa in Tatarstan, the Friendly Guys in Omsk, the Forest Fairy Tale in Chuvashia, the Blue Lakes in Pskov and the Pine Forest in Ulyanovsk.
i has identified 6,250 people in 38 of the camps, including 621 children. If full, the 66 camps could contain about 10,800 people, including 1,000 children, with more than a third of the camps containing citizens of Mariupol. Some are yet to house Ukrainians despite being prepared by local officials.
With an average of 162 people in each, our analysis suggests Russia could need about 6,000 camps to house the total number of people it claims have crossed the border.
While Ukrainians are able to walk out of the camps, their remoteness and a lack of money, phones or documentation means those wanting to leave the country face an almost impossible task.
But Russian activists are trying to help.
“There is an impressive grassroots organisation on several levels – people collecting money for train tickets, helping with clothes and toys for children, letting people stay in their homes for a few nights,” one activist told i on condition of anonymity.
“They are sharing messages and passing people on to groups in other cities, who are helping them get to the border.”
Some Ukrainians are known to have escaped to countries including Poland and Georgia, while there have been reports of others trying to escape through Kazakhstan. One Russian news report said Ukrainians being taken to one city south east of Moscow had failed to board the train.
Ukraine’s human rights ombudsman Lyudmyla Denisova accused Russia of genocide and of breaching the Geneva Convention, which prevents forced deportations during wartime.
Calling for the UN to investigate reports that 200,000 children are among those that have been taken from Ukraine to Russia, she said: “They have been deported to all regions of Russia. The conditions of their stay and their health is currently unknown.”
Putin’s camps revealed
i can reveal in detail how a vast network of former Soviet sanatoriums, children’s wilderness camps, hostels and orphanages is being used to move Ukrainian children and adults hundreds and thousands of miles from the border of their homeland.
On the wild Kamchatka peninsula at the edge of the Pacific Ocean, 10 people including children from Kherson were placed in a dormitory of the Kamchatka Industrial College in Yelizovo on 26 April following an eight-hour flight. About 200 people are expected in the region.
In Russia’s far eastern Maritime Territory, which is closer to Tokyo than it is to Moscow, a local newspaper reported in late April how 300 people, including 86 children, pregnant women and pensioners, arrived in Vladivostok after an exhausting seven-day journey on the Trans-Siberian Express from Taganrog.
The new arrivals, including survivors of the Mariupol siege, were taken to the Vostok hotel complex on the coast near Nakhodka. It was the third train to arrive in a number of days, with one report saying 14 TAPs were being opened in four neighbouring cities to accommodate up 1,350 people.
While Russian media claimed they had “chosen” to live in the Far East, adding that “almost everyone notes the beauty of the sea”, the advisor to the mayor of Mariupol said in a Telegram message seen by i he had learned they had no documents or money and were being promised only low paid jobs in the “arse of the world”.
Twenty people have so far arrived in the far eastern islands of Sakhalin, which contain the Kuril Islands contested by Japan, despite officials expecting 600. One report said: “The Sakhalin region, as we can see, is not very popular with them. This is understandable.”
Other reception points identified by i as housing survivors of the Mariupol siege include the Vanguard Patriotic Education Centre near Ivanovo in Ulyanovsk, a city beside the River Volga.
The centre, which has a focus on “military-patriotic work” and promoting a “commitment to serving ones Motherland”, opened at the site of a former orphanage in February as part of a national “education” project instigated by Putin to create nearly 40 similar centres including one in Russia-controlled Crimea.
It is one of two military-linked sites identified by i after this newspaper exclusively revealed last month that up to 600 Ukrainians including Mariupol survivors had been taken to a former chemical weapons dump at Leonidovka, near the Russian city of Penza, which played a former role in dismantling the country’s arsenal of nerve agents.
In Murmansk, in the Arctic Circle, officials have set up 20 TAPs at venues including a hotel named the Northern Lights in the town of Nickel and the Lapland sanatorium in Murmashi.
At a go-kart track in Belgorod, where people are staying in tents, a journalist reported having to go through two check points with armed men whose faces were covered with balaclavas.
In Ufa, the location of the TAPs was described by officials as “classified information”, but one report of a site in a university hostel said it was fenced and access was only allowed with security passes “so people will be safe”.
More than 530 people including 120 children from Mariupol have also been taken to the remote Tsaritsyno Lake boarding camp complex in the Leningrad Oblast, a three-hour drive from St Petersburg. A Russian archbishop who visited the site said several people told him they want to go home.
He said: “There are people who have lost their documents. Without them, they cannot buy tickets for trains or buses.”
In some places though, Ukrainians have already started to leave. At Nerekhta in Kostroma, numbers have dropped from 120 to 90, with reports of people travelling to Poland, while 15 have left a site in Narerezhnye Chelny.”
Terrible though it is, this network of slave labor camps and hostages throughout Russia which contain both Russian dissidents and Ukrainian and other civilians captured as war plunder conceals crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Russian state as a key factor of its campaign of terror simply because it can. This includes a system of sex trafficking and military brothels where torture is sold in at least one known incident; also torture as a sporting event with betting in arenas which recall gladiatorial combat of the Roman Empire, spectacles of savagery wherein human beings are torn apart or devoured alive by wild animals with the betting being how long it takes and how many can be killed within the time limit. This has been reported both by our allies within the Russian Army and by the Underground Railroad operated by the Wolf of Mariupol, a network of Ukrainian women freedom fighters who infiltrate groups of women captured by the Butterfly Collectors, set them free, and guide them out of Russia to safety. Some of the things the Wolf Maidens and those whom they rescue report are disturbing even beyond this.
A friend and I had an interesting conversation the other day, among the commentary on a photo with the caption “Exactly 77 years ago, on April 30, 1945, Soviet soldiers hoisted the banner of Victory over the Reichstag! A victory for all humanity.”
Writing in reaction to the first comment, by someone unknown to me, which misinterpreted the context of the post as referring to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and not the victory over the Nazis, which read; “I didn’t know this group was for supporters of fascism and genocidal dictators, ie Putin; not for me, this”, I replied with the following:
I was at Mariupol, and escaped as the city was sealed off on the 18th. I have written many times of the war crimes I witnessed there, which include torture, organized rape and abduction for trafficking, executions, cannibalism using mobile factories and erasure of evidence of torture with mobile crematoriums. But do not confuse the Russian fascist oligarchy committing these crimes with the ordinary Russians now waging revolutionary struggle against this criminal regime, or with the Russian soldiers now engaged in peace resistance by mutiny and joining their Ukrainian brothers in solidarity to defeat the invasion, or with the Red Army which liberated Europe, and which I have fought alongside to liberate South Africa from Apartheid. Putin’s is no Red Army.
“WTF? Cannibalism?” Was the reply from a friend, not the author of the comment confusing Putin’s shameful imperial conquest today with the glorious Red Army of 1945.
To this I wrote in answer; This was Russia’s solution to outrunning their supply lines; eat the killed in action. To be fair, they did this to their own fellow soldiers too, which caused an entire Russian unit to mutiny, kill their officers, and join the Ukrainian resistance, but its part of the terror campaign, like the Butterfly Collectors, the criminal syndicate of human traffickers within the Russian Army which kidnaps young girls and sometimes boys for use in Russian military brothels. The mobile factories for canning the dead as food for the soldiers operate with the crematorium trucks to erase evidence of torture.
My guide in Mariupol was Oleksandr, a boy who had been chained to a post, his arm secured to a log, and a gun put in his hand pointing at another boy who had been surgically skinned, leaving the head and neck untouched so his agony could be conveyed by his expressions and screams and he would survive for hours or days in torment. After he shot his friend who was begging to die to end the pain the Russians just let him go, laughing; their idea of a joke. They didn’t even make bets on it, as has happened here when torture becomes a sporting event. His sister Kateryna we found hanging from a post; I believe she hanged herself after escaping her captors. She was eleven.
And the reply to this was; “I am having a hard time believing this.”
Here is my reply to him; I have difficulty with this also, and this too is a purpose of states which use atrocities beyond comprehension to subjugate us. I spent a day throwing up and working through the stages of shock a few days before leaving Mariupol, not from injury but because of something I witnessed. Not the torture or rapes, nor the feeding of the dead into the machines of the cannery while those filled with shrapnel or rotting were cremated, nor the usual burned and shredded bodies of aerial and artillery bombardment; all this I have seen before and will again, for with the exception of industrialized cannibalism among the horrors of war such crimes are normal. Have I mentioned that normality is deviant, and to be resisted? But some things are beyond the limits of the human, and for this there are no words.
My friend’s final position in this conversation was this; “I am against wars, but for the soldiers who must fight them for the profit of others. All Russian soldiers cannot be this barbaric. Like the American soldiers who committed war crimes in Vietnam and Iraq, the criminals should be tried for their crimes and punished. But as a whole, those who send and command armies are the common enemy of those who are doomed to do the fighting.”
My answer here follows; On this we agree; such acts are usually committed by elite units chosen and trained for loyalty and brutality, as were the death camp units of the SS. No normal person does such things, and most of Putin’s invasion force are conscripts and fellow victims of tyranny, many of whom are members of the peace movement which like the soldier’s strike that ended America’s war in Vietnam are the best real chance for peace. Most professional soldiers fight because if they do not, men who rely on them will die, regardless of the motives that brought them into battle.
And as I’ve said, I have fought alongside Russian soldiers against Apartheid in South Africa and Angola, and other causes and places, in the eighties prior to the end of the Soviet Union, and they were not the same army as that in Ukraine, Syria, Libya, and elsewhere which serves no grand ideals, no vision of a united humankind free of the profit motive and of divisions of blood, faith, and soil, but its mirror image, an army of slaves sent by a tyrant to conquer a free people.
Many of those slaves unite in solidarity with those they were sent to conquer, and such heroes of solidarity and liberation must be welcomed and celebrated. This, and only this, will defeat war in the end.
On this Victory Over Fascism Day, let us liberate Russia and Ukraine, Israel and Palestine, America and all who hunger to be free, and the future of humankind from the tyranny of war criminals wherever they may be, and from fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.
Now as then, let us confront the would-be conqueror of Europe as a united front, and purge our destroyers from among us.
To fascism there can be but one reply; Never Again!
Without question or pause, and with no quarter offered nor accepted, for all Resistance is War to the Knife, and those who respect no laws and no limits may hide behind none; but this is only half of the problem. Let us say we are victorious, and find ourselves the arbiters of virtue and with the force required to define what is human and what and who is not. How do we free ourselves from the cycle of violence and the recursive forces of fear, power, and force?
This is the question Israel now faces in Palestine, as did the Allies after World War Two, as have so many nations which have liberated themselves from colonial powers and then become themselves tyrannies in the image of their former captors. How does one let go of our fear of otherness as threats to our power, and embrace the uniquenesses of others as well as our own?
As Nietzsche warned us in Beyond Good and Evil goes; “He who fights monsters should be careful lest he thereby become a monster. And if thou gaze long into an abyss, the abyss gazes back into thee.”
