June 21 2025 We Balance the Terror of Our Nothingness With the Joy of Total Freedom, the Flaws of Our Humanity With the Redemptive Power of Love, and the Brokenness of the World With Our Absurd Hope For the Limitless Possibilities of Becoming Human: On Sartre’s Birthday, And A Eulogy

     Death is the ultimate life disruptive event, the mirror image of Chaos as creative force and the adaptive potential of a system. This day I have re-enacted the stages of grief process as I relive an event of 2021, caught in the labyrinth of its story, and as always with such complexes of memory, history, and identity I emerge through its passage with changed perspective.

     Some stories can shatter our lives, but also free us from the legacies of history and the limits of our former selves.

    This is a story which has become interwoven with my annual reading of Sartre’s works in celebration of his birthday, a juxtaposition which I find wholly appropriate, illuminating, and strangely hopeful.

    Are we not the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others? 

     We choose our friends and lovers from among those reflections which embody qualities we wish to assimilate to ourselves or fully integrate into our consciousness and personality; and it is the interface between these two bounded realms, the Ideal and the Real, which I am driven to interrogate today.

     Here is where the art of questioning lives, at the intersection of Socratic method and classical rhetoric, the dialectics of history, and the problematization of our motives, feelings, and processes of ideation through the methods of psychotherapy.

      We speak of the juxtaposition of imaginal and actual realms of being as a form of Dadaist collage as pioneered by Tristan Tzara and instrumentalized as methodology by William S. Burroughs which creates the universe of our experience, of the discontiguous, relative, ambiguous, and ephemeral nature of truth described by Akutagawa in Rashomon Gate and the methods of fiction exemplified by Raymond Queneau  as applied to identity and self construal, and idealizations of masculine and feminine beauty as dyadic forces of the psyche which work themselves out through our relationships with ourselves and with others. These three parallel and interdependent processes shape who we become, and how we instrumentalize others in our self creation.

     We must first own the fact that dealing with our memories of someone is not the same as the lived experience of our history; it is all one sided and has been moved into an interior space of performance, and in which reimagination and transformation is ongoing. The map is not the territory, as Alfred Korzybski teaches us, nor is our idea of a person equal to the actual person themselves.

     What parts of myself do I embody as a figural space into which to grow in the character whom I have thought of as Cleopatra, with all of the ambivalence, power, legacies of cultural history, and liminality such an identification implies, how do I imagine her now, and what kind of story have I cast us in?

     I think of her now in terms of Rachel McAdams’ wily, sophisticated, and transgressive Irene Adler in Sherlock Holmes, as she became throughout the twelve years of our work in liberation struggle for the independence and sovereignty of Palestine, with elements of Millie Bobby Brown’s fearless, brilliant, and utterly without boundaries Enola Holmes as she began, bearing onward the colours of a beloved and presumed martyred family member in the course of investigating his disappearance. I am reasonably certain that this is not how she saw herself.

     For illumination as to how a Palestinian woman might imagine herself, the characters she may choose to play as role models and the stories she may embody as ritual enactments, even a highly unusual one such as she, we may look to the wonderfully rich culture of Palestine’s female film directors and authors; of auteurs Annemarie Jacir, Maysaloun Hamoud, Mai Masri, and Farah Nabulsi, and of novelists Susan Abulhawa, Liana Badr, Ghada Karmi, Sahar Khalifeh, Hala Alyan, and Sahar Mustafah.

     Bearing in mind that all such reading lists are nothing less than a set of authorized identities. As Margaret Atwood so splendidly demonstrates in her works, our intertexts are primary in the construction of our identities, including those of sex and gender, as mimesis and as dialectical processes of history.

     And this is where it never ceases to be fascinating, the study of human being, meaning, and value and the limitless possibilities of becoming human. For in the sphere of our relationships with others, parallel and interdependent with our relationships between the masculine and feminine halves of our psyche, each co-evolves with the other in recursive processes of growth and adaptation to change in the construction of identity.

     I say again; we interpret the actions of others and form relationships on the basis of our self-construal and ideas of ourselves, and we use our relations with real people to shape who we wish to become.

       How does this work out in real life? As a personal example of the discontiguous gaps of meaning in the interfaces between bounded realms of masculine and feminine personae, a free space of creative play, I offer the artifacts of memory of a figure which may or may not align with the martyr I know only by her Code Name: Cleopatra.

      Of the Last Stand in which we met and forged an alliance, betrayed and caught in a trap which we turned against our enemies who had trapped themselves in with us, which I think of as the final battle scene in the film Mr & Mrs Smith, this operatic quest was set in motion by the conflict of dominion between Hamas and al Qaeda in Gaza during August of 2009, during which the forces of light prevailed over those of darkness in the victory of Hamas, with Israel playing each against the other through infiltration agents, spies, deniable assets, and use of a special Recon team masquerading as various Arab factions to commit atrocities against presumed rival Arab groups in a classic policy of divide and conquer, as Israel did in the tragedy of October 7 as a casus belli for the imperial conquest of Palestine and genocide of her people and continues to do in the Gaza War. This space of play was complicated by clan vendettas such as hers, and the usual political and religious fragmentation, crime syndicates, mercenary forces, tribalism, corruption, and the shadow wars of foreign states.

     Our paths crossed several times over the next twelve years, always in memorable circumstances, sometimes as allies and others as rivals, often as both. Which of these is the real and true version of her, or of myself? Such iterations of our images are without number, like the captured and distorted selves in funhouse mirrors aligned to reflect into Infinity.

     Wilderness of Mirrors, a phrase from T.S. Eliot’s Gerontin, is one I use to describe the pathology of falsification of ourselves through propaganda, lies and illusions, rewritten histories, state secrets, alternate realities, authoritarian faith which devours truths. This I contrast with its opposite, journalism and the witness of history as the sacred quest to pursue the truth. Islam itself is a form of this sacred duty, for the faithful are commanded to learn throughout their whole lives, no matter the source or where it leads; the most radical position regarding truth and universal education of any faith I know of, especially when contrasted with the contemporaneous Christian burning of books. We are made counterfeits of ourselves by systems of elite hegemonic power such as patriarchy, and by those who would enslave us, through capture of our stories as theft of the soul.

     James Angleton, evil genius of the C.I.A.’s Counterintelligence Service on whom John Le Carre based his character of George Smiley, infamously used the phrase in this sense as well, and it has become universalized throughout the intelligence community he shaped and influenced during the Second World War and its aftermath the Cold War. Writing in reference to David Martin’s biography of himself entitled Wilderness of Mirrors, Angleton described it as a “myriad of stratagems, deceptions, artifices, and all the other devices of disinformation which the Soviet bloc and its coordinated intelligence services use to confuse and split the West … an ever fluid landscape where fact and illusion merge.” And of course, everything he ascribed to the Soviets was true of himself, his own agency, and America as well, and of all states, for all are embodied violence and houses of illusion.

     The Netflix telenovela Operation Mincemeat uses the phrase, in a story about the creation of a fictitious officer bearing documents designed to trick the Nazis into preparing for the invasion of Europe somewhere other than Sicily, a case of which I had read long ago become a series I watched with rapt attention because each of us is created by our stories exactly like this false identity attached to the body of a derelict. Within each of us, a team of authors, echoes of ancestors encoded as stories in our flesh as well as archetypes and transpersonal figures both mythic and historical like the anima which concerns us here, create our personae through stories, a network of memories, histories, and identity; and they do so for their own purposes, which we do not always control or understand.  

     As T. S. Eliot has written in Gerontin, “After such knowledge, what forgiveness? Think now

History has many cunning passages, contrived corridors

And issues, deceives with whispering ambitions,

Guides us by vanities”

      We are such stuff as dreams are made on, as Shakespeare teaches us in Act IV, Scene 1 of The Tempest, a line spoken by Ariel. For if we are ephemeral and insubstantial beings, constructions of our stories, this also means that the ontological nature of human being is a ground of struggle which can be claimed by seizures of power.

      The first question to ask of a story is, whose story is this?

      Always there remains the struggle between the stories we tell about ourselves and those told about us by others; the masks we make for ourselves and those made for us by others.

      This is the first revolution in which we all must fight, the struggle for ownership of ourselves.

      Who then shall we become? Asks our self of surfaces, images, and masks which each moment negotiates our boundaries with others. 

     To which our secret self, the self of darkness and of passion, the self that lives beyond the mirror and knows no limits, unbound by time and space and infinite in possibilities, replies; Who do you want to become? 

     As I wrote in my post of June 21 2021, The Hope of Humankind: On Becoming Autonomous Zones as Agents of Chaos and Transformative Change;      A friend has written in despair of our significance and hope for the liberation of humankind, of the impactfulness of our lives and our struggles which balance the flaws of our humanity against the monstrous and vast forces of a system of dehumanization, falsification, and commodification; for to be human is to live in a state of existential crisis and struggle for the ownership of ourselves.

     Today is the birthday of Jean Paul Sartre, and so this event finds me reading once again his magnificent reimagination of Jean Genet in Saint Genet: Actor and Martyr; Genet who set me on my life’s path with the Oath of the Resistance in Beirut during the summer of 1982.

     Israeli soldiers had set fire to the houses on my street, and called for people to come out and surrender. They were blindfolding the children of those who did and using them as human shields.

     We had no other weapon than the empty bottle of champagne we had just finished with our breakfast of strawberry crepes; I asked “Any ideas?”, at which he shrugged and said “Fix bayonets?”

     And then he gave me a principle of action by which I have lived for thirty nine years now; “When there is no hope, one is free to do impossible things, glorious things.”

     He asked me if I was going to surrender, and I said no; he smiled and replied, “Nor will I.” And so he swore me to the Oath he devised in 1940 in Paris at the beginning of the Occupation for such friends as he could gather, reworded from the oath he had taken as a Legionnaire. He said it was the finest thing he ever stole; “We swear our loyalty to each other, to resist and yield not, and abandon not our fellows.” So it was that I became the bearer of a tradition now over eighty years old and forged in the most fearsome and terrible conflict the world has ever known, shortly before I expected to be burned alive in the first of many Last Stands.

     This was the moment of my forging, this decision to choose death over subjugation, and ever since being struck by it I have been a bell, ringing. And like the Liberty Bell with its iconic crack, I am broken open to the suffering of others and the flaws of our humanity. This has been the greatest gift I have ever been given, this empathy borne of a sacred wound, and I shall never cease the call to liberty, nor hesitate to answer as I am able the call for solidarity with others.

     This morning I awoke to a call to identify the body of a friend missing and believed killed in Gaza by Israeli terrorists in the savage street fighting which followed the rocket attacks of last week, which I was unable to do; I searched for my friend in this sad and ruined form, like the skin of a wild thing which has sung itself utterly away, and could recognize nothing.

    Where is my friend, agile, lithe, mercurial, fearless, insightful, quick and quick witted, who always had four scenarios running and three escape routes, who survived against impossible odds through improvisation and leveraging chaos, whose vision could discern true motives within the secret chambers of the human heart and play them like an instrument as songs of rapture and terror, who chameleon-like and protean could shift identities as needed and behind their masks move among her enemies unseen?

      I never knew her true name; perhaps she no longer had one, as is true for so many of us who play the Great Game of futures and the possibilities of becoming human, a term popularized by Rudyard Kipling in the novel Kim. My own names are numberless as the stars, like those of an actor who has played multitudes of roles in films and theatres of many kinds.

     She first entered my orbit during the victorious struggle of Hamas against al Qaeda for dominion of Gaza in August of 2009 in Rafah, an Egyptian Palestinian drawn into the maelstrom of war like countless others by family duty and vendetta.

    Yet she said no to authority at great peril when she could have said yes and become a slave, stood in solidarity with others when she could have run; this was a choice, one which confers agency, autonomy, and self-ownership as a seizure of power in a limited and deterministic context. Refusal to submit is the primary human act, one which cannot be taken from us, wherein we become Unconquered and free, and able to liberate others.

     So it is that we may escape the wilderness of mirrors in which we wander, a realm of lies and illusions, captured and distorted images, falsification and the theft of the soul. For the authentic self, the image which we seize and claim as our own, flies free of its mad circus of seductions and traps. Hence we achieve our true selves and form, in rapture and exaltation as beings of our own uniqueness.

    Impossible that such grandeur could be reduced to its material form, like the abandoned shell of a fantastic sea creature which has grown beyond its limits and moved on, to realms unknown.

     The lines spoken by Hamlet while holding the skull of his friend Yorick came unbidden to my thoughts; “Here hung those lips that I have kissed I know not how oft. Where be your gibes now? your gambols? your songs? your flashes of merriment, that were wont to set the table on a roar? Not one now, to mock your own grinning?”

     For twelve years you danced with death, and danced away laughing, until today.

     Farewell, my friend; I’ll see you in the eyes of the defiant ones, who bear your fire onward into the unknown, and with it I hope your laughter. Our successors will need both fire and laughter, if the future we win for them is to be equal to its price, and worth living in.

     Our lives are like the dragon’s teeth sown in the earth by the Phoenician prince Cadmus from which warriors arise; from each, multitudes. For we live on as echoes and reflections in the lives of others, in the consequences and effects of our actions, in the good we can do for others which gathers force over time, and in the meaning, value, and possibilities we create.

     How can choosing death and freedom be better than submission to authority and its weaponization of fear and force?

     My experience of accepting death in confronting force and violence finds parallels in the mock executions of Fyodor Dostoevsky and Maurice Blanchot, and I’m not done challenging state terror and tyranny and forces of repression. I’m going to stand between people with guns and their victims in future, as I have many times in past, and here I find resilience among my motivating and informing sources; Sartre’s total freedom and authenticity won by refusal to submit, and Camus’ rebellion against authority which renders force meaningless when met by disobedience and restores our humanity from forces of falsification, commodification, and dehumanization, give me the ability to claw my way out of the ruins and make yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory or even survival.

     And all who are mortal share these burdens with me. In this all who resist subjugation by Authority are alike as Living Autonomous Zones, bearing seeds of change; we can say with the figure of Loki; “I am burdened with glorious purpose.”

     We are all Nikolai Gogol’s hero in Diary of a Madman, caught in the wheels of a great machine he services, like Charlie Chaplin in his film Modern Times. But we know that we are trapped and enslaved, and we know how and why; we know the secrets of our condition which our masters would keep silent, and in refusing to be silent we can free ourselves and our fellows. This Michel Foucault called truth telling; a poetic vision of reimagination and sacred calling to pursue the truth which bears transformative power.

     So here I offer all of you words of hope for moments of despair, the horror of meaninglessness, the grief of loss, and the guilt of survivorship.

     Your voice has defied our nothingness, and resounds throughout the chasms of a hostile and dehumanizing world; gathering force and transformative power as it finds a thousand echoes, and begins to awaken refusal to submit to authority and to heal the pathology of our falsification and disconnectedness. 

    The voice of even one human being who bears a wound of humanity which opens him to the pain of others and who places his life in the balance with those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth, the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, who in resistance to tyranny and terror, force and control, becomes unconquered and free, such a voice of liberation is unstoppable as the tides, an agent of reimagination and transformation which seizes the gates of our prisons and frees the limitless possibilities of becoming human.

    Despair not and be joyful, for we who are Living Autonomous Zones help others break the chains of their enslavement simply by condition of being as well as action; for we violate norms, transgress boundaries of the Forbidden, expose the lies and illusions of authority, and render the forces of repression powerless to compel obedience.

      This is the primary revolutionary struggle which precedes and underlies all else; the seizure of ownership of ourselves from those who would enslave us.  

     Such is the hope of humankind.

       Israel and America bedevil Palestine (The Temptation of St. Anthony)

      Herein the idea of our universal human rights is abandoned and the lives of the powerless and the dispossessed fed into the machine of power, imperial and colonial dominion, and elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege in service to those who would enslave us and steal our souls.

      To a Zionist, only their fellow Jews are truly human; this is why they commit atrocities without mercy or remorse, and now with the ethnic cleansing and genocide of the Palestinians define the limits of the human as once did the Nazis from whom they learned the wrong lessons.

     But more terrible still is the amoral kleptocracy of America’s Trump regime and his Republican Party of Treason, White Supremacist Terror, Theocratic Patriarchal Sexual Terror, and plutocratic capitalism, which reduces us all to commodities, information to be profiteered, citizens to be changed into subjects, persons to become things, our stories, voices, and identities falsified through lies and illusions, dehumanized as things to be used in service to the power of those who claim to speak and act for us. For Republicans are the enemy of our humanity itself.

     Today America has bombed Iran on the pretext of destroying imaginary nuclear weapons with real ones, joining Israel in her mad quest to conquer the whole of the Middle East so that Trump can build casinos on the graves of the Palestinians.

      No words can embody this horror, nor Reckoning balance the scales of justice for this crime. Yet we must bear witness and bring a Reckoning, By Any Means Necessary, for those who respect no laws and no limits may hide behind none.

      So I end now with the words underlined by Nelson Mandela in the Robben Island Bible, a dogeared copy of Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar, to authorize direct action against the Apartheid regime of South Africa, an act which began the final phase of revolutionary struggle and the historic victory and liberation from a regime of seemingly unstoppable force; Sic Semper Tyrannis.

     All Resistance is War to the Knife, beyond all laws and all limits, for Nothing Is Forbidden under imposed conditions of struggle which include genocide and nuclear annihilation.

      Sic Semper Tyrannis, for in refusal to submit we become Unconquered and free, and nothing can take this victory and power of self determination from us.

      Sic Semper Tyrannis; this I say three times that you will know it is true, as Lewis Carroll teaches us in The Hunting of the Snark.

         “Just the place for a Snark!” the Bellman cried,

As he landed his crew with care;

Supporting each man on the top of the tide

By a finger entwined in his hair.

“Just the place for a Snark! I have said it twice;

That alone should encourage the crew.

“Just the place for a Snark!–I have said it thrice;

What I tell you three times is true.”

     Here Be Dragons; Negotiating the Interface Between Bounded Realms, a Study in Film and Literature: the Anima or Inner Woman of my Platonic Ideal Versus the Ghosts of Memory of a Lost Friend, Wherein the Discontiguous Boundaries of Identity Become a Space of Free Creative Play Among Unknowns

How I remember our meeting, betrayed and standing together against the world: Mr & Mrs Smith final gunfight scene

How I imagine her now:

Rachel McAdams’ Irene Adler in Sherlock Holmes Montage to Britney Spears’ version of Bobby Brown’s My Perogative

Enola Holmes Montage to Fifth Harmony’s That’s My Girl

Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams and Distortions, by Lucy Hughes-Hallett

     How Palestinian Women Imagine Themselves, in Film:

Salt of the Sea, film by Annemarie Jacir

In Between, film by Maysaloun Hamoud

The Present, film by Farah Nabulsi

3000 Nights, film by Mai Masri

Soraida, a Woman of Palestine, documentary film by Tahani Rached

   How Palestinian Women Imagine Themselves, in Literature:

Mornings in Jenin, by Susan Abulhawa

Against the Loveless World: A Novel, by Susan Abulhawa

The Eye of the Mirror, by Liana Badr

In Search of Fatima: A Palestinian Story, by Ghada Karmi

Passage to the Plaza, by Sahar Khalifeh

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/52061970-passage-to-the-plaza

Salt Houses, by Hala Alyan

The Beauty of Your Face, by Sahar Mustafah

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/45894170-the-beauty-of-your-face

19 Varieties of Gazelle: Poems of the Middle East, by Naomi Shihab Nye

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/342068.19_Varieties_of_Gazelle

References

Zazie in the Metro, by Raymond Queneau

Rashōmon and Seventeen Other Stories, by Ryūnosuke Akutagawa, Jay Rubin (Translator), Haruki Murakami (Introduction), Yoshihiro Tatsumi (Illustrator)

The Posthuman Dada Guide: Tzara & Lenin Play Chess, by Andrei Codrescu

Shift Linguals: Cut-Up Narratives from William S. Burroughs to the Present,

by Edward S. Robinson

Mosaic of Juxtaposition: William S. Burroughs’ Narrative Revolution,

by Micheal Sean Bolton

Word Cultures: Radical Theory and Practice in William S. Burroughs’ Fiction,

by Robin Lydenberg, William S. Burroughs

Charlie Chaplin in The Factory

Song: “Monster” – Imagine Dragons (cover by Runaground on youtube)

With film montage of Marvel’s Loki

Hamlet: Screenplay, Introduction And Film Diary, by Kenneth Branagh (introduction and screenplay), William Shakespeare

Saint Genet: Actor and Martyr, by Jean-Paul Sartre

The Wretched of the Earth, by Frantz Fanon, Jean-Paul Sartre (Preface)

Kipling’s Kim, a Longman Cultural Edition, by Tricia Lootens, Rudyard Kipling

Diary of a Madman and Other Stories, by Nikolai Gogol

Parrhesia

Discourse and Truth: The Problematization of Parrhesia, by Michel Foucault

The Marriage of Cadmus and Harmony, by Roberto Calasso

The Idiot, by Fyodor Dostoevsky, Anna Brailovsky (Translator)

The Instant of My Death / Demeure: Fiction and Testimony, by Maurice Blanchot, Jacques Derrida

Science and Sanity: An Introduction to Non-Aristotelian Systems and General Semantics, by Alfred Korzybski

The Rebel: An Essay on Man in Revolt, by Albert Camus

A Life Worth Living: Albert Camus and the Quest for Meaning, by Robert Zaretsky

Gerontin, by T.S. Eliot

https://www.poetryfoundation.org/poems/47254/gerontion

Wilderness of Mirrors: Intrigue, Deception, and the Secrets that Destroyed Two of the Cold War’s Most Important Agents, by David C. Martin

Operation Mincemeat Netflix trailer

The Tempest, by William Shakespeare

                   Articles on the war in Gaza in 2021

https://imemc.org/article/army-invades-palestinian-farmlands-in-northern-gaza-2/

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/6/17/israeli-air-raids-target-gaza-strip-for-second-time-since-truce

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/6/15/gaza-protests-against-israeli-right-wing-march-through-jerusalem

https://interactive.aljazeera.com/aje/2021/gaza-families-left-behind/index.html

On Death and Grief Process

https://www.lionsroar.com/the-wisdom-in-the-dark-emotions/

Arabic

21 يونيو 2024 نحن نوازن بين رعب العدم ومتعة الحرية الكاملة، وعيوب إنسانيتنا مع قوة الحب الفدائية، وانكسار العالم مع أملنا العبثي في الإمكانيات اللامحدودة لنصبح بشرًا: في عيد ميلاد سارتر ، وتأبين

 الموت هو الحدث المدمر للحياة، وهو صورة طبق الأصل للفوضى كقوة إبداعية وإمكانات تكيفية للنظام. لقد قمت هذا اليوم بإعادة تمثيل مراحل عملية الحزن بينما أعيش من جديد حدثًا وقع في عام 2021، عالقًا في متاهة قصته، وكما هو الحال دائمًا مع مثل هذه التعقيدات من الذاكرة والتاريخ والهوية، أخرج من خلال مروره بمنظور متغير.

 يمكن لبعض القصص أن تحطم حياتنا، ولكنها تحررنا أيضًا من إرث التاريخ وحدود ذواتنا السابقة.

 هذه هي القصة التي أصبحت متشابكة مع قراءتي السنوية لأعمال سارتر احتفالا بعيد ميلاده، وهو تجاور أجده مناسبا تماما، ومضيئا، ومفعما بالأمل بشكل غريب.

 ألسنا القصص التي نرويها عن أنفسنا، لأنفسنا وللآخرين؟

 نحن نختار أصدقاءنا وعشاقنا من بين تلك التأملات التي تجسد الصفات التي نرغب في استيعابها في أنفسنا أو دمجها بالكامل في وعينا وشخصيتنا؛ وهي الواجهة بين هذين العالمين المحدودين، المثالي والواقعي، والتي أنا مدفوع لاستجوابها اليوم.

 هنا يعيش فن التساؤل، عند تقاطع المنهج السقراطي مع البلاغة الكلاسيكية، وجدلية التاريخ، وإشكالية دوافعنا ومشاعرنا وعمليات التفكير من خلال أساليب العلاج النفسي.

 نحن نتحدث عن تجاور العوالم الخيالية والفعلية للوجود كشكل من أشكال الكولاج الدادائي الذي ابتكره تريستان تزارا واستخدمه ويليام س. بوروز كمنهجية تخلق عالم تجربتنا، الكون غير المجاور والنسبي والغامض والزائل. طبيعة الحقيقة التي وصفها أكوتاجاوا في بوابة راشومون وأساليب الخيال التي جسدها ريموند كوينو كما هي مطبقة على الهوية وتفسير الذات، وإضفاء المثالية على الجمال المذكر والمؤنث كقوى ثنائية للنفسية تعمل من خلال علاقاتنا مع أنفسنا ومعنا. آحرون. تشكل هذه العمليات الثلاث المتوازية والمترابطة هويتنا، وكيف نستخدم الآخرين في خلق أنفسنا.

 يجب علينا أولاً أن نعترف بحقيقة أن التعامل مع ذكرياتنا عن شخص ما ليس مثل التجربة المعاشة لتاريخنا؛ كل ذلك من جانب واحد وتم نقله إلى مساحة داخلية للأداء، حيث تتواصل عملية إعادة التصور والتحول. الخريطة ليست الإقليم، كما يعلمنا ألفريد كورزيبسكي، ولا فكرتنا عن الشخص تساوي الشخص الفعلي نفسه.

 ما هي الأجزاء من نفسي التي أجسدها كمساحة مجازية أنمو فيها في الشخصية التي فكرت بها على أنها كليوباترا، مع كل التناقض والقوة وموروثات التاريخ الثقافي والحدية التي ينطوي عليها هذا التحديد، كيف أتخيل؟ هي الآن، وما نوع القصة التي ألقيتنا فيها؟

 أفكر بها الآن من حيث شخصية إيرين أدلر الماكرة والمتطورة والمتجاوزة لراشيل ماك آدامز في شيرلوك هولمز، كما أصبحت طوال اثني عشر عامًا من عملنا في النضال من أجل التحرير من أجل استقلال فلسطين، مع عناصر من شخصية ميلي بوبي براون الجريئة، رائعة، وبدون حدود تمامًا، إينولا هولمز كما بدأت، تحمل ألوان أحد أفراد العائلة المحبوبين والمفترض أنه شهيد أثناء التحقيق في اختفائه. أنا متأكد إلى حد معقول أن هذه ليست الطريقة التي رأت بها نفسها.

 من أجل إلقاء الضوء على الكيفية التي يمكن أن تتخيل بها المرأة الفلسطينية نفسها، والشخصيات التي قد تختار لعبها كنماذج يحتذى بها والقصص التي قد تجسدها كتشريعات طقسية، حتى لو كانت غير عادية للغاية مثلها، قد ننظر إلى ثقافة فلسطين الغنية بشكل رائع المخرجات والمؤلفات السينمائيات في فلسطين؛ المؤلفون آن ماري جاسر، ميسلون حمود، مي المصري، فرح النابلسي، والروائيون سوزان أبو الهوى، ليانا بدر، غادة كرمي، سحر خليفة، هالة عليان، وسحر مصطفى.

 مع الأخذ في الاعتبار أن جميع قوائم القراءة هذه ليست أقل من مجموعة من الهويات المعتمدة. وكما توضح مارغريت أتوود في أعمالها بشكل رائع، فإن تناصاتنا أساسية في بناء هوياتنا، بما في ذلك هويات الجنس والجندر، كمحاكاة وعمليات جدلية للتاريخ.

 وهذا هو المكان الذي لا تتوقف فيه أبدًا عن روعة دراسة الإنسان والمعنى والقيمة والإمكانيات اللامحدودة ليصبح إنسانًا. لأنه في مجال علاقاتنا مع الآخرين، بالتوازي والمترابط مع علاقاتنا بين النصفين المذكر والمؤنث من نفسيتنا، يتطور كل منهما مع الآخر في عمليات متكررة من النمو والتكيف مع التغيير في بناء الهوية.

 أقول مرة أخرى؛ نحن نفسر تصرفات الآخرين ونشكل العلاقات على أساس تفسيرنا لذاتنا

نفكر في أنفسنا، ونستخدم علاقاتنا مع الأشخاص الحقيقيين لتشكيل ما نرغب في أن نصبح عليه.

 كيف يعمل هذا في الحياة الحقيقية؟ كمثال شخصي على فجوات المعنى غير المتجاورة في الواجهات بين العوالم المحدودة للشخصيات الذكورية والأنثوية، ومساحة حرة للعب الإبداعي، أقدم مصنوعات ذاكرة شخصية قد تتوافق أو لا تتوافق مع الشهيد الذي أعرفه فقط. باسمها الرمزي: كليوباترا.