Wagner provides an answer in his Ring trilogy, in which the Ring of Power can only be forged through the renunciation of love, because the redemptive and transformative powers of love can free us from the flags of our skin and the legacies of our history.
Herein I remember an uncle of mine, John Weekes, a Bataan Death March survivor and Battle of Okinawa veteran who later found himself outside a door in Korea in a village thought to be under enemy control and about to open fire and kill everyone inside when in his words “I heard singing, and I recognized the song, and that was what saved me; it was Onward Christian Soldiers. Where we were expecting to find the enemy, a missionary was holding choir practice.”
Maybe that’s all it takes to escape the Ring of Power and abandon violence and the social use of force, to find our way back from monstrosity to our humanity from the far side of the boundary which defines the limits of the human; a moment of recognition where we see ourselves in the other and are restored to our common humanity. This I call love, and it remains the great hope of our future and our possibilities of becoming human.
Europe in World War Two In Film
Band of Brothers series trailer
The Longest Day film montage
Saving Private Ryan film trailer
Churchill’s speech in Darkest Hour: You Cannot Reason With a Tiger When Your Head Is In Its Mouth
Politics is the Art of Fear, as my father taught me; here is a brilliant map of our fears in Europe and how they will determine the future of the EU in this June’s vote
A Hobson’s Choice in the Nation With Two Faces, Israel and Palestine; one people divided by history. Who do we want to become, we Americans, we human beings?
In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.
Biden warns against ‘surge of antisemitism’ at Holocaust event
Trump and Biden are like the bear and man in the woods dilemma; we know Trump will destroy us, but Biden uses lies and deception to hide his intent to subjugate us, dehumanize us and subvert our universal human rights, and use our taxes for genocide and surveillance, censorship and repression of dissent.
Either way, we lose either democracy or our universal human rights; America falls, and with us the global civilization of humankind.
The Second World War: A Complete History, Martin Gilbert
The Storm of War: A New History of the Second World War, Andrew Roberts
The Battle of Britain: Five Months That Changed History, May-October 1940, Fortress Malta: An Island Under Siege 1940-43, Together We Stand: Turning the Tide in the West, Sicily ’43: The First Assault on Fortress Europe, Normandy ’44: D-Day and the Epic 77-Day Battle for France, James Holland
Britain and Churchill
The Splendid and the Vile: A Saga of Churchill, Family, and Defiance During the Blitz, Erik Larson
Churchill: Walking with Destiny, Andrew Roberts
Churchill’s Ministry of Ungentlemanly Warfare: The Mavericks Who Plotted Hitler’s Defeat, Giles Milton
The Last Lion: Winston Spencer Churchill: Defender of the Realm, 1940-1965, William Manchester, Paul Reid
France
The Fall of France: The Nazi Invasion of 1940, France: The Dark Years 1940-1944, A Certain Idea of France: The Life of Charles de Gaulle, Julian T. Jackson
Paris at War: 1939-1944, David Drake
The Resistance: The French Fight Against the Nazis, Matthew Cobb
Outwitting the Gestapo, Lucie Aubrac
The Saboteur: The Aristocrat Who Became France’s Most Daring Anti-Nazi Commando, Paul Kix
Madame Fourcade’s Secret War: The Daring Young Woman Who Led France’s Largest Spy Network Against Hitler, Lynne Olson
The Liberation of Paris: How Eisenhower, de Gaulle, and von Choltitz Saved the City of Light, Jean Edward Smith
Italy
Mussolini Warlord: Failed Dreams of Empire, 1940-1943, H. James Burgwyn
The Day of Battle: The War in Sicily and Italy, 1943-1944, Rick Atkinson
Bitter Victory: The Battle For Sicily, July August 1943, Carlo D’Este
Monte Cassino: Ten Armies in Hell, Peter Caddick-Adams
Anzio: Italy and the Battle for Rome 1944, Lloyd Clark
Naples ’44: A World War II Diary of Occupied Italy, Norman Lewis
Spain
Picasso’s War, Russell Martin
Homage to Catalonia, George Orwell
The Spanish Civil War, Hugh Thomas
The International Brigades: Fascism, Freedom and the Spanish Civil War, Giles Tremlett
Russia
Russia’s War: A History of the Soviet Effort: 1941-1945, Richard Overy
Stalingrad: The Fateful Siege, 1942–1943, Antony Beevor
Jewish Peoples
Night, Elie Wiesel
Witness: Lessons from Elie Wiesel’s Classroom, Ariel Burger
Maus: A Survivor’s Tale, Art Spiegelman
Survival in Auschwitz, Primo Levi
Primo Levi’s Resistance: Rebels and Collaborators in Occupied Italy, Sergio Luzzatto
The Sunflower: On the Possibilities and Limits of Forgiveness, Every Day Remembrance Day: A Chronicle of Jewish Martyrdom, The Murderers Among Us, Krystyna: The Tragedy of the Polish Resistance, Simon Wiesenthal
Flags Over the Warsaw Ghetto: The Untold Story of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, Moshe Arens
Auschwitz, Laurence Rees
Treblinka, Jean-François Steiner, Simone de Beauvoir (Preface), Terrence Des Pres (Introduction
The Origins of Totalitarianism, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil, Hannah Arendt
Hannah Arendt, Julia Kristeva
On the Inherent Duality of Russia’s Victory Day celebrations in the shadow of the invasion of Ukraine, news of 2022
This brings us to the time of my escape from Mariupol to Warsaw, with my own team and a few hundred of her defenders, as the nucleus of a new direct action network with the mission to take the fight to the enemy within Russia.
Here are my journals of Mariupol and the First General History of World War Three:
We celebrate victories in the Canadian and Australian elections which were referendums on the Trump regime, versus Trump branded fascists. Good show, Canadians and Australians.
As a figure of Jabba the Hut, Trump himself is personally so vile and repulsive that he poisons anything aligned with his cause of white supremacist terror, theocratic patriarchal sexual terror, the abandonment of both our universal human rights and of our rights as citizens rather than subjects of totalitarian force and control, the subversion of democracy and the sabotage of our global economy to the power of those who would enslave us.
How delightful it would be if the renaissance of democracy everywhere were to become a consequence of revulsion to Trump’s unspeakable grotesquerie, perversions, and violations of all that is beautiful and good and true in humankind. Not beyond possibility, this; for all things obey the Third Law of Motion and create their own resistance as a counterforce, including state terror and tyranny and also the fascist inversion of aesthetic and ethical values.
My hope is that America and all humankind will join the peoples of Canada and Australia in total rejection of Trump and all that he represents, just as the people of Italy did with Mussolini in hanging him.
I dream of the day I will see Trump achieve his true nature by being fed to dogs and transformed into dog shit. Wouldn’t it be a lovely display in a glass case exhibited in a museum of holocausts, atrocities, and crimes against humanity? Let his monument read thus:
Here lies Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, in his true form, most terrible enemy democracy has faced since Alcibiades betrayed Athens, most dangerous foreign agent to ever attack America even including Pearl Harbor and the Twin Towers, who subverted our ideals and sabotaged our institutions, and nearly enacted the fall of civilization as the figurehead of the Fourth Reich and herald of an age of fascist tyranny and state terror.
Yet here he lies, nothing but a pile of dog shit. Look upon the rewards of tyranny, you who are mighty, and despair.
For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.
We can but wish. In the meanwhile, here in America and where ever men hunger to be free, we can vote, we can march, we can boycott the sponsors of fascist tyranny, we can write, speak, teach, and organize democracy.
As written by Jonathan Yerushalmy in The Guardian, in an article entitled After Canada and Australia, could Donald Trump really be the saviour of centre-left politics?; “Pierre Poilievre and Peter Dutton began the year as leaders in waiting. With national elections in Canada and Australia on the horizon, both leaders were consistently leading in the polls. But a mere four months later, the votes have come and gone and their parties remain out of government. In the process, both suffered the indignation of losing the seats they held for more than two decades.
On Sunday, as the results of the Australian elections were broadcast across the world, international media were quick to blame one man: Donald Trump. “First Canada, now Australia?” asked the Wall Street Journal, with the paper claiming the “Trump factor” had boosted Australian prime minister Anthony Albanese’s chances. CNN called it “the Trump slump” and suggested the phenomenon was spreading.
But experts and analysts disagree over how much the sledgehammer of Trump’s first 100 days in office has really played in reviving the fortunes of centre-left parties in Canada and Australia.
‘Zero-sum’ politics
Poilievre and Dutton – both self-professed fans of “straight talking” – appeared to take Trump’s victory in November last year as a sign of a broader shift to the right in international politics.
Poilievre’s message was sharply honed to focus on former Liberal leader Justin Trudeau’s near decade in power. He vowed to end “woke ideology” and take on the “global elite”. His slogan “Canada First” seemed to deliberately invoke Trump.
In Australia, Dutton promised a “government efficiency” department which echoed the US Department of Government Efficiency (Doge), led by Elon Musk. He lent into culture war issues by claiming the use of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander flags was “dividing” the country and pledged not to display the flags if he was elected. A promise to end public servants working from home led Labor to accuse Dutton’s Coalition of stealing policies from the United States.
“It was very clearly following along with Trump and the general attacks on wokeness,” says David Smith, associate professor in American politics and foreign policy at the Australia based US Studies Centre.
But then Trump’s term began in earnest and the reality of his “zero-sum” politics became clear.
The president’s threats to make Canada the “51st state”, the imposition of a fresh trade war, coupled with Trudeau’s resignation and the rise of Mark Carney brought about a resurgence in the Liberal’s fortunes. By March they were leading in the polls.
“Trump had a far more direct effect on the Canadian election campaign … He was basically in the Canadian election,” Smith says.
“Despite that, the Conservatives actually performed very respectably,” Smith adds, noting the party gained seats and earned almost 42% of the popular vote. Liberal gains came largely at the expense of a third party: the progressive New Democrats.
Polling shows that both countries view the US less favourably since Trump took office, but analysts in Australia say that the president’s effect on the campaign there was far less direct.
“Blaming it on Trump downplays both how well the Canadian Conservatives were able to cope with that situation, and also just how many other things went wrong for Dutton and for the [Coalition],” says Smith.
Although the polls were looking bad for Labor until the time of Trump’s inauguration – and then started to turn around as Trump announced tariffs and humiliated Volodymyr Zelenskyy in the Oval Office – Smith notes that these events also coincided with the Australian campaign intensifying, the Reserve Bank cutting interest rates and Dutton coming under greater scrutiny.
As the campaign intensified, Dutton offered confusing messages on where the axe would fall in public service jobs.
Although events in the US often dominated evening news bulletins, debate over the course of the campaign was focused on the Coalition’s plan to overturn a national ban on nuclear power, housing supply and the nuances of competing tax policy.
“What people care about most is cost of living,” says Smith. “What they don’t want to see is one side of politics banging on about pretty trivial culture war issues.”
The ‘anti-Trump’ vote
Research shows that during times of global turmoil, voters are more likely to stick to what they know. Albanese presented himself as a safe pair of hands and has promised to go slow with no surprises. As a central banker in Canada and the UK, Carney navigated the economic crisis of 2008 and the post-Brexit shock of 2016. “I am most useful in a crisis,” he said on the campaign trail. “I’m not that good at peacetime.”
In recent years, global politics has moved in cycles that has seen the fortunes of centre-left parties ebb and flow in direct contrast to the slow revival of the far-right around the world. In 2019, after Labor’s surprise loss in Australia’s election and Boris Johnson’s renewed majority in the UK, many commentators asked if centre left politics were dead and buried.
Smith says it’s too soon to tell whether other parties around the world will benefit from an “anti-Trump” vote – but the president’s policies are clearly not boosting centrist politicians everywhere.
Nigel Farage’s hard-right Reform UK party made huge gains in local elections last week, making deep inroads into Labour and Conservative heartlands. Meanwhile, George Simion, an ultranationalist who calls himself Donald Trump’s “natural ally” secured a decisive win in the first round of Romania’s presidential election on Sunday.
But Smith says Carney and Albanese have sketched an outline for how to win elections in the current political climate.
“Mark Carney basically made Trump his opponent in the election,” he says. “If things get really bad in the US … then you may see more politicians taking this line.”
“He could continue to play a role in other countries’ elections. We’ve just got to be careful not to attribute everything to him.”
As written in The Guardian editorial entitled Carney’s triumph is a rebuff to Trump: The US president’s territorial and economic threats have prompted voters to unite against his bellicosity; “Canada’s astounding election comeback by the Liberals will hearten many outside its borders as well as within. The governing party’s Lazarus moment was sparked by a man who was not on the ballot – though he took the chance to reiterate that the country should become the 51st US state, implying that voters could then elect him.
By then it was already clear that Donald Trump’s threats had backfired. Monday’s result was a clear repudiation of his agenda. For two years, the Conservatives’ Pierre Poilievre looked like a dead cert as the next prime minister, assailing Justin Trudeau’s government on issues including the cost of living, housing and immigration. His party built a 25-point lead. But within four months, Mr Trudeau’s resignation, his warning that Mr Trump’s “51st state” remarks were no joke, and the imposition of swingeing US tariffs, transformed the contest. Mr Poilievre lost his seat. The Liberals are embarking on a fourth term, though this time perhaps as a minority, under Mr Trudeau’s replacement Mark Carney.
Mr Trump made Canada’s political and economic sovereignty the central issue. Mr Carney, a member of Mr Trump’s despised global liberal elite, pitched himself as the man for a crisis: an experienced technocrat from outside politics who guided Canada’s central bank through the great recession, and the UK’s through Brexit.
Both Mr Poilievre and Mr Trump said that the Conservative leader was not Maga material. But he certainly appeared Maga-adjacent, moving further right and building an energetic base by embracing culture wars and attacking “wokeism”, pledging “jail not bail” and promising to cut international aid and defund the national broadcaster.
His defeat was effected primarily by other parties’ supporters resolving to unite around the Liberals. The leftwing New Democrats lost around two-thirds of their seats, including that of their leader Jagmeet Singh, who has resigned – though they have retained enough to ensure a progressive majority in parliament. The Bloc Québécois saw a smaller fall, as Mr Trump’s aggression overshadowed separatist aspirations. But Conservative support actually rose. For the first time in almost a century, Canada’s two main parties each got over 40% of the vote.
Mr Carney has plenty to celebrate, but limited room for manoeuvre over difficult terrain: “President Trump is trying to break us so America can own us,” he warned in his victory speech. He knows that Mr Trump takes advantage of perceived weakness. But the US president also nurses grievances. Mr Carney has promised to work more closely with allies in Europe and Asia. His diplomatic experience and international contact book will help.
The external economic threat and internal cost of living crisis are inseparable. This campaign, thanks to Mr Trump, put the nation centre stage. But as prime minister, Mr Carney will also need to address society, and tackle the kind of underlying problems that have led to the triumph of Mr Trump and like-minded politicians elsewhere. He has promised to double housebuilding and create hundreds of thousands of skilled jobs, and wants to eliminate internal trade barriers. Opponents may well retort that Liberals have had three terms to realise their vision.
Other politicians should be cautious about drawing lessons from this very particular contest. Canada faces a unique threat from the US, though it has economic leverage as well as vulnerability. This is, nonetheless, a welcome rebuff to American bellicosity and rejection of rightwing populism.”
In Australia the election paralleled Canada’s; as written by Julianne Schultz in The Guardian, in an article entitled Australians have soundly rejected Trump-style culture wars. Now Albanese must act with courage and vision; “Thank you, Donald Trump.
Australians are much better at defining who they are by identifying what they are not, rather than by making lofty statements. And they have now said unequivocally that they are not angry little Americans, cultural warriors or self-interested libertarians.
We always knew that there was a decency at the heart of this nation, but it took the bullying, showbiz bravado of the US president to crystallise it. First as thousands of people cancelled trips to America and then, decidedly, in the privacy of millions of cardboard voting booths.
Even the prime minister, who in his first victory speech in 2022 struggled to get beyond the “greatest country” cliche when talking about Australia, found the words on election night to begin to capture what makes this country unique and full of possibility. With practice and confidence he will get better. It might even translate into transformative action and not be left to die in the graveyard of empty words.
Culture is almost always ahead of politics, so the signs have been there for a while. The notion of being unAustralian, which burst into the discourse in 2005 when Sam Kekovich berated vegetarians, hippies, dissenters of all sorts, was jettisoned nearly two decades later. The iconic Australia Day lamb ad turned itself upside down in 2023 embracing (shock horror) diversity. “Guess we are all a bit unAustralian, that’s what makes us Australian.”
That’s a start.
And when Australian leaders recognise that the ability to embrace the best of what is on offer, to not be afraid of innovation, to combine courage with compassion, remarkable things can happen.
It’s been done before. True, this is usually in a dance of two steps forward one step back, but over time the two steps forward set the new direction.
It was striking that the treasurer, Jim Chalmers, described his party’s victory as the greatest achievement since federation. Who ever talks about federation? But it was remarkable. It took a decade of debate and two votes in every colony and then protracted negotiations in London to create. A nation was formed that for the next 15 years was a global model of democratic and social innovation.
We tend to focus – rightly, and in a very Australian way – on the negatives, on the harshness of the white Australia policy, on the forced deportation of South Sea Islanders, on the exclusion and attempted extermination of the First Peoples.
But the rest of the world saw innovation, economic success with a compassionate heart and the birth of an Australian model. Australians were literate, positive and enjoyed one of the highest standards of living in the world. There were abundant possibilities.
The devastation of the losses in the first world war and being beholden to British imperialism during the great depression sapped this confidence. But even before the second world war ended plans for reconstruction, the lessons of the previous decades were developed and implemented. This set the scene for modern Australia, which reached its peak when the Whitlam government swept to power in 1972 and implemented policies that had been gestating for decades.
In the 1980s, when the old protectionist economic model imploded, Australia again led the world with a model of neoliberalism with a human face. It was not perfect, but it was copied around the world and celebrated for time as a “third way”. It was much better than allowing the market to hold the whip hand and privatise everything.
Then in the global financial crisis Australian politicians and policymakers were poised to respond, intervening to prevent the catastrophe that occurred in many other countries.
These models should provide confidence that there is an Australian way, that even in the face of existential crises innovation is possible, that there is no need to be unduly dependent on what great powers might be doing. That courage and compassion are not incompatible.
We have lost the habit of innovation and reform. Its memory needs to be revived and acted on. The crises we currently face – the climate catastrophe, a crumbling post war global order, an unreliable great power, the new digital imperialism and intergenerational inequity – need vision and courage.
Strikingly this election showed that the Australian people recognise we can no longer rely on the rest of the world to provide the lead – the future is ours to make, fixing the foundations and imagining the future. As Rose Scott, one of the participants in the federation debates about the new nation, presciently observed: “Be bold, be bold, be bold. Reform is hard, but worth it.”
Trump Commands the World To Serve Him, and the World Says Ick
After Canada and Australia, could Donald Trump really be the saviour of centre-left politics?
March 4 2025 Anniversary of Our Supreme Court Putting Trump, An Insurrectionist, Russian Agent, and Nazi Revivalist Who Conspired In the Murders of Police Officers and Attempted Hanging and Guillotining of Members of Congress, On Our Election Ballots
The Fatal Shore: The Epic of Australia’s Founding, Robert Hughes
The Idea of Australia: A Search for the Soul of the Nation, Julianne Schultz
Before the Invasion: Aboriginal Life to 1788, Mudrooroo, Colin Bourke, and Isobel White
Australian Dreaming: 40,000 Years of Aboriginal History, Jennifer Isaacs (Editor), Wandjuk Marika (Foreword)
Aboriginal Australians: A History Since 1788, Richard Broome
The World of the First Australians: Aboriginal Traditional Life Past and Present, The Speaking Land: Myth and Story in Aboriginal Australia, Ronald M. Berndt, Catherine H. Berndt
My Place, Sally Morgan
Jack Charles: Born-again Blakfella, Jack Charles
Literature
Dr Wooready’s Prescription for Enduring the End of the World, Master of the Ghost Dreaming, The Undying, Underground, The Promised Land, Aboriginal Mythology: An A-Z Spanning the History of the Australian Aboriginal Peoples from the Earliest Legends to the Present Day, Mudrooroo Nyoongah
The Female Eunuch, The Whole Woman, Sex and destiny, Slip-Shod Sibyls, Whitefella Jump Up: The Shortest Way to Nationhood, Lysistrata – The Sex Strike, The Obstacle Race: The Fortunes of Women Painters and Their Work, Shakespeare’s Wife, Kissing the Rod: An Anthology of 17th-Century Women’s Verse, The Madwoman’s Underclothes: Essays and Occasional Writings, Daddy We Hardly Knew You, Germaine Greer
The Twyborn Affair, Voss, The Aunt’s Story, Tree of Man, Riders in the Chariot, Eye of the Storm, The Cockatoos, Patrick White
The Eye In The Mandala: Patrick White, A Vision Of Man And God, Peter Beatson
Illywacker, Oscar & Lucinda, Jack Maggs, True History of the Kelly Gang, My Life As A Fake, His Illegal Self, Parrot and Olivier in America, On The Chemistry of Tears, Amnesia, A Long Way From Home, Peter Carey
The Secret River, The Lieutenant, Sarah Thornhill, Searching for the Secret River, A Room Made of Leaves, Kate Grenville
Remembering Babylon, An Imaginative Life, The Great World, The Conversations at Curlow Creek, On Dream Stuff: Stories, Every Move You Make, Earth Hour, On A First Place, David Malouf
The Octopus and I, Erin Hortle
Gould’s Book of Fish: A Novel in Twelve Fish, The Narrow Road to the Deep North, Wanting, Death of a River Guide, The Living Sea of Waking Dreams, Richard Flanagan
The Multiple Effects of Rainshadow, Drylands, Thea Astley
In the month of May we celebrate Asian and Pacific Islander American Heritage Month, a vast subject when considering the source cultures from which such Americans arise; two thirds of whom are born elsewhere. If proximity in time and generation to the source culture of one’s family indicates the degree of influence it may have on our personal culture, what we ourselves think and do, its importance in a multicultural nation such as ours cannot be overstated.