 من “المواجهة الأخيرة” التي التقينا فيها وشكلنا تحالفًا وخُدرنا ووقعنا في فخ انقلبنا عليه ضد أعدائنا الذين حاصروا أنفسهم معنا، والذي أعتقد أنه مشهد المعركة الأخير في فيلم السيد والسيدة سميث، بدأ هذا المسعى الأوبرالي بسبب صراع الهيمنة بين حماس وتنظيم القاعدة في غزة خلال شهر أغسطس من عام 2009، والذي انتصرت خلاله قوى النور على قوى الظلام في انتصار حماس، حيث لعبت إسرائيل كل منهما ضد الأخرى من خلال التسلل. عملاء وجواسيس وأصول يمكن إنكارها واستخدام فريق ريكون خاص متنكر في زي فصائل عربية مختلفة لارتكاب فظائع ضد الجماعات العربية المنافسة المفترضة في سياسة كلاسيكية فرق تسد، كما فعلت إسرائيل في مأساة 7 أكتوبر كسبب للحرب لـ الغزو الإمبراطوري لفلسطين والإبادة الجماعية لشعبها وما زالت تفعله في حرب غزة. كان مجال اللعب هذا معقدًا بسبب الثأر العشائري مثل انتقامها، والتشرذم السياسي والديني المعتاد، وعصابات الجريمة، وقوى المرتزقة، والقبلية، والفساد، وحروب الظل للدول الأجنبية.

 لقد تقاطعت مساراتنا عدة مرات على مدى السنوات الاثنتي عشرة التالية، دائمًا في ظروف لا تُنسى، أحيانًا كحلفاء وأخرى كمنافسين، وفي كثير من الأحيان كلاهما. أي من هذه هي النسخة الحقيقية والحقيقية لها، أو لنفسي؟ مثل هذه التكرارات لصورنا لا حصر لها، مثل الذوات الملتقطة والمشوهة في مرايا المرح المصطفة لتنعكس في اللانهاية.

 برية المرايا، عبارة من ت.س. إليوت جيرونتن، هو الذي أستخدمه لوصف مرض تزوير أنفسنا من خلال الدعاية والأكاذيب والأوهام، وإعادة كتابة التاريخ، وأسرار الدولة، والحقائق البديلة، والإيمان الاستبدادي الذي يلتهم الحقائق. وهذا يتناقض مع نقيضه، الصحافة وشهادة التاريخ باعتباره السعي المقدس للبحث عن الحقيقة. الإسلام نفسه هو شكل من أشكال هذا الواجب المقدس، فالمؤمنون مأمورون بالتعلم طوال حياتهم، بغض النظر عن المصدر أو المكان الذي يؤدي إليه؛ الموقف الأكثر تطرفًا فيما يتعلق بالحقيقة والتعليم الشامل لأي دين أعرفه، خاصة عند مقارنته بحرق الكتب المسيحية المعاصر. لقد جعلنا أنفسنا مزيفين من قبل أنظمة السلطة المهيمنة النخبوية مثل النظام الأبوي، ومن قبل أولئك الذين يريدون استعبادنا، من خلال الاستيلاء على قصصنا باعتبارها سرقة للروح.

 جيمس أنجلتون، العبقري الشرير في خدمة مكافحة التجسس التابعة لوكالة المخابرات المركزية والذي بنى جون لو كاريه عليه شخصية جورج سمايلي، استخدم هذه العبارة بشكل سيئ السمعة بهذا المعنى أيضًا، وأصبحت عالمية في جميع أنحاء مجتمع الاستخبارات الذي شكله وأثر فيه خلال الحرب الثانية. الحرب العالمية وتداعياتها الحرب الباردة. في إشارة إلى السيرة الذاتية التي كتبها ديفيد مارتن عن نفسه بعنوان برية المرايا، وصفها أنجلتون بأنها “عدد لا يحصى من الحيل والخداع والحيل وجميع أدوات التضليل الأخرى التي تستخدمها الكتلة السوفيتية وأجهزة استخباراتها المنسقة لإرباك وتقسيم البلاد”. الغرب… مشهد مائع دائمًا حيث تندمج الحقيقة مع الوهم. وبطبيعة الحال، فإن كل ما نسبه إلى السوفييت كان صحيحًا بالنسبة له، ولوكالته، ولأميركا أيضًا، ولكل الدول، لأن الجميع عبارة عن عنف متجسد وبيوت من الوهم.

 تستخدم Netflix telenovela Operation Mincemeat هذه العبارة، في قصة حول إنشاء ضابط وهمي يحمل وثائق مصممة لخداع النازيين للتحضير لغزو أوروبا في مكان آخر غير صقلية، وهي الحالة التي قرأت عنها منذ فترة طويلة أصبحت سلسلة لقد شاهدت باهتمام شديد لأن كل واحد منا خلقته قصصه تمامًا مثل هذه الهوية الزائفة المرتبطة بجسد مهجور. داخل كل واحد منا، فريق من المؤلفين والنماذج الأولية والشخصيات العابرة للشخصية مثل الأنيما التي تهمنا هنا، يخلقون شخصياتنا من خلال القصص وشبكة الذكريات والتواريخ والهوية؛ وهم يفعلون ذلك لأغراضهم الخاصة، التي لا نتحكم فيها أو نفهمها دائمًا.

 وكما كتب ت.س. إليوت في جيرونتن: “بعد هذه المعرفة، أي مغفرة؟ فكر الآن

التاريخ لديه العديد من المقاطع الماكرة، والممرات المفتعلة

والقضايا، تخدع بالهمس بالطموحات،

يهدينا بالباطل”

 نحن مادة تُصنع منها الأحلام، كما يعلمنا شكسبير في الفصل الرابع، المشهد الأول من «العاصفة»، وهي عبارة قالها آرييل. لأنه إذا كنا كائنات زائلة وغير جوهرية، نبني قصصنا، فإن هذا يعني أيضًا أن الطبيعة الأنطولوجية للإنسان هي أرض صراع يمكن الاستيلاء عليها من خلال الاستيلاء على السلطة.

 السؤال الأول الذي يطرحه أ

لقصة هي، قصة من هذه؟

 يبقى دائمًا الصراع بين القصص التي نرويها عن أنفسنا وتلك التي يرويها الآخرون عنا؛ الأقنعة التي نصنعها لأنفسنا وتلك التي صنعها لنا الآخرون.

 هذه هي الثورة الأولى التي يجب علينا جميعا أن نقاتل فيها، النضال من أجل ملكية أنفسنا.

 فمن سنصبح إذن؟ يسأل أنفسنا عن الأسطح والصور والأقنعة التي تتفاوض في كل لحظة حول حدودنا مع الآخرين.

 تجيب عليها ذاتنا السرية، ذات الظلام والعاطفة، الذات التي تعيش خارج المرآة ولا تعرف حدودًا، غير مقيدة بالزمان والمكان، ولا نهائية في الإمكانيات؛ من تريد أن تصبح؟

كما كتبت في رسالتي بتاريخ 21 يونيو 2021 ، أمل البشرية: أن تصبح مناطق حكم ذاتي كوكلاء للفوضى والتغيير التحويلي ؛ لقد كتب صديق يأسًا من أهميتنا وأملنا في تحرير البشرية ، وتأثير حياتنا ونضالاتنا التي توازن عيوب إنسانيتنا ضد القوى الوحشية والواسعة لنظام التجريد من الإنسانية والتزوير والتسليع ؛ أن تكون إنسانًا يعني أن تعيش في حالة أزمة وجودية ونضال من أجل امتلاك أنفسنا.

     اليوم هو عيد ميلاد جان بول سارتر ، ولذا وجدني هذا الحدث أقرأ مرة أخرى إعادة تخيله الرائع لجان جينيه في سانت جينيه: الممثل والشهيد ؛ جينيه الذي وضعني على طريق حياتي بقسم المقاومة في بيروت صيف 1982.

     كان جنود الاحتلال قد أضرموا النار في المنازل في الشارع الذي أسكن فيه ، ودعوا الناس للخروج والاستسلام. كانوا يعصبون أعين أطفال من فعلوا ويستخدمونهم كدروع بشرية.

     لم يكن لدينا أي سلاح آخر غير زجاجة الشمبانيا الفارغة التي انتهينا للتو من تناول وجبة الإفطار المكونة من كريب الفراولة ؛ سألت “أي أفكار؟” ، فهز كتفيه وقال “أصلح الحراب؟”

     ثم أعطاني مبدأ العمل الذي عشت من خلاله تسعة وثلاثين عامًا حتى الآن ؛ “عندما لا يكون هناك أمل ، يكون المرء حراً في القيام بأشياء مستحيلة ، وأشياء مجيدة.”

     سألني إذا كنت سأستسلم فقلت لا. ابتسم وقال: “ولن أفعل”. ولذا أقسمني على القسم الذي ابتكره في عام 1940 في باريس في بداية الاحتلال لمثل هؤلاء الأصدقاء الذين يمكن أن يجمعهم ، وقد أعيدت صياغته من القسم الذي كان قد أقامه كجندى. قال إنه أفضل شيء سرقه على الإطلاق ؛ “نقسم على ولائنا لبعضنا البعض ، أن نقاوم ولا نستسلم ، ولا نتخلى عن زملائنا.” لقد أصبحت الآن حاملًا لتقليدًا يتجاوز عمره الثمانين عامًا وصنعت في أكثر الصراعات المخيفة والأكثر رعبًا التي عرفها العالم على الإطلاق ، قبل وقت قصير من توقعي أن أحترق حيًا في الأول من بين العديد من المدرجات الأخيرة.

     كانت هذه لحظة تزويري ، هذا القرار باختيار الموت على القهر ، ومنذ أن أصابني الجرس ، أدق الجرس. ومثل جرس الحرية بصدعه الأيقوني ، أنا منفتح على معاناة الآخرين وعيوب إنسانيتنا. كانت هذه أعظم هدية حصلت عليها على الإطلاق ، هذا التعاطف الناجم عن جرح مقدس ، ولن أتوقف أبدًا عن الدعوة إلى الحرية ، ولن أتردد في الرد لأنني قادر على الدعوة إلى التضامن مع الآخرين.

استيقظت هذا الصباح على اتصال هاتفي للتعرف على جثة صديق مفقود ويعتقد أنه قُتل في غزة على يد إرهابيين إسرائيليين في قتال الشوارع الوحشي الذي أعقب الهجمات الصاروخية الأسبوع الماضي ، وهو ما لم أستطع فعله ؛ لقد بحثت عن صديقي في هذا الشكل الحزين والمدمّر ، مثل جلد الشيء الوحشي الذي غنى بنفسه تمامًا ، ولم يستطع التعرف على أي شيء.

    أين صديقي ، رشيق ، رشيق ، زئبقي ، شجاع ، ثاقب وسريع الذكاء ، الذي كان دائمًا لديه أربعة سيناريوهات قيد التشغيل وثلاثة طرق للفرار ، والذي نجا من الصعاب المستحيلة من خلال الارتجال والاستفادة من الفوضى ، والذي يمكن لرؤيته أن تميز الدوافع الحقيقية داخل الغرف السرية من قلب الإنسان ولعبها كآلة موسيقية مثل نشوة الطرب والرعب ، من الذي تشبه الحرباء والبروتين يمكن أن يغير الهويات حسب الحاجة وتتنقل وراء أقنعةها بين أعدائها غير المرئيين؟

      لم أعرف اسمها الحقيقي قط. ربما لم يعد لديها واحدة ، كما هو الحال بالنسبة للكثيرين منا الذين يلعبون اللعبة الكبرى للمستقبل وإمكانيات أن يصبحوا بشرًا ، وهو مصطلح شاعه روديارد كيبلينج في رواية كيم. أسمائي لا تعد ولا تحصى كنجوم ، مثل أسماء الممثل الذي لعب أدوارًا عديدة في الأفلام والمسارح من أنواع عديدة.

     دخلت فلكي لأول مرة خلال كفاح حماس المنتصر ضد القاعدة للسيطرة على غزة في أغسطس من عام 2009 في رفح ، وهي فلسطينية مصرية انجرفت إلى دوامة الحرب مثل عدد لا يحصى من الآخرين بسبب واجب الأسرة والثأر.

    ومع ذلك ، قالت لا للسلطة في خطر كبير عندما كان بإمكانها أن تقول نعم وتصبح عبدة ، ووقفت متضامنة مع الآخرين عندما كان بإمكانها الركض ؛ كان هذا اختيارًا يمنح الوكالة والاستقلالية والملكية الذاتية كاستيلاء على السلطة في سياق محدود وحتمي. إن رفض الخضوع هو الفعل الإنساني الأساسي ، الذي لا يمكن أن يؤخذ منا ، حيث نصبح غير مقيدين وأحرارًا ، وقادرين على تحرير الآخرين.

لذلك قد نهرب من برية المرايا التي نتجول فيها ، عالم الأكاذيب والأوهام ، الصور الملتقطة والمشوهة ، التزييف وسرقة الروح. بالنسبة للذات الأصيلة ، فإن الصورة التي نلتقطها ونطالب بها على أنها صورنا ، تطير خالية من سيركها المجنون من الإغراءات والفخاخ. ومن هنا نحقق ذواتنا وشكلنا الحقيقيين ، في نشوة الطرب والتمجيد ككائنات فريدة من نوعها.

    من المستحيل اختزال هذه العظمة إلى شكلها المادي ، مثل القشرة المهجورة لمخلوق بحري رائع نما إلى ما وراء حدوده وانتقل إلى عوالم غير معروفة.

     جاءت السطور التي قالها هاملت بينما كان ممسكًا بجمجمة صديقه يوريك غير محظورة على أفكاري ؛ علقت هنا تلك الشفاه التي قبلتها ، ولا أعرف كيف كثيرًا. حيث يكون الإستهزاء بك الآن؟ الخاص بك gambols؟ أغانيك؟ ومضات الفرح الخاصة بك ، التي لن تضبط الطاولة على هدير؟ لا أحد الآن ، للسخرية من ابتسامتك؟ “

     لمدة اثني عشر عاما رقصت مع الموت ورقصتي ضاحكة حتى اليوم.

     الوداع يا صديقي. سأراكم في عيون التحدي ، الذين يحملون نيرانكم نحو المجهول ، ومعها أتمنى أن تضحكوا. سيحتاج خلفاؤنا كلا من النار والضحك ، إذا كان المستقبل الذي نربحه لهم هو أن يكون مساوياً لسعره ، ويستحق العيش فيه.

     حياتنا مثل أسنان التنين التي زرعها في الأرض الأمير الفينيقي قدموس الذي نشأ منه المحاربون. من كل جموع. لأننا نعيش كأصداء وانعكاسات في حياة الآخرين ، في عواقب وتأثيرات أفعالنا ، في الخير الذي يمكننا فعله للآخرين الذي يجمع القوة بمرور الوقت ، وفي المعنى والقيمة والإمكانيات التي نخلقها.

     كيف يكون اختيار الموت والحرية أفضل من الخضوع للسلطة وتسليحها بالخوف والقوة؟

تجربتي في قبول الموت في مواجهة القوة والعنف تجد أوجه تشابه في الإعدام الوهمي لفيودور دوستويفسكي وموريس بلانشو ، ولم أنتهي من تحدي إرهاب الدولة والاستبداد وقوى القمع. سأقف بين الأشخاص المسلحين وضحاياهم في المستقبل ، كما فعلت مرات عديدة في الماضي ، وهنا أجد مرونة بين مصادري المحفزة والمعلمة ؛ تم كسب الحرية الكاملة لسارتر برفضه الخضوع ، وتمرد كامو على السلطة الذي يجعل القوة بلا معنى عندما يقابلها العصيان ، يمنحني القدرة على شق طريقي للخروج من الأنقاض والقيام بموقف أخير آخر ، بعيدًا عن الأمل في النصر أو حتى البقاء على قيد الحياة. .

     وجميع البشر الفانين يشاركونني هذه الأعباء. في هذا كل الذين يقاومون الاستعباد من قبل السلطة هم على حد سواء مناطق حية ذاتية الحكم ، تحمل بذور التغيير. يمكننا القول مع شخصية لوكي ؛ “انا أعاني الارهاق لتحقيق غاية مجيدة.”

     نحن جميعًا بطل نيكولاي غوغول في يوميات رجل مجنون ، عالقون في عجلات آلة رائعة يخدمها ، مثل تشارلي شابلن في فيلمه Modern Times. لكننا نعلم أننا محاصرون ومستعبدون ، ونعرف كيف ولماذا. نحن نعرف أسرار حالتنا التي سيصمت أسيادنا ، وفي رفضنا الصمت يمكننا تحرير أنفسنا وزملائنا. هذا ميشيل فوكو دعا قول الحقيقة. رؤية شعرية لإعادة التخيل والدعوة المقدسة لمتابعة الحقيقة التي تحمل قوة تحويلية.

     لذلك أقدم لكم جميعًا كلمات الأمل في لحظات اليأس ، والرعب من انعدام المعنى ، والحزن من الخسارة ، والشعور بالذنب من البقاء على قيد الحياة.

     لقد تحدى صوتك العدم لدينا ، ويتردد صداه في جميع أنحاء فجوات عالم معادٍ وغير إنساني ؛ تجمع القوة والقوة التحويلية لأنها تجد ألف صدى ، وتبدأ في إيقاظ رفض الخضوع للسلطة وشفاء أمراض تزويرنا وانفصالنا.

    صوت إنسان واحد يحمل جرحًا إنسانيًا يفتحه على ألم الآخرين ويضع حياته في الميزان مع أولئك الذين أسماهم فرانتس فانون معذبو الأرض ، والضعفاء والمحرومين ، والمسكومين والمسلمين. المموه ، الذين في مقاومة الاستبداد والإرهاب ، القوة والسيطرة ، يصبحون غير مقهرين وحررين ، صوت التحرير هذا لا يمكن إيقافه مثل المد والجزر ، عامل إعادة التخيل والتحول الذي يستولي على أبواب سجوننا ويحرر الإمكانيات اللامحدودة من أن يصبح إنسانًا.

    لا تيأس وكن مبتهجًا ، لأننا نحن الذين نعيش في مناطق حكم ذاتي نساعد الآخرين على كسر قيود استعبادهم ببساطة بشرط أن يكونوا فعلًا ؛ لأننا ننتهك الأعراف ، ونتجاوز حدود المحرمات ، ونكشف أكاذيب وأوهام السلطة ، ونجعل قوى القمع عاجزة عن فرض الطاعة.

      هذا هو النضال الثوري الأساسي الذي يسبق ويؤسس كل شيء آخر. الاستيلاء على ملكية أنفسنا من أولئك الذين يستعبدوننا.

     هذا هو أمل البشرية.

The Scream, Munch

Jean Paul Sartre, on his birthday June 21

     There is no literature without Sartre.

      In our great quest to create ourselves and become free and independent beings throughout our lives, to test the limits of the human and grow beyond them into the unknown places marked Here Be Dragons on our maps of being, meaning, and value, to transgress the boundaries of the Forbidden as seizures of power and revolutionary struggle, and in our performance of the Four Primary Duties of a Citizen; Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority, we may look to Sartre among others as iconic figures of Liberty, for the terror of our nothingness in a universe without imposed meaning can be balanced with the joy of total freedom.

     Sartre wrote for the Resistance fighters who must claw their way out of the ruins and make yet another Last Stand, without hope of victory or even survival. If I have learned anything in my very long and strange life, it is that this describes all of us, every last one, for such is the defining human condition.

     Always there remains the struggle between the masks that others make for us and those we make for ourselves. This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the struggle for ownership of ourselves.

      One must read the novel Nausea, the play No Exit, the short story The Wall, the philosophical essay Being and Nothingness and its guide To Freedom Condemned, the lecture Existentialism is a Humanism, and his magnificent work of literary scholarship and iconography in which he creates a figure of the human ideal, Saint Genet: Actor and Martyr.

      Nausea begins his engagement with Heidegger’s “An Introduction to Metaphysics” which he read in 1935 and “Being and Time” read by Sartre in 1940-41, and Husserl as interpreted by Levinas, ongoing through the critical formative period between 1930, when he began writing it, and 1943, when he published Being and Nothingness. These are his primary sources in forging Existentialism; though his literary references are no less important. He prefaces the novel with a quote from Celine; “He is a fellow without any collective significance, barely an individual.”

     In Saint Genet he reimagines the archetypal Trickster-Rebel figure of Romantic Idealism, subsuming Milton’s fallen angel and Nietzsche’s truth teller and herald of the death of God in Zarathustra into a Modernist Orphic myth in which Genet’s crimes, Absurdist mock Catholic rituals of deauthorization, subversion, delegitimation, and liberation, his Surrealist use of ecstatic trance and derangement of the senses as poetic vision, and his literary performances of self-reinvention provide a model for seizure of oneself as the primary human act of self-creation and autonomy. Here is a magisterial allegory of the praxis he sought to articulate for the values of Existentialism in Notebooks for an Ethics; he should have written it as fiction rather than essays, for he shows in Saint Genet with devastating clarity what is obscure in his telling.

     Poor Genet; I mention once again that he was a friend of mine, for a few brief weeks of terror and hope which changed my life during the 1982 Siege of Beirut, for the man never escaped the angelic rebel Sartre made of him in this magnificent work, into which was poured all of Sartre’s own hopes and dreams for a better humankind in the terrible war against the Nazis.

      Sartre wrote many beautiful and illuminating works, but Saint Genet is his New Testament and vision of a new Adamic Man, free from the legacies of our histories and the systemic forces of our dehumanization.  For close to forty years now I have struggled to achieve such a thing, both as personal transformation and as revolution.

     I have failed countless times to claw back something of our humanity from the terror of our nothingness, as I did this spring in Mariupol and last year in Panjshir and al Quds, and what few triumphs I may claim are secrets lost to history, but this is unimportant; what matters is to refuse to be subjugated and to stand in solidarity and abandon not our fellows, to place our lives in the balance with those of the powerless and the marginalized, the silenced and the erased. Only do this, and you can say that you have lived as a human being.

      Beyond this there are some few small works of Jean Paul Sartre, which may reasonably occupy one throughout a lifetime. And whatever time you may spend in his company, it will reward you as time well spent.

     Where do we begin, and where do we go from here?

        A reading list on Existentialism and Sartre:

 Sartre: A Philosophical Biography, by Thomas R. Flynn provides an excellent guide to his life and work.

 Flynn’s Existentialism: A Very Short Introduction, is the best general work of its kind.

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/74655.Existentialism

    For an insightful discussion of Existentialism which gives you a seat at the table during its founding, read Sarah Bakewell’s At the Existentialist Café: Freedom, Being, and Apricot Cocktails with Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, Albert Camus, Martin Heidegger, Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Others.

     The Labyrinth: An Existential Odyssey with Jean-Paul Sartre, by Ben Argon is a graphic novel of rats caught in a maze and trying to discover a path to freedom, as are we all.

     We Have Only This Life to Live: The Selected Essays of Jean-Paul Sartre, 1939-1975, collects the best from the ten volumes of essays published as Situations. As the publisher describes; “Here Sartre writes about Faulkner, Bataille, Giacometti, Fanon, the liberation of France, torture in Algeria, existentialism and Marxism, friends lost and found, and much else.”        

     Conversations with Jean-Paul Sartre provides an engaging overview of his ideas on politics, literature, and philosophy. I thought it hilarious to witness him discussing feminism with Simone de Beauvoir; among the Lost Books yet unwritten is one in which someone like the terrifying and delightfully funny Rebecca Solnit, author of Men Explain Things To Me, interrogates this exchange in fiction.

     Literary Essays, which discusses William Faulkner, Francois Mauriac, John Dos Passos, Jean Giraudoux, Albert Camus, Franz Kafka, Marcel Proust, and Ernest Hemingway, and the longer single volume critical works Baudelaire and Mallarmé, or the Poet of Nothingness, are brilliant views of great literature through the eyes of one of its masters.     

    Existential Psychoanalysis, and the screenplay he wrote for John Huston, The Freud Scenario, together provide his views on the subject, and Betty Cannon’s Sartre and Psychoanalysis: An Existentialist Challenge to Clinical Metatheory, explores it from the viewpoint of a therapist.

     Also useful on Existentialist Psychotherapy are Psychotherapy and Existentialism: Selected Papers on Logotherapy, by Viktor E. Frankl, The Seminar of Jacques Lacan: The Four Fundamental Concepts of Psychoanalysis, by Lacan, and Philosophy of Existence, by Karl Jaspers.

     If one is to be castaway on a tropical island for the foreseeable future, there is Sartre’s final obsessive study of Gustave Flaubert, The Family Idiot. Hazel E. Barnes’ Sartre and Flaubert provides a guide to the four volumes and fifth unfinished work which absorbed Sartre’s last ten years. Her enormous Humanistic Existentialism: The Literature of Possibility, introduced Sartre, de Beauvoir, and Camus to America in 1959, and remains a thorough overview.

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1814028.Sartre_and_Flaubert

     Truth and Existence, his rebuttal to Heidegger’s Essence of Truth, discusses key concepts of freedom, authenticity, bad faith, and truth.

     Notebooks for an Ethics, an enormous lifelong project to extend the work he began in Being and Nothingness, records his struggles to forge a consistent system of thought and develop a praxis or code of action from his ontology.

     The massive and ponderous Critique of Dialectical Reason, and the theatrical defense he made of it before the assembled luminaries of European communism recounted in the lecture What is Subjectivity?, a rebuttal to Lukacs’ History and Class Consciousness, might together represent a study of his whole mature political thinking.

      And his massive interrogations of ideas of history in Sartre, Foucault, and Historical Reason, Volume 1: Toward an Existentialist Theory of History, and Sartre, Foucault, and Historical Reason, Volume 2: A Poststructuralist Mapping of History, are great followup studies.

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/116733.Sartre_Foucault_and_Historical_Reason_Volume_1

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/292793.Sartre_Foucault_and_Historical_Reason_Volume_2

     Camus and Sartre: The Story of a Friendship and the Quarrel that Ended It,

by Ronald Aronson details the 1952 rupture and the fragmentation of the postwar Left.

      Deconstruction and the Remainders of Phenomenology: Sartre, Derrida, Foucault, Baudrillard, by Tilottama Rajan is an excellent history of relevant ideas. 

     The A to Z of Existentialism, by Stephen Michelman is a dictionary of 300 entries clarifying the ideas of its major figures including Sartre, De Beauvior, Camus, Heidegger, Husserl, Jaspers, Marcel, Merleau-Ponty, Bergson, and others.

    The Pursuit of Existentialism: From Sartre and de Beauvoir to Zizek and Badiou, by Irwin Jones examines Existentialism as a historical force.

     Movies with Meaning: Existentialism through Film, by Daniel Shaw is an essential guide to an intriguing field of study.

Jean-Paul Sartre’s “No Exit”: A BBC Adaptation Starring Harold Pinter

June 20 2025  On this Solstice and Midsummer Day

May you find joy, love, hope, seek poetic vision in the reimagination and transformation of ourselves and our world, free yourself of things you wish to escape and let go of in the bonfire dance, perform your uniqueness and find your glorious purpose.

     For guidance in the celebration of Midsummer I turn to Shakespeare’s beautiful manual of rituals A Midsummer Night’s Dream, written to codify the pre Christian faith of the British Isles in the way that Wagner and his lover Ludwig of Bavaria designed the Ring trilogy and the Brothers Grimm recorded the oral traditions of fairytales to preserve that of Germany. The play is a version of Beauty and the Beast which is a subject unto itself, and features one of Shakespeare’s recurring stock characters, the Trickster who moves the action forward and disrupts order and power, in this case Puck who recalls the Jester of King Lear.

     Shakespeare however, had other purposes, which may serve us well in revolutionary struggle, for A Midsummer Night’s Dream demonstrates the interdependence of his two great themes; first that love redeems the flaws of our humanity and can transcend the limits of our flesh as it reveals the truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh, and can return to us our true selves as liberation from authorized identities and falsification. Second that transgression is a gateway to liberty as a Living Autonomous Zone and self-created being, beyond the boundaries of the Forbidden, the limits of normality, and the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue, three things I practice as a sacred path to the truth and as revolutionary struggle. A golden thread of anarchy and critique of power in the state as embodied violence informs all of Shakespeare’s theatre.

     Happily, the Dream also charts a course of poetic vision as reimagination and transformation as an explicit dream navigation guide of ecstatic trance, and of transgressive sex as a practice of rapture and exaltation, much like the Tibetan Book of the Dead and aligned with the whole project of Surrealism.

      A Trickster god’s labyrinth of transformation, the redemptive power of love, the liberation conferred by transgression and reversals of order, the truth of ourselves set free and returned to us in the gaze of a lover, rituals of ecstasy and vision; may your dreams this Midsummer be full of fearless wonders and joys.