Traitor Trump has attempted to erase it with all of our other celebrations of diversity and inclusion, and our fellow Americans who are nonwhite as well in this utterly Un-American violation of our values and national identity, and this we must Resist.
Herein I offer my reading list for Modern American Literature under the subheading Asian American Literature; I have posted my World Literature lists for China, Japan, India, and Islamic Peoples on my literary blog separately; it’s a huge and diverse subject, and I have lived or traveled in all four of these homelands and diasporas and many others as well, and have in many cases read these works in their original languages.
My intention as a high school English teacher in creating and offering these reading lists to students, which include lists for over twenty national literatures, was to provide a broad and inclusive curriculum free from politization, censorship, and control by school boards and other authorizing institutions, wherein students may find themselves reflected, explore the legacies of our histories and the consequences of our choices among unknown futures and possibilities, and discover adaptive strategies and maps of becoming human.
One ongoing project which I ran using these lists in high school may be useful for reading or home study groups, partners, and getting to know one’s neighbors; I asked students to choose the list of a group with which they identify and then choose partners from a different group, then as partners select two books, one from each other’s list, to read together and give a presentation about each one to the class.
This project, which I called Becoming Human Through Literature, has three goals; to develop a broad personal culture, to discover maps of how to become human, and to operate transcontextually as a global family member.
As an activity for partners in any stage of a relationship, reading books together and discussing them as you progress makes a wonderful way to explore each others values, goals, and ideas. You may surprise and delight one another; you may also surprise and reimagine yourself.
For all of these lists I began with immortal classics and added whatever I thought merited inclusion on the basis of quality alone; this is how I found myself teaching a broad and inclusive curriculum. Yes, this means I’ve read all of the books listed; and often taught, led discussions, scored critical essays and written about them for many years. It also means that if your favorite book is not on a list, I may simply not have read it yet.
Who am I, an American with fractional 1.2% Asian ancestry by DNA from ancestors predating the American Revolution, including .2% North India and Pakistan and .3% South India and Sri Lanka from an Indian ancestor who claimed to have once been a courtier of the Mughal princess and poet Shahzadi Zeb-un-Nissa and was grandmother to Henry who crossed the Delaware with Washington in 1776, and in the next generation .2% Egypt and Levant and .5% broadly West Asia and North Africa from an ancestor of the Ottoman Empire diaspora, to claim any basis for judging works of Asian literature as classics equal to those of Shakespeare or the King James Bible, and creating such lists? This is an excellent question, for reading lists are nothing less than a set of authorized identities.
To this question there are two answers; first, you must read into the literature of a people and discover for yourself what is useful to you in becoming human. We are all unique individuals with our own personal history, and what may help you create yourself today will be different from such works in the past and in the future, because identity is a thing of change.
Second, some works are foundational and universally acclaimed for reasons which are compelling; for example, one cannot be Pakistani without the poetry of Iqbal. And though the study of literature by teenagers for purposes of identity construction is radically different from that of a scholar who seeks entrance into new and utterly alien ways of being human, both are a quest to discover who we ourselves can become, from others who are different as well as those alike.
The question of whose story is this remains primary, which is why I choose voices of members of the culture for study in preference to those of outsiders, with the exception of notable secondary and critical works of scholarship regarding history, biography, and other contexts.
We may not yet be able to change the world, but we can change ourselves. I hope that in so doing we may also one day change how we choose to be human together, as negotiated truths, values, and meaning.
As to my qualifications as a fellow reader of reasonably unbiased and noncoercive intentions, and one aware of the perils of Orientalism, fetishization, assimilation, and other forms of colonialism, let me begin with the primary layer of identity, language.
Languages are a hobby of mine, and I get lost trying to account for all of them, over fifty now throughout my lifetime, but Chinese is my second language, which I studied formally for ten years from the age of nine including traditional inkbrush calligraphy and spoken forms of Standard Hong Kong Cantonese and the Wu dialect of Shanghai, with some Japanese and Mandarin. During this formative period I also studied Zen Buddhism which I claimed as my religion on official documents through much of my twenties, whose sources are both Chinese and Japanese; and I loved the poetry of Basho so much that I was once inspired to walk his hundred mile trail to see where they were written.
In Kashmir my scholarship of Sufi literature as a member of the Naqshbandi order required literacy in Classical Quranic Arabic, Classical Persian, and Ottoman Turkish; the official language Urdu which is Hindi written with a Perso-Arabic script and influenced by Classical Persian, and conversational use of the Kashmiri language Koshur. I already knew some conversational Levantine Arabic from Beirut before my senior undergraduate year, and was familiar with Rumi’s poetry, which I carried with me everywhere and led me to this area of study.
In Nepal I became literate in Classical Tibetan as a monk of the Kagyu Vajrayana order, conversational Gorkali or Nepalese as it is the official language and spoken by half the population, Newari which is the language of Kathmandu Valley, Gurung which is a tribal language of the Annapurna region and a major language of my key allies the Gurkha military and the horse nomads with whom I operated across the border between Nepal and Kashmir. Hindi was my fifth local language, though of course I already had some familiarity with it, having studied Tantra with a priestess of Kali and on another of my travels been a member of the Shaivite Aghori brotherhood of warriors during my graduate school years, and during my Freshman year at university read Shankara’s works and those of Ramakrishna through the Vedanta Society.
Beyond my literary studies of the major great civilizations of Asia, I did cross much of it on foot during my Great Trek and have sailed throughout its seas, including on a traditional Phinisi schooner under the Bugis tribal captain Starfollower. I’ve trekked along the Cameron Highlands in Malaysia and later returned to Georgetown on the island of Penang as a home port, lived in the Golden Triangle with the Karen and Shan peoples in Thailand and Burma and fought in their wars of independence, with the Kachin who guided me across the Kumon Range along the route used by Merrill’s Marauders in World War Two, with the Naga of north India, the Iban of Sarawak, and the Mentawai Islanders when I was castaway in a storm off Sumatra, where I built an outrigger canoe and sailed to the main port of Padang, then learned the martial art or Silat of Raja Harimau while living with the Minangkabau. I fought a revolution in Nepal, a war of liberation against India’s imperial conquest in Kashmir, and a piratical campaign to free slaves at sea throughout the Sultanate of Sulawesi, Borneo, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Hong Kong, to the Bay of Bengal and the whole of South Asia between.
From my time in the Golden Triangle and Shan States I learned Thai, Shan, S’gaw Karen, the Singpho language of the Kachin Confederation of northern Burma and India, and the Sino-Tibetan language of the Konyak Naga.
From my voyages and treks in South Asia, where I sailed out of Georgetown on the island of Penang as a home port, I Iearned Malay in which I am literate and so count among my Voices, this being the major language of the region, of sailors, and of my initial scholarship of Naqshbandi Sufism which is a pan-Islamic warrior brotherhood synonymous with the martial arts of silat, and Buginese which is the language of the Bugis people of the Sultanate of Sulawesi who are the primary shipbuilders and navigators of South Asia, where half of all shipped freight is still by sail, and of the pirates with whom I waged an antislavery campaign led by our Captain Starfollower.
Then came the Minangkabu of Sumatra where I studied the martial art of Raja Harimau, briefly I learned what I could of one of the many languages of the Mentawai Islands where I was castaway in a storm at sea and with an indigenous tribe built an outrigger or Oceanic Proa over a couple months to sail ten hours across open seas to the mainland of Sumatra at Padaung, Iban which is a language of the indigenous Dayak peoples of Borneo, and Hokkien Chinese in its Penang and Singaporean variants which is understood throughout the Peranankan or Straits Chinese communities.
Of windows into the other ways of being human I count twenty four languages of conversation, including Hokkien Chinese, Iban, Mentawai, Minangkabu, Buginese, Koshur, Gorkali, Newari, Gurung, Thai, Shan, S’gaw Karen, Singpho, Naga, and Afrikaans which was invented at the court of an exiled Islamic Malay king as a trade language from indigenous African Khoisian and Bantu mixed with Dutch to create the only Germanic language written in Arabic script, and twenty seven of literacy, a total of over fifty.
I currently write and publish in over a dozen languages including Traditional Chinese, Japanese, Arabic, Hebrew, Hindi, Urdu, Persian, and Dari, Afghanistan’s major language and like Urdu derived from Persian, all three of which are mutually intelligible. This list changes ceaselessly, as do human identities; ephemeral, impermanent, performative and a ground of struggle.
Everywhere I have traveled, I learned what I could, helped where I could, reimagined and transformed myself as I could. For myself, the purpose of travel is to be broken open to new ways of becoming human. I am become a thing of interfaces between bounded realms of history, culture, and identity, and I now live in the empty spaces beyond our maps of becoming human marked Here Be Dragons, among the unknown and limitless possibilities of human being, meaning, and value.
Who then shall we become? Asks our self of surfaces, images, and masks which each moment negotiates our boundaries with others.
To which our secret self, the self of darkness and of passion, the self that lives beyond the mirror and knows no limits, unbound by time and space and infinite in possibilities, replies; Who do you want to become?
I believe it is also important to recognize that we are all members of such multiplicities; that culture is layered and distributed in relational hierarchies of influence, and that we ourselves are the ultimate arbiter of such informing and motivating sources.
We are all pluralities.
And they are all in motion, our identities; processes of change, reimagination, and transformation.
We are speaking here of identity as a function of history and memory, as a prochronism or history expressed in our form of our choices in adaptation like the shell of a fantastic sea creature, but it is in our power to command such resources rather than be mastered by them, and our struggle to free ourselves from the tyranny of other people’s ideas, which confers our liberation and self-ownership as self-created and unique human beings.
Of the past and of traditional culture, let us understand what we must bring a reckoning for and discard in order to create a better humankind, and bring with us into the future only that which serves us in becoming human.
Rejoice and embrace that which we claim and which in return claims us in membership and community, and resist to the death whatever authority claims us without our consent; to this we offer only challenge and defiance.
September 25 2023 My Library of Possible Selves: A History Of My Identities Through My Languages
February 2 2025 James Joyce, On His Birthday: the Quest For A Universal Language and Transpersonal Human Consciousness As Reimagination and Transformative Change
Hawai’I seizes me with an immediacy and vividness in the context of Asian American literature and history, for it embodies both the terror of our racist and imperial-colonial history and our hopes for a better future as a diverse and inclusive United Humankind in which all human beings are truly equal. Between the systemic evils in which we are complicit and our liberation from unequal power and elite hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness there lies a long path of reckoning and emergence; but first we must find a vision of who we want to become, we humans, and in Hawai’I this too we may discover.
Hawai’I is a Cuba that never found a liberator.
Hawai’I as an idea lives close to my skin, for decades being the midwinter escape destination for my partner Theresa and her parents, siblings, and their children, for two weeks each January decamping en masse to one or more of the family vacation homes on the islands. Her favorite was sadly Lahaina on Maui, now ashes since the fire in 2023, and like much that was beautiful and full of joy only memories.
You may notice that herein I do not follow my usual rule of including only works by authors who are members of a historical people and may speak both of and for them, which in this case would limit my selection to books by native indigenous persons of Kānaka Maoli identity.
What is a Hawaiian, or an American? In Hawaii we see an image of our possible future as a united humankind, multiethnic and transhistorical, protean, inclusive, and diverse beyond limit or categorization.
In such a society, to claim membership is to become a member without question or qualification. To write as such a member is to negotiate the legacies of our history, which include epigenetic harms of racism and colonialism, and to reimagine and transform the limitless possibilities of becoming human.
Here are works by people born in Hawaii, or written in Hawaii from within its many layered and interdependent communities.
This is also true of its two great ancestor spirits, guardians and guides of the soul, who speak to us through dreams and poetic vision of our futures from a mythic past, Barack Obama and Maxine Hong Kingston. Some scholars argue that they were once living human beings like any other, who became exalted and deified in a remote age not because they were embodiments of Hegelian world-historical forces, but because they changed such forces and processes through poetic vision and a realized action of human values, and the nature and fate of humankind changed with them.
May we all become such fulcrums of change, and help to dream and to realize a free society of equals.
Hawaii speaks here with many voices, all of which belong.
History and Culture
Detours: A Decolonial Guide to Hawai’I, by Hokulani K. Aikau (Editor)
Pacific Worlds, by Matt K. Matsuda
Paradise of the Pacific: Approaching Hawaii, by Susanna Moore
Shoal of Time: A History of the Hawaiian Islands, Honolulu: The First Century, by Gavan Daws
Lost Kingdom: Hawaii’s Last Queen, the Sugar Kings and America’s First Imperial Adventure, by Julia Flynn Siler
Unfamiliar Fishes, by Sarah Vowell
Captive Paradise: The Story of the United States and Hawaii, by James L. Haley
From a Native Daughter: Colonialism and Sovereignty in Hawai’I, by Haunani-Kay Trask
Waikiki: A History of Forgetting & Remembering, by Andrea Feeser
Volcanoes, Palm Trees, and Privilege: Essays on Hawai’I, by Liz Prato
Blue Latitudes: Boldly Going Where Captain Cook Has Gone Before, by Tony Horwitz
A Shark Going Inland Is My Chief: The Island Civilization of Ancient Hawai’I, On the Road of the Winds: An Archaeological History of the Pacific Islands before European Contact, Unearthing the Polynesian Past. Explorations and Adventures of an Island Archaeologist, by Patrick Vinton Kirch
No Footprints in the Sand: A Memoir of Kalaupapa, by Henry Nalaielua, Sally-Jo Keala-O-Anuenue Bowman
Big Happiness: The Life and Death of a Modern Hawaiian Warrior, by Mark Panek
Waking Up in Eden: In Pursuit of an Impassioned Life on an Imperiled Island,
by Lucinda Fleeson
My Time in Hawaii: A Polynesian Memoir by Victoria Nelson
Hawaiian Mythology, by Martha Warren Beckwith
Ancient Hawai’I, by Herb Kawainui Kane
The Kumulipo: A Hawaiian Creation Chant, by Keaulumoku
The Burning Island: Myth and History of the Hawaiian Volcano Country, by Pamela Frierson
Kika Kila: How the Hawaiian Steel Guitar Changed the Sound of Modern Music, by John W. Troutman
The Haumana Hula Handbook: A Manual for the Student of Hawaiian Dance,
by Mahealani Uchiyama
Hawaiian Surfing: Traditions from the Past, by John R.K. Clark
Waves of Resistance: Surfing and History in Twentieth-Century Hawai’I,
by Isaiah Helekunihi Walker
Barbarian Days: A Surfing Life, by William Finnegan
Archipelago: Portraits of Life in the World’s Most Remote Island Sanctuary,
by David Liittschwager, Susan Middleton
Sam Choy’s Island Flavors, Sam Choy Woks the Wok : Stir Fry Cooking at Its Island Best, The Choy of Seafood: Sam Choy’s Pacific Harvest, Sam Choy’s Polynesian Kitchen: More Than 150 Authentic Dishes from One of the World’s Most Delicious and Overlooked Cuisines, by Sam Choy
Written By Outsiders Looking In, as was said of Timothy Leary by The Moody Blues:
Hotel Honolulu, by Paul Theroux
The Curse of Lono, by Hunter S. Thompson, Steve Crist (Editor), Ralph Steadman (Illustrator)
Travelers’ Tales Hawai‘I, By Rick & Marcie Carroll
Six Months in the Sandwich Islands: Among Hawaii’s Palm Groves, Coral Reefs and Volcanoes, by Isabella Lucy Bird
Literature
Shark Dialogues, House of Many Gods, Kiana Davenport
Night Is a Sharkskin Drum, by Haunani-Kay Trask
This is Paradise: stories, Kristiana Kahakauwila
The Heart of Being Hawaiian, by Sally-Jo Keala-O-Anuenue Bowman
Saturday Night at the Pahala Theatre, by Lois-Ann Yamanaka
Shadow Child, by Rahna Reiko Rizzuto
The Tattoo, by Chris McKinney
School for Hawaiian Girls, by Georgia Ka’Apuni McMillen
The Descendants, by Kaui Hart Hemmings
Sharks in the Time of Saviors, by Kawai Strong Washburn
Diamond Head, by Cecily Wong
Language of the Geckos and Other Stories, A Ricepaper Airplane, by Gary Pak
Hawaii Nei: Island Plays, by Victoria Nalani Kneubuhl
Molokai, Kaaawa: A Novel about Hawaii in the 1850s, by O.A. Bushnell
A Little Too Much Is Enough, Makai, by Kathleen Tyau
Jan Ken Po, by Dennis M. Ogawa
The Folding Cliffs: A Narrative, by W.S. Merwin
Moloka’I, Daughter of Moloka’I, Honolulu, by Alan Brennert
Aloha Las Vegas: And Other Plays, by Edward Sakamoto
Picture Bride, The Land Of Bliss, Cloud Moving Hands, by Cathy Song
On the Street of Divine Love: New and Selected Poems, All-Night Lingo Tango, Babel, Holoholo: Poems, Delirium: Poems, The Alphabet of Desire, Lester Higata’s 20th Century, by Barbara Hamby
Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance, We Can Be Better: The Influential Speeches of Barack Obama, The Promiser: Barack Obama’s Fireside Chats, A Promised Land, The Audacity of Hope: Thoughts on Reclaiming the American Dream, by Barack Obama
The Bridge: The Life and Rise of Barack Obama, by David Remnick
Woman Warrior, China Men, Maxine Hong Kingston
Maxine Hong Kingston’s Broken Book of Life: An Intertextual Study of the Woman Warrior and China Men, by Maureen Sabine
The Art of Parody: Maxine Hong Kingston’s Use of Chinese Sources,
by Yan Gao
Writing Tricksters: Mythic Gambols in American Ethnic Fiction,
by Jeanne Rosier Smith
Finding Meaning: Kaona and Contemporary Hawaiian Literature, by Brandy Nālani McDougall
The Power of the Steel-tipped Pen: Reconstructing Native Hawaiian Intellectual History, by Noenoe K. Silva
We celebrate today the liberation of Mexico from the Austrian Empire, a glorious victory of anticolonialism which continues to inspire a nation today. Where then are the Mexicans in American History?
How did Texas and much of America become a quasi white ethnostate whose wealth and power are created by the de facto slave labor of Mexican and other noncitizen workers, workers who must remain illegal and hence exploitable and invisible in service to white elites resulting in our humanitarian crisis at the border? For if all the huddled masses yearning to be free were welcomed as fellow citizens and builders of the nation, not just the white ones, we would have to pay them a fair and equal wage and the wealth, power, and privilege of hegemonic elites would crumble into nothingness.
This is the real reason for the demonization of migrants by the Republican Party; they must have a vast pool of illegal and nearly free labor with almost no rules about what can be done to workers, and so wage a class war to enforce their capture of our society.
For what purpose have we a border? We have drawn a line in the sand to exploit disparity and create illegal migrant labor; an invisible resource of those with no legal existence to whom we can do anything without reprisal, and whose cheap labor fuels vast industries of agriculture, hospitality, caretaking, and manufacture.
Migrant labor is slave labor.
And these imposed conditions of struggle emerge from the history of slavery and the role of Texas as a Confederate bastion, as migrant labor replaces slave labor.
The historical legacy of slavery links racism against Black Americans and Mexican-Americans emanating from Texas, the heart of darkness.
Founded by theft from Mexico and the lawless banditry of slave owners who refused to emancipate their slaves, Texas remained a rogue state in fact long after joining the United States, a persistent delusion of its mad quasi-emperor Sam Houston and the displaced Confederates who recolonized and tried to use it as a base from which to seize Mexico after the Civil War.
Texas was not always a den of racism and violence; founded in 1579 as a colony of exiled Jews by Spain, the grandees who settled and ruled it dreamed of a new Sepharad wherein peoples of all races and faiths may live under the same law, arguably a nearer model of freedom and equality than ancient Greece and Rome for the new nations of Protestant Europe and a historical influence on American democracy.
This first ideal of Texas as an inclusive and egalitarian society ended in 1595 when Louis de Carvajal, the founder and Governor of the Kingdom of New Leon- current Mexico and Texas- was arrested as a practicing Jew and died in prison; his sister Francesca and her four children Isabel, Catalina, Leonor, and Luis were tortured and burned at the stake as Jews by the Inquisition in 1596, her last child Mariana joining them at the stake in 1601. Of de Carvajal’s legacy, only the city he founded, Monterrey, remains.
Whether this idea of Texas as a multiracial and multifaith refuge was realized before being infiltrated and seized by the tyrannies of the Spanish Empire and its Inquisition is beside the point; there is an alternate story and Golden Age to reclaim, the dream of Texas as a glorious Andalus.
This year I have been given a measure of hope for our future and joy in this moment of great darkness, amorality, hate, and cruelty as embodied in our captured state of Vichy America and the fascist Trump regime; the birth a few days ago of a nephew, Nicolas Santiago Sweeney, to my partner Dolly, to the son of her sister Lisa, Nicolas Sweeney, and his wife Melissa Iliana Rocha Sweeney.
Let us make a better future than we have the past, and redeem the hope of our ideals.
As I wrote in my post of March 16 2020, Walls of Hate, Tyranny, and Empire: America’s Global Borders; As we are inundated with the global awakening to fear of the coronavirus pandemic, it becomes clear that this is a natural triggering stressor which parallels a manufactured one, that of borders and refugee crises, in its behaviors and effects in our social and political environment as leverage for nationalist and fascist tyrannies of force and control in the subversion of democracy and the transformation of our world into a vast prison.