A Midsummer Night’s Dream film trailer

The Midsummer Night of Fairies | Day of Sânziene, by Crowhag

https://www.youtube.com/@Crowhag

Shakespeare and the Goddess of Complete Being, Ted Hughes

 Shakespeare: The Invention of the Human, Harold Bloom

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/20942.Shakespeare

Joy to Balance the Terror of Our Nothingness: Sheryl Crow performs ‘Soak Up the Sun’

Beauty to Bring Healing to the Flaws of Our Humanity and the Brokenness of the World: Gardens At Dollhouse Park June 2025 Album

Shakespeare’s A Midsummer Night’s Dream, William Shakespeare, Arthur Rackham (Illustrator)

A Midsummer Night’s Dream – Entire Play | Folger Shakespeare Library

https://www.folger.edu/explore/shakespeares-works/a-midsummer-nights-dream/read/

Modern Perspective: A Midsummer Night’s Dream | Folger Shakespeare Library

https://www.folger.edu/explore/shakespeares-works/a-midsummer-nights-dream/a-midsummer-nights-dream-a-modern-perspective/

The Anatomy Of Puck: An examination of fairy beliefs among Shakespeare’s contemporaries and successors, Katharine M. Briggs

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/43249314-the-anatomy-of-puck

A Midsummer Night’s Dream (Felix Mendelssohn)

https://www.laphil.com/musicdb/pieces/160/a-midsummer-nights-dream

            The Faerie Faith and Fairytales, a reading list

The Spiral Dance: A Rebirth of the Ancient Religion of the Great Goddess, Special Twentieth Anniversary Edition  Starhawk

Dreaming the Dark: Magic, Sex, and Politics, Starhawk

Ecstasies: Deciphering the Witches’ Sabbath, Carlo Ginzburg

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/71156.Ecstasies

The Faeries’ Oracle, Brian Froud, Jessica Macbeth

Brian Froud’s World of Faerie, Brian Froud, Ari Berk (Foreword by)

Faeries, Brian Froud, Alan Lee

Once Upon a Time: A Short History of Fairy Tale, Marina Warner

From the Beast to the Blonde: On Fairy Tales and Their Tellers, Marina Warner

The Uses of Enchantment: The Meaning and Importance of Fairy Tales,

Bruno Bettelheim

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/444388.The_Uses_of_Enchantment?ref=nav_sb_ss_2_84

Shadow and Evil in Fairy Tales, Marie-Louise von Franz

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1269427.Shadow_and_Evil_in_Fairy_Tales?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_54

The Vanishing People: Fairy Lore and Legends, Katharine M. Briggs

Encyclopedia of Fairies: Hobgoblins, Brownies, Bogies, & Other Supernatural Creatures, Katharine M. Briggs

Beauty and the Beast: Visions and Revisions of an Old Tale, Betsy Hearne

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/402049.Beauty_and_the_Beast?ref=nav_sb_ss_2_72

Little Red Riding Hood Uncloaked: Sex, Morality, and the Evolution of a Fairy Tale, Catherine Orenstein

Fairy Tales and the Art of Subversion, Jack D. Zipes

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/283851.Fairy_Tales_and_the_Art_of_Subversion

Breaking the Magic Spell: Radical Theories of Folk and Fairy Tales, Jack D. Zipes

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/291164.Breaking_the_Magic_Spell

Why Fairy Tales Stick: The Evolution and Relevance of a Genre, Jack D. Zipes

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/207106.Why_Fairy_Tales_Stick

The Oxford Companion to Fairy Tales, Jack D. Zipes  (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/207109.The_Oxford_Companion_to_Fairy_Tales

The Hard Facts of the Grimms’ Fairy Tales, Maria Tatar

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/110746.The_Hard_Facts_of_the_Grimms_Fairy_Tales

Off with Their Heads! Fairy Tales and the Culture of Childhood, Maria Tatar

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/123002.Off_with_Their_Heads_Fairy_Tales_and_the_Culture_of_Childhood

Secrets beyond the Door: The Story of Bluebeard and His Wives, Maria Tatar

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/50540.Secrets_beyond_the_Door

The Annotated Brothers Grimm, Jacob Grimm, Wilhelm Grimm, Maria Tatar

 (Editor), A.S. Byatt (Introduction)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/22914.The_Annotated_Brothers_Grimm

Snow White, Blood Red, Ellen Datlow (Editor), Terri Windling (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/141024.Snow_White__Blood_Red

Black Thorn, White Rose, Ellen Datlow (Editor), Terri Windling (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/397400.Black_Thorn__White_Rose

Ruby Slippers, Golden Tears, Ellen Datlow (Editor), Terri Windling (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/371638.Ruby_Slippers__Golden_Tears

Black Swan, White Raven, Ellen Datlow (Editor), Terri Windling (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/739891.Black_Swan__White_Raven

Silver Birch, Blood Moon, Ellen Datlow (Editor), Terri Windling (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/81039.Silver_Birch__Blood_Moon

Black Heart, Ivory Bones, Ellen Datlow (Editor), Terri Windling (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/81038.Black_Heart_Ivory_Bones

Titania and Bottom, Brian Froud

June 19 2025 Liberation, Memory, History, and Human Being: the Case of Juneteenth and a Narrative Theory of Identity

      On this Juneteenth we celebrate the final Emancipation of the Black peoples of America from slavery, and also the Liberation of Humankind from all forms of ownership by others. The first kind of freedom was won in the Civil War and is particular to our unique history; the second kind of freedom is universal and is yet to the achieved.

      In this time of darkness, when ICE terror forces abduct and disappear nonwhite people without cause or trial, without badges or warrants,  as institutionalized white supremacist ethnic cleansing, are any of us in America truly safe, or truly free?

     There has been much insightful and relevant discussion of our history of slavery and racial inequality and violence during and since the Black Lives Matter protests of 2020 and in the weeks before this holiday, of the silencing and erasure of people of color from our historical memory and of the divisions of exclusionary otherness and defense of unequal power in our society through state control of our identity and relations with others at every level of human interaction.

     Beyond the state terror of racist police violence, this is the primary means of repression and power asymmetry perpetrated against us by the ruling class; not the secret prisons and assassinations, not the racist death squads or the dehumanization and commodification of the working class by the cabal of plutocratic capitalists, Gideonite fundamentalist patriarchs, and white supremacist terrorists who together comprise the fascist Republican conspiracy of atavistic barbarism and theocratic tyranny, but their theft of the possibilities of human meaning, being, and value through control of our educational system, far too much of our media, and rewritten history.

     Why are we taught to revere Independence Day on the Fourth of July, but not Emancipation Day on June 19?

     Much of our history has been stolen from us. Its time to take it back.

     Why is this of vital importance? How is our liberty determined by our history and the quality of our humanity by our memory?

     We are the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and one another. Our stories live within us, and we also live within them. Who owns these stories also owns ourselves.

     Shall we tip our hats and say “yowza” to those who would enslave us, or shall we defy and challenge them unto their destruction?

     Whose stories shall we teach to future generations? Will it be songs of resistance and survival, of the unconquered freedom and glory of our humanity and the triumph of our seizures of power over who we are and may become? Or will it be elegies of our dehumanization and enslavement, of submission to tyrannical authorities and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil?

     America is a free society of equals, wherein no one is better than any other by reason of birth, identity, or condition of being, in which we are co-owners of our government. This new American humanity was intended to be a society of autonomous individuals, in which we are free from the ideas of other people and from the force and control of the state.

     Free to dream new possibilities of becoming human, to create ourselves as we choose with a free will and conscience in which no government stands between us and the limits of our imagination, and in which relations between persons are unmediated by the state so long as none are harmed and no other boundaries are authorized by law; a society which renounces the social use of force in the performance of our identities and in which we send no armies to enforce virtue.

     We must seize our stories as informing and motivating sources through which we shape ourselves, authorize identities, and create Others for whom we are negative spaces and through whom we define ourselves.

     Always there remains the creative dynamism and revolutionary struggle between the masks that others make for us and those we make for ourselves. This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the struggle to create ourselves and for ownership of ourselves.

     Which future will we choose, America? Resistance or submission?

    As written by Dale Kretz in Jacobin, in an article entitled Juneteenth Is About Freedom; “Today, as we celebrate Juneteenth, we should remember not only the struggle against chattel slavery but the struggle for radical freedom during Reconstruction — snuffed out by the reactionary forces of property and white supremacy.

     “It’s a funny thing how folks always want to know about the War,” mused Felix Haywood about that central fixation of American memory. Haywood had been born in slavery some fifteen years before the Civil War near San Antonio, Texas. “The war weren’t so great as folks suppose,” he told his interviewer, a member of the Federal Writer’s Project collecting testimony from surviving ex-slaves in the late 1930s. “Sometimes you didn’t knowed it was goin’ on. It was the endin’ of it that made the difference.”

     Juneteenth marks the day — June 19, 1865 — that the enslaved people of East Texas at long last received word of their freedom as well as the freedom of a quarter million others in the state. Two months had passed since the surrender of Robert E. Lee’s forces at Appomattox and two and a half years since President Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation, declaring all slaves still held in Confederate-controlled areas “forever free” and pledging the federal government to the recognition and maintenance of their freedom.

     Juneteenth has been widely celebrated every year since US general Gordon Granger first made the announcement to a crowd of black and white onlookers in Galveston in June 1865. It remains one of the most powerful currents of emancipationist memory in the United States — a counterdemonstration to the noxious propaganda of the Lost Cause.

     By their very nature, commemorations tend to simplify events, to strip away the freighted complexities of the past in search of one more usable, if not celebratory. Juneteenth deserves celebration. But the circumstances of the original Juneteenth also deserve our fullest appreciation, for in that confounding history of emancipation in Texas we might glimpse prophetic outlines of the very meaning of freedom in the post-slave — but far from post-racial — United States.

     “Hallelujah Broke Out”

     Felix Haywood’s account of isolated south-central Texas reveals less about the Civil War itself than the war that was American slavery. He and others on the ranch found that life “went on jus’ like it always had before the war.” Work, worship, whippings — all meted out as usual.

     But the flurry of wartime activity in the trans-Mississippi East infiltrated Texas in other, subtler ways. From time to time, Haywood recalled, “someone would come ’long and try to get us to run up North and be free. We used to laugh at that,” he chuckled, for “there wasn’t no reason to run up North. All we had to do was to walk, but walk South, and we’d be free as soon as we crossed the Rio Grande. In Mexico you could be free” no matter your color. Though Haywood and his family never fled southward, they knew of hundreds who did.

     Texas served as a very different sort of beacon. From the 1860 census to June 19, 1865, the enslaved population of Texas nearly doubled. During the war, more than 150,000 enslaved people had been forcibly relocated to the relative safety of Texas, the frontier of the slaveholding Confederacy. Torn from nearby Arkansas, Louisiana, and Mississippi, among other states, those enslaved men and women were the rearguard of the massive forced migration enacted in the six decades before the Civil War, a commercial riptide that pulled over a million enslaved men, women, and children toward the cotton kingdom of the lower Mississippi Valley.

     As the war unfolded across the South, those fugitive slaveholders who stole themselves and their human chattel westward to Texas merely delayed what was becoming the inevitable, as the concerted actions of enslaved peoples and the United States Army weakened slavery at every turn. Historians estimate that half a million enslaved people absconded from their plantation labor camps during the war; those who remained engaged in what W. E. B. Du Bois famously termed the “general strike.”

     Having heard Haywood’s rather unexciting account of the war in remote San Antonio, his interviewer felt pressed to inquire how the former slave knew “the end of the war had come.”

     “How did we know it?” the freedman asked incredulously, “Hallelujah broke out. . . . Soldiers, all of a sudden, was everywhere — comin’ in bunches, crossin’ and walkin’ and ridin’. Everyone was a-singin’. We was all walkin’ on golden clouds.” Haywood recited one of the anthems heard that day:

Union forever,

Hurrah, boys, hurrah!

Although I may be poor,

I’ll never be a slave —

Shoutin’ the battle cry of freedom.

     Up to that point in his interview, Haywood’s account of the Civil War was distant, even dismissive. But the announcement of freedom — of Juneteenth — forever punctuated his memory. “Everybody went wild,” he suddenly exclaimed. “We all felt like heroes and nobody had made us that way but ourselves. We was free. Just like that.” Right away, the erstwhile slaves of Texas “started on the move. They seemed to want to get closer to freedom, so they’d know what it was — like it was a place or a city.”

     The landing of US forces at the port of Galveston in June 1865 underscored what the formerly enslaved already knew — and what historians are only beginning to fully appreciate: freedom relied not simply on declarations, laws, and amendments in distant Washington, but on the force of arms. The Juneteenth announcement required enforcement by the 1,800 federal soldiers assigned to the state to make freedom meaningful for the freedpeople of Texas.

     The Meaning of Freedom

     Though black people had long nurtured their own understandings of what freedom might entail, in June 1865 the very legality and defensibility of their newfound status was anything but certain. Scarcely two weeks had passed since the surrender of Confederate general Edmund Kirby Smith’s division in Galveston, though the fighting did not so much disappear as devolve into rampant guerilla warfare and anti-black terrorism.

     Lincoln had fallen to an assassin’s bullet two months prior to the Juneteenth announcement, succeeded by the embodiment of racist and reactionary Unionism, Andrew Johnson. The Thirteenth Amendment, which formally abolished involuntary servitude, had passed both houses of Congress in January but was still in the process of state ratification. Newspapers in Texas were predicting that slavery would survive in the state at least another ten years thanks to northern industrialists’ rapacious desire for cotton.

     Entering the fray, the official announcement on June 19 might not have settled the matter of emancipation, but it did contain the outlines of a new order. General Granger’s declaration informed “the people of Texas that, in accordance with a proclamation from the Executive of the United States, all slaves are free. This involves an absolute equality of personal rights and rights of property between former masters and slaves.”

     But as the army of liberation turned into an army of occupation — and one imperfectly dedicated to protecting the rights and lives of black Southerners — commanders like Granger stressed that freedom came with many strings attached. “The freedmen are advised to remain quietly at their present homes and work for wages. They are informed that they will not be allowed to collect at military posts and that they will not be supported in idleness either there or elsewhere.” In other words: work for your old masters, and don’t gather together, especially at places, to borrow Haywood’s phrase, “closer to freedom.”

     Making good on the implied threat of the June 19 proclamation, the Galveston mayor, with the tacit approval of the provost marshal, rounded up black refugees and runaways and returned them to their owners. Others were dragooned into working for the army.

     “With the proclamation of freedom came a practical lesson in its duties,” the Galveston Daily News reported on June 22. “On Monday morning, a guard of Federal soldiers scoured the streets,” rounding up every “loose” freedman “they could lay their hands on, to go to the country and cut wood, man steamboats, or assist in such labor as was necessary for the army. A panic soon seized the new class thus conscripted,” the reporter jeered, “but the quick feet of the white soldiers and the persuasive and pointed argument of the bayonet brought them to a sense of their obligation to support the government which had given them their freedom.”

     The new order was to be based on wage labor. But because of the severe cash shortage throughout the post–Civil War South, many planters were unable to pay wages; sharecropping thus emerged as a compromise between wage slavery and actual slavery. Black farmers would rent their land from white planters and pay for it using a portion of their crop come harvest time, usually a quarter to a half.

     Employers were free to void the contracts for virtually any “offense,” seizing thereafter the entire harvest and evicting the black sharecropping family from their land, exposing them to vagrancy laws and the dragnet of the convict lease system, what has aptly been called “slavery by another name.” Such was the vaunted ideal of contract freedom.

     Sharecropping emerged as a compromise between wage slavery and actual slavery.

     It took a while for news of emancipation to reach black Texans in the most remote parts of the state — and even longer for it to register with their enslavers. Susan Merritt, enslaved in northeast Texas, reckoned it must have been September when she heard the news. As Merritt recalled in her own Depression-era interview, one day while she and others were picking cotton a stranger rode up to the house — “a government man,” with a “big book and a bunch of papers” — and demanded to know why the planter hadn’t surrendered ownership of his workers. It was from this man — likely an official of the Freedmen’s Bureau, a federal agency designed to oversee the transition to freedom and market relations — that Merritt first learned she was free.

     Yet she and others were still compelled to work for their old enslaver for “several months after that.” Oft-enacted threats of gunning down deserters doubtless kept many on the plantation. The relative impotency of the US Army and Freedmen’s Bureau emboldened planters. Freedpeople found themselves as precarious tenants, locked into labor contracts that looked more like debt peonage than the freedom they had long envisioned.

     As the Freedmen’s Bureau began to establish itself in Texas that fall, reports circulated that its officials were planning to consult with local planters trained in the “management” of black workers — a far cry from the agency’s founding mission. The original charter had included provisions to distribute hundreds of thousands of acres of land that had been abandoned by or confiscated from rebel planters over the course of the war.

     By the spring of 1865, the Freedmen’s Bureau controlled roughly 900,000 acres of “government land,” enough for nearly twenty-three thousand black homesteads. General William Tecumseh Sherman, moreover, had issued Field Order No. 15 back in January, arranging for the parceling out of some 485,000 acres to freedpeople in the South Carolina Sea Islands and Lowcountry in 40-acre plots, land on which the general had ordered “no white person whatever . . . will be permitted to reside.”

     But the counterrevolution came in October 1865. President Johnson unceremoniously revoked Sherman’s order and commanded the head of the Freedmen’s Bureau to denationalize the government’s lands — returning it to the rebel planters Johnson had recently pardoned en masse.

     In the emancipated South, then, black dispossession went fist in glove with the coerced imposition of “free” labor. At the same time, Northern capitalists and federal officials conspired to prevent widespread black landownership — the very thing freedpeople almost universally regarded as the precondition for freedom in a post-slave society. One sixty-year-old freedman of the Mississippi Valley commented to a Northern journalist shortly after the war, “What’s de use of being free if you don’t own land enough to be buried in?”

     From Reconstruction to Jim Crow

Black-led protests during the final months of 1865 were widespread, though on small scales and usually in response to specific inciting confrontations. One ex–slaveholding planter complained to the Waco Register that although several of his fellow planters deigned to sign contracts with their new black employees, he estimated that three-fourths of the freedpeople in his area “look forward to Christmas as the dawn of the millennium, when meat and bread will come as a matter of course.”

     Many black families indeed refused to sign the loathsome contracts for the coming season, waiting on the promise of land redistribution. Among white Southerners, especially of the planter class, fevered rumors spread of an impending Haitian-style revolution. The pervasive fear in the winter of 1865–66 was soon given a label: the Christmas Insurrection Scare. But in the end, it proved to be just that. Promises broken, freedpeople reluctantly entered into labor contracts.

     The freedpeople of Texas had plenty of reason to be fearful, however, as some thirty-eight thousand Confederate parolees returned with a vengeance. In addition to raiding the treasury in Austin, the rebels of the failed Confederate state harassed, brutalized, and killed freedpeople at will. As Du Bois noted in Black Reconstruction, the pervasive anti-government, anti-black terrorism so widespread across the South was perhaps the worst in Texas. Simply acting free was grounds for white retaliation. The occupying US Army, meanwhile, lacked either the capacity or will to make black freedom meaningful. In any event, the return to peacetime in 1871 and the swift demobilization of the army spelled disaster for the formerly enslaved.

     At the twilight of slavery, then, a new system of dependency and precarity greeted freedpeople in Texas and across the emancipated South — vastly different from the freedom dreams of the formerly enslaved. For their part, the enslavers-turned-employers routinely griped about perceived obstinacy of their black workers — that is, their resistance to being rendered docile vectors of their employers’ will. They complained that “labor is incompatible with their ideas of freedom.” Threats and orders from on high appeared to register little with them. One planter, in a letter to the Dallas Daily Herald, sneered that “they do not believe anything that we tell them or which we may read from papers that is at variance with their ideas of freedom.” It was partly a matter of trust, but even more so a matter of political struggle and conviction that kept them at odds with their exploiters.

     After the fall of Reconstruction, that great experiment in biracial democracy, black workers channeled their organizing efforts into various associations such as the Colored Farmers’ Alliance, formed in Houston County, Texas, in 1886. Then came the ascent of the Populist Party in the early 1890s, which depended — especially in the former slaveholding states — on the mobilization of black voters. Texas in particular witnessed a surge of black support for the Populist Party and soon became a Populist stronghold.

     The Populist Party was the only meaningfully biracial political party that existed. It was also the only party that spoke to the needs of hundreds of thousands of black sharecroppers in the benighted South.

     In the words of C. Vann Woodward, Populism offered to working-class blacks and whites “an equalitarianism of want and poverty, the kinship of common grievance and a common oppressor.” Under unprecedented threat, the two established parties conspired to race-bait and red-bait the Populist Party to death. They succeeded. By the mid-1890s the Democratic Party had cynically adopted a few planks of the Populist platform, coopted some of its leaders, and cast black voters into the electoral oblivion of the increasingly disenfranchised South.

     What Juneteenth Means Today

     “We knowed freedom was on us,” Felix Haywood recalled in the late 1930s, “but we didn’t know what was to come with it. We thought we was goin’ to get rich like the white folks. We thought we was goin’ to be richer than the white folks, ’cause we was stronger and knowed how to work. . . . But it didn’t turn out that way. We soon found out that freedom could make folks proud but it didn’t make ’em rich.”

     Juneteenth is worth celebrating for its promised end to human bondage, but its history also reminds us of the “counterrevolution of property” waged against the revolution that was the American Civil War — a conflict that ultimately freed four million black people once legally held as property, a conflict wherein more than 140,000 formerly enslaved men enlisted and countless other black men and women lent their fullest devotion.

     It’s common to say nowadays that the Civil War is unfinished. We can, after all, readily point to the ubiquitous battles over so-called Civil War monuments (better understood as monuments to Jim Crow that merely adopt the iconography of the war). But the most enduring legacy of the Civil War is not symbolic or cultural but substantive and economic. Not only did sharecropping prevail into the 1960s, but the particular formulation of freedom exacted upon black people in the emancipated South can be said to weigh like a nightmare on the living, to borrow Marx’s phrase.

     Over the past year of the pandemic, political leaders on both sides of the aisle spoke and acted like modern-day Gordon Grangers, brandishing the freedom to work and the threat that we “will not be supported in idleness.” The meager stimulus checks, barely a few weeks’ worth of subsistence for most families, made good on this threat.

     So did conservatives’ shameless assaults on unemployment benefits, which they roundly denounced as disincentives to work. Like the ex-slaveholding planters of old, they betrayed a bone-deep belief in the natural laziness of the working class and an unstinting opposition to a different vision of freedom. To that end, too, they devoted themselves to austerity and anti-distributive economics, to incapacitating the welfare state while ramping up the punitive one — and setting it against black-led protests for something closer to approximating the promise of “absolute equality.”

     “It was the endin’ of it that made the difference,” Felix Haywood said of the war. This Juneteenth, let’s remember how slavery ended, and how freedom remained — and remains — elusive. And that nobody can make us free but ourselves.”

     As written by Heather Cox Richardson in her journal Letters From An America; “On April 9, 1865, General Robert E. Lee surrendered his Army of Northern Virginia to General Ulysses S. Grant of the U.S. Army, but it was not until June 2 that General Edmund Kirby Smith surrendered the Trans-Mississippi Department, the last major army of the Confederacy, to the United States, in Galveston, Texas. Smith then fled to Mexico.

     Seventeen days later, Major General Gordon Granger of the U.S. Army arrived to take charge of the soldiers stationed there. On June 19, he issued General Order Number 3. It read: 

     “The people of Texas are informed that, in accordance with a proclamation from the Executive of the United States, all slaves are free. This involves an absolute equality of personal rights and rights of property between former masters and slaves, and the connection heretofore existing between them becomes that between employer and hired labor.”

     The order went on: “The freedmen are advised to remain quietly at their present homes and work for wages. They are informed that they will not be allowed to collect at military posts and that they will not be supported in idleness either there or elsewhere.”

     While the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution abolishing enslavement except as punishment for a crime had passed through Congress on January 31, 1865, and Lincoln had signed it on February 1, the states were still in the process of ratifying it.

     So Granger’s order referred not to the Thirteenth Amendment, but to the Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863, which declared that Americans enslaved in states that were in rebellion against the United States “shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and that the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons.” Granger was informing the people of Galveston that, Texas having been in rebellion on January 1, 1863, their world had changed. The federal government would see to it that, going forward, white people and Black people would be equal.

     Black people in Galveston met the news Order No. 3 brought with celebrations in the streets, but emancipation was not a gift from white Americans. Black Americans had fought for the United States and worked in the fields to grow cotton the government could sell. Those unable to leave their homes had hidden U.S. soldiers, while those who could leave indicated their hatred of the Confederacy and enslavement with their feet. They had demonstrated their equality and their importance to the postwar United States.

     The next year, after the Thirteenth Amendment had been added to the Constitution, Texas freedpeople gathered on June 19, 1866, to celebrate with prayers, speeches, food, and socializing the coming of their freedom. By the following year, the federal government encouraged “Juneteenth” celebrations, eager to explain to Black citizens the voting rights that had been put in place by the Military Reconstruction Act in early March 1867, and the tradition of Juneteenth began to spread to Black communities across the nation.

     But white former Confederates in Texas were demoralized and angered by the changes in their circumstances. “It looked like everything worth living for was gone,” Texas cattleman Charles Goodnight later recalled.

     In summer 1865, as white legislators in the states of the former Confederacy grudgingly ratified the Thirteenth Amendment, they also passed laws to keep freedpeople subservient to their white neighbors. These laws, known as the Black Codes, varied by state, but they generally bound Black Americans to yearlong contracts working in the fields owned by white men; prohibited Black people from meeting in groups, owning guns or property, or testifying in court; outlawed interracial marriage; and permitted white men to buy out the jail terms of Black people convicted of a wide swath of petty crimes, and then to force those former prisoners into labor to pay off their debt.

     In 1865, Congress refused to readmit the Southern states under the Black Codes, and in 1866, congressmen wrote and passed the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution. Its first section established that “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.” It went on: “No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.”

     That was the whole ball game. The federal government had declared that a state could not discriminate against any of its citizens or arbitrarily take away any of a citizen’s rights. Then, like the Thirteenth Amendment before it, the Fourteenth declared that “Congress shall have the power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article,” strengthening the federal government.

     The addition of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution in 1868 remade the United States. But those determined to preserve a world that discriminated between Americans according to race, gender, ability, and so on, continued to find workarounds.

     On Friday, June 16, 2023, the Department of Justice—created in 1870 to enforce the Fourteenth Amendment—released the report of its investigation into the Minneapolis Police Department (MPD) and the City of Minneapolis in the wake of the May 2020 murder of George Floyd by a police officer. The 19-page document found systemic “conduct that deprives people of their rights under the Constitution and federal law,” discriminating against Black and Native American people, people with behavioral health disabilities, and protesters. Those systemic problems in the MPD’s institutional culture enabled Floyd’s killing.

     Minneapolis police performed 22% more searches, 27% more vehicle searches, and 24% more uses of force on Black people than on white residents behaving in similar ways. They conducted 23% more searches and used force 20% more on Indigenous Americans. 

     The Justice Department’s press release specified that the city and the police department “cooperated fully.” The two parties have “agreed in principle” to fix the problem with sweeping reforms based on community input, with an independent monitor rather than litigation.

     While the Senate unanimously approved the measure creating the Juneteenth holiday last year, fourteen far-right Republicans voted against it, many of them complaining that such a holiday would be divisive.

     How we remember our history matters.”

     As written by Vann R. Newkirk II in The Atlantic, in an article entitled Balancing the Ledger on Juneteenth: The debate over reparations highlights the dual purpose of the holiday: celebrating emancipation but also demanding accountability for historical and present wrongs; “In 2019, Juneteenth will be celebrated as emancipation was in the old days: with calls for reparations. As the country marks 154 years since news of the end of slavery belatedly came to Texas, the House Judiciary Committee will hold a hearing on the subject of reparations for black Americans. It is a watershed moment in the larger debate over American policy and memory with regard to an enduring sin.

     The hearing marks a return to the early black-American celebrations and jubilees, which were staged even as formerly enslaved people beseeched the Freedmen’s Bureau or the Union Army for land. And that’s for good reason. Juneteenth has always had a contradiction at its core: It is a second Independence Day braided together with reminders of ongoing oppression. Its spread from Texas to the rest of the United States accelerated in the wake of the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., as a sort of home-going for King and other victims of white-supremacist violence, fusing sorrow and jubilation.

     For decades, the successes of the civil-rights movement elevated the jubilation. But in recent years, the tenor of Juneteenth has changed. Black Americans see more clearly just how deep white supremacy rests in the country’s bones. The sorrow now predominates, and with it comes an urgency to hold power to account, and to remember who and what is owed.

     Amid the wreckage of Reconstruction, the sociologist W. E. B. Du Bois wrote Black Reconstruction in America, a celebration of freedom demanded and claimed, and a lamentation of the collapse of an era in which the country could have truly made good on its promises to the enslaved. In it, he made a prediction. “This the American black man knows: his fight here is a fight to the finish,” Du Bois wrote. “Either he dies or wins. If he wins it will be by no subterfuge or evasion of amalgamation. He will enter modern civilization here in America as a black man on terms of perfect and unlimited equality with any white man, or he will enter not at all. Either extermination root and branch, or absolute equality. There can be no compromise. This is the last great battle of the West.”

     For Du Bois, the path to a full liberation included restitution, land redistribution, the guarantee of a quality education, and positive and proactive protections for civil rights for the formerly enslaved and their descendants. Until those goals were achieved, he predicted, black Americans would be consigned to an unsteady state of second-class citizenship that would always tend toward oblivion. To Du Bois, if true material equality could not be enforced and racial hegemony smashed even by might of victorious arms, then it was proof that white supremacy would always have the power to escape any cage placed around it. Securing reparations, and a companion package of reforms that actually siphoned power from white elites and gave it to black laborers, was not just a practical necessity, but a moral test.