Overwhelming and generalized fear is a necessary precondition of authoritarian regimes, and of violence and the use of social force generally, which together with submission to authority may be regarded as a First Cause of the disease of power in the sense that Thomas Aquinas argued causality and being, though in the absolute sense which he used all causes are recursive and enfold each other; ”If there is no First Cause, then the universe is like a great chain with many links; each link is held up by the link above it, but the whole chain is held up by nothing.”
Authority and fear also alienate us from ourselves, dehumanize and commodify us as does capitalism as its outer form; for this is about the theft of our identity and power by those who would enslave us.
The first consequence of the emergence of authority and the disempowerment of its subjects is the modern pathology of disconnectedness; and this is the link which binds authority and tyranny together, and its weak point. Here is where resistance and revolution must act to shatter the knot of interdependent and mutually reinforcing systems which rob us of our humanity and our freedom.
We must build bridges not walls, togetherness not isolation, unity not division, and forge a borderless world and a free society of equals.
Todd Miller describes America’s empire of borders in a Jacobin interview; “Since coming into office, the Trump administration has launched unrelenting racist attacks on immigrants and refugees. He seems determined to build his wall by any means necessary and has unleashed Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) to conduct raids, arrest people, throw them in concentration camps, and deport them.”
“ But, contrary to widespread liberal illusions, Trump did not start this war on migrants, but only intensified it.
In fact, as Todd Miller demonstrates in his new book, Empire of Borders, politicians in both major parties have collaborated over the last few decades to construct a massive border regime that polices migrants not only in the United States but throughout the world. In this interview with Jacobin contributor Ashley Smith, Miller discusses the origins and features of this new imperial strategy — and the international resistance against it.
AS
One of the points you make throughout your book is that this border regime did not begin with Trump but has been a feature of the United States from its founding. How has the US state internationalized its border regime over the last few decades, and how does it operate today?
TM
The US state established its borders through colonization, dispossession, genocide, slavery, and exploitation. This is especially true of its border with Mexico in the nineteenth century.
That violent process of conquest is too often legitimized by mainstream historians when they use innocuous-sounding phrases like “westward expansion,” dress up imperial bullying like the Gadsden Purchase as “agreements,” and craft self-congratulatory accounts of the Mexican-American War.
But there is no way to make the white supremacy of “manifest destiny” palatable. The United States seized land, planted its flag, and killed anyone that resisted, especially indigenous peoples, all in the name of God and European civilization.
It expanded its border regime through its imperial seizure of Puerto Rico, Cuba, Guam, and the Philippines in the 1898 Spanish-American War. By the early twentieth century, the United States had established its territorial border, set up semicolonies, and policed seemingly independent states in its hemisphere with “gunboat diplomacy.”
Even knowing this history, it took me a while to understand that the US border extended well beyond its mainland. I think the first time I grasped this was while covering the migration out of Haiti after the devastating earthquake in 2010. I quickly realized that this was not a migration story but a border story.
Shortly after the earthquake, as hundreds of thousands of people were still in the rubble of their homes, a US jumbo jet flew overhead blasting out an announcement from the Haitian ambassador. He warned in Creole, “If you think you will reach the United States and all the doors will be wide open to you, that’s not at all the case. They will intercept you right in the water and send you back home where you came from.”
Soon after, sixteen Coast Guard cutters came right up to the Haitian shore to stop the flight of any refugees. Then Washington contracted the private prison company GEO Group for “guard services” (presumably in a tent city in Guantánamo Bay) to in effect jail the victims.
At once I saw that the US border was: 1) geographically removed from where I normally had thought it was; 2) elastic and able to extend at will very far from the US mainland; and 3) not passive, but aggressive. In a nutshell, the border was much bigger — much, much bigger — than I ever thought it was.
For example, in 2012, when I was on an investigative trip to Puerto Rico, I learned that the tiny Mona Island — a mere thirty miles from the Dominican shore — was also literally part of the US border.
So when a sinking boat carrying Haitians to another destination crashed onto the shores of that small island, they were absorbed by the US border: detained, arrested, incarcerated, and eventually deported by the US Department of Homeland Security back to Haiti.
This is just one instance. Another is the Dominican Border Patrol, which the United States trained and equipped after its creation in 2007. And a third is Guatemala’s new Chorti border patrol, which the US Embassy, one commander told me, helped create to police its Honduran borderlands.
This wasn’t limited just to the Western Hemisphere. On other trips I found out that US funds created a Kenyan border patrol and a massive surveillance system on the Jordanian-Syrian border. And this is just scratching the surface.
To understand this, I think it’s important to go back to the 9/11 Commission Report’s paradigm-changing statement: “The American Homeland is the planet.” Since 2003, CBP has created twenty-three embassy attaches from Nairobi to Tokyo to Berlin to Brasilia and is at work in nearly one hundred countries through various border programs — creating, essentially, an empire of borders.
While the United States has always had such international border operations, it dramatically expanded them after 9/11. When I asked one CBP official at its Washington headquarters to describe with one word how much they’ve grown since then, he answered: “exponentially.”
AS
So that’s how the United States controls the global flow of people. How do its policies cause migration to begin with?
TM
Washington’s climate, economic, and military policies bear an enormous responsibility for creating the conditions that drive people from their countries. The United States has long been history’s top emitter of greenhouse gases (since 1900 it has emitted nearly seven hundred times more than Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador combined), driving up temperatures, causing desertification, raising sea levels, exacerbating preexisting situations (often of intense poverty, especially in rural areas), effectively making it a force behind displacement.
While borders have been hardened to deter, arrest, incarcerate, expel, and ultimately sort and classify the world’s most vulnerable people, destructive forces that cause migration can go where they please. One example of this is the “open border” policy in place for the US military.
With its forces deployed in over eight hundred bases around the world, Washington has conducted countless military interventions and coups, leading people to flee to other countries for safety. For example, in 1954 the United States intervened in Guatemala to overthrow the democratically elected government of Jacobo Arbenz, resulting in a thirty-six-year armed conflict and brutal military repression.
Another example is Washington-driven neoliberal economics. It has forced indebted countries to privatize state-owned companies, slash their welfare states, and open up their economies to US multinationals. While that made money for local and international capitalists, it wrecked the lives of small farmers and workers, many of whom left their countries for the United States and other advanced capitalist countries to find work as criminalized cheap labor.
And if countries didn’t agree to neoliberalism, the United States often forced it upon them at gunpoint. If you look in Central America, Mexico, all around the world, this convergence of military and neoliberal policies has both done considerable damage and caused massive displacement of people.
As the New York Times’s Thomas Friedman wrote so presciently and unselfconsciously in 1999, for the “hidden hand of the market” to work you need the “hidden fist” of the military to back it up and enforce it. And part of that hidden fist is the border regime that polices the migrants and refugees at its borders.
AS
This border regime, as you argue in your book, has generated a booming new industry in border security. What does this look like, and how does it intensify the attack on migrants in the United States and throughout the world?
TM
The US empire of borders has spawned a whole new dimension of carceral capitalism. It’s raking in enormous profits off the proliferation of walls, surveillance technology, checkpoints, and detention facilities.
When I was traveling in Israel and Palestine in 2017 with an international group, a man from South Africa told me that what we were seeing was worse than apartheid era in his country. He made the point that in South Africa, while it was bad from 1948 to the early 1990s, there weren’t all the checkpoints, walls, armed agents and soldiers, and technologies that we were seeing in the occupied territories.
During that trip we went to one of the biggest weapons and technology conferences in Israel. In the Tel Aviv convention center, Israeli companies pitched “proven” technologies, which they boasted had been tested on Palestinians under occupation, to governments from all over the world to police their own borders and oppressed populations.
At another homeland security expo in Tel Aviv I saw the demonstration of the Orbiter III, which they called the “suicide drone.” The weapons dealer said that it could conduct surveillance on a target, and then, if they so decided, dive-bomb it and utterly destroy it.
Even though Israel is the “homeland security/surveillance capital” of the world, as scholar Neve Gordon put it, the industry has metastasized throughout the world. I have been to similar border regime bazaars in San Antonio, in Paris, and in Mexico City.
This whole industry has boomed as states across the globe have built more than seventy border walls (up from fifteen in 1989 after the fall of the Berlin Wall), spent billions on surveillance technologies, and hired hundreds of thousands of armed agents to guard the jagged frontier of the Global North and Global South. Corporations are profiting off border policing, adding crass capitalist interest to crude state repression.
AS
What are the domestic impacts of the border regime in the United States? How has it created a new caste division in the working class, deepened racial divisions, and built a state more prepared to repress its population?
TM
Border regimes, by their very nature, are systems of exclusion. They are enforced not only by guards but bureaucracies that oversee elaborate rules intended to make noncitizens work hard for their papers as if they were gaining membership to an exclusive club.
In this sense, the border is much more than the international boundary line. In the United States, the border zone, or jurisdiction, extends a hundred miles inland along the 2,000-mile Mexican border, 4,000-mile Canadian border, and both coasts. That’s a good swath of country where Homeland Security forces operates in what the American Civil Liberties Union has called a “constitution-free zone.”
Over 200 million people, approximately two-thirds of the US population, live in this zone, where the Border Patrol can set up checkpoints, do roving patrols, work with local and state police, and racially profile and target people for arrest, detention, and deportation. Over the last twenty-five years,
the number of agents has ballooned from 4,000 to 21,000, and annual budgets have gone up from $1.5 billion in 1994 to $23 billion in 2018. Detention centers now exceed 250 and can be found throughout the country.
This massive apparatus is only growing larger and becoming more invasive. For example, the Department of Homeland Security has been testing new small- and medium-sized drones with the ability to “fly unnoticed by human hearing and sight” along a “predetermined route observing and reporting unusual activity and identifying faces and vehicles involved in that activity comparing them to profile pictures and license plate data.”
All of this amounts to a gargantuan, and profitable, exclusion apparatus, effectively creating a modern caste system that extends throughout the country and indeed the globe.
AS
Amid the struggle to close down Trump’s concentration camps, activists are again debating what we should demand. Why should we call for an end to the border regime and open borders?
TM
I was just listening to a podcast featuring Vox founder Ezra Klein, who said that he would be open to an argument for open borders if it were shown that it would not destabilize the country. Of course, Klein isn’t the only one with that view, it’s a mainstream one in many ways.
However, what I think is the exact opposite. Hardened borders exist and are proliferating to police a world precisely because the global situation is already precarious and unstable. As I mentioned before, Washington’s climate, economic, and military policies (and to take it further, those of border-building Western regimes such as the European Union and Australia) have wrecked whole sections of the world.
When the United States responds to these people by militarizing the border, it only exacerbates the instability. It doesn’t solve the causes of migration but locks them in place; creates chaos at the border, especially for migrants; stimulates corporate investment in the border regime; compromises our civil rights and liberties; and encourages demagogues like Trump to whip up xenophobia and racism.