     Of course, America failed that examination. None of Du Bois’s aims were accomplished in full. Redemption destroyed Reconstruction, and Jim Crow enacted another century of formalized and state-enforced theft from black people by white people. Even the end of Jim Crow was marked by an incomplete reconstruction. Black civil-rights leaders were assassinated in waves, and the economic and housing reforms pushed at the end of the civil-rights movement were never realized. Affirmative action was diminished by white resistance, and, against the wishes of Justice Thurgood Marshall, the Supreme Court eliminated racial quotas. Black farmers never received anything near full compensation for land stolen with the assistance of the federal government, and the proactive protections of the Voting Rights Act were largely dismantled by the Court in 2013.

     Du Bois’s prediction now seems prophetic. The rejection of labor protections gave rise to sharecropping and reified a racial wealth hierarchy that has never been overturned. The failure to redistribute land from the enslavers to the enslaved that Du Bois chronicled led directly to the Great Migration, as black families fled their homes in search of genuine opportunity. Arriving in cities such as Chicago, they were met instead with a new round of dispossession. Discriminatory contract buying of homes in Chicago cost them between $3 billion and $4 billion. The absence of proactive protections for the black vote paved the way for disenfranchisement, and for the unsteady state of voting rights. The civil-rights-era efforts by the federal government to enforce equality were abandoned in many places, restoring a segregated health-care system and segregated schools.

     Now, however, a growing body of research and reporting has tied those rejections of pro-equality policies to visible racial disparities in health and wealth. These linkages in many cases have provided data to back concerns within black communities that have long been dismissed as conspiratorial ravings. Yes, police really are stealing from black communities by way of discriminatory tickets. Yes, much of the conservative push to enact more restrictive voting laws is intended to dilute black voting power. Those linkages are empowering in a way, cutting through decades of gaslighting and disbelief. And they all point to the potential utility of reparations, not just as a way to address the legacy of slavery, but as the only way to reckon with the caste system that America allowed to be built as it looked the other way after slavery’s end.

     The idea of reparations is somehow both avant-garde and extraordinarily old. Its reemergence stems from a broad reassessment of the trajectory of black America’s material conditions, and a realization that even with the extraordinary efforts of individual black people and some political and economic protections, true equality always appears just out of reach.

     The reparations debate now necessarily extends beyond slavery, drawing from Jim Crow and more recent discriminatory practices in the North and West. Scholars are producing estimates of exactly how much wealth was stolen by tools such as restrictive covenants and mass incarceration. And, critically, researchers have also clearly outlined exactly how state power helped produce the wealth of those who have it: through favorable tax policy, social insurance, powerful institutions, and massive land and wealth transfers. America has pursued most of the programs Du Bois desperately wanted to create during Reconstruction. But the country has enacted them mostly for white people instead of the scions of the enslaved.

     There is a ledger, and more and more black Americans believe it must be balanced. Resistance to that notion is perhaps best encapsulated by Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, who said on Tuesday: “I don’t want reparations for something that happened 150 years ago … We’ve tried to deal with the original sin of slavery by passing civil-rights legislation and electing an African American president.” Conveniently, McConnell did not mention Jim Crow, the reason it took 100 years for civil-rights legislation to be passed after the Civil War. And if he does view the election of President Barack Obama as a duly appointed form of reparations, then McConnell’s own resistance to, and repeated stonewalling of, Obama’s presidency deserve some probing.

     In American politics, as President Donald Trump’s career suggests, time and inertia confer legitimacy. The national celebration of emancipation has reverted to a purely historic endeavor, one stripped of the demand for full equality. Slavery has been relegated to a hazily indistinct past, and the ways in which it obviously influenced modern law are elided. Among those who wish to share in the font of white political power, this mythology is purposeful and empowering.

     Memory, however, is powerful enough to expose myth. And memory is the purpose of Juneteenth. The testimonies of people who were enslaved, as well as their children, grandchildren, and distant descendants, are integral parts of the holiday. In predicting that the black community would either attain equality or be eliminated “root and branch,” Du Bois underestimated the strength of memory, which has allowed the black community to endure.

     On Juneteenth, it seizes the narrative, reminding the country of its original debt, and the debts it has since accrued. And this Juneteenth, that reminder will be delivered in the seat of American power. This is, and has always been, the highest purpose of jubilee: to deliver a moral accounting.”

Solomon Burke – None Of Us Are Free

The Costs of Liberty: Glory film trailer

Balancing the Ledger on Juneteenth/ The Atlantic

The Atlantic’s book of Juneteenth articles

https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/#inbox/WhctKKXxCvsRzsJpjVhTCbLWgQZcPjHpmzQpdNWwVWbHncKGNwWNkJkzTMjsvNlSClZrScl

On Juneteenth, Annette Gordon-Reed

Letters From An American, by Heather Cox Richardson

https://jacobin.com/2021/06/juneteenth-jubilee-slavery-emancipation-lincoln-du-bois-granger-texas-wage-labor-sharecropping

https://www.cnn.com/2022/06/19/us/gallery/juneteenth-holiday-2022/index.html

https://jacobin.com/2022/06/juneteenth-john-brown-harriet-tubman-abolitionist-slavery-south-emancipation

https://www.msnbc.com/rachel-maddow/watch/the-amazing-woman-behind-juneteenth-s-long-road-to-becoming-a-national-holiday-115039301972

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/jun/18/juneteenth-celebration-events-protest-activism

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2022/06/17/a-proclamation-on-juneteenth-day-of-observance-2022/

Americans Mark Juneteenth With Parties, Events And Quiet Reflection/ Huffpost

Americans reflect on end of slavery for Juneteenth/ PBS

https://www.pbs.org/newshour/nation/americans-reflect-on-end-of-slavery-for-juneteenth?fbclid=IwAR34Eks8BudXpbT5d_BSQmGrJT6vs5_7DbNCcbdPr6KluBetBpq0SvWNBog

Listen to Laura Smalley, born in slavery in Texas, speaking in 1941 of the day she learned she was free

https://www.npr.org/transcripts/415809476

Three Days Before the Shooting…, Ralph Ellison, John Callahan (Editor),

Adam Bradley (Editor)

https://goodreads.com/book/show/7193452.Three_Days_Before_the_Shooting___

A Life in Chains: The Juneteenth Edition: Novels, Memoirs, Interviews, Testimonies, Studies, Official Records on Slavery and Abolitionism, Frederick Douglass, Harriet E. Wilson, Harriet Ann Jacobs, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Mark Twain, Lydia Maria Child, William Wells Brown, Charles W. Chesnutt, James Weldon Johnson, Booker T. Washington

This Juneteenth, None of Us are Free

https://johnpavlovitz.substack.com/p/this-juneteenth-none-of-us-are-free?fbclid=IwY2xjawK_rYVleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBicmlkETFoTzZWekFHQnNiMHB3RzZiAR7OWKn2CkRoela3XK8-6l4AMjT5OcRkPiS27hETbAXNrTqBDeTuBUrrVi3YQg_aem_QgtQfervB30BJ7YUfXDhBA

June 18 2025 Red Triangle Day: Anniversary of Trump’s Open Declaration of Nazi Allegiance in Using a Symbol of the Holocaust to Launch His 2020 Re-Election Campaign

     On this day five years ago the Fourth Reich regime which had captured America shed its mask and its fig leaf of legitimacy spun of lies and illusions as Trump with feral malice and the arrogance of power chose to launch his re-election campaign using the inverted Red Triangle worn by political prisoners of the Nazi death camps in reference to his own political opponents and to Antifa, to my knowledge the only force in our century to ever defeat in battle and on its own ground the United States of America as a captured state of the Fourth Reich and its terror forces of combined federal secret police of Homeland Security and their disavowable assets of white supremacist terror which included the Oathkeepers militia of former military and police.

      The Red Triangle became a symbol of liberation and victory over fascism and tyranny as well as Resistance when the Triumvirate of Trump, Barr, and Wolf declared the defeat of their regime and officially ceded federal control of New York, Seattle, and Portland to the people as Autonomous Zones.

     It has also been adopted as a symbol of Resistance and liberation struggle by the bold young rebels occupying our university campuses in the divestiture protests and in Palestine itself, whose meaning outsiders confuse and make ambiguous.

     In the context of Palestinian Resistance and liberation struggle, its direct origin is the flag of the 1916 Arab Revolt, whose colours were adopted from the 13th-century Arab poet Safi al-Din al-Hili;

“Ask the high rising spears, of our aspirations

Bring witness the swords, did we lose hope

We are a band, honor halts our souls

Of beginning with harm, those who won’t harm us

White are our deeds, black are our battles,

Green are our fields, red are our swords.”

     Red are our swords; become a symbol of Palestinian national identity and the cause of Arab unity throughout over a century of wars, it has also fused with the Red Triangle as a symbol of Antifascist Resistance, of anticolonial and revolutionary struggle, and of independence movements through the alliances and networks of Left solidarity and action which have propagated since the Second World War. This is especially true of the Marxist and former Soviet allied Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine founded by George Habash, which re-aligned with Hamas and Hezbollah versus both Arafat’s PLO-Fatah and Israel after the fall of the Soviet Union.

     I will be wearing my Red Triangle, assigned by the Nazis to political prisoners including social democrats, liberals, socialists, communists, anarchists, gentiles who assisted Jews, trade unionists, and Freemasons, as a badge of honor and victory in the liberation of the Autonomous Zones, a symbol of Antifa, in honor of all the victims of the Holocaust yet to be avenged, and as a promise to all those throughout the world yet to be liberated from fascism and tyranny.

     This I do as a sign of solidarity with all those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased. As Benjamin Franklin demonstrated so ably with his bundle of arrows, paraphrasing the founder of the Iroquois Confederacy Tadadaho Canasetoga the Peacemaker, “One arrow can easily be broken; many arrows together are unbreakable”. 

      Let the Red Triangle signal to those who would enslave us; We are many, we are watching, and we are the future.

     As I wrote in my post of September 24 2020, Leading the Charge Into the Future: the New York , Portland, and Seattle Autonomous Zones; In accord with Trump’s directive, the US Department of Justice has designated three cities, including Seattle, Portland, and New York City, as “anarchist” jurisdictions, officially ceding control to the free peoples who have seized their birthright and returned private property to the commons from which it was stolen and legitimacy from the government which has squandered it.

    Henceforth let us call those cities for which power and ownership has been transferred to us by the President of the United States, Attorney General William Barr, and Acting Homeland Security Secretary Chad Wolf, by their true names; the New York, Seattle, and Portland Autonomous Zones.

    May they be the first of many, throughout America and the world.

     As I wrote in my post of June 18 2020, Beneath the Republican Mask: Treason, Racism, Untruth, Misogyny, Predator; Mark of the Red Triangle;  Thanks for showing us what’s under your masks, Republicans; Treason, Racism, Untruth, Misogyny, Predator.

     Just when we thought there was no depravity which remains unexplored by our Clown of Terror, no violation of American values or degradation of humanity yet unseen in the outrages and mad performances of Traitor Trump, he launches his re-election campaign using symbols of the Holocaust.

     If there was any doubt as to his true motives and intentions in his relentless and savage campaign to subvert democracy and seize authoritarian power as tyrant of a regime of white supremacist terror, this open declaration of Nazi allegiance should erase all doubt.

     All that remains is for each of us to choose if we will face judgement and the witness of history with or against fascism and tyranny. Which future shall we leave for the next generation as our legacy?

     As Eoin Higgins writes in Common Dreams, in an article entitled Their Masks Are Off’: Facebook Removes Trump Ads Using Nazi Concentration Camp Symbol Used to Signify Political Prisoners; “Nazis used the red triangle to mark political prisoners and dissidents, and now Trump and the RNC are using it to smear millions of people protesting racist police violence.

     Social media giant Facebook on Thursday took a rare step of intervening in the platform’s political discourse by removing ads run by President Donald Trump’s re-election campaign using symbols from Nazi concentration camps after sustained outcry from advocacy groups.

     “Public outcry works,” tweeted Jewish advocacy group Bend the Arc: Jewish Action. “But the Trump campaign must be held accountable for its bigotry—and so must Facebook for enabling it.”

     The president’s campaign used an inverted red triangle in an ad to represent antifa, or antifascism, but as critics immediately pointed out, the symbol has an extremely dark and fascist past.

     According to the Washington Post; “A red inverted triangle was first used in the 1930s to identify Communists, and was applied as well to Social Democrats, liberals, Freemasons and other members of opposition parties. The badge forced on Jewish political prisoners, by contrast, featured a yellow triangle overlaid by a red triangle.”

     “We removed these posts and ads for violating our policy against organized hate,” Facebook spokesman Andy Stone told the Post. “Our policy prohibits using a banned hate group’s symbol to identify political prisoners without the context that condemns or discusses the symbol.”

     In a statement, Bend the Arc CEO Stosh Cotler said that “Trump and his cronies have used carefully-targeted antisemitic rhetoric and imagery to go after their opponents, while inciting violence against Jewish and Muslim people, immigrants, Black people, and people of color.”

     “Make no mistake, the President of the United States is campaigning for reelection using a Nazi concentration camp symbol,” Cotler said. “Nazis used the red triangle to mark political prisoners and dissidents, and now Trump and the RNC are using it to smear millions of people protesting racist police violence. Their masks are off.”

     And now Trump is running once again in hope of completing his mission of subversion of democracy and the degradation of America into a theocratic white ethnostate. While his ally Netanyahu demonstrates for us all Trump’s  vision of a future America, and the horrific consequences of theocracy, tyranny, and wars of genocide and ethnic cleansing perpetrated in the name of fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.

    Let us remember and never forget in all of history the flaws in our systems which he has exposed and leveraged and the crimes against the ideals and institutions of a free society of equals and our universal human rights he has perpetrated.

     Remember, and bring a Reckoning.

https://www.commondreams.org/news/2020/06/18/their-masks-are-facebook-removes-trump-ads-using-nazi-concentration-camp-symbol-used?fbclid=IwAR3a1pdWvwnzLdtzy2aM9LP177NSqr9hnCUctiOjKEs7u-KNweGBnibrXIs

Nazi concentration camp badge: the Red Triangle for Political Prisoners

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nazi_concentration_camp_badge

What does the inverted red triangle used by some pro-Palestinian demonstrators symbolize?

It’s become synonymous with the protest, but the symbol long predates it

https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/gaza-red-triangle-meaning-1.7216788

Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Popular_Front_for_the_Liberation_of_Palestine

One small, red triangle: Palestine, we are finally looking

Flag of Palestine

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flag_of_Palestine

                    Historical and Political Contexts: Palestine

Palestinian Cultures of Resistance, Michael Lavalette  

The French Resistance Against Nazi Occupation : A Model For Palestinian Resistance, GEW Reports and Analyses Team, Hichem Karoui (editor)                 

Hamas: A History from Within, Azzam S. Tamimi

Hamas: Political Thought and Practice, Khaled Hroub

https://goodreads.com/book/show/3874098.Hamas_Political_Thought_and_Practice

Unsilencing Gaza: Reflections on Resistance, Sara Roy

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/56268618-unsilencing-gaza

Deluge: Gaza and Israel from Crisis to Cataclysm, Jamie Stern-Weiner

 (editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/204270346-deluge

The Biggest Prison on Earth: A History of the Occupied Territories,

Ilan Pappé

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/2856775-the-biggest-prison-on-earth?ref=rae_13

Gaza: An Inquest into Its Martyrdom, Norman G. Finkelstein

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/35070437-gaza?ref=rae_4

Except for Palestine: The Limits of Progressive Politics, Marc Lamont Hill, Mitchell Plitnick

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/53496557-except-for-palestine?ref=rae_0

Palestine: A Socialist Introduction, Sumaya Awad (Editor), Brian Bean (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/55853564-palestine?ref=rae_0

Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions: The Global Struggle for Palestinian Rights,

Omar Barghouti

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/10584110-boycott-divestment-sanctions?ref=rae_1

Palestine: A Four Thousand Year History, Nur Masalha

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/36645450-palestine?ref=rae_10

June 17 2025 Watergate Anniversary, and In Memoriam Daniel Ellsberg

     Fifty four years ago today the 1971 Watergate break in began the fall of Richard Nixon and his criminal regime of repression of dissent and sabotage of American institutions of government, ideals, and values, a horrific precursor of the Fourth Reich capture of our nation in the Stolen Elections of 2016 and 2024 and the treasonous and kleptocratic regime of Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump.

    Nixon’s carceral state of force and control, white supremacist terror and patriarchal sexual terror, and the imperial Thousand Day Vietnam War began with his sidekick Joe McCarty and the Blacklist Era also called The Red Scare; and though exposure delegitimized Nixon and toppled him from his throne the Fourth Reich regarded his Presidency as an incremental victory which moved our nation closer to the 1980 capture of the Republican Party by a fascist cabal under the fig leaf of Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson’s Gideonite fundamentalism, the Presidency of Ronald Reagan, the Bush dynasty whose founder prior to the Second World War was the exclusive banker for Thysson Krupp and personally handed Adolf Hitler the money to fund the Beer Hall Putsch, and finally that of Donald Trump, heir to a fortune founded by a sex trafficker in the Klondike Gold Rush who abducted and sold Native American tribal women, chained like captive animals in horse stalls, similar to the origin of the word “crib” in Black slang to refer to one’s home as this was used throughout the Confederacy as well. John Hawkes wrote the iconic novel Adventures in the Alaskan Skin Trade about the Trump family in 1985; and people wonder why the Grabber, who once bought a beauty contest to peep at teenage girls in the changing room, is a rapist, misogynist, and sexual terrorist.

     Herein I intend not to diminish the many crimes of Richard Nixon, but to place him in historical context as the first American victory of the Fourth Reich in capturing the state through the Presidency, and who opened the way for all that came later.

    Nixon made an annual pilgrimage to Mexico City during his Presidency to meet with what he called his spiritual advisor, Josef Mengele. The results of that discipleship can be read in the methods of repression of dissent used in America against counterculture movements of all kinds and in Vietnam; methods later used in the Third Imperial Period of our history after 911 to centralize  authority in the counterinsurgency model of policing, which treats all citizens as suspects and all suspects as terrorists, the militarization of policing, and the coordination of deniable assets like the Proud Boys, Oathkeepers, Patriot Front, The Base, Atomwaffen Division, and other fascists with Fourth Reich infiltration agents within the police and Homeland Security in tyranny and terror, treason and the subversion of democracy.

     Watergate was the birth of the January 6 Insurrection.

     As written by the Spanish philosopher Santayana in the 1905 treatise The Life of Reason; “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” Winston Churchill paraphrased this in a famous speech of 1948 as; “Those who fail to learn from history are condemned to repeat it.”

     As written in The Washington Post, in an article entitled Transcript: 50th Anniversary of Watergate: Inside the Case:

“MR. BALZ: Hello, and welcome to Washington Post Live. I’m Dan Balz, chief correspondent here at The Post. We are beginning our coverage of the 50th anniversary of the Watergate break-in with two men who helped assemble the legal case against President Nixon. Richard Ben-Veniste was chief of the Watergate taskforce in the Office of Special Prosecutor. Secretary William Cohen was a freshman on the House Judiciary Committee, newly elected in 1972 from the state of Maine. Gentlemen, welcome. Thank you both for being with us.

MR. COHEN: Good to be with you, Dan.

MR. BALZ: So, let’s begin at the beginning. June 17, 1972, the burglars are arrested at the Democratic National Committee headquarters in the Watergate building. Richard, how did you first hear about it, and what did you think about it?

MR. BEN-VENISTE: I first heard about it when I was a US attorney assistant in New York City, and thought it was a crazy intrusion. But before we get into the substance, let me just say, if I may be permitted, what a great honor it is to share this conversation with Bill Cohen, who is a great American patriot and defender of the Constitution.

MR. COHEN: Richard, thank you very much. And I would say the same. My admiration for you goes just as strongly in your direction.

MR. COHEN: Thank you.

MR. BALZ: Thank you, both.

Secretary Cohen, you were running for office that summer when the news broke about the break-in? How did you hear about it? What did you think about it? And frankly, did it ever come up in the context of your campaign?

MR. COHEN: It did not. I had just been elected to be the Republican nominee for the congressional district, and I had planned a 650-mile walk all the way from New Hampshire to Canada. So, my focus was on how was I going to conduct that walk, how would I be able to endure it physically, et cetera. And so my focus was just on relating to the people of Maine. I was staying at homes picked at random individually every night. And so my focus was on connecting to the people of Maine and my district. And the issue what happened, I hadn’t heard about it, read about it. But it really wasn’t central to anything I was thinking or saying. And, frankly, it was dismissed initially as just a, quote, “third-rate burglary.” And that’s what it had seemed–it had seemed to me at the time.

MR. BALZ: The investigation initially was under the auspices of the US Attorney’s Office with Judge Sirica presiding in the courtroom. Later, Elliot Richardson, newly appointed attorney general, appointed Archibald Cox as the special prosecutor. Richard, why the shift? What was the mandate for Archibald Cox? And how did that office get put together?

MR. BEN-VENISTE: The appointment of a special prosecutor I think flowed from the fact that Judge Sirica was very unhappy with the presentation before him in the Watergate break-in case, where the original burglars were being tried. He believed that there were higher-ups involved, and yet there was no questioning about higher-ups. There was no mention of anyone beyond the seven who were indicted. And therefore, there was a lot of political concern about whether things were being cabined that should not have been. And the Democratic majority in the Senate made clear to the president that in order to confirm his appointment of Elliot Richardson as attorney general, Richardson would have to agree to appoint a special prosecutor to investigate the Watergate matter with a degree of independence that would allow for exploration of all the evidence, no matter how high it went.

MR. BALZ: And let me ask you both this question. There were ultimately multiple investigations. There was the special prosecutors’ investigation. There was the Senate Select Committee under Senator Sam Ervin, and then ultimately there was the House Judiciary Committee in the impeachment proceedings. To what extent did these investigations cooperate with one another, get in each other’s way? Richard, could I start with you? And then, Secretary Cohen, I’d like to ask you that and then follow up with another question to you.

MR. BEN-VENISTE: Well, first, it started with the FBI, which did a remarkable job. The US Attorney’s Office in the District of Columbia then continued the investigation and made a lot of progress. The problem was at the–at the very highest levels of the Justice Department the investigation had been compromised and information was flowing back to the White House about the investigation and instructions were given to the prosecutors that they could not go beyond the original authors of the break-in as far as those who were arrested. And so each of the institutions you’ve mentioned played an important role. There was no coordination between us as the special prosecutor who took over on the federal investigation side with the Senate committee. In fact, Archibald Cox was upset that John Dean was granted immunity by the Senate. But we managed to prosecute him anyway. And Dean, to his credit, despite the fact that he could have fought for years because of the various promises that had been made to him by others, agreed to plead guilty to one count felony and cooperate with the prosecution. And so he became our primary witness in the trial. And then, once we had the tapes, essentially, the matter was sealed, because no one could get away from their tape-recorded conversations showing their culpability in a criminal conspiracy to obstruct justice.

MR. BALZ: We’ll get to the tapes in a minute. Secretary Cohen, so the special prosecutor is moving forward. At that point, the Ervin committee is starting to hold public hearings that were riveting the country that summer. What’s going on in the House, and particularly in the House Judiciary Committee at that point?

MR. COHEN: Well, it really didn’t start to get energized in the House until Saturday Night–the Saturday Night Massacre. There had been an impeachment resolution that had been introduced by Father Robert Drinan. But Tip O’Neill then said let’s not move on that. And so we really were not doing much of anything other than watching what was taking place on–during the Ervin committee hearings. But once the Saturday Night Massacre took place where Elliot Richardson resigned, Bill Ruckelshaus resigned, and Mr. Cox was fired, that set in motion, really the directive came to start looking into what an impeachable offense is. And so we really weren’t active until that moment. As far as I’m concerned, I was not.

MR. BALZ: You raised the next point that I was going to get to, which is the Saturday Night Massacre. Nixon was obviously angry and frustrated at this point about the demands for the tapes, and decided to get rid of Archibald Cox. He asked Elliot Richardson to do it. Richardson declined and resigned. He asked Bill Ruckelshaus, who was the deputy attorney general to do it. He declined. He tried to resign but was fired before he could actually resign. It was left to Robert Bork, who was then the relatively new solicitor general to carry out the deed. As you mentioned this evening, the–October 1973 became infamously known as the Saturday Night Massacre. I’d like everybody to listen to how John Chancellor of NBC News reported the events of that day and evening.

[Video plays]

MR. BALZ: Richard, walk us through that moment. I mean, this is an extraordinary moment in the history of the country. Nothing like this has ever been seen before. We’re in the middle of a very, very fraught investigation. Suddenly the leader of this investigation, the special prosecutor, Archibald Cox, has been fired. What’s going on in the office at that point? What’s the mood? How do you think you’re going to be able to go forward?

MR. BEN-VENISTE: Well, we didn’t know how we would be able to go forward. In fact, while Archibald Cox was fired, we were not, because we were Justice Department employees and Nixon didn’t have the right to fire us. But he said that our office was disbanded. The FBI showed up in force, therefore trumping the rule of law with force. We’d never seen anything like this and–in this country, and we never expected to see anything like it again, until January 6th. And that was quite extraordinary. So the use of force instead of allowing a proper appointed special prosecutor to carry out his responsibilities–so the American public, the press, and the Congress–which had been interested to some extent, of course, in the Ervin committee hearings, were not galvanized by those hearings, and still continued to give the benefit of the doubt to the sitting president.

Now, with the resignation of two very important law enforcement officers in the country, and the firing of an independent special prosecutor, people began to ask quite, quite properly, what was Nixon hiding? And so there was a dramatic shift, in my view, following this Saturday Night Massacre where people began to suspect there was a whole lot more to the Watergate affair than had been led on, as Bill Cohen said earlier, this White House characterization as a third-rate break-in, was in fact a reflexive reaction by the government of Richard Nixon to cover up and to hide not only who was behind Watergate, but a variety of other violations of laws serious in nature, that even Attorney General John Mitchell characterized as the “White House Horrors.” These included the break-in of Daniel Ellsberg’s psychiatrist’s office, the proposed firebombing of the Brookings Institution, the use of thugs to rough up anti-war demonstrators, the use of the IRS against political enemies of the president, the unlawful wiretapping of journalists. And the list went on and on and on with an enemies list compiled by the White House to use the power of government against individuals whose only offense was to oppose President Nixon politically.

MR. BALZ: Secretary Cohen, you indicated that this was a dramatic event. How did it affect attitudes inside the Congress? To what extent did it in fact move the investigation toward an impeachment in a significant way?

MR. COHEN: Well, the House Judiciary Committee was then charged with determining whether or not impeachment proceedings should be initiated against the president. If I can just add a personal note here, once Elliot Richardson resigned and a new prosecutor had to be appointed, Leon Jaworski was appointed by Richard Nixon. The Democrats, certainly on the committee, and I think representing a broader spectrum in the–in the House itself, were opposed to having Jaworski appointed, that Nixon should not have the right to appoint a special prosecutor. It should go through a court system. The Washington Post, by the way, was opposed at that time to having Jaworski appointed. And on a personal level, it was the very first op-ed I had ever authored to The Washington Post, and I wrote an op-ed saying that the Democrats were wrong; they should not interfere with Jaworski being appointed, because, as Richard just mentioned, the staff was not dismissed. The staff was still there, and Jaworski would beholden–be beholden to that staff. So, I wrote an op-ed and The Washington Post, I guess for one of the first times, reversed its editorial position and supported the recommendation I had made. And Dave Broder, the great Dave Broder came to me and said, how did you do that? And all I did was basically say that now Jaworski was a captive of Richard Ben-Veniste and the other staff members who were going to pursue that to the end. I haven’t discussed that before, but that’s how that came about.

MR. BALZ: That’s a fascinating story.

MR. BEN-VENISTE: Well, I don’t know if he was my captive, but he was the captive of the evidence. And once we got not only a new special prosecutor, but before he arrived, we got the first tranche of tapes, because Nixon did a 180 and then said all right, I will give you the tapes. And he gave us most of them without 18 and a half minutes, which was deliberately deleted from one of them. But he gave us enough. And I sat down and listened, I think as the first person outside of a small coterie of folks at the Nixon White House, to what was on those tapes, and particularly the so-called cancer on the presidency conversation, where John Dean tried to convince the president to end the coverup and to allow people to come forward and take their medicine, but stop it before the president himself was engulfed by the cancer of the Watergate coverup. And yet, Nixon on tape in his own voice, irrefutable evidence, said, no, you need to continue to pay hush money to the burglars. And by the way, here’s how you can get away with lying under oath before the Senate and the grand jury.

MR. BALZ: Richard, there’s a vivid scene in Garrett Graff’s new book about Watergate, which is a wonderful, comprehensive history of the whole scandal, that you and a few others were gathered in your office listening to the tapes for the first time and struggling, I suspect, to actually hear them because they’re scratchy, and they’re not perfect audio. But it felt as though in reading about that that you were even more shocked than you thought you might be by what you were hearing and that you and others came out of that with a much firmer conclusion about what Nixon had done and his culpability. Is that right?

MR. BEN-VENISTE: Absolutely. Absolutely right, Dan. We didn’t know what would be on those tapes, if anything. It could have all been a ploy to get rid of Cox and there would have been nothing there. And so we listened to those tapes. And as a federal prosecutor before Watergate, you know, I had heard surreptitious tape recordings, and they are of various different qualities. But the March 21 conversation was so explosive. It had Nixon saying, look, you need to continue paying hush money to the burglars so they don’t give up who was behind ordering the break-in in the first place and reveal all the other untoward things, illegal things that they had done.

And that night, a final payment to Howard Hunt, one of the burglars, in the amount of $120,000 I believe, was made. So Nixon at that point, as far as we know, there was no evidence of his ordering the Watergate break-in or anything other than what we could surmise from other people’s testimony. But nothing approached the fact that here is Richard Nixon, the president of the United States, ordering the continuation of an illegal obstruction of justice, and that obstruction of justice then goes forward. Not only that–and Jaworski, who we called in immediately to listen to the tape, and he sat there in stone silence, shaking his head from time to time–heard Nixon in the most cavalier way explain away how one might try to avoid a charge of perjury while still being untruthful before the grand jury and congressional committees. Never was there any conversation about doing the right thing other than Dean trying to end the conspiracy, in which he played an important role himself and had agreed that he would have to go to jail and take the consequences. But Nixon refused and the coverup continued. So, it was absolute evidence of Nixon’s active role, not only knowledge of but active role in continuing the obstruction of justice.

MR. BALZ: Secretary Cohen, how important were the tapes in affecting the attitudes and positions of people on the Judiciary Committee? And if the tapes had never been released, would Nixon have been impeached?

MR. COHEN: I don’t think so. Because if the tapes hadn’t been released, we would have been left with the edited transcripts. And so you had not only expletives deleted–by the way, which are important–it gives tone and texture to what was really being said–but also irrelevant portions being omitted. So, who is to decide what’s irrelevant? And at one point, President Nixon tried to get a deal worked out with the special prosecutor that John Stennis would listen to the tapes. Well, of course, John Stennis was hard of hearing for openers, and so that didn’t go down very well.

But ultimately, within the committee itself, it was still very divided. Republicans for the most part said this is just the Democrats trying to overturn the election because they lost so heavily. This is not something that hasn’t been done before. We’ve got to hang together. I think–well, we voted. Ultimately the Rodino letter that was approved voted to send a second letter to the president to get the tapes. And once we heard the tapes, I sat down, as other members did–I had the headphones on, as you pointed out, very hard to hear–and I went through the transcripts that we had and measured those against the words that we saw on the page. And it became very clear to enough of us on the Judiciary Committee, enough Republicans to make it bipartisan to say that impeachment proceedings should go to the House for a vote and then to the Senate.

But without that, I think there was enough doubt in the–on the Republican side. Certainly, there was still Tom Railsback, Henry Smith, Ham Fish Jr, et cetera, and Caldwell Butler in particular, members who were really concerned with the edited transcripts. But once the tapes came through, I think that pushed even the most conservative of the Republicans to say that they were impeachable offenses that we believe needed to be brought to the full House, and then to the Senate.

MR. BALZ: Before we get to the Articles of Impeachment themselves, Richard, there’s one other big event that happens in the spring of 1974, and that’s when seven senior members of the Nixon administration are indicted. HR Haldeman, John Ehrlichman, John Mitchell, Chuck Colson. What was the thinking about doing all of those as one big indictment as opposed to serial indictments? And what was the shape of the evidence that allowed you to go forward with such an impactful decision?

MR. BEN-VENISTE: Well, our coverup indictment that charged a conspiracy to obstruct justice did in fact include the individuals that you mentioned. And the interesting part of it was that Leon Jaworski was very reluctant to name Richard Nixon. But we on the task force–and this may go back to Bill’s earlier point–said to Jaworski, that, look, the evidence is clear that Nixon has participated in the conspiracy actively. We can’t hide that. And indeed, these tapes might not be admissible as evidence in a court of law if the participants in the conversation, were not members of the conspiracy themselves. So, we need to do the right thing here. The right thing is to name Richard Nixon as an unindicted co-conspirator, even though we had made the decision that with an active investigation in Congress, the more appropriate method of dealing with presidential criminality would be through the impeachment process. But as far as the criminal indictment of the others were concerned, these tapes were essential evidence. And I agree with Bill that if the tapes had not existed, if Nixon had not installed the taping system, if we had not found out about it through the testimony of one of Nixon’s aides, Alex Butterfield, if Nixon had destroyed the tapes rather than holding out, holding out and then ultimately capitulating, I believe he would have been able to serve out his term as president, a wounded president. Nevertheless, I don’t think there would have been the votes to remove him from office with a two-thirds vote of the Senate.

MR. BALZ: We’re nearly out of time, so I want to jump forward. Ultimately, the House Judiciary Committee votes three articles of impeachment. There’s a smoking gun tape released. Nixon resigns.

Secretary Cohen, let’s come up to the present day. We’ve had two presidents impeached since then, Presidents Clinton and Trump. Twice in all cases, they were acquitted by the Senate. We’re in a very polarized environment. Is the impeachment process any longer a viable tool to hold a president to account?

MR. COHEN: Well, I think the impeachment process itself is being invoked too frequently. I quoted Lord Chancellor Somers during the House investigation back in ’74. He said impeachment is like Goliath’s sword to be removed from the temple on great occasions only. And I think that when we start talking about Bill Clinton or the attempt to impeach Donald Trump, it’s just being used too frequently and not on great occasions. I think today, for example, the investigation underway against former President Trump is different. And ultimately, it comes down to the rule we tried to follow during the Nixon impeachment. The notion is power has to be entrusted to someone, but no one can be trusted with power. That is fundamental to our founding fathers, why they devised a system of checks and balances because they understood human nature, that power is pursued by ambitious people, that power that goes unchecked will be abused. And therefore, we have to find a way to check it as much as possible.

And so that was a lesson coming out of Watergate. You had President Nixon, who said I prefer–I want loyalty. Over competence, I want loyalty. You had president–former President Trump saying I want loyalty. Call me “You’re fired.” I wanted loyalty to me. And so the notion we have gotten away from is the commitment to the Constitution as opposed to the individual. And that I think is the lesson of Watergate. I think it’s a lesson that we could derive throughout. But really, impeachment has to be used on great occasions. And those occasions come when you absolutely pursue a policy, which not only tries to subvert the Constitution subtly, covertly, but to do it openly through the use of force, as we saw with the assault on January 6th. So, I think impeachment is a process that needs to be there. But we need to respect it and hold it for the really important occasions, which go to the central part of placing loyalty to the Constitution, not to any president.

MR. BALZ: That’s very helpful advice.

MR. BEN-VENISTE: Well, I agree. There’s also–there’s also a criminal responsibility. And particularly after a president has left office, he is vulnerable to prosecution. Nixon, for all of his authoritarian tendencies and his criminality did not, in my view, pose an existential threat to our democracy. Donald Trump, on the other hand, does and did. And that’s a very significant difference. There’s a difference in 50 years gone by of our respect for the truth and the rule of law and the education of Americans, as to what it means to be a patriotic American. And we have lost a great deal there. And without getting into a long discussion of that, we were in danger, serious danger in the events leading up to January 6th. And if in fact a few things had gone the other way, we would have been in a horrendous mess. And we need to straighten that out through education and through individuals like Bill Cohen, who put America first, party second. That has to be the rule.

MR. BALZ: Well, we’ll see where the January 6th Committee ends up, and we’ll see where the Justice Department ends up in this current moment. Unfortunately, we are out of time. I want to thank both of you, Richard Ben-Veniste and Secretary William Cohen for being here on the first of three episodes that we’re going to be doing looking at the history of the Watergate break-in and the Watergate scandal. Gentlemen, thank you again very much for being with us.

MR. BEN-VENISTE: Thank you so much.

MR. COHEN: Thank you, Dan.

MR. BALZ: Again, I’m Dan Balz. And thank you, all of you for watching and being with us today. To check out what future programming we have, go to WashingtonPostLive.com. You can look there and register and see what other events are coming up. Once again, thank you and good day.”

     The anniversary of Watergate now falls within days of the June 16 2023 death of the great truthteller Daniel Ellsberg, whose witness of history and courageous exposure of tyranny and state terror brought down the monstrous Nixon and his regime of war crimes and atrocities against our own citizens in the repression of dissent in service to elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege. To him and countless others like him in the sacred calling to pursue the truth, no matter the source or where it leads, we owe the endurance of our civilization and the ideas of universal human rights and citizenship in a free society of equals on which it is founded.

     As memorialized by Heather Cox Richardson in her journal Letters From An American; “In one of the quirky coincidences that history deals out, Daniel Ellsberg died today at age 92 on the eve of the fifty-first anniversary of the break-in at the offices of the Democratic National Committee in the Watergate Hotel in Washington, D.C.

     Ellsberg was a military analyst in the 1960s, disturbed by the gulf between what the government was telling the public about the war in Vietnam and what he was seeing behind the scenes.

     After serving as a Marine, Ellsberg earned his doctorate at Harvard and joined the RAND Corporation, where he learned to apply game theory to warfare. By 1964 he was an advisor to Robert McNamara, who served as defense secretary under presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson. In 1967, Ellsberg was part of the team tapped by McNamara to compile a history of the conflict in Vietnam to evaluate the success of different programs.

     Ellsberg was concerned by investigators’ conclusions. The 7,000-page secret government study detailed U.S. involvement in Vietnam from Harry Truman’s presidency to Lyndon Johnson’s. It outlined how successive presidents had lied to the American people, expanding the war with promises of victory even as the costs of the war mounted and the chances of victory moved farther and farther away.

     Ellsberg copied the secret study and shared it with congressmen, who buried it. Finally, Ellsberg shared the report with a New York Times correspondent on the condition the reporter would only take notes and would not copy the pages. But the correspondent broke the agreement, believing the documents were “the property of the people” who had paid for them with “the blood of their sons.”

     On June 13, 1971, the New York Times began to publish what became known as the Pentagon Papers, showing how presidents had lied to the American people about the nation’s involvement in Vietnam. President Richard Nixon’s attorney general, John Mitchell, warned the New York Times that the publication was jeopardizing national security and warned that the government would prosecute. The editors decided to continue publication—the Supreme Court later agreed that the newspaper had the right to publish the information—while Ellsberg leaked the report to other newspapers.

     The study ended before the Nixon administration, but the president was deeply concerned about it. The report showed that presidents had lied to the American people for years, and Nixon worried that the story would hurt his administration by souring the public on his approach to the Vietnam War. Worse, if anyone looked at his own administration, they might well find evidence of his own secret actions in the Vietnam arena: the Chennault affair, in which a Nixon ally undermined peace talks before the 1968 presidential election in order to undercut Johnson’s reelection campaign, and what was then the undisclosed bombing of Cambodia.

     News of either could, at the very least, destroy Nixon’s reelection campaign.

     Nixon became obsessed with the idea that the Pentagon Papers proved that opponents were trying to sink his campaign for reelection.

     Frustrated when the FBI did not seem to be taking an investigation into Ellsberg seriously enough, in July 1971, Nixon put together in the White House a special investigations unit to stop leaks. And who stops leaks?

     Plumbers.

     Officially known as the White House Special Investigations Unit, Nixon’s “plumbers” burglarized the office of Daniel Ellsberg’s psychiatrist on September 9, 1971, hoping to find damaging information about him that would discredit the Pentagon Papers. (Their burglary, showing gross governmental misconduct, was later key to the dismissal of charges against Ellsberg for leaking the report.)

     Some of the plumbers began to work with the Committee to Reelect the President (aptly called “CREEP” as its methods came to light) to sabotage Nixon’s Democratic opponents by “ratf*cking” them, as they called it, planting fake letters in newspapers, hiring vendors for Democratic rallies and then running out on the unpaid bills, and planting spies in Democrats’ campaigns.

     Finally, CREEP turned back to the plumbers.

     Early in the morning on June 17, 1972, Frank Wills, a 24-year-old security guard at the Watergate Office Building in Washington, D.C., noticed that a door lock had been taped open. He ripped off the tape and closed the door, but on his next round he found the door taped open again. He called the police, who found five burglars in the Democratic National Committee headquarters located in the building.

     The White House denied all knowledge of what it called a “third-rate burglary attempt,” and most of the press took the denial at face value. But two young reporters for the Washington Post, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, followed the sloppy money trail behind the burglars directly to the White House.

     The fallout from the burglary gained no traction before the election, which Nixon and Vice President Spiro Agnew won with an astonishing 60.7 percent of the vote. But the scandal erupted in March 1973, when one of the burglars, James W. McCord, Jr., wrote a letter to Judge John Sirica before his sentencing, saying that he had lied at his trial, under pressure to protect government officials. McCord had been the head of security for CREEP, and Sirica, known by reporters as “Maximum John,” later said, “I had no intention of sitting on the bench like a nincompoop and watching the parade go by.”

     Sirica made the letter public, White House counsel John Dean promptly began cooperating with prosecutors, and the Watergate scandal was in full swing. On August 9, 1974, Nixon became the first president in American history to resign.

     Ellsberg decided to release the Pentagon Papers to alert the American people to the fact that their government was lying to them about the Vietnam War. But he helped set in motion a series of events that determined the shape of the political world we live in today.”

      In his own words as interviewed by Davids Smith in The Guardian, in an article entitled ‘I’ve never regretted doing it’: Daniel Ellsberg on 50 years since leaking the Pentagon Papers; “When the police arrived, a 13-year-old boy was photocopying classified documents. His 10-year-old sister was cutting the words “top secret” off each page. It seemed their dad, Daniel Ellsberg, had been caught red-handed.

     But the officers were responding to a false alarm and did not check what Ellsberg and his young accomplices were up to. “It was a very nice family scene,” the 90-year-old recalls via Zoom from his home in Kensington, California. “It didn’t worry them.”

     So night after night the photocopying went on, the crucial means that allowed strategic analyst Ellsberg to leak the Pentagon Papers, a secret report that exposed government lies about the Vietnam war. The New York Times began publishing excerpts 50 years ago on Sunday.

     The papers, a study of US involvement in south-east Asia from 1945 to 1967, revealed that president after president knew the war to be unwinnable yet continued to mislead Congress and the public into an escalating stalemate costing millions of lives.

     After their release Ellsberg was put on trial for espionage and faced a potential prison sentence of 115 years, only for the charges to be dropped. Once branded “the most dangerous man in America”, Ellsberg is now revered as the patron saint of whistleblowers such as Chelsea Manning, Julian Assange and Edward Snowden.

     So, half a century on, is he glad he did it? “Oh, I’ve never regretted for a moment doing it from then till now,” he says, wearing dark jacket, open-necked shirt and headphones against the backdrop of a vast bookcase. “My one regret, a growing regret really, is that I didn’t release those documents much earlier when I think they would have been much more effective.

      “I’ve often said to whistleblowers, don’t do what I did, don’t wait years till the bombs are falling and people have been dying.”

     Ellsberg’s own experience in Vietnam was formative. In the mid-1960s he was there on special assignment as a civilian studying counter-insurgency for the state department. He estimates that he and a friend drove about 10,000 miles, visiting 38 of the 43 provinces, sometimes linking up with troops and witnessing the war up close.

     “By two years in Vietnam, I was reporting very strongly that there was no prospect of progress of any kind so the war should not be continued. And that came to be the majority view of the American people before the Pentagon Papers came out.

     “By ’68 with the Tet offensive, by ’69, most Americans already thought it was immoral to continue but that had no effect on [president Richard] Nixon. He thought he was going to try to win it and they would be happy once he’d won it, however long it took.

     “But the other side of it was that Vietnam became very real to me and the people dying became real and I had Vietnamese friends. It occurs to me I don’t know of anyone of my level or higher – any deputy assistant secretary, any assistant secretary, any cabinet secretary – who had a Vietnamese friend. In fact, most of them had never met a Vietnamese.”

     Only recently, as he prepares for the 50th anniversary, has Ellsberg dwelled on how doubts about the war went higher in the political hierarchy than is widely understood. “The Pentagon Papers are always described as revealing to people how much lying there was but there was a particular kind of lying that’s not revealed in the Pentagon Papers.

     “Yes, everybody was lying but for different reasons and for different causes. In particular, a very large range of high-level doves thought we should get out and should not have got involved at all. They were lying to the public to give the impression that they were supporting the president when they did not believe in what the president was doing.

     “They did not agree with it but they would have spoken out at the cost of their jobs and their future careers. None of them did that or took any risk of doing it and the price of the silence of the doves was several million Vietnamese, Indochinese, and 58,000 Americans.”

     But Ellsberg did break the silence. Why was he, unlike them, willing to risk life imprisonment for a leak that he knew had only a small chance of ending the war? He says he was inspired by meeting people who resisted being drafted into military service and, unlike conscientious objectors, did not take alternative service.

     “They didn’t go to Sweden. They didn’t get a deferment. They didn’t plead bone spurs like Donald J Trump. They chose a course that put them in prison. They could easily have shown their protests in other ways but this was the strongest way they could say this war is wrong and it’s a matter of conscience and I won’t participate in it.

     “That kind of civil courage is contagious and it rubbed off on me. That example opened my eyes to the question, what can I do to help end this war, now that I’m ready to go to prison?”

     In 1969 Ellsberg was working as a Pentagon consultant at the Rand Corporation thinktank in Santa Monica, California, and still had access to the secret study of the war, which by this time had killed about 45,000 Americans and hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese. He decided to take the plunge.

     “I said I’ve got in my safe at Rand 7,000 pages of documents of lies, deceptions, breaking treaties, hopeless wars, killing, et cetera and I don’t know whether it’ll have any effect to put it out but I’m not going to be party to concealing that any more.”

     Ellsberg had a friend whose girlfriend owned an advertising agency with a photocopier, or Xerox machine. Over eight months he spent many nights making copies of the Pentagon Papers, twice with the help of his 13-year-old son Robert.

     He explains: “He was going to hear that his father had gone crazy or was a spy or was communist and I wanted him to see that I was doing this in a businesslike way because I thought it had to be done. And also to leave him with the precedent in his mind that this is the kind of thing he might have to do some time in his life and that there were times you had even to go to prison, which I thought would happen shortly.”

     The owner of the agency often mis-set the office alarm and so often the police would come, including twice when Ellsberg was at work. But he kept his cool. “The first time I was at the Xerox machine. I look up at the glass door, there’s knocking on it and two police outside. ‘Wow, these guys are good, how did they get on to this?’

     “But I remember covering the top secret pages with a magazine and I closed the Xerox cover where I was copying these things and opened the doors and, ‘What can I do for you?’ But there were a few seconds there of thinking, ‘Well, this is over.’”

     Ellsberg tried and failed to persuade members of Congress to put the papers in the public domain. On 2 March 1971 he made contact in Washington with Neil Sheehan, a New York Times reporter he first met in Vietnam. After Sheehan’s death aged 84 earlier this year, the Times published a posthumous interview with him suggesting that Ellsberg had felt conflicted over handing over the documents.

     Ellsberg responds: “He seemed to believe, according to that story, that I had been reluctant to give it to the Times. It’s hard to imagine that he believed that but maybe so. At any rate, that was not the case. I was very anxious for the Times to print it.”

     The New York Times did so on 13 June 1971. The night before, Ellsberg had gone to the cinema with a friend to see Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid starring Paul Newman and Robert Redford. “We stayed up and saw the early morning edition around midnight and so that was marvelous.”

     The initial reaction was nil on the Sunday when they came out

The Nixon administration obtained a court order preventing the Times from printing more of the documents, citing national security concerns. But Ellsberg leaked copies to the Washington Post and 17 other newspapers, prompting a legal battle all the way to the supreme court, which ruled 6-3 to allow publication to resume.

     This stirring showdown over press freedom – retold in Steven Spielberg’s 2017 film The Post, in which Ellsberg is played by the British actor Matthew Rhys – had a bigger impact that the Times’s first article. “The initial reaction was nil on the Sunday when they came out,” Ellsberg says. “The Times was baffled and dismayed. Nobody reacted at all.

     “It was Nixon’s fatal decision to enjoin them and the willingness across the country to commit civil disobedience and publish material that the attorney general and the president were saying every day, ‘This is dangerous to national security, we can’t afford one more day of it.’ Nineteen papers in all defied that. I don’t think there was any other wave of civil disobedience like that in any respect I can think of by major institutions across the country.”

     But the government wanted revenge. Ellsberg spent 13 days in hiding from the FBI but eventually went on trial in 1973 accused of espionage, conspiracy and stealing government property. The charges were dismissed due to gross governmental misconduct and illegal evidence gathering against him – crimes which ultimately contributed to Nixon’s downfall.

     The high-profile trial had ensured huge media coverage of the Pentagon Papers. But Ellsberg says: “The effect on Nixon’s policy was zero. The war went on: a year later, the biggest bombing of the war and then, at the end of that year, 18 months later, the heaviest bombing in human history.

     “So as far as one could see, as I said at the time, the American people at this moment have as much influence over their country’s foreign policy as the Russian people had over the invasion of Czechoslovakia.”

     Nixon resigned over Watergate in 1974 and the Vietnam war ended the following year. In the decades since, Ellsberg has continued to champion Manning, Assange, Snowden and others charged under the Espionage Act. The climate, he warns, has become more restrictive and punitive than the one he faced 50 years ago.

     “The whistleblowers have much less protection now. [President Barack] Obama brought eight or nine or even 10 cases, depending on who you count, in two terms, and then Trump brought eight cases in one term. So sources are much more in danger of prosecution than they were before me and even after me for 30 years.”

   Last month the nonagenarian Ellsberg returned to the fray by releasing classified documents showing that US military planners pushed for nuclear strikes on mainland China in 1958 to protect Taiwan from an invasion by communist forces, a scenario that has gained fresh relevance amid rising US-China tensions.

     It is a dare for prosecutors to come after him again. If they do, he wants to see the Espionage Act tested by the supreme court. He argues that the government is using it much like Britain’s Official Secrets Act even though America, unlike Britain, guarantees freedom of speech through the first amendment to the constitution.

     “We don’t have an Official Secrets Act because we have a first amendment but that has not been addressed by the supreme court,” says Ellsberg, still going strong after an hour-long interview. “So I’m willing to see this case go up to the supreme court. Not that I have any desire to go to prison or not. And it would have to move fairly fast to get me in prison in my lifetime.”

     What does Ellsberg symbolize and mean for us as an iconic figure of what Foucault called truthtelling? As written by Erik Baker in The Baffler, in an article entitled Daniel in the Lion’s Den: On the moral courage of Daniel Ellsberg; “STEVEN SPIELBERG’S FILM The Post begins with Daniel Ellsberg in Vietnam. The year is 1966. The official story from the Pentagon, at that time largely unquestioned in U.S. media, is that the war is going well. That is a lie—the first of the many deceptions that will unravel spectacularly in the years to come. As Spielberg tells it, that thread begins to fray here, in the Vietnamese jungle, with an unassuming bureaucrat sent to survey the progress of the campaign against the Viet Cong. Ellsberg, played by a dashing Matthew Rhys, insists on accompanying a patrol on their nighttime exercises. The RAND wonk looks surprisingly comfortable in body armor, toting an automatic rifle. Then it all comes undone: a VC ambush, blood in the muck, muzzle flare from invisible enemies in the misty shadows. Our hero is shaken. On the plane home, he tells his boss’s boss, Defense Secretary Robert McNamara, that the war is not going well at all, actually. McNamara agrees. But when the plane lands he disembarks and greets the press with a grin, continuing to lie through his teeth. A shaken Ellsberg returns to his office at RAND, opens his safe, and contemplates a thick stack of papers. Next, the Xerox machine.

     It’s a compelling story, and it’s almost true. Ellsberg really was a high-ranking war planner before he copied and leaked the Pentagon Papers; he really did go to Vietnam and witness the quagmire firsthand; he delivered the bad news personally to McNamara on the flight back, who really did lie to the press on the tarmac. But that was not the moment that Ellsberg decided to become a whistleblower. I believe it is impossible to fully appreciate the profundity of Ellsberg’s subsequent heroism—and the magnitude of our collective loss, with his death on Friday at the age of ninety-two—without understanding the period of hesitation that preceded it. Ellsberg, always his own harshest critic, would call it moral weakness. Whatever you want to call it, the truth is this: After he returned from Vietnam, Daniel Ellsberg went back to work. He didn’t photocopy anything. The most drastic action he took, in fact, was to call off his engagement with his future wife, Patricia, an anti-war journalist who refused to stop holding his feet to the fire.

     Daniel Ellsberg never let anyone off the hook that easily, including himself.

     “I’m trying to do the best I can to moderate the killing,” she recalls him telling her. Ellsberg had a better case than most. A PhD economist, Ellsberg was one of the world’s leading experts on decision-making under uncertainty; his research led him to an absolutist opposition to the atomic bomb that was not shared universally in the Pentagon—even before Richard Nixon, infamously cavalier about the prospect of a nuclear exchange, entered office. After learning more about the United States’ nuclear weapons protocols early in his career in the defense bureaucracy, Ellsberg became—and remained for the rest of his life—terrified that the risk of nuclear war was higher than almost anyone understood. And he told himself, quite persuasively, that the need to prosecute his nuclear safety campaign within official channels outweighed whatever moral compromises inhered in his continued cooperation with the machine waging immoral and unwinnable war in Vietnam.  

     Ellsberg’s great moral achievement was not turning against the Vietnam War. That was the bare minimum we could expect of a thinking, feeling person in those years. Rather, it was overcoming the seductive power of this story, the exculpation he initially furnished to himself and to his dovish friends: I can do more good from here, on the inside. There is a miraculous harmony between my career interests and the cause of harm reduction. What’s the alternative?

     Ellsberg didn’t decide to exile himself from the elite circles in which he swam until he acquired an answer to this all-too-familiar rhetorical question. It came at a conference of the War Resisters League at Haverford College in August 1969, over two years after his return from South Vietnam and a year after the conclusion of the damning Pentagon study he would later release to the world. At the conference, Ellsberg heard firsthand from the draft resister Randy Kehler, who expressed his excitement that he would soon join his comrades in prison. Kehler’s testimony reconfigured Ellsberg’s mental universe. Here was living proof that there was an alternative after all: prison. The only honorable way to deal with an unjust government was to welcome its retribution. A more moderate slaughter wasn’t good enough, not if you were still responsible for pulling the trigger—behind the sandbags at Khe Sanh, or from your office in Arlington or Santa Monica.

    Ellsberg left Kehler’s speech and shut himself in an empty campus restroom, where he wept on the floor for an hour. Then, and only then, did he open the safe that contained the Pentagon Papers.

     Spielberg’s presentation is comforting because it allows viewers to imagine that we would have acted as Ellsberg did were we in his situation—because we, too, would have figured out that the war was bad, and that was all it took. But evidence to the contrary is all around, not merely ubiquitous but woven into the very fabric of life-making in our damnable society. We are all looking away from something. We eat our slave-labor chocolate; we pay our taxes to a state built on genocide that will without a doubt use some of those dollars to perpetuate atrocities we may never know about in far-flung corners of its empire. “You don’t want on this jury men of middle age,” advised a psychologist retained by the team that defended Ellsberg and his collaborator Tony Russo for leaking the Papers. “These are people who in the course of their lives might possibly have sacrificed principle for the sake of career, for the sake of family, and they lived with that compromise, and they will have a lot of disdain, even contempt for two men who did it for the sake of principle and took the risk.”

     Ellsberg’s example is an enduring challenge not only to the resentful complacency of the Silent Majority but to a left that has come increasingly to tolerate middle-class careerist compromise in the half-century since Ellsberg’s prosecution. It’s not our fault, exactly. The unions were eviscerated; the Black revolutionaries were killed; the war resisters were jailed; academics and nonprofit executives filled the vacuum. That’s not to say that one can’t be useful to the cause with a PhD: as evidence, witness the life of one Dr. Daniel Ellsberg. But it requires an uncommon ethos of self-suspicion, as Ellsberg understood well. “I’ve come to realize the fear of being cut out from the group of people you respect and whose respect you want and normally expect keeps people participating in anything, no matter how terrible,” he reflected to a documentarian in 2009. Few of us are immune to that fear, and the rationalizations it brews in the professional mind. I teach at a university that accepted millions of dollars from Jeffrey Epstein, celebrates its relationship with Henry Kissinger, and has a pattern of insulating star faculty from accountability for sexual abuse. It’s a good job. I tell myself I can make things better.

     To conclude that there is no choice but to cooperate with evil is always to overlook something, some false assumption, some value inaccurately taken to be paramount.