I think of the Palestinian artist Khaled Jarrar who, after removing a piece of the US-Mexico border wall near San Diego, said “I will not accept that this wall is in my face.” The whole purpose of Jarrar’s art is not only to dismantle a border apparatus, but also to transform into something more utilitarian.
For example, he pounded a sledgehammer into the concrete wall that separated west from east Jerusalem, took out chunks of cement, and turned them into sculptures of soccer balls and cleats to give back to the kids whose soccer fields the wall had taken away. I often think of Jarrar’s question: why do we accept that these borders are in our face?
It is akin to accepting a global caste system, a system of segregation long rejected by civil rights movements and internationally condemned by anti-apartheid movements. The one silver lining in the age of Trump is that his racist attacks on refugees and migrants has produced a new movement to challenge and dismantle the global border regime.’
In the words of Lenin which founded a political party and a Revolution; “What is to be done?”
As I wrote in my post of December 18 2023, International Migrants Day: “There Is No Migration Crisis; There Is a Crisis of Solidarity”; We celebrate today the human will to become, to explore, to discover new worlds and create new possibilities of becoming human, in the iconic figure of the migrant as the epitome and driving force of civilization.
Often the migrant also enacts the archetype and allegory of the Stranger as well, with all of the ambiguities, dangers, and opportunities for the reimagination and transformation of human being, meaning, and value implicit in the themes of this primary universal psychodrama.
A few days ago Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, quoted the book he kept on his nightstand for years in place of a Bible, Mein Kampf, to cheering crowds during an election rally in reference to migrants; “They’re poisoning our blood.”
No matter where you begin with ideas of otherness as a threat to identity, the origin of all fascism, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.
Let us give to fascism the only reply it merits; Never Again!
The wave of fascism sweeping the world these past few years originates in a primal fear of otherness as loss of the self; this is weaponized in service to power by those who would enslave us, becomes divisions and hierarchies of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, racism, patriarchy, nationalism, and all of this coheres into authorized identities and identity politics.
The other is always our own mirror image, and we cannot escape each other. This is why fascism and tyranny are inherently unstable and always collapse in depravity and ruin; when we project what we dislike about ourselves onto others, as objects to abuse as if exorcising our demons, we dehumanize ourselves as well as them. And such denial fails as a strategy of transformation and adaptation to change, aggrandizing ossified institutions and systems until they become threats rather than solutions, and the whole edifice collapses from the mechanical failures of its contradictions as is happening now in America and throughout human civilization.
This is why the embrace of our own darkness and monstrosity is crucial to liberation struggle; how else can we bring change to systems of oppression if we cannot confront it in ourselves? Especially we must hold close and interrogate feelings like disgust, revulsion, rage, and other atavisms of instinct which we drag behind ourselves like an invisible reptilian tail with the recognition that nothing we feel is either good or evil, but only how we use them in our actions.
In the end, all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.
Against this Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force we must set a counterfire of solidarity and love, for only this can set us free. We must speak directly to that fear of otherness as loss of identity and of power if we are to turn the tide of history toward a free society of equals and not fascist tyrannies of blood, faith, and soil, toward democracy and a diverse and inclusive United Humankind and not carceral states of force and control, toward love and not hate.
We are stronger together than alone, as Benjamin Franklin demonstrated with his bundle of arrows in reference to Ecclesiastes 4:12 and the Iroquois Great Peacemaker called in some contexts Deganawidah. A diverse and inclusive society makes us more powerful if in different ways, wealthier, more resilient and adaptive, offers unknown joys and opens new vistas and possibilities of becoming human.
Change need not mean fear and loss; for it also offers limitless new wonders. We must be agents of change and bringers of Chaos, if we are to become a fulcrum and change the balance of power in the world.
The idea of human rights has been abandoned by its former guarantor nations, with whole peoples in Gaza and Ukraine being erased in wars of ethnic cleansing as exhibits of atrocities and crimes against humanity, and because of this and many other systems failures civilization is collapsing; ephemeral and illusory things like wealth and power are meaningless in the shadow of our degradation and the terror of our nothingness in the face of death.
A reader’s comment on my post of December 8, The Fall of America as a Guarantor of Democracy and Human Rights, contained the phrase “more hopeful of the good in most people”.
Here follows my reply; I too believed in things like human goodness once, but after forty years of wars, revolutions, resistance, and liberation struggle throughout the world I cannot. What I trust and hope for, if not believe in, is solidarity of action in struggle against systems of oppression and elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege. Such is my faith; the equality of human needs and the necessity of our unity in seizures of power to create a free society of equals.
As written by Jean Genet, who swore me to the oath of the Resistance and set me on my life’s path during the Siege of Beirut in 1982; “If we behave like those on the other side, then we are the other side. Instead of changing the world, all we’ll achieve is a reflection of the one we want to destroy.”
How shall we welcome the Stranger?
Living Undocumented series trailer/Netflix
From Executive Producer Selena Gomez
John Oliver on Trump deportations: ‘usually blatantly racist and always cruel’:
The Last Week Tonight host decries Trump’s fearmongering on immigration and disregard for the rule of law
America as a beacon of hope to the world, as written by Emma Lazarus;
“Not like the brazen giant of Greek fame,
With conquering limbs astride from land to land;
Here at our sea-washed, sunset gates shall stand
A mighty woman with a torch, whose flame
Is the imprisoned lightning, and her name
Mother of Exiles. From her beacon-hand
Glows world-wide welcome; her mild eyes command
The air-bridged harbor that twin cities frame.
“Keep, ancient lands, your storied pomp!” cries she
With silent lips. “Give me your tired, your poor,
Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,
The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.
Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me,
I lift my lamp beside the golden door!”
Jay’s Revised Modern Canon
Modern American Literature 2025 Edition
Hispanic-American History
Century of the Wind, Eduardo Galeano
Crucible of Struggle: A History of Mexican Americans from the Colonial Period to the Present Era, Zaragosa Vargas
El Norte: The Epic and Forgotten Story of Hispanic North America, Carrie Gibson
The Crusades of Cesar Chavez: A Biography, Miriam Pawel
The Latin Tinge: The Impact of Latin American Music on the United States, John Storm Roberts
My Art, My Life: An Autobiography, Diego Rivera
The Diary of Frida Kahlo: An Intimate Self-Portrait, Carlos Fuentes intro
Across the Wire: Life and Hard Times on the Mexican Border, The Devil’s Highway: A True Story, Luis Alberto Urrea
The Transnational Fantasies of Guillermo del Toro, Dolores Tierney, Deborah Shaw, & Ann Davies, Editors
Hispanic-American Literature
Bless Me Ultima, Rudolfo Anaya
The House of the Spirits, Of Love and Shadows, The Sum of Our Days, Eva Luna, The Stories of Eva Luna, The Infinite Plan, Daughter of Fortune, Zorro, Island Beneath the Sea, Ines of My Soul, Maya’s Notebook, The Japanese Lover, The Sum of Our Days, Conversations With Isabel Allende, A Long Petal of the Sea, Isabele Allende
Isabel Allende: A Literary Companion, Mary Ellen Snodgrass
Latin Moon in Manhattan, Our Lives Are the Rivers: A Novel,
How the Garcia Girls Lost Their Accents, Yo!, In the Time of the Butterflies, In the Name of Salome, The Woman I Kept to Myself, Once Upon a Quinceanera: Coming of Age in the USA, Something to Declare, Julia Alvarez
Julia Alvarez: A Critical Companion, Silvio Sirias
The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao, Junot Díaz
The Moths and other stories, Under the Feet of Jesus, Their Dogs Came with Them, Helena ViramontesT
Hummingbird’s Daughter, Queen of America, Into the Beautiful North, The Water Museum, The House of Broken Angels, Tijuana Book of the Dead, Luis Alberto Urrea
So Far From God, Peel My Love Like an Onion, The Guardians, Massacre of the Dreamers: Essays on Xicanisma, Watercolor Women / Opaque Men: A Novel in Verse, Black Dove: Mamá, Mi’jo, and Me, I Ask the Impossible, Ana Castillo
The Mambo Kings Play Songs of Love, The Fourteen Sisters of Emilio Montez O’Brien, Oscar Hijuelos
The House on Mango Street, Woman Hollaring Creek and other stories, Caramelo, My Wicked Wicked Ways: Poems, A House of My Own: Stories from My Life, Sandra Cisneros
Sandra Cisneros’s The House on Mango Street, Harold Bloom
House of the Impossible Beauties, Joseph Cassara
Dreaming in Cuban, The Lady Matador’s Hotel, King of Cuba, Christina Garcia
Spanish
5 de mayo de 2025 Cinco de Mayo: sobre esta celebración de la liberación anticolonial, cuestionando la eliminación de los mexicanos de la historia estadounidense y amplificando la solidaridad histórica de los pueblos negros y mexicanos en la historia reescrita de Texas
Celebramos hoy la liberación de México del Imperio Austriaco, una gloriosa victoria del anticolonialismo que continúa inspirando a una nación hoy. ¿Dónde están entonces los mexicanos en la historia estadounidense?
¿Cómo se convirtió Texas en un etnoestado cuasi blanco cuya riqueza y poder son creados por el trabajo esclavo de facto de los trabajadores mexicanos, trabajadores que deben seguir siendo ilegales y, por lo tanto, explotables e invisibles al servicio de las élites blancas, lo que resultó en nuestra crisis humanitaria en la frontera? Porque si todas las masas apiñadas que anhelan ser libres fueran bienvenidas como conciudadanos y constructores de la nación, no sólo las blancas, tendríamos que pagarles un salario justo e igualitario y la riqueza, el poder y los privilegios de las elites hegemónicas se verían afectados. desmoronarse en la nada.
Ésta es la verdadera razón de la demonización de los inmigrantes por parte del Partido Republicano; deben tener una vasta reserva de mano de obra casi libre y casi sin reglas sobre lo que se les puede hacer a los trabajadores, y así librar una guerra de clases para imponer su captura de nuestra sociedad.
¿Para qué tenemos una frontera? Hemos trazado una línea en la arena para explotar la disparidad y crear mano de obra migrante ilegal; un recurso invisible de aquellos sin existencia legal a quienes podemos hacer cualquier cosa sin represalias, y cuya mano de obra barata alimenta vastas industrias de agricultura, hotelería, cuidado y manufactura.
El trabajo migrante es trabajo esclavo.
Y estas condiciones de lucha impuestas surgen de la historia de la esclavitud y del papel de Texas como bastión confederado, a medida que la mano de obra migrante reemplaza al trabajo esclavo.
El legado histórico de la esclavitud vincula el racismo contra los afroamericanos y los mexicano-estadounidenses que emana de Texas, el corazón de las tinieblas.
Fundado por el robo a México y el bandidaje ilegal de los dueños de esclavos que se negaron a emancipar a sus esclavos, Texas siguió siendo un estado rebelde mucho después de unirse a los Estados Unidos, una ilusión persistente de su loco cuasi-emperador Sam Houston y los confederados desplazados que recolonizaron y trató de utilizarlo como base desde la cual apoderarse de México después de la Guerra Civil.