     We shouldn’t begrudge most people for wanting to find a way to sleep at night, though surely some could stand a bit more tossing and turning. It is more problematic when those rationalizations begin to infect our collective reflection on matters of political principle and strategy. Perhaps it really is the case, as many on the left have come to believe since 2016, that the best way to advance the cause of socialism is to work to elect unusually noble Democratic politicians to Congress and the White House. But it is also awfully convenient, at least for those of us who could imagine ourselves staffing Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s West Wing. Ellsberg’s fundamental insight was not that it is impossible in theory to use the machinery of the American state to effect positive change, but that people—smart, well-intentioned people especially—underestimate the moral confusion that festers in the corridors of power. D.C. bureaus are overflowing with backslappers happy to extol the bravery of the most craven political decision-making. The cafeterias all serve lotus flowers for lunch: soon you forget even that there is something you have forgotten.

     Ellsberg had a particularly acute grasp of what the historian Garry Wills has called “Bomb Power,” the way that the very existence of the United States’ nuclear arsenal fundamentally constrains the possibility of exercising democratic oversight of the nation’s military. The power to annihilate all human civilization cannot sanely be disposed of by popular vote. The bomb is a weapon suited only to a benevolent dictator, and that is how the United States came to envision the presidency in the nuclear age—culturally, politically, and even legally. Autocracy, of course, was easier to produce than benevolence. The bomb demands secrecy; secrecy demands lying; and lying demands lawlessness. “The public is lied to every day by the president, by his spokespeople, by his officers,” Ellsberg once asserted. “If you can’t handle the thought that the president lies to the public for all kinds of reasons, you couldn’t stay in the government at that level.” He left the contrapositive unstated: anyone who remains in government after obtaining a reasonably high-security clearance is ipso facto comfortable with the systematic mendacity built into the institution of the modern presidency. Even the ostensible good guys.

     And yet nuclear disarmament has more or less disappeared from the agenda of the contemporary American left. Four years spent shuddering at the thought of Donald Trump with his finger on the button did essentially nothing to make the issue an organizing priority for any of the nation’s major left-wing organizations. This disinterest tracks the broader marginalization of anti-war and anti-imperialist commitments on the left; even the Democratic Socialists of America is too often willing to tolerate elected officials who dutifully vote to fund the American war machine as long as they espouse the proper progressive positions on health care and tax policy. At its worst, some members of the “populist” left today sneer at past generations’ anti-war politics as an extravagance that alienated the left from the concerns of ordinary working people (a category whose membership seems so often to stop at the U.S. border). For those who experienced the crushing disappointment of Barack Obama’s reign, which entrenched the power of an imperial presidency he had sworn to dismantle, it is easy to become fatalistic—to treat the perpetuation of American war crimes as an inevitability, against which one can only hope to adduce some positive accomplishments on the domestic front. This way of thinking increasingly distorts even the way we narrate history: hey, Johnson and Nixon killed a lot of Vietnamese people and told a lot of lies about the war, but they gave us Medicare and the EPA, so that has to count for something. 

     Daniel Ellsberg never let anyone off the hook that easily, including himself. He never forgot the lesson he learned in the summer of 1969: there is always an alternative. To conclude that there is no choice but to cooperate with evil is always to overlook something, some false assumption, some value inaccurately taken to be paramount. “If we have the will and determination,” Ellsberg told protesters on the fifth anniversary of the American invasion of Iraq, we have “the power to change ourselves and history.” Most of us in the United States have been disempowered in a thousand ways large and small: as workers, as consumers, as citizens. But being disempowered does not mean that we are powerless, only that exercising our power will not be frictionless. It will hurt.

     When it all seems too much to ask, we will always have the memory of Daniel Ellsberg. It’s a bright June day in Boston, 1971. The press swarms around Ellsberg outside of the U.S. Attorney’s Office, where Ellsberg has come to turn himself in and face the wrath of the state for leaking the Pentagon Papers. One of the journalists asks him if he’s afraid to go to prison. Ellsberg smiles, as if he is grateful to the reporter for posing the question, the same question that set him to weeping in the bathroom at Haverford two years earlier at the start of it all. And he responds: “Wouldn’t you go to prison to help end this war?”

The Post film trailer

https://www.washingtonpost.com/washington-post-live/2022/06/10/transcript-50th-anniversary-watergate-inside-case/

Woodward, Bernstein reflect on Watergate reporting 50 years later

https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/politics/woodward-bernstein-reflect-on-watergate-reporting-50-years-later/ar-BB1ojLwr?ocid=BingNewsSerp

Could Nixon Have Survived Today?

https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2022-05-31/watergate-anniversary-could-nixon-have-survived-today

Watergate: A New History, by Garrett M. Graff

All the President’s Men, by Carl Bernstein, Bob Woodward

The Final Days, by Bob Woodward, Carl Bernstein

Shadow: Five Presidents and the Legacy of Watergate, by Bob Woodward

Adventures in the Alaskan Skin Trade, by John Hawkes

The Life of Reason: Five Volumes in One, by George Santayana

                  In Memorium Daniel Ellsberg

‘I’ve never regretted doing it’: Daniel Ellsberg on 50 years since leaking the Pentagon Papers

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/jun/13/daniel-ellsberg-interview-pentagon-papers-50-years?CMP=share_btn_link

Secrets: A Memoir of Vietnam and the Pentagon Papers, by Daniel Ellsberg

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/86433.Secrets

The Doomsday Machine: Confessions of a Nuclear War Planner, Daniel Ellsberg

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/25663779-the-doomsday-machine

Risk, Ambiguity and Decision, Daniel Ellsberg

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/86435.Risk_Ambiguity_and_Decision

Heather Cox Richardson from Letters from an American

Daniel in the Lion’s Den: On the moral courage of Daniel Ellsberg

The Post review – all the news they don’t want you to print                     

https://www.theguardian.com/film/2018/jan/21/the-post-observer-film-review?CMP=share_btn_link

June 16 2025 Abolish Police: Case of the Spokane ICE Protest

       Repression of dissent, theft of our parallel and interdependent rights both as citizens and as human beings, the tyranny and terror of states as embodied violence, and the purpose of police as enforcers of unequal power and systems of oppression including patriarchal sexual terror and white supremacist terror were in full display during the Spokane ICE protest leading up to the glorious No Kings Day marches.  

      Hearing of this horrible incident of white supremacist police terror perpetrated against Cesar, a migrant who had come to America as a child and the magnificent and heroic emergency response of his legal guardian former Spokane Councilman Ben Stuckart and many others acting in solidarity, I thought immediately of the lines of Captain Picard in STNG Season 3 episode 16 The Offspring; ” There are times, sir, when  men of good conscience cannot blindly follow orders. You acknowledge their sentience, but you ignore their personal liberties and freedom. Order a man to hand his child over to the state? Not while I’m his Captain.”  Or his comrade, his fellow American, his fellow human being of any kind. As are we all in our duty of care for each other.

     I was in Los Angeles fighting the federal occupation forces of the Trump regime during this event, though I was in communication with people on site and in Spokane, and many of my friends and allies in Spokane were present and key players in its unfolding. Some have written of what they bore witness to in public forums which I amplify here.

Ben Syuckart in green shirt blocking ICE vehicle

Spokane ICE protesters advance on the police line

Spokane Police Special Force of the Political Intelligence Unit, come to kidnap former Spokane City Councilman Ben Stuckart’s ward Cesar Alvarez Perez.

Order A Man To Hand His Child Over To The State? Not While I’m His Captain

      Here follows the witness of history of Angelique Tomeo; “Last night’s protest in Spokane, intended as a peaceful act of solidarity, quickly descended into chaos when ICE and Border Patrol agents, assisted by Spokane Police Department (SPD) and Spokane County Sheriff’s Office (SCSO), cleared a path to detain immigrant asylum seekers.

     What happened –

     At around 2 p.m. June 11, former City Council President Ben Stuckart called people to block ICE from transporting two Venezuelan and Colombian refugees, legally in the U.S. and awaiting court hearings scheduled for later this year.

A few hundred protesters joined, linking arms and even disabling transport vans, but not disrupting anything violent from protesters’ side.

     The state response –

     As the crowd held firm, SPD and SCSO arrived en masse. Officers used “smoke grenades” (mistakenly called tear gas), pepper balls, bean bags, and foam baton rounds to break the line and CLEAR A ROUTE for federal agents.

Though rubber bullets weren’t “officially” used, SCSO confirmed deploying less-lethal rounds. Three bean bags and a 40 mm baton foam round. These targeted at protesters who had tossed back canisters they perceived as dangerous.

I have a colleague in the community who has evidence of being shot 5 times, including their head, with these “3 bean bag and single 40 mm baton foam, less-lethal” rounds.

     There is also evidence of others being shot, point blank, with smoke canisters. More evidence of SCSO pointing their canister launchers at the faces of protesters.

     On the ground impact –

     Over 30 people were arrested for misdemeanor “obstruction” and other nonviolent infractions. Two were charged with felonies but released without bond the next day..

     All had bail imposed upon them, no less than $500.

     All who had their phones on them at the time of arrest, had them confiscated “as evidence”.

     Some didn’t get glasses back, or they were broken.

     All had any other property aside from the clothes on their back, shipped and locked away from them in a different part of the county.

Bail and phones confiscated proved to be real hardships effecting the ability for some to work, all to call for rides and let their people know they were released and safe.

     Misdemeanor charges that should’ve been a cite & release (released on their Own Recognizance or OR) in usual circumstances, were all booked and processed completely into the jail system.

     Coincidentally these are misdemeanor charges much like the proposed changes to the suite of homeless ordinances under the HOME Starts Here Initiative, also proposed by our mayor and City Council.

     Mayor Lisa Brown imposed a 9:30 p.m. curfew. The first since George Floyd protests in 2020, claiming it was “necessary to prevent escalation”. ICE escalated the protesters. Local LE supported the escalation.

     Voices from the scene –

     Protesters had “smoke” projectiles fired at point-blank range (and not “at their feet” as reported by shooters), families and Indigenous elders suffering chemical burns, families at the stadium watching a soccer game. Those exposed and arrested were not allowed to shower afterward. This was a form of lingering torture.

     This was OVERT political violence, ICE and Border Patrol incited it, not protesters. I am pointing to leadership decisions that allowed SPD & SCSO to enter and brutalize an otherwise peaceful protest.

     Here is the BIG picture –

     This incident mirrors nationwide unrest triggered by trump’s intensified deportation and ICE tactics, with cities like Los Angeles and Seattle seeing similar clashes and curfews.

     Spokane’s leaders, who tout “In Spokane, We All Belong,” are now complicit in enforcing an overtly racist agenda. Turning a peaceful community demonstration into a militarized showdown that targets immigrants and allies alike.

     “As an Indigenous woman I recognize that we’ve been here before. Unarmed people were shot, point blank, with ‘smoke’ shells… People tortured in holding vans, and sitting on curbs BURNING from the gas & pepper.”

     Here is my Call to Action –

     Every act of silence or support to capture, detain, and transport immigrants by ICE, away from our city, by our leaders validates this brutality.

     This wasn’t about public safety. It was about giving permission to fascist enforcement.

     Stand with immigrant families. Demand that our city truly lives up to “We All Belong”, or be silent and complacent. Don’t dare use the beautiful and inclusive tag line our City has adopted. You may not. Trust is being whittled down with every passing day ICE is able to strike fear, gang stalk, threaten, and kidnap our immigrant neighbors.

     History is watching… and we won’t forget.”

     Professor Levine commented; “Your description of the behavior of ICE and local police has been replicated across the country. Instead of controlling the situation through calm, non-violent behavior, the so-called “peace officers” are exacerbating the violence and poor treatment of protesters. This is nothing new. In 1963, when I was a freshman at the University of Buffalo, those of us who were protesting the Vietnam War were treated as criminals. The Buffalo police, dressed in military garb, were gassing us with CNS and pepper spray and shooting rubber bullets at us. There was no reason for their aggressiveness; it came from hatred of who we were and what we represented.”

      Here is my reply; Yes, the purpose of the police is to enforce elite hegemonies, a term you may recognize from Gramsci, of wealth, power, and priviliege. Police are hired on the basis of their answer to the question, would you shoot someone? So they begin as sociopaths co opted by the state in service to power, then are trained and armed to kill under the counterinsurgency model of policing brought to us all by the Patriot Act which centralizes power to the state and legitimizes force and control.

     Always the lie of the tyrant ”In Spokane, everyone belongs.” As declared by Mayor Lisa Brown, who unleashed white supremacist police terror on the ICE protest.

      I grow impatient with white men brutalizing nonwhite women, especially white men with badges and guns. The Conquest is not a horror of the past; it is ongoing now.

     What is to be done?, as Lenin and Tolstoy asked with such different prescriptions. As the line in the film Inglorious Basterds goes; “I can’t abide it; can you abide it?”

Jac Archer and team blocking the ICE bus reshared this photo at 5:12 when I learned of the event, with the message “the heroes of Spokane blocking the ICE bus 411 cataldo all hands needed”. To the question “What is ICE doing in Spokane? “I replied; kidnapping and dissapeering workers who are nonwhite, like everywhere else in America.ICE are trapped in this prison with their kidnapped workers. This is a hey rube or all hands on deck call.

     Witness of Jac Archer regarding the Spokane ICE protest. Jac is among the founders of Progressives of Spokane County with myself, an alliance of Democratic Party members which the County DP refused to recognize as an official caucus six and a half years ago, and who asked me to be in charge of our communications, for which I founded my publication Torch of Liberty. Jac is now in law school at Gonzaga, their self description on Substack says; “Movement worker and full-time law student, generally striving to be a pearl of a person: constantly agitating, and thus coalescing the beauty around me”.

https://www.facebook.com/jacdarcher

     “Abductions at 411 Cataldo

     Content Advisory: ICE, immigration, state violence, injury, weapons.

NOTE: You may notice some shifts between present and past tense in this piece. I considered going back and unifying the text, but the tenses also reflect how I experienced both the events described, and the process of writing about them.

     I’ve been a bit shaken all day. My mind feels kind of scattered, likely the result of poor sleep. A buddy of mine looked at me and said, “You’re still in fight-or-flight mode. You’re going to be for a while.” He’s probably right. This is not what nervous system regulation feels like, but I want to share my experience while it’s still fresh. I’ve avoided news reports and videos and livestreams as much as I can because I want to capture my own experience, as purely as I can.

     I was at 411 W. Cataldo yesterday from approximately 2pm until after midnight. This is what I experienced, recalled to the best of my ability.

     I am Co-Executive Director at Spokane Community Against Racism. Around 1pm on Wednesday, I went into work for my schedule office hours, planning to tackle a few tasks in preparation for Spokane’s PRIDE Festival this Saturday. I had just set up my computer when my phone buzzed. An alert in a group chat directed me to a Facebook post by Ben Stuckart. In it, Ben explained that he was the legal guardian of Cesar, a Venezuelan asylee who was illegally detained by ICE at his scheduled check-in. “I’m going to sit in front of the bus,” he said, “Feel free to join me….”

     I re-posted the status almost immediately and began chatting over my own potential participation with a colleague in the office. But after only a few minutes, something clicked. This was an invitation to material action to stop a government kidnapping of a lawful asylum seeker. After helplessly listening to accounts of these detainers for weeks, grieving the integrity of my federal government, and raging against the lack of due process—after weeks of desperately wishing I could do something about the violent injustice happening in my country, I was being handed the opportunity to take action.

     I took a beat to consider my position, and decided I have the social, financial, familial, and personal stability to risk arrest by taking a stand. My principle of solidarity with the oppressed means I cannot hoard the privilege capital I acquire, I must spend it in defense of those more oppressed than myself. I decided to go.

     The Beginning

     I arrive at 411 W Cataldo at just minutes to 2pm. There are protesters waving signs on the corner, drawing supportive honks from the cars racing up Washington. I ask one sign-waver if they knew what “the plan” was and they tell me to direct my questions to the people demonstrating by the minimally marked white bus up the hill.

     At the bus I see about forty people standing along the walkway or sitting in the grass outside a red brick building I had driven past a thousand times, never knowing it was home to Immigration Customs and Enforcement in Spokane. People are filled with classic protest spirit: that unique mix of upbeat, almost jovial energy, mixed with grim determination and hope. Ben is up there, milling about and taking phone calls near the stark white ICE bus. Ben was accompanying Cesar to his scheduled check-in with ICE—a regular part of the asylum-seeking process for people fleeing violence . Instead of honoring Cesar’s lawful compliance, ICE detained him without due process and prepared to transfer him to a detention facility in Tacoma.

     No one is really “in charge,” but there is sense of loose order, provided by rapid response observers from the Washington Immigrant Solidarity Network (WISN). The sense of order heightens with the arrival of more regular faces from Spokane’s progressive movement scene: perennial volunteers, leadership and members from the Peace and Justice Action League of Spokane, Spectrum Center Spokane, The Way to Justice, Mutual Assistance Survival Squad, Veterans for Peace, and more fill the grass. A representative from the Washington State Commission on Hispanic Affairs is present, along with Spokane City Council member Lili Navarrete and former State Representative Timm Ormsby.

     A uniformed ICE agent briefly emerges to demand we keep the sidewalk clear from the building entrance to the bus doors, and we comply. Our goal is to keep ICE from transporting the asylee under Ben’s legal guardianship—a twenty-one-year-old young man named Cesar Alexander Alvarez Perez—from being transported to Tacoma. We can keep the sidewalk clear, but we don’t plan to allow the bus to leave.

     We’re activists, advocates, and organizers—so we start organizing ourselves. We take turns on two white bullhorns addressing the group for a few minutes each. Some speakers share situational updates (“Did you see the GEO Group insignia on those uniforms? That’s the for-profit company that operates the Northwest ICE Processing Center (NWIPC) in Tacoma”). A couple other speakers share protest best practices. Another spreads the word that the ICE building is leased by Goodale-Barbieri; the phone number of a relevant corporate officer is announced over the bull horn, and we begin flooding their office with calls. We talk, we chant. We sing songs.

     It becomes clear that there is some division over tactics, so we discuss what it means to be an observer versus a willing arrestee. Everyone is encouraged to make their own personal decision, and we collectively begin to define language about the type of protest we are a part of. We are disciplined. We are non-violent. We are not passive. We are not “nice.” Our goal is to prevent a government abduction, and to that end some of us are willing to engage in behaviors that carry the risk of arrest. Someone parks their car in front of the bus. Later, another person blocks it in from the back.

     I am on the bullhorn, sharing what I know about civil disobedience, when a man with a face covering rides up on a bicycle, pulls out a can of white spray paint, obscures the front window of the bus. Then he rides away.

     By 4pm, the crowd has swelled to around a hundred people. Members of the Party for Socialism and Liberation bring cases of water and some community members who cannot stay for the protest drop off snacks. The building is quiet, and no one has come out to disperse us or give orders, so we wait.

     Building Pressure

    At some point someone parked their car in front of the bus so it cannot be driven forward. Ben sits on the sidewalk in front of the bus doors, clearly in the area the ICE officer demanded we keep clear. Ben announces that he is willing to be arrested to prevent this government abduction. People begin to join him, seating themselves on the cement of the sidewalk. Someone else moves their car to block the bus from behind.

     Eventually it occurs to everyone that ICE has likely given up on the bus. It is blocked in by two cars and the windshield has been permanently obstructed. If ICE is going to move Cesar, they will have to take him another way.

     “Does this building have other exits?” someone asks. “Let’s send some people around to look.” A gaggle breaks off from the main group and discovers two more areas an ICE vehicle can leave from.

     “Let’s cover every exit. We need people in each place.” The crowd by the bus thins to thirty or forty, as clusters break off to keep watch over the south gate, and the egresses in the building’s eastern parking lot. There’s still an active group of sign-wavers on two Washington intersections. Suddenly, a hundred people feels wholly inadequate for the job we’re trying to do, so I bury myself in my phone, furiously messaging friends and updating my personal and professional social media accounts to get more people to come down. I see many others doing the same.

     Some time between 4 and 5pm, clearer roles have emerged. There are observers documenting why we are here. There are outward facing demonstrators near the roads, and protesters who have focused on the ICE building. We continue to developing smaller teams and leveraging our various skills toward our common goals: oppose ICE, stand up for due process, stop the kidnapping.

     I have joined the willing arrestees seated in front of the bus. Perhaps because I have the most (professed) organizing and protest experience in the group, or perhaps because I cannot stop nervously strategizing aloud, I become the de facto group leader. I have a team now, and the wellbeing of the people who have decided to risk arrest with me are—at least to a degree—my responsibility.

     During the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 60s, people who wanted to engage in civil disobedience were often required to complete intense, multi-day training to learn about the arrest procedures, build group cohesion, and train themselves through study and role play to endure violence without retaliating. I, on the other hand, have only minimal training in the basics of civil disobedience. I cannot lead an impromptu training in non-violent protest, but I do have one experience to draw upon.

     I have participated in civil disobedience once before at the No DAPL protests in South Dakota. My mentor at the time took a small group of us to the Prayer Camp at Oceti Sakowin. When the protest leaders told us to, we advanced down the main road, marching until law enforcement officers, in full riot gear, chased us back, beating their shields in rhythm and yelling at us to “GET BACK!”

     I still remember freezing for a moment, before another protester yelled at me to move, and I turned to run. I remember the acrid smell of the gas that quickly became an engulfing fog. I remember that I was part of one of the safest actions. Later waves returned with running eyes, wheezing lungs, and bleeding welts from rubber bullets.

     I was a little shaken that day, but no one touched me. And I learned a lot from the organization at Standing Rock. I combine that learning with my nine years of organizing and advocacy experience in Spokane and discussed safety and tactics with my growing team.

     “Do you have any kids, pets, or plants who will come to harm if you don’t come home on time tonight?” I ask, “Do you have an emergency contact who is not at this protest? Do they know how to care for your dependents? Do you need to call your job?”

    We talk strategy, and adopt every choice collectively. We agree that we will resist, but we will not fight. We will not initiate any physical engagement, but we will put ourselves in the way.

     Cam volunteers her legal knowledge and notebook, and I make sure each member of my team provides the necessary information to receive jail support. Sabrina and Angel step up to organize bail. Other volunteers off site act as trustees of information to ensure people’s emergency contacts are notified if their loved ones are arrested.

     It is hard to overstate just how cared-for I felt by my community yesterday. Hundreds of Spokanites answered the call to stand against injustice, and we didn’t just come with signs. We came with signs, sharpies, and bullhorns; we came with cases of water, bags of chips, granola bars, and little oranges; we came with sunscreen, and masks, and med kits, and law licenses, and organizer training, and communications experience, and sheer commitment. We showed up for each other, so that together we could stand up for the people in ICE custody.

     My team collectively agrees to stand and lock arms in front of the bus—or whatever vehicle ICE is using—to prevent ICE from putting Cesar on board. By now, another name was floating around the gathering: Joswar Slater Rodriguez Torres, a Columbian man in his early 20s. We now have two people to protect, and three or four different exits to guard.

     An uneasy tension rises as people buzz around the building sharing updates of varied value. “Have you seen anything?” “No one has gone in or out.” “So many cars over here. Another vehicle there.”

     Resistance

     Some time after 4pm we hear a cry of alarm from the south gate. There are a couple hundred people distributed around the building now, and waves of us rush down the hill to respond. The gate on the south side of the building is open. It encloses a parking area for ICE vehicles, and one of them has its lights on.

     I can only recall what happened next in bits and pieces. My team runs to the open gate and locks elbows to create a human barrier. We stand still as the mismatched contingent of five or six uniformed ICE agents stalk toward us. I feel my body being grabbed, and rough hands trying to wrench my arm from my teammate’s. An angry cacophony of “MOVE! Get out of the way! Get out of here!” fills my ears, as I am separated from my team and thrown to the side.

     We reform the line and try to stabilize together. I feel hands shove me in the back and the shifting weight of my teammates as we try to ride the waves of shoves, yanks, and strikes. The agents seem to have chosen individuals to target, and as one friend hits the ground, I am pushed over her from behind. Somehow, it ends. The ICE vehicle and agents withdraw and close the gate. I have scratches on my palm, but I am proud.

     We stood strong and prevented a vehicle from leaving the ICE facility. A few minutes later someone raises a pair of glasses in the air. “Did someone lose their reading glasses?” They are smudged and scratched, left on the ground from the physical confrontation. They are mine. I didn’t even realize I’d lost them.

    The Hurry up and Wait

     Anxious boredom. That’s the best phrase I can think of to describe the feeling at the south gate. Between twelve and twenty-one people stood or sat cross-legged in front of the last place ICE attempted to leave, prepared to lock arms and take tear gas and pepper spray if need be. Between ten and eighty observers stood watch, separated from us by yards of asphalt, and filing up the sidewalk, across the way. Handfuls of people ran back and forth between sites, passing supplies and messages, collecting personal effects, giving rides, and moving cars.

     Sometime around the initial clash with ICE, I gave my phone to an observer for safe-keeping, and later arranged for it to be returned to my family. Later, a teammate kindly lent me their phone to text my husband and let him know I had not been arrested. I was okay.

     My team stayed focused on the gate. If it was not personally affecting us or that gate, it did not matter. We planned to resist as a group. We would keep reforming the line as long as we could, but if we were fully separated from the line, we would accept arrest, and did not wish to be de-arrested.

     We waited.

     I coordinated with the leaders of the observers, primarily people affiliated with WISN and Veterans for peace.

     We waited.

     One team member, a therapist, led the group in moments of breathing and centeredness. “We are here for the people in that building,” this person said. “They need us. Send your love to them.”

     We waited.

     I onboarded people as they joined the south gate.

     Jail support, emergency contacts, securing personal effects, removing weapons and jewelry.

     “Our only chant is ‘Let them go!’”

     “We are here to resist with disciplined nonviolence.”

      “Can you take a punch without returning one? If not, do not join the line.”

     We waited.

     I coordinated with the leaders of the “ICE Out Now” protest, several hundred strong, which planned to meet at the Red Wagon. I wanted everyone fully briefed before they arrived on site.

     We continued to wait, rubbing Vaseline around our eyes and periodically wetting face coverings with water.

     I recycled announcements as more people joined us, and we waited.

     A few times we heard loud pops, or a raised alarm from around the corner. We formed up immediately, pulling our masks over our faces as we locked elbows, but they never came to us. The main action appeared to be happening on the East side, where hundreds of us were gathered. Many south gate observers left to join them, but my team, and handful of observers decided to stay. If we left the south gate unattended, ICE would try again.

     Pepper spray and tear gas wafted over to us on the wind, making us cough and raise our masks. Through the gate we could see one or two ICE officers continually watching us from the rooftop of the building. Drones buzzed above our heads. We stayed focused and we waited.

     I felt like a stretched rubber band. We snacked, drank water, and took bathroom breaks. We shook out our bodies, we attempted to make small talk and get to know each other better. Two members of my team helped manage our emotional health with their therapeutic training. A few others furnished us with updates. I felt starved for information. We were blind on the south side, only able to see a small corner of the crowd, so we relied on information from runners.

     Some updates were interesting: Negotiations with the mayor’s office, staff talks in city hall. Attempts to deescalate the situation through political channels. Other updates were disheartening: Another of our number arrested. Someone else injured. Some people from the east side came over to rest, show us their bruises, or display bleeding welts that looked like they came from rubber bullets. Conflicting rumors filtered down to us about whether ICE had moved Cesar and Joswar, and how many other detainees were in the building.

     Occasionally, the updates were useful, and I would call over a runner or my counterpart from the observer side to make sure the information was acted on. Most often, the updates didn’t change anything. Spokane County Sheriffs on site, perhaps even deputies from Kootenai County in Idaho. Various numbers of SPD officers, SWAT teams, and threats of the National Guard. None of it mattered. Our mission was to hold the gate.

     More tense boredom. Every few minutes curls of smoke peaking around the corner, the flash of a uniform, or a distant pop would make us all jump, and we’d jump into formation. We got a lot of practice forming up at a moment’s notice.

     Backup

     Some time after 7pm, we were wearing thin. ICE agents still observed us from the roof, but our lines of willing arrestees and observers had significantly thinned.

    “Look! They’re coming! We have support coming!” The call came from the observer side. And there they were. Marchers from ICE Out Now demonstration, hundreds strong with signs raised high, they marched through Riverfront Park to join us.

     “Gondor calls for aid!” Joked one person. Relief washed over us. We felt like the cavalry had arrived.

     We also knew an influx of new bodies carried risks. I raced out to meet the sound wagon leading the march. I had been in periodic contact with the organizers of “ICE Out Now” throughout the day, and I was allowed to jump on the mic to give the crowd the same briefing I had given a hundred times.

     I cannot remember my exact words, but I know I thanked them for being there. I was so grateful for their presence. I told them about our roles: observer and willing arrestee. I told them we were committed to disciplined nonviolence. I invited them to join the lines at the south gate on those terms, and proceeded to onboard the marchers who peeled off to risk arrest. The majority joined the east side.

     The End

     I don’t know how long it was before the second wave of tear gas came. It drifted over to us on the air, we could see crowd movement, and we braced to be cleared out, but nothing happened. Minutes later we heard that Cesar and Joswar had been removed from the building.

     Rumors of their removal had been circulating all afternoon, so we continued to watch the gate. Later we learned, the second wave of teargas was used to clear the exit ICE ultimately used to load Cesar and Joswar into a Spokane-County owned van.

     We were still being watched by drones above and ICE Officers on rooftop. We could see flashing lights from rows of police cars on North River Drive, and the surrounding police presence remained heavy, so we stayed.

     The moon started to rise, and we discussed how long we were willing to wait. Were we going to wait out the police? Why were we still there if the detainees had been taken? Had our goals changed? No, we decided.

     The abduction was wrong. The way law enforcement was treating us was wrong. We stayed to stand up for due process using our First Amendment rights. We had every right, perhaps even a duty, to remain at the gate. The presence on the east side continued to wane, and the law enforcement presence began to shrink. We caucused again, and sometime around 11pm we decided to do a final interview with KHQ in front of the gate, and head home.

     We arranged to leave in pairs, carpooling and arranging rideshares. It was 1am when I finally made it home. I smiled when I saw my personal effects in the hall, carefully delivered to my family in a demonstration of community care and organizing in action. My phone was carefully tucked inside. When it was finally charged enough for me to turn it on, it was flooded with messages from friends and family asking if I was okay. **

     Afterward

     I started writing this the day after the events described, on Thursday evening. I had to stop writing after recounting the confrontation with ICE at the south gate. I originally started writing my narrative to process the experience, and to get the story out of me before it was tainted by too much external commentary. Now writing this has become important to me, a way to get my story on the record.”

Everything we know about the Spokane ICE protests;

Over 24 hours of boots-on-the-ground independent reporting.

By Erin Sellers, Aaron Hedge, Valerie Osier, Luke Baumgarten & Pascal Bostic

https://rangemedia.co/everything-we-know-about-the-spokane-ice-protests/

   As written by Erin Sellers, Aaron Hedge, Valerie Osier, Luke Baumgarten & Pascal Bostic in Range Media, in an article entitled Everything we know about the Spokane ICE protests; “Background: On Wednesday, June 11 between noon and 1 pm, former Spokane City Council President Ben Stuckart sent out an alert to the general public.

     Cesar Alexander Alvarez Perez, a young man who had, until that very day, been in Stuckart’s care as a “Special Immigrant Juvenile,” (SIJ) was detained during a last minute appointment with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).

     Stuckart was refused entry to the appointment, and only found out about the detention  after Perez was already in custody.

     Stuckart asked for folks to join him in protesting the detainment of Perez and of Joswar Slater Rodriguez Torres, a Colombian national in his late twenties, who had walked across multiple states with Perez, trying to find safety as refugees. As the RANGE team texted him asking to connect once we arrived at the demonstration, he responded, “who knows if anyone shows up.”

     He didn’t need to worry.

     Under the SIJ program, Stuckart was considered Perez’ legal guardian. Though he did not live with Stuckart, Stuckart took the young man — who he met while volunteering at Latinos en Spokane (LeS) — under his wing, helping him get to immigration hearings and navigate the complicated process. They were both under the impression that things were going well: Perez had attended every meeting he was told to, had been filing paperwork on a limited basis through a contract attorney from LeS and even had a court date scheduled for 2026, Stuckart said.

     Yesterday, everything changed: it was Perez’ birthday.

     He turned 21, which meant Perez had aged out of the SIJ program. ICE called Perez in for a check-up. When Stuckart tried to go in with him, he wasn’t allowed.

     “It took them seven minutes,” Stuckart said. “And then they came out and said we’re detaining them — Joswar and Cesar.” (Torres had also been called in for a meeting that day.)

     ICE agents wouldn’t let Stuckart in to talk to the young men, nor would they give a clear reason for their detainment, just stating they were being sent to an immigration judge in Tacoma.

     It was confusing for Stuckart: Perez had an asylum court date scheduled for next year, and had a legal work permit up until last Friday, when it was abruptly revoked with no clear communication as to why, Stuckart said.

     “ He’s done everything right,” Stuckart said yesterday afternoon, smoking a cigarette in front of the bus. “So me?  I’m gonna sit in front of this bus and tell them I don’t want them to take my friend, whatever happens.”

    A Timeline

A detailed timeline of events with photo and video logs.

     Wednesday, June 11

1 pm-ish: Former Council Member Ben Stuckart sent out an action alert, calling for protestors to come to the ICE Office at 411 W Cataldo Ave.

 1:56 pm: A young man in a different case went in for a scheduled ICE appointment. A translator was denied access to the building. Shortly after, around 20 protestors and members of the media arrived at the office. There was an ICE van parked in front of the office. Stuckart and representatives from Latinos en Spokane spoke to the press. Stuckart pledged to stay in front of the van and not let it drive off. Other protestors discussed their willingness to get arrested to block the bus, including two youth who were sitting in front of the side doors to the bus.

2:30 pm: Someone in a mask rode up on a bike, spray-painted the windshield of the ICE transport van and rode off. Stuckart and other protest leaders communicated what had happened to city and state officials and reiterated the group’s intent to stay nonviolent.

2:31 pm: Justice Forral drove a red car to park in front of the ICE transport van, boxing it in from the front.

2:34 pm: Two people, presumably ICE agents, exited the building to tell a protester sitting in front of the bus that they would be arrested if they did not move. One of the agents walked up to Party for Socialism and Liberation member David Brookbank and asked if there was anyone they could talk to representing the protest. The agent stressed that people blocking the van would be arrested. Others who were willing to be arrested, including Stuckart, Liz Moore (of Peace and Justice Action League of Spokane), Angel Tomeo Sam (of Yoyot Sp’q’n’i) and Julie Garcia (of Jewels Helping Hands), jumped in to join the sit-in in front of the bus. Protestors shouted “Shame, shame,” through the entire interaction.

2:43 pm: ICE personnel filmed from the windows of the building as protestors chanted “Asylum seekers are welcome here, immigrants are welcome here, refugees are welcome here.” As protestors noticed the agents filming, they started shouting. The group of protesters blocking the bus grew to 12, including Naida Spencer, chair of the Spokane County Democrats.

3:01 pm: A second car arrived, boxing in the ICE van from the rear.

3:15 pm: A second crowd began to form on the back of the building after protestors noticed a second ICE vehicle preparing to leave. At this point RANGE estimates there were between 75 to 100 people spread between the exits.

3:49 pm: Protestors willing to get arrested huddled up, agreeing on their strategy and community norms.

3:51 pm: Community members started forming a pile of donated supplies including snacks, sunscreen, electrolyte powder and water.

3:55 pm: Stuckart told the crowd that Mayor Lisa Brown and Spokane Police Chief Kevin Hall were in contact with ICE trying to negotiate the release of the people who had been detained. Brown later denied this happened. Hall said his office had been in contact with ICE, though it was unclear if it was to push for release or to coordinate the law enforcement response.

After two hours of protest there had been no violence.

4:46 pm: RANGE received a press release from Mayor Lisa Brown with her stance on the protest.

5:02 pm: Two immigration lawyers from Manzanita House were working in a corner with colleagues on the other side of the state, trying to find any legal statute to argue for release of the two detained people. One of the immigration lawyers said she had spoken to ICE through the callbox on the front of the building and offered to represent the detained immigrants who had no legal representation on site.

5:08 pm: At The Podium nearby, Spokane Velocity FC prepared to face Charlotte Independence SC in a soccer match celebrating Pride. The national anthem could be heard faintly from the protest. Video provided by a protestor.

5:20 pm: Protestors from the south exit shouted for backup as they saw an ICE transport start to leave. We got no footage of this moment as we were running to cover it.

5:24 pm: A RANGE reporter arrived at the open south gate as protestors lined up in front of the exit to stop them from leaving. We filmed from the side as protestors shouted “Let them go.” ICE agents and men with no uniforms then began indiscriminately shoving protestors who had linked arms as well as the RANGE reporter, who had identified themselves as press . The ICE agents and men with the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) insignia shoved people to the ground then retreated behind the facility gate. Here is footage from the reporter and footage sent to us by a protestor.

5:35 pm: Protestors had begun to build a barricade in front of the lower gate with Lime bikes and plastic bollards.

6:24 pm: For about an hour, things were uneventful. Protestors maintained groups at all three exits. No one was in the street. Then, at 6:24, after a warning to protestors from a source inside City Hall, police arrived.

6:25 pm: At least 10 vehicles and a red ICE transport van and shut down Washington Street.

6:26 pm: Police officers from SPD’s tactical team quickly cleared a path from the sidewalk into the building to the red ICE transport van.

6:26 pm: Protestors then started to coalesce near the police presence, gathering around the red ICE van, including a group that was willing to risk arrest.

6:29 pm: A group of protestors willing to risk arrest sits in front of the red van.

6:33 pm: View from above as protestors continue to gather and shout “Let them go.”

6:34 pm: Protestors, including Tomeo Sam, Garcia and Stuckart linked arms on one side of the transport van to stop it from leaving.

6:36 pm: The County Sheriff officers arrive, increasing the police presence at the so-far peaceful protest.

6:45 ish: the RANGE reporter started livestreaming. Their phone died so a chunk got deleted. Footage then resumes and can be watched in full here. Police started violently arresting people, which can be seen on film. The tires of the red ICE van were deflated or slashed. Protestors were warned that the gathering had been declared unlawful and that chemical munitions would be deployed. We didn’t get footage of the moment, but amidst the chaos, ICE agents walked three people who had been detained to a third ICE van and departed the police barricade for the Tacoma ICE detention facility. By 8:45, chemical munitions had been deployed against protestors.

     One protestor, who was later arrested, kicked a smoke bomb back towards officers (which was the lone act of violence against officers that we witnessed in the entire evening.) Smoke bombs were thrown in the direction of media members who were corralled into a small area with no clear, safe exit.

     There was one smoke bomb with green smoke which may have been tear gas, as multiple reporters felt stinging in the eyes and mouth after its deployment. Pepper balls were shot by SPD into the crowd, as were rubber bullets by the Spokane County Sheriffs.

     Over the course of the evening, tactical equipment and officers from other jurisdictions arrived on scene, like surveillance drones, a helicopter and additional Bearcats — heavily armored vehicles. We got an anonymous tip that Spokane County Sheriff John Nowels tried to call in the National Guard for what was a nonviolent protest (at least on the part of the protestors) until police arrived. Nowels later told another outlet the Department of Homeland Security had called him rather than SPD.

     Attendees of the Spokane Zephyr Pride game described smoke hovering over the game, and experiencing burning sensations in their eyes and mouth.

8:30 pm: Multiple vans filled with protestors had been taken to the county jail. Folks with various mutual aid groups showed up with bail, as did multiple pro bono lawyers. Most of the people arrested were charged with misdemeanor obstruction and $500 bond, though two queer people — at least one of whom is a queer BIPOC person — were charged with multiple counts of unlawful imprisonment after Forral built a barrier outside the ICE facility. One lawyer told us “it was chaos,” with additional charges being threatened against prominent politicians who had been arrested.

9:30 pm: A curfew on the area around the ICE office was imposed by Mayor Brown, running from 9:30 pm to 5 pm. Despite the curfew, we did not witness any additional arrests or chemical munition deployments from this point, but our reporter was cordoned on the South side of the protest and wasn’t able to record from the North side of the protest — after officers split the group into two halves near the beginning of the police response.

10 pm: Brown held a press conference during which she defended SPD facilitating ICE officers as they tried to transport the immigrants out of the Homeland Security building, saying the protesters had violated city law by impeding public rights of way. SPD Chief Kevin Hall said his officers deployed white smoke grenades and pepper balls but did not fire rubber bullets. He could not speak for the other agencies.

10:30 pm: Bond had been paid for most of the 31 protestors who had been arrested. Only two faced felony charges and were not allowed to have their bond paid.

Thursday, June 12

10:00 am-ish: We received reports that those arrested who were bailed out had been released, leaving Justice Forral and Erin Lang — the two charged with felonies — in custody.

10:46 am: We received visual confirmation from two freelance photographers of rubber bullets or long distance foam batons being fired into the crowd. Here’s a quick guide to the difference between less lethal munitions.

     The Court Hearing

     Of the 34 people who were arrested in Wednesday night’s protest on suspicion of the misdemeanor charge of failure to disperse, two were also charged with seven counts of “unlawful imprisonment”, a class C felony in the State of Washington.

     Justice Forral, an organizer with Spokane Community Against Racism (SCAR), and Erin Lang, a local artist, were both given the unlawful imprisonment charges and one count of failure to disperse each.

     On Thursday afternoon, a Superior Court Commissioner released them both on their own recognizance without an additional bond.

     It’s unclear why exactly Forral and Lang were specifically targeted for felony charges while other protesters were not, neither the prosecuting attorney nor the court documents gave any details.

     Even though this was just a first appearance hearing, dozens of people crowded into a tiny courtroom at the Spokane County Courthouse, sitting on the floor and spilling into the hallway. The crowd was a mix of press and supporters of Forral and Lang. The presiding judge, court commissioner Anthony Rugel, decided to move the hearing to a larger courtroom to accommodate the crowd.

     Both defendants appeared separately on a large video screen with their attorney Sarah Freedman: Forral in bright yellow scrubs and Lang in grey scrubs and a bright orange undershirt.

     Stuart Fox, an attorney with the Spokane County Prosecutor’s Office, asked the judge for a $2,500 bond in each case, arguing that there was “a concern for community safety” because “individuals were trapped at the location.” Fox said both Forral and Lang had obstructed justice and had a “potential impact to the administration of justice.” He prefaced his argument in both cases by acknowledging that neither defendant had a criminal record.

     Freedman argued against any bond being set and also asked that probable cause “be reserved,” meaning that she wanted the judge to wait to determine if there are reasonable grounds for the charges in these cases. 

     She also noted during the hearing that she gave the prosecutor copies of the professional conduct rules for attorneys that states the special responsibilities of prosecuting attorneys — among which include that they “refrain from prosecuting a charge that the prosecutor knows is not supported by probable cause.” She noted specifically that “prosecutors are administers for justice.”

     In an unusual move, the judge did not give either attorney the opportunity to really argue probable cause, meaning that neither side was able to present evidence supporting or disproving the charges of unlawful imprisonment. It’s unclear why this happened, and in a followup interview with RANGE, Freedman declined to speculate whether that was a violation of court procedure, but said it’s why she went out of her way to reserve probable cause.

     “There is no evidence of a violent crime here,” Freedman told the judge during the hearing, and no allegation that either Forral or Lang committed a violent act that risked the safety of a person.

     Rugel, told the court that with no criminal history for either defendant, he would be releasing them both on their own recognizance. He set their arraignment — where the defendants will enter their pleas — for June 25.

     After the hearing, Freedman came to the courthouse to talk with press and family members of Lang and Forral and to represent another client in a completely separate case.

     She described a chaotic night: she and several other attorneys who had volunteered to help the arrested protesters were at the jail until about 2:30 am ensuring that the people arrested were bailed out and had representation.

     It was unclear at first who exactly was arrested at the protest, as law enforcement was arresting people and placing them in plastic cuffs on the sidewalk before transporting them to the Spokane County Jail.

     “We were trying to guess who people were based on the inmate roster,” she said. They went off recent bookings, bondable people and bond size, which was $500 for the charge of “Failure to Dispurse.”

     Forral and Lang were released today, and Freedman said that they are both OK and happy that bond wasn’t imposed for these charges.

     “Right now, we’re just waiting to see what happens next.”

     Quotes from the first four hours

Some random quotes collected from reporter Erin Sellers from 1:45 to 4:30 pm.

     “We’ve seen this before. The US has always written policies that criminalize who we are,” – Angel Tomeo Sam, Yoyot Sp’q’n’i

    “What is justice to you?” – protestor, attribution unknown

     “This is no different than when presidents endorsed slavery because it was good for the economy,” – Mark Finney, Thrive International

     “ We fucking feed you. We work. We clean your houses. We take care of your kids. We make your food, take care of your kids. Stop kidnapping our people without due process. We deserve our day in court,” – protestor, chose to remain anonymous.

     “ Our commitment is to the people who are being held inside. Our commitment is to the people who are being targeted and harassed for trying to live. Our commitment is to each other. Our commitment is to stand up against the billionaire agenda that’s using racism to target and weaken our entire career. Country and community and to directly harm wonderful people who are just trying to live. So we are not here to satisfy our own egos. We’re here to prevent this bus from moving and say, no more deportations, abolish ICE, not in our name.  So it’s not about being peaceful, it’s not about being calm, it’s about being calm, disciplined, nonviolent and committed to each other,” – Moore, PJALS

     Why people were willing to be arrested

     “ I’m a brown person who has the privilege of being born here. That does not mean everyone in my community does, and that their lives are not valued,” — Julie Garcia

     “ I’m with Spokane Community Against Racism (SCAR), and this is the definition of standing up against racism to me. Like this person said, I have a privilege of being able to take this risk and so if I’m not willing to do that, I don’t know how I can expect anyone else to,” — Jac Archer, SCAR

     “ I am the executive director of Yoyot Sp’q’n’i, and we actually made a statement condemning ICE, condemning these orders, from our president. And I just want to pull a little piece out of our statement that says, ‘I stand with all these targeted by these violent and hauntingly familiar policies. We will not be silent as our relatives are caged, disappeared and torn from their loved ones. We believe in liberation, not incarceration; care, not cruelty; belonging, not banishment. And I also wanna say that we are on the lands of the Spokane people. And this was always a gathering place. And, it’s a horrific time for other people, but we know about these borders on stolen land and there shouldn’t be. I stand with every single person here who says, abolish ICE. So that’s what I hope to do. Abolish ICE,” — Angel Tomeo Sam, Yoyot Sp’q’n’i

     “The way that the multiracial, working class of this country is being manipulated and split by strategic racism to benefit a handful of billionaires who are trying to trick us all into advancing their deeper and deeper pockets. So we say no. We say no to racism. We say no to anti-immigrant hatred, and we’re gonna put our bodies in the way,” — Liz Moore, PJALS

     “ My father was not born here. He came here from South America when he was four. At that point in time, there was not a long waiting list that people had to stay in their terrible, terrible situations while wanting to come here for a better life. I am blessed to have been born here, right? And … I don’t have the same complications as other people — my skin is white even though I’m not. I am here because this is not right. Like we’ve sat there and watched people get pulled out of their homes, get tackled and assaulted, and all of this. The literal slogan of America is a complete contradiction to what is going on right now,” — a person willing to be arrested who chose not to give their name.

     “I like my ICE crushed and I’m here to show white men what it means to do the bare fucking minimum,” —  Mickey Pike

     “ I’m the chair of the Spokane County Democrats. I’m also a Kosovo, Afghanistan veteran, and this is not what I served for. Everyone deserves due process. It’s time for our elected officials and our law enforcement to follow the constitution. Thank you,” Naida Spencer, Chair of the Spokane County Democrats

     “ ICE is trying to deport people. They can’t deport ’em if they can’t get in the bus,” — Jude

     Late Night Presser: Brown defends police facilitating ICE access to agency building

     As a standoff between protesters and four separate law enforcement agencies began dying down on Wednesday, Spokane Mayor Lisa Brown hosted a 10 pm press conference at City Hall during which she defended law enforcement helping federal officials transport the two immigrants they’d arrested from their Cataldo Avenue facility.

     The police had closed down Washington Street near the local Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) office, where hundreds of demonstrators had gathered to protest the detentions. The immigrants are in the country legally.

     Washington is a sanctuary state under the Keep Washington Working Act (KWWA), a law that bars local agencies from helping federal agents enforce immigration law. Brown said she didn’t see a contradiction between her vocal commitment to the KWWA and ordering Spokane police to clear away the protesters, effectively allowing the ICE vehicles to leave with the detained men. Brown said the KWWA didn’t come into play at all, as Spokane police officers were enforcing municipal code that bars people from impeding rights of way.

     “It’s pretty clear from the observations I had of what was occurring there and frankly from my communication throughout the afternoon with some of the protestors that they did not expect that they would be successful in stopping ICE — a federal agency — from completing their mission,” Brown said.

     Brown argued that by responding to the protests with city police, she had made it less likely that President Donald Trump would send in National Guard and Marines as he has done or threatened to do in California and other places that have seen similar protests.

     Spokane Police Chief Kevin Hall also took questions from reporters, saying SPD deployed white smoke in the crowd of protesters and fired pepper balls at the demonstrators’ feet. He said SPD did not use rubber bullets, though it’s unclear how he could be absolutely sure of that so soon after the conclusion of the protest. Many protestors described being shot with bean bag rounds, rubber bullets and other less-lethal munitions and had the welts to prove it. Spokane County Sheriff deputies do appear to have shot protesters with less-lethal rounds.

     Hall said about 185 city officers responded to the scene, not including sheriff’s deputies. By about 10:45 pm, there were around 20 protesters still on Washington Street, though a small group of people started gathering near City Hall.

     Brown reiterated Spokane’s commitment to making sure immigrant communities are safe and feel welcome.

     “ I know there is tremendous fear among our local immigrant and refugee community,” Brown said. “My heart goes out to families who are separated or are fearful of what might happen to them in their workplace or as they proceed about their lives in Spokane. That’s why I’ve been coordinating with some of our local partners to understand how we can be supportive of those communities. Because in Spokane, we all belong.”

Two immigrants came here legally. They were detained anyway, sparking Spokane’s mass ICE protest

https://www.spokesman.com/stories/2025/jun/12/two-refugees-came-here-legally-they-were-detained-/?fbclid=IwY2xjawK9VG1leHRuA2FlbQIxMQBicmlkETFvUE1LaWtGYUF6NkNaUVBEAR7YTUY50g7lZUnYnkXARQGLE7G00BsW6F6c2MENIAtmDoIPp0oRMFwvR8Oojw_aem_OlvF0MHFcv4GlS0YbUUySA

     As written in The Spokesman Review by Alexandra Duggan; “It took almost no time for two immigrants to become part of Shelly O’Quinn’s family.

     She was on the cusp of becoming one of their “sponsors” to guide them in the United States as part of the U.S.’ asylum program. By all accounts, everything was going right. The two would spend their days working at the Airway Heights Walmart, check in with immigration and make it to every court hearing.

     It all changed on Wednesday when they received a notice to check in with immigration. But instead of a check-in, the two were picked up by federal authorities.

     “They are such good young men,” O’Quinn said. “They did all of it legally. And they have such a heartbreaking story.”

     O’Quinn, a former Republican Spokane County commissioner, met 21-year-old Cesar Alexander Alvarez Perez and 28-year-old Joswar Slater Rodriguez Torres last year at a church event after they escaped persecution in Venezuela.

     The two refugees met in Colombia and began the trek to Mexico, but their journey was largely traumatic, O’Quinn said – they were sleeping on roads, were robbed at gunpoint and threatened with machetes.

     “They got jobs in Mexico. They went to the border every day and applied to get into the U.S.,” O’Quinn said. “They finally were accepted and came here legally, in the humanitarian parole program.”

     They both qualified for asylum and were following the legal court process, O’Quinn said. Alvarez Perez qualified for the juvenile asylum process because he came to the U.S. younger than 21.

     They even had a court hearing scheduled for October, and it left O’Quinn optimistic about where things were headed. In Minneapolis on a work trip, she was stunned when she got the call that chaos had broken out on the streets of Spokane because the men were detained by ICE.

     Alvarez Perez’s sponsor, former city council president Ben Stuckart, had taken the two to their check-in when authorities detained them instead. Stuckart posted a call to action on Facebook, which led residents to swarm the ICE office off West Cataldo Avenue in North Spokane.

     The protest erupted throughout the evening, with a group of people attempting to stop unmarked law enforcement vehicles from leaving. Federal agents pushed back, sending some protesters’ belongings falling to the ground. Others crowded a bus to prevent it from leaving and were ultimately arrested for obstruction and failure to disperse, one of them being Stuckart.

      While more faced off with police and deputies, law enforcement began throwing canisters of smoke and pepper balls to disperse the crowd.

     Spokane Mayor Lisa Brown then issued a 9:30 p.m. curfew, calling the decision “the best path forward” for everyone to stay safe.

     Stuckart eventually posted bail, but he has yet to hear from Alvarez Perez and Rodriguez Torres, he said. O’Quinn, fearing the worst, flew to Seattle on Thursday and plans to attempt a visit with the two transported to Tacoma’s immigration detention center.

     “If I can’t see them, the next step is figuring out how I can … Imagine if your kids were in a detention center with no contacts. It’s a scary place,” O’Quinn said. “I just imagine the fear they are feeling, and I want them to know someone cares for them.”

    The legal way, no longer

     Alvarez Perez and Rodriguez Torres came to the United States through a legal program known as the Venezuelan Humanitarian Parole Program, or the “CHNV” program for Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans and Venezuelans. It allows for immigrants facing persecution to legally live and work in the U.S. “under parole.”

     President Donald Trump attempted to terminate the program earlier this year, but a Massachusetts judge issued an injunction to pause the action. On May 30, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the injunction, giving Trump free reign to end the parole program and continue mass immigrant deportations, something he has vowed to do since the start of his presidency.  The crackdown on immigration has led ICE to detain people all across the country.

     On Thursday, the Department of Homeland Security issued a notice to the thousands of immigrants taking part in the program that their legal status has since been terminated, according to reporting from CNN.

     “This notice informs you that your parole is now terminated. If you do not leave, you may be subject to enforcement actions, including but not limited to detention and removal, without an opportunity to make personal arrangements and return to your country in an orderly manner,” the notice says.

     It’s unclear whether Alvarez Perez and Rodriguez Torres received a parole termination notice, O’Quinn said. Either way, she expected it wouldn’t affect them because they had another pathway into the U.S. by asylum – but now, even their asylum status is murky. Alvarez-Perez also celebrated his birthday just this week, consequently aging him out of the juvenile asylum program he was part of.

     “We are a country that allows for due process. I believe they should have the right to due process. They did what they were supposed to do,” O’Quinn said. “We are not a country that should be picking up people are who legally here without due process. It’s a violation of our rights in the United States.”

     The Supreme Court decision allowing for deportation of those on humanitarian parole is “brutal on its face,” according to Spokane civil rights attorney Jeffry Finer. Normally, an injunction would give time for litigation while also preventing undue harm where there is no reasonable remedy, he said, like tearing down a historical building.

     “There’s no way to bring back the building. You can’t fix it or reverse it,” Finer said. “So if it’s going to have irreparable damages, an injunction is the way to litigate the merit and keep the status quo so nobody is harmed if the lawsuit is successful.”

     The dissenting Supreme Court opinion states the court botched the way it protects people during ongoing litigation. Finer said his interpretation of it shows “the risk to the government is small” but “the risk to immigrants is huge” – because once they’re deported, there likely won’t be a push to bring them back.

     And there’s no telling if the two will be deported, because the jail is “a black hole” of information, Stuckart said.

     Alvarez Perez and Rodriguez Torres were so desperate to flee, they walked for weeks to find freedom from persecution and remained here with no criminal record, Stuckart added, which tells him no one is exempt from deportations. Immigrants with minor or no criminal records are still being detained across the U.S. despite Trump saying he wants to crack down on immigrants with violent backgrounds.

     “They don’t have years to wait. Once they did get here, these two gentlemen got legal work permits and were working full time and contributing to society with taxes,” he said. “I don’t know what the difference is between someone who comes in at one point or another point. Take politics out of it. This goes beyond a political lens.”

     Past the politics

     O’Quinn’s family refers to Rodriguez Torres as “Randy,” a name he picked himself, because people had trouble pronouncing his name. It’s hard for her to look at news reports and court records identifying him as “Joswar,” she said. A picture of the two taken at the Barton English School, both smiling ear to ear, is “the smiles they always have on their face,” O’Quinn wrote in a text.

    “I want him to come home,” she said Thursday. “Both of them.”

     While Stuckart is a Democrat and O’Quinn was a Republican commissioner, the urge to bring back the men spans the political divide. Stuckart has made contact with Sen. Maria Cantwell’s office, and O’Quinn said she reached out to Rep. Michael Baumgartner for help, and he responded promptly by having his staff track information for her on how she could find where the men were taken.

     “He’s actually been very supportive,” she said, “And I appreciate that.”

     Baumgartner released a statement Thursday about the protests applauding law enforcement’s response and encouraging people to work with federal officials to enforce immigration laws.

     “We need both secure borders and immigration reform,” the statement reads. “Peaceful protest is guaranteed under the Constitution, but there is no excuse for violence or impeding law enforcement officials.”

    His office has not responded for further comment.

     The stories of Alvarez Perez and Rodriguez Torres deserve to be told, because “they have demonstrated their American values of hard work and integrity,” O’Quinn said – they shouldn’t become political pawns in a battle with red or blue. Both Republicans and Democrats have vouched for the men, Stuckart said later, calling them “the people you want in our country.”

     Both agree the men did everything they’re told to do as immigrants: apply to come into the country legally, get a job and pay taxes.

     It’s the reason O’Quinn believes their detainment doesn’t reflect the values of Spokane.

     “I am grateful for the people who stood up for their rights yesterday,” she said. “It tells them that it wasn’t Spokane that kicked them out.”

     Editor’s note — this story was corrected to reflect the men were not refugees under the U.S. Government but were rather seeking asylum.”

    Spokane ICE protesters advance on the police line

Spokane Police Special Force of the Political Intelligence Unit, come to kidnap former Spokane City Councilman Ben Stuckart’s ward Cesar Alvarez Perez.