Texas no siempre fue una guarida de racismo y violencia; Fundada en 1579 como una colonia de judíos exiliados por España, los grandes que la establecieron y gobernaron soñaron con una nueva Sefarad en la que pueblos de todas las razas y religiones pudieran vivir bajo la misma ley, posiblemente un modelo de libertad e igualdad más cercano que la antigua Grecia y Roma para las nuevas naciones de la Europa protestante y una influencia histórica en la democracia estadounidense.
Este primer ideal de Texas como sociedad inclusiva e igualitaria terminó en 1595 cuando Luis de Carvajal, fundador y Gobernador del Reino de Nuevo León -actuales México y Texas- fue arrestado como judío practicante y murió en prisión; su hermana Francesca y sus cuatro hijos Isabel, Catalina, Leonor y Luis fueron torturados y quemados en la hoguera como judíos por la Inquisición en 1596; su última hija, Mariana, se unió a ellos en la hoguera en 1601. Del legado de De Carvajal, sólo la ciudad fundó, Monterrey, permanece.
No viene al caso si esta idea de Texas como un refugio multirracial y multirreligioso se hizo realidad antes de ser infiltrada y tomada por las tiranías del Imperio español y su Inquisición; hay una historia alternativa y una Edad de Oro que recuperar, el sueño de Texas como un Andalus glorioso.
Hagamos un futuro mejor que el pasado y redimamos la esperanza de nuestros ideales.
Como escribí en mi publicación del 16 de marzo de 2020, Muros de odio, tiranía e imperio: las fronteras globales de Estados Unidos; A medida que nos vemos inundados por el despertar global al miedo a la pandemia de coronavirus, queda claro que se trata de un factor estresante desencadenante natural que es paralelo a uno fabricado, el de las fronteras y las crisis de refugiados, en sus comportamientos y efectos en nuestro entorno social y político. palanca para las tiranías nacionalistas y fascistas de fuerza y control en la subversión de la democracia y la transformación de nuestro mundo en una gran prisión.
El miedo abrumador y generalizado es una precondición necesaria de los regímenes autoritarios, y de la violencia y el uso de la fuerza social en general, que junto con la sumisión a la autoridad puede considerarse como una primera causa de la enfermedad del poder en el sentido en que Tomás de Aquino argumentó la causalidad y siendo, aunque en el sentido absoluto en que él usó, todas las causas son recursivas y se envuelven unas a otras; “Si no existe la Causa Primera, entonces el universo es como una gran cadena con muchos eslabones; cada eslabón está sostenido por el eslabón que está encima de él, pero toda la cadena no está sostenida por nada”.
La autoridad y el miedo también nos alienan de nosotros mismos, nos deshumanizan y mercantilizan, al igual que el capitalismo como su forma exterior; porque se trata del robo de nuestra identidad y poder por parte de aquellos que nos esclavizarían.
La primera consecuencia de El surgimiento de la autoridad y la pérdida de poder de sus súbditos es la patología moderna de la desconexión; y éste es el vínculo que une la autoridad y la tiranía, y su punto débil. Aquí es donde la resistencia y la revolución deben actuar para romper el nudo de sistemas interdependientes y que se refuerzan mutuamente y que nos roban nuestra humanidad y nuestra libertad.
Debemos construir puentes, no muros, unión y no aislamiento, unidad y no división, y forjar un mundo sin fronteras y una sociedad libre de iguales.
En palabras de Lenin que fundó un partido político y una Revolución; “¿Lo que se debe hacer?”
Como escribí en mi publicación del 18 de diciembre de 2023, Día Internacional del Migrante: “No hay crisis migratoria; Hay una crisis de solidaridad”;
Celebramos hoy la voluntad humana de llegar a ser, de explorar, de descubrir nuevos mundos y de crear nuevas posibilidades de llegar a ser humanos, en la figura icónica del migrante como epítome y fuerza impulsora de la civilización.
A menudo, el migrante también representa el arquetipo y la alegoría del Extraño, con todas las ambigüedades, peligros y oportunidades para la reimaginación y transformación del ser humano, el significado y el valor implícitos en los temas de este psicodrama universal primario.
Hace unos días, Nuestro Payaso del Terror, el Traidor Trump, citó el libro que mantuvo en su mesita de noche durante años en lugar de una Biblia, Mein Kampf, ante multitudes que lo vitoreaban durante un mitin electoral en referencia a los migrantes; “Están envenenando nuestra sangre”.
No importa dónde se empiece con las ideas de la alteridad como una amenaza a la identidad, el origen de todo fascismo, siempre se termina a las puertas de Auschwitz.
Demos al fascismo la única respuesta que merece; ¡Nunca más!
La ola de fascismo que recorre el mundo estos últimos años se origina en un miedo primario a la alteridad como pérdida del yo; esto es utilizado como arma al servicio del poder por aquellos que nos esclavizarían, se convierte en divisiones y jerarquías de pertenencia a élites y alteridad excluyente, racismo, patriarcado, nacionalismo, y todo esto se cohesiona en identidades autorizadas y políticas de identidad.
El otro es siempre nuestro propio reflejo y no podemos escapar el uno del otro. Por eso el fascismo y la tiranía son inherentemente inestables y siempre colapsan en la depravación y la ruina; cuando proyectamos lo que no nos gusta de nosotros mismos sobre los demás, como objetos de los que abusar, como si exorcizaramos nuestros demonios, nos deshumanizamos a nosotros mismos y a ellos. Y esa negación fracasa como estrategia de transformación y adaptación al cambio, engrandeciendo instituciones y sistemas osificados hasta convertirlos en amenazas en lugar de soluciones, y todo el edificio se derrumba debido a las fallas mecánicas de sus contradicciones, como está sucediendo ahora en Estados Unidos y en toda la civilización humana.
Por eso la aceptación de nuestra propia oscuridad y monstruosidad es crucial para la lucha por la liberación; ¿De qué otra manera podemos lograr cambios en los sistemas de opresión si no podemos enfrentarlos en nosotros mismos? Especialmente debemos mantenernos cerca e interrogar sentimientos como el disgusto, la repulsión, la ira y otros atavismos del instinto que arrastramos detrás de nosotros como una cola invisible de reptil con el reconocimiento de que nada de lo que sentimos es bueno o malo, sino sólo cómo los usamos en nuestras acciones.
Al final, lo único que importa es qué hacemos con nuestro miedo y cómo usamos nuestro poder.
Contra este Anillo Wagneriano de miedo, poder y fuerza debemos lanzar un contrafuego de solidaridad y amor, porque sólo esto puede hacernos libres. Debemos hablar directamente de ese miedo a la alteridad como pérdida de identidad y de poder si queremos cambiar el rumbo de la historia hacia una sociedad libre de iguales y no tiranías fascistas de sangre, fe y suelo, hacia la democracia y una sociedad diversa e inclusiva. Humanidad unida y no estados carcelarios de fuerza y control, hacia el amor y no el odio.
Somos más fuertes juntos que solos, como demostró Benjamín Franklin con su haz de flechas en referencia a Eclesiastés 4:12 y el Gran Pacificador iroqués llamó en algunos contextos Deganawidah. Una sociedad diversa e inclusiva nos hace más poderosos aunque de diferentes maneras, más ricos, más resilientes y adaptables, ofrece alegrías desconocidas y abre nuevas perspectivas y posibilidades de convertirnos en humanos.
El cambio no tiene por qué significar miedo y pérdida; porque también ofrece nuevas maravillas ilimitadas. Debemos ser agentes de cambio y portadores del Caos, si queremos convertirnos en un punto de apoyo y cambiar el equilibrio de poder en el mundo.
La idea de los derechos humanos ha sido abandonada por sus antiguas naciones garantes, y pueblos enteros en Gaza y Ucrania han sido borrados en guerras de limpieza étnica como muestras de atrocidades y crímenes contra la humanidad, y debido a este y muchos otros fallos de los sistemas, la civilización está colapsando; cosas efímeras e ilusorias como la riqueza y el poder no tienen sentido a la sombra de nuestra degradación y el terror de nuestra nada frente a la muerte.
El comentario de un lector en mi publicación del 8 de diciembre, La caída de Estados Unidos como garante de la democracia y los derechos humanos, contenía la frase “más esperanzados en el bien de la mayoría de las personas”.
Aquí sigue mi respuesta; Yo también creí alguna vez en cosas como la bondad humana, pero después de cuarenta años de guerras, revoluciones, resistencia y lucha de liberación en todo el mundo, no puedo. En lo que confío y espero, si no en lo que creo, es en la solidaridad de acción en la lucha contra los sistemas de opresión y las hegemonías de riqueza, poder y privilegios de las élites. Así es mi fe; la igualdad de las necesidades humanas y la necesidad de nuestra unidad en las tomas de poder para crear un Libertad sociedad de iguales.
Según lo escrito por Jean Genet, quien me hizo prestar el juramento de la Resistencia y me encaminó en el camino de mi vida durante el asedio de Beirut en 1982; “Si nos comportamos como los del otro lado, entonces somos el otro lado. En lugar de cambiar el mundo, lo único que lograremos será un reflejo del que queremos destruir”.
¿Cómo acogeremos al extranjero?
Estados Unidos como un faro de esperanza para el mundo, según lo escrito por Emma Lazarus;
“No como el gigante descarado de la fama griega,
Con miembros conquistadores a horcajadas de tierra en tierra;
Aquí, en nuestras puertas del atardecer bañadas por el mar, se alzarán
Una mujer poderosa con una antorcha, cuya llama
Es el relámpago aprisionado, y su nombre
Madre de los Exiliados. De su mano-faro
Resplandece la bienvenida mundial; sus ojos dulces mandan
El puerto con puente aéreo que enmarcan las ciudades gemelas.
“¡Conserven, tierras antiguas, su pompa histórica!” ella llora
Con labios silenciosos. “Dame tus cansados, tus pobres,
Tus masas apiñadas anhelan respirar libres,
Los miserables desechos de tu repleta costa.
Envíame a estos, los desamparados, tempestuosos,
¡Levanto mi lámpara junto a la puerta dorada!”
Family album: Nick and Melissa Sweeney
If our future looks like this, maybe we’ll be okay. It’s a possibility that gives us something to fight for.
Melli versus the pinata at the wedding, at the old McKay farm
McKay Family
Rocha Family
I’m reasonably certain, within less than two futures out of every one hundred, than humankind will be extinct in less than a thousand years, after centuries of an Age of Tyrants and wars of imperial conquest and dominion fought with weapons of un imaginable horror and death.
But I could be wrong; there may be possible futures I can not foresee.
If we are to survive, we humans, it must look something like this; love overcoming our differences and the legacies of our history.
Melissa and Nick, thank you for a vision of hope, and may little Nico help create a future we can all share.
Torch of Liberty 