      As Captain Pickard’s line goes “Force a man to give up his child to the state? Not while I’m his Captain.”  Or his comrade, his fellow American, his fellow human being of any kind.

Ben Stuckart and others blocking an ICE van

Order A Man To Hand His Child Over To The State? Not While I’m His Captain

                      My Writing on Police Abolition, a retrospective

January 11 2025 Why Are Police Evil? Police Are Evil When States Are Evil, and States Are Inherently Evil: the Case of Tyre Nichols

January 9 2024 Black in America: The State as Embodied Violence, White Supremacist Terror, and the Institutionalization of Slavecatching as Police

November 18 2022 The Legal Immunity of Police As Institutional White Supremacist Terror: Anniversary of the Kyle Rittenhouse Trial

December 3 2021 Who Bears Arms Bears Death: the Cases of the Oxford High School Mass Murders and the Police Murder of a Disabled Senior Citizen in a Wheelchair Shot Nine Times in the Back While Trying to Escape

May 13 2025 Anniversary of the 1978 Move Commune Bombing by Philadelphia Police

May 25 2025  Anniversary of George Floyd’s Murder and The Meaning of the Black Lives Matter Protests as Revolutionary Struggle Against Racist Police Terror As A System of Oppression

May 15 2025 Anniversary of Bloody Thursday Berkeley 1969: Love, Magic, and Political Awakening Amid the Most Massive and Terrible Incident of Police Terror in American History

March 13 2023 The Battle For Atlanta: the Fight to Save a Forest From Destruction and Democracy From White Supremacist Police Terror

April 12 2021 Cry Havoc: Seize the Streets to Disarm the Police

October 13 2021 Abolish Prisons, Police, and the Carceral State of Tyranny and Terror, Force and Control

December 4 2020 Restoring the Balance: Disarm the Police. Abolish the Police.

December 29 2020 A Cry for Justice and Transformation: a Roll of Martyrs in the Struggle for Equality Against Racist Police Violence, White Supremacist Terror, and State Terror and Tyranny

October 3 2019 police gun violence, racist murder of the innocent, and the path to tyranny: the case of Amber Guyger

From Spokane news

the moment ICE tried to sneak prisoners out past the protest

https://www.facebook.com/reel/24210135341956351

June 15 2025 Gods of My Father: Father’s Day Part One

                                        Prologue

       To seize power from Authority as archetypal figure of the Father as Lawgiver and Tyrant is a primary ground of revolutionary struggle, historically and most especially in the context of theocracy as a system of oppression.

      This is interdependent with Patriarchy as institutionalized sexual terror, for theocracy and Patriarchy arise together and develop as twin forces of unequal power, with the birth of agriculture, slavery, kings and priests and empires, and police overseers to keep the slaves at their work and enforce the law and order of those who would enslave us.

      There are always masters in gold robes who speak for the gods, anoint kings, send Crusades and Inquisitions, and whose lies convince others to do the hard and dirty work for them. This is religion, and nothing more.

     Here also is the origin of the archetypal Father as Lawgiver and Tyrant, a Saturn who devours his children in service to his own wealth and power; an origin with us still in the Horn of Plenty which resides as an altar object on our Thanksgiving tables, originally the feast of Saturn, god of the harvest.

     Law serves power, order appropriates, and there is no just Authority.

      To this bestial and depraved cannibal tyrant and god I say with Nikos Kazantzakis; “I hope for nothing, I fear nothing, I am free.”

Saturn Devouring His Son, Goya

                                Act One

        My Mirror Family Portrait and Shadow Pantheon: Typhoeus and his daughters; detail from Klimt’s Beethoven Frieze

      When as Nietzsche warned I gaze too long into the Abyss, and the Abyss gazes back into me, what forms does it take?    

     This I chose as a shadow pantheon and family portrait during my eighth grade year; who was I then?

      Eighth grade was a year spent reading Plato and Nietzsche whose Thus Spake Zarathustra I adopted as a counter-text to the Bible, became the Northern California foil and saber fencing champion in the under 18 age division which I held through high school, won a poetry contest and the typewriter on which I wrote my first novel, was awarded a brown belt in Chinese Kenpo Karate by Al Moore before he left Ed Parker’s organization and rebranded his system as Shou Shu, a change in name only, and ran amok like a feral thing all over Berkeley and San Francisco.

      After five years of learning Chinese and Japanese languages and other traditional arts I was reasonably fluent in them; it was also my second year of attending French classes at the high school instead of English at my grade level in the elementary school, and I was an enthusiast of Surrealist literature and cinema which aligned with my practice of magic influenced by my father’s Voodoo hybridized with the unique Chaos magic of his Beatnik friend William S. Burroughs, made of his friend Georges Bataille’s cult of Nietzsche, Acephale, Lovecraftian mythos and elements of Grimm’s fairytales, methods from Tristan Tzara’s Dada, Cut Up and other strategies of randomization based on the I Ching, a Surrealism derived from the Egyptian Book of the Dead through Philip Lamantia, Shamanic rites and sources, and traditional medieval ceremonial magic together with that of Aleister Crowley. Such were the magics I was raised with and the gods of my father; in choosing the figures of the Beethoven Frieze as a pantheon and ancestral family, I was choosing something uniquely mine.

     This was also the year of two Defining Moments during the summer of 1974 between eighth grade and high school, when during Expo 74 in Spokane my relationship with my partner Dolly became a romance, and the trip to Brazil for which I learned conversational Portuguese as my fourth language, to train as a fencer for the Pan American Games which became a running street fight against police bounty hunters who were killing abandoned street children and the first of my many Last Stands.

      So I was as a boy whose hero was Napoleon and found connection with Klimt’s Typhoeus as an animus figure, both of my own shadow and a kind of archetypal Ur-Father.  

     Here I paraphrase and annotate a description on Art Wall; “The centre wall was conceived as a pictorial paraphrase of the final movement of Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony and depicted the struggle for happiness undertaken by a knight in armour who, vanquishing the ‘hostile powers’, leads ‘weak humanity’ into the realm of the arts.

     The painting represents the hostile forces which humanity must face, for myself both a pantheon and a family portait: Typhoeus, the Titan, against whom even gods fought in vain, and his daughters, the three Gorgons. The longings and wishes of mankind fly over their heads.

     In the centre of the group lurks Typhoeus, a giant ape-like monster with beautiful dragonfly wings and a serpentine or dragon body, which according to mythology, is the offspring of the earth goddess, Gaia, and the god of the underworld, Tartaros. His eyes gaze back at us from the Abyss, as Nietzsche warned.

     To his left side are his daughters, the three Gorgons: “Illness, Madness, and Death.”

     Above the Gorgons, the skeletal female figure of Death lurks in unmatched dramatism, with nameless terrors as masklike figures crowding behind. I have wondered if this represents the demoness and ur-Mother Lilith in her Kali-like aspect and her Thousands of Myriads.

    Away from the crowded figures, in front of the hideous snake body and the mighty blue wings of the monster, crouches the “Nagender Kummer” (Gnawing Grief), a meagre female figure whose expressiveness is particularly striking.

      On his right side, forces of life balance those of darkness as a Triple Goddess of transgression beyond all limits and the boundaries of the Forbidden: “Lasciviousness, Wantonness, and Intemperance.”

     What more could a boy ask for?

Image source

                          Act Two

         Let us claim and embrace our monstrosity, the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves: the Beast as Nietzsche’s Toad

    Here is a nested set of puzzles like the evils of Pandora’s Box or gateways to otherness opened by Clive Barker’s Lament Configuration, bearing wonders and terrors in equal measure, and we can never grow wise enough to truly say which is which.

      Can we open the secrets of human being, meaning, and value without angels and demons, potentialities of darkness and light, reflections of each other, escaping together into our lives?

   How can we explore the numinous within us, unless we embrace both dimensions of our wholeness? All true art exalts and defiles.

    Herein I look to the figure of the werewolf in Burrough’s novel The Wild Boys as controlling metaphor of our wildness as beings of nature, and like nature anarchic, chaotic, and utterly free. In a universe without meaning other than that which we ourselves create, the terror of our nothingness is balanced with the joy of total freedom.

   The Wild Boys envisions feral youths in rebellion against the Authority that created them, a dystopian future in which man’s animal nature has been  betrayed by civilization through systems of Control but which also has the power to redeem and liberate us, the final part of Burroughs’ Anarchist Trilogy which extends his recurrent theme of werewolves as symbolic of our essential wildness and unconquerable nature, an extension of Rousseau’s Natural Man  and a type of Nietzschean Superman; beyond good and evil.

     He did claim to be possessed by the Toad as a chthonic spirit, identical with Nietzsche’s Toad which the author of Thus Spake Zarathustra, a novel I later adopted as a counter-text to the Bible, feared he must swallow as a symbol of our animal nature. Burroughs claimed to be Nietzsche’s successor on this basis, as avatar and priest of all that is reviled, disgusting, loathsome and bestial within us, which he identified with Lovecraft’s Tsathoggua and transferred to me as a successor and avatar.

      As I never conceptualized or ascribed negative qualities to my own shadow self, this containing nothing which is not me, I experienced this simply as a seizure of power as an avatar and not as possession by a malign entity; exactly as practiced in Voodoo and in the Shaivite-Tantric cult of the Bhairav as I explored it in Nepal during my time as a monk and Dream Navigator of the Vajrayana Kagu order of Tibetan Buddhism. For myself, from childhood and in a family utterly free from the consequences of Freud’s father as lawgiver or from Abrahamic ideas of God as Authority, I imagined nature as truth and freedom, and nothing to be feared. 

     The magic Burroughs and my father practiced was based equally on his friend Bataille’s cult of Nietzsche called Acephale, the mythos of his model H.P. Lovecraft, and elements of shamanism, traditional ritual magic from grimoires, and the occultism of Aleister Crowley. A decade and more later, Burroughs would be claimed as a founder of Chaos Magic, and his host of invented literary methods designed to destroy systems of control represented an ars poetica which was also a personal faith, including the cut-up method, playback, dreams, out of body travel, mandalas and gates to alternate realities, ecstatic trance and vision, curses, demonology, tarot; I still have the deck of tarot cards he gave me and taught me to use. To this my father brought the family Voodoo, werewolf mythology, ancestral history interwoven with versions of Grimm’s fairytales, and his brilliance as a theatre director; he directed some of Edward Albee’s plays, and I grew up from the age of four listening to them discuss drama during rehearsals from a center front seat in the theatre, which often interrogated Albee’s direct influences and references among his fellow Absurdists Samuel Beckett, Eugene Ionesco, and Harold Pinter, but included sources in Fyodor Dostoevsky, Nikolai Gogol, Franz Kafka, Antonin Artaud, and Eugene Ionesco.

      As Burroughs wrote The Wild Boys during the period of his visits, I have often wondered how much of it was drawn from my father’s ideas and the claim of our family history that we are not human but werewolves, and had been driven out of Europe for that reason; Martin Luther referred to my ancestors as  Drachensbraute, Brides of the Dragon, and we were driven out of Bavaria in 1586 at the beginning of a forty-four year period of witchcraft persecutions. He was writing it during the Stonewall Riots, which may be a more direct context as a fictionalization of the witness of history. Like much of his fiction, it is also filled with episodes both historical and imagined and set in mirror worlds of exotic locations like Mexico and Morocco transformed as Orientalist fantasies or gateways to underworld realms.

     When I asked him, at the age of ten or so, if I was in his book and what he was writing about, he said; “Freedom, nature as truth and civilization as addiction to wealth and power and theft of the soul, and how our pasts get mixed up with our futures.”

     The Wild Boys reimagines The Egyptian Book of the Dead, of which fellow Surrealist and poet Philip Lamantia was a scholar and a source for Burroughs, also the subject of his final novel The Western Lands as is its direct model H. P. Lovecraft’s The Dream Quest of Unknown Kadath, references Octave Mirbeau, Bataille, Genet, and extends de Sade and Rousseau’s ideal of the natural man as uncorrupted by civilization and unlimited by its boundaries, as truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh, in a reversal of Freud’s ideology of civilization as restraint or binding and limit of our nature which he called libido control. David Bowie created his character of Ziggy Stardust based on The Wild Boys; wildness as nature and freedom here mingle and intertwine.

     All the works of William S. Burroughs are masterpieces of anarchist liberation and transgression, Surrealism and occult mysticism, even if difficult because they are told in collages of random and nonlinear episodes which he described as vaudeville turns, with an iconography that is bizarre and obscene. In spite and possibly because of this, they remain among the great classics of world literature, revealing endless chasms of darkness and infinite possibilities of rapture and illumination.

     All true art defiles and exalts.

    Go ahead; swallow the toad.

     The Toad is summoned by performance of that which is loathsome to you; as embodiment of disgust, horror, degradation, and what Freud called the Uncanny. Jung described possession by the Shadow as a theriomorphic figure, the Beast, as “A manifestation of the Beast Within which seizes the soul with nameless shuddering; in that moment one becomes transformed and exalted six thousand feet beyond good and evil.”

     It is a type of the Guardian of the Gates of Dreams who must be eaten to transform it into a Guide and ally or protector in underworld journeys. In the Dreaming one may assume its two Battle Forms, the Grendel-like water dragon and the chiropteran raptor as depicted in the film Dracula, and as a chthonic figure of underworld illumination confers powers of insight into others secret desires similar to Lucifer’s power in the Netflix series which fictionalizes the great question of Lacan, What do you desire?, as well as the ability to enter the dreams of others as does Freddy Kruger in the Nightmare films based so faithfully on the cult of the Bhairav in Tibetan Buddhist-Shaivite Tantric faith. I discovered much parallelism between the magic of my childhood and that of the Vajrayana Buddhist Kagyu order of monks in Kathmandu of which I was once a Dream Navigator.

     Burroughs had a whole pantheon and system of magic worked out from Lovecraft and Crowley, but that is a different story. What I find interesting is that like Crowley’s mirror image angels and demons who are really the same being, Burroughs’ reimagination of Lovecraft’s mythos has his Others as both good and evil, like wrathful and beneficent aspects of Tibetan gods.

     In the end all that matters is what you do with your fear, and how you use your power.

                                    Act Three

 Negotiations With Masculinity, Patriarchy, and the Legacies of Our History

      The monstrosity of God, the State as embodied violence, Authority as tyranny and terror; all of these recursive and interdependent systems of oppression and dehumanization originate in the dynamics of the Father as Lawgiver.

     In this year of the Fall of America and the capture of the state by the Fourth Reich as Vichy America, as the Party of Treason attempts to finalize the subversion of our democracy and impose theocratic patriarchal sexual terror and white supremacist terror on our nation under the figurehead of Rapist In Chief Traitor Trump and his Theatre of Cruelty, let us interrogate the systems of oppression of those who would enslave us and perform the Four Primary Duties of a Citizen; Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority.

      Carceral states of force and control are but the family writ large, as fear weaponized in service to power, as authorized identities and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, and as divisions and hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness enforced by elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege.

     All this we must Resist.

      This is the first revolution we must fight, each of us as we grow up and become human as we ourselves imagine and wish to be; the struggle for ownership of ourselves.  

     As I wrote in my post of July 21 2020, How Patriarchy Works: Unequal Power, Identities of Sex and Gender, Autonomy Versus Authorization, Complicity and Responsibility, and the Social Use of Force;  Here I began thinking about the murder of Vanessa Guillen, toxic masculinity and violence, and the military as an atavism of rape culture in tidy categories of Hegelian-Marxist history and the dialectics of revolutionary struggle, when I quickly realized that patriarchy is a spectrum disease which corrupts and subverts its victims and its perpetrators alike, and this is its true terror.

     At the intersection of power asymmetries and identities of sex and gender lie issues of authorization versus autonomy, with crucial consequences for complicity and responsibility in our legal system which arbitrates the social use of force.

     In her now classic work Ring of Power, Jean Shinoda Bolen interprets Wagner’s great opera in terms of patriarchal forces which dehumanize us because they cripple and steal our capacity to love. Of particular interest here is the figure of Brunhild as Daddy’s Avenger and victim of internalized oppression.

     So I looked again, but this time not at the primary struggle for power and ownership between male perpetrator and female victim, but at two female monsters who are parallel figures as enablers and accomplices of sexual terror, Melania Trump and Ghislaine Maxwell.

     Moreover they are characters embedded in fairytale narratives with which we are all familiar; the etiology of their disfigurement and monstrosity lies in the malign effects of inequality as a moral debasement and leprosy of the soul. For the study of such things I return to Margaret Atwood’s masterpiece Cat’s Eye, her novels Interlunar and Life Before Man, to the thematic companion volumes The Handmaid’s Tale and The Edible Woman, and to the foundational critical work by Sharon Rose Wilson, The Fairytale Sexual Politics of Margaret Atwood.

     A study of Margaret Atwood is illuminating and instrumental to understanding the elements of patriarchy and the operations of its systems, especially in the context of female on female violence in secondary order power relations. Allow me to elaborate.

     Cat’s Eye presents a narrator, Elaine Risley, who is a trapped Rapunzel in a world of ghosts, witches, cruel stepsisters, vanishing princes, and a merciful fairy godmother. The story draws ideas mainly from Anderson’s Snow Queen and Grimm’s Rapunzel, secondarily from Anderson’s Ice Maiden and Grimm’s Girl Without Hands.

     Fearful door images echo Grimm’s Fitcher’s Bird; Risley’s dreams and visions are filled with images from medieval art, paintings of the Annunciation, Ascension, and the Virgin. The Hobgoblin’s fragmented mirror in The Snow Queen provides a metaphor of Atwood’s vision; mirrors, cameras, things that reflect but also capture and distort.

     Of her characters, Cordelia from Shakespeare’s King Lear is among her finest; Mrs. Sneath is a cannibal goddess who resembles Baba Yaga and is linked to the figure of cat-headed Maat in this story.

     Thematically Cat’s Eye is an investigation of the Rapunzel Syndrome; the wicked witch who imprisons her, the tower she is trapped in, a rescuer. Margaret Atwood’s driving conflicts are female-female, though her plots foreground sexual power and its political reflections.

     Life Before Man offers The Wizard of Oz, The Nutcracker ballet, Anderson’s Snow Queen, a host of tales from Grimm including The Girl Without Hands, Rapunzel, Cinderella, Little Red Cap, Fitcher’s Bird, and The Robber Bridegroom. Secondary intertexts include Wilde’s Salome, Dante’s Inferno, Ovid’s Metamorphosis, Coleridge’s Kublai Khan, Carroll’s Alice in Wonderland, Irving’s Sleepy Hollow, and Mother Goose rhymes, mainly Little Miss Muffet. It’s a sort of Grand Tour of our civilization and the history of our private inner space and the disastrous and grotesque ways we collide with each other. Also, wonderful and illuminating reading.

     Interlunar reimagines Cocteau’s Orphee, the ballet Giselle, both the Grimm and Anne Sexton version of The White Snake, and the paintings of Hieronymus Bosch. Motifs include death, pestilence, filth, eating, power, the journey, healing, hands, blindness and vision. Themes of guilt and shame, love, destruction, sacredness, creation, fertility, and metamorphosis are to be found in this richly imagined novel.

     The Edible Woman is a linked text with The Handmaid’s Tale; do read both together. Herein the main embedded stories are Hansel & Gretel, The Gingerbread Boy, Goldilocks, Alice in Wonderland, Cinderella, Sleeping Beauty, and Rapunzel, and her protagonist Marion plays all of these roles as well as those of Little Red Cap, the Robber Bride, and Fitcher’s bride.

     The Handmaid’s Tale gives a voice to Bilhah, the Biblical Handmaid, revisions Little Red Riding Hood as an extension of Angela Carter’s The Company of Wolves, and tells the story of the Christian disempowerment of the Goddess as presented in the great film The Red Shoes.

     Margaret Atwood’s parodies of Grimm operate on three levels; thematic, images and motifs, and narrative structure. In The Handmaid’s Tale, we have themes of family and especially female-female conflict, gender and sexual power asymmetries, and the initiation and heroic journey. Motifs and images include dismemberment, cannibalism, fertility, labyrinths and paths, and all manner of disturbing sexual violence. Plot devices include a variety of character foils, doppelgangers, disguises and trickery of stolen and falsified identity.

    Among Margaret Atwood’s Great Books, The Handmaid’s Tale is a universally known reference both because it has been taught for over a generation in every high school in America as a standard text and because of the extraordinary television series, arguably the most important series ever filmed. We teach it for the same reasons the show is popular; a visceral and gripping drama with unforgettable characters, a mesmerizing plot, and an immediate and accessible story which empowers and illuminates.

     It depicts the brooding evil and vicious misogyny of Christianity and Fascism as two sides of the dynamic malaise of patriarchy and authority, as drawn directly from Arthur Miller’s The Crucible and Hawthorne’s Scarlet Letter, but also from contemporary culture as it contains satires of identifiable public figures, organizations, and events. Serena is based on Phyllis Schlafly, and Gideon is the nation of Pat Robertson and the fundamentalists who seized control of the Republican Party around the time of the novel’s writing; Margaret Atwood’s motive in part was to sound an alarm at the dawn of the Fourth Reich and its threat to global democracy.

     It remains to be seen whether the forces of tyranny or of liberty will prevail in the end. Each of our lives is a contest between these forces, our private struggles reflected in the society and human civilization we share.

     And this is the great lesson and insight of Margaret Atwood; each of us is both a Handmaid and a Serena, trapped within the skin of the other. She locates the primary conflict within ourselves, and transposes the Jungian conflict between Anima and Animus with that of the Shadow in terms of sex, gender, and power.

     So we return to our Brunhilds and twin monsters Melania Trump and Ghislaine Maxwell, who Janus-faced represent corruption and perversion, the dual spheres of action of feminine power turned against itself by the forces of patriarchy and shaped to the uses of predation and misogyny.

     Melania’s message on the coat she wore to tour a migrant concentration camp, “I really don’t care. Do U?’ and Ghislaine’s self-description in Vanity Fair, “‘I do it the way Nazis did it with the Jews,” reflect the disease of power in its political and sexual contexts, and as a First Cause of both racist hate crimes and crimes of sexual terror. Unequal power is a precondition of them both.

     And these are direct quotes from enablers and accomplices of crimes against humanity which define the limits of the human, and who are not marginal figures whose malign violations of our values and dehumanization of others occurred in a trailer park brothel or secret sweatshop of slave labor but   at the pinnacle of our society’s ruling class. Their existence is an indictment of the flaws of our nation and of our civilization, and a measure of the distance we have yet to travel in the realization of a true free society of equals.

    As Margaret Atwood said in her 2015 lecture to West Point cadets; “Nothing makes me more nervous than people who say, ‘It can’t happen here.’ Anything can happen anywhere, given the right circumstances.”

                                      Postscript

      Happy Father’s Day

       Happy Fathers Day to all. Said this to my partner Dolly this morning, with the words you don’t have to be a man to be a father, it’s a role and a performance. And she said it back to me, with the words; “You’re a cat dad”.    

     Maybe this is where we can begin, men and women, in overthrowing systems of unequal power and oppression, the violence of poisoned masculinity and the terror of the Father as Lawgiver institutionalized in tyrannies, in the reimagination and transformation of our human being, meaning, and value, escaping the legacies of our history, and finding healing for the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world; by redefining our terms.

     You don’t have to have children to be a father, and you don’t have to be a man to be a father. This is a role, a performance, with lots of historical and symbolic baggage which you are free to reinvent or discard and replace.

    So, find the happy.

                   Gods of My Father: a reconstruction of the family faith

Friedrich Nietzsche

H.P. Lovecraft

Georges Bataille

William S. Burroughs

Aleister Crowley   Goodreads author page

                    The Freudian Horror of Patriarchy, a reading list

Sigmund Freud: the Creepy Great-Uncle of Horror (and Feminism)

https://eleanorshorrors.substack.com/p/sigmund-freud-the-creepy-great-uncle

The Terror of Psychosexual Development under Patriarchy: A review of Poor Things | Simon McNeil

The Psychology of Horror: An Exploration of Freud’s ‘Uncanny’ through “Psycho” | R.L. Terry ReelView

Rethinking Law and Fatherhood: Male Subjectivity in the Film A Perfect World

https://www.colorado.edu/gendersarchive1998-2013/1999/09/01/rethinking-law-and-fatherhood-male-subjectivity-film-perfect-world

To Be or Not to Be a (Dead) Father

https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/#inbox/DmwnWtDnGLwFGdzgxwQNgVMchmzDSvPGcTxfJWBqQGVXQvBnpbbhmCcXcFDwtwHdmhjJPXWWtJLV

Powers of Horror: an Essay on Abjection, Julia Kristeva

http://users.clas.ufl.edu/burt/touchyfeelingsmaliciousobjects/Kristevapowersofhorrorabjection.pdf

(Kristeva’s foundational essay on abjection was written as a direct reply to and extension of Freud’s work on The Uncanny)

The Uncanny, Sigmund Freud

(Third work in line of successorship to Freud’s The Uncanny)

Sexual Personae: Art and Decadence from Nefertiti to Emily Dickinson, Camille Paglia

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/101157.Sexual_Personae?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_6

The Freud Reader, Peter Gay Editor

Freud: A Life for Our Time, Peter Gay

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/97746.Freud?ref=nav_sb_ss_4_9

Eros and Civilization: A Philosophical Inquiry into Freud, Herbert Marcuse

Freud and Philosophy: An Essay on Interpretation, Paul Ricœur

Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, Gilles Deleuze, Félix Guattari

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/118317.Anti_Oedipus?ref=rae_0

Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses, Louis Althusser

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/18310364-ideology-and-ideological-state-apparatuses?ref=rae_6

     And who could embrace reading Freud without including the works of his finest successor and interpreter in works of fiction, D.M. Thomas?

Conversations with Freud: A Fictional Dialogue Based on Biographical Facts,

D.M. Thomas, Edward de Bono (Foreword)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/54935521-conversations-with-freud

Hunters in the Snow, D.M. Thomas

The White Hotel, D.M. Thomas

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/46087.The_White_Hotel

Pictures at an Exhibition, D.M. Thomas

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1394073.Pictures_at_an_Exhibition

Eating Pavlova, D.M. Thomas

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/906092.Eating_Pavlova

                     Margaret Atwood, a reading list

Cat’s Eye, Margaret Atwood

Life Before Man, Margaret Atwood

Interlunar, Margaret Atwood

The Edible Woman, Margaret Atwood

The Handmaid’s Tale, Margaret Atwood

Margaret Atwood’s Fairy-Tale Sexual Politics, Sharon Rose Wilson

The Red Shoes: Margaret Atwood Starting Out, Rosemary Sullivan

Brutal Choreographies: Oppositional Strategies and Narrative Design in the Novels of Margaret Atwood, J. Brooks Bouson

June 14 2025 The Painted Bird, I: and a celebration of Jerzy Kosinski, on his birthday

     On this the birthday of Jerzy Kosinski, I reflect on and interrogate my personal relationship and history with his great novel, which I used as an intertext and mirror in healing from trauma during my teenage years, much as did he in reimagining his childhood therapy journal as he was psychosomatically mute for five years after Liberation by the Russian Army at the age of nine.

     I too created myself in revolutionary struggle during this crucial period of growing up, framed by my witness at the age of nine of Bloody Thursday, May 15 1969 People’s Park Berkeley, our nation’s most massive incident of police terror in which I was Most Sincerely Dead momentarily from the force wave of a grenade, and my near execution by a police death squad in Sao Paulo Brazil in  1974 during my direct actions with the Matadors to rescue the abandoned street children who were being bounty hunted in a state campaign of ethnic cleansing.

     Identity confusion and self-creation as freedom from authorized identities and imposed orders of being, meaning and value, from the boundaries of the Forbidden and other people’s ideas of virtue, the mark of Otherness conferred by death, Last Stands in defiance of authority and carceral states of force and control beyond hope of victory or survival, and the existential crisis of becoming human in liberation struggle against the systems of falsification, commodification, and dehumanization which arise from the origins of evil in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force; in all of this I found reflection in Jerzy Kosinski’s embrace of our monstrosity and fearless gaze into the Nietzschean Abyss and what Joseph Conrad called The Heart of Darkness.

     The Painted Bird, I.

     As I have written in celebration of Jerzy Kosinski’s birthday:

     Identity, power, justice, the depravity and perversity of man and the origins of evil; these are the great themes which animate the works of Jerzy Kosinski.

     His unique brand of Catholic Existentialism, a Pauline Absurdism like that of Flannery O’Connor and referential to Camus and Freud as much as Augustine and the Bible, has never been widely understood. Nor has the influence of his training as a sociologist and historian in the Soviet university system of Poland behind the Iron Curtain, prior to his escape to political asylum in America.

    Jerzy Kosinski embraces the Infinite as the Absurd; though his works can create the effect of reading Samuel Beckett, Kobo Abe, or Thomas Ligotti, his intent is to tilt against Nihilism and the forces of disorder, not to endorse them. His episodes which reveal the depravity of humankind and the fallenness of political authority, like those of Jean Genet’s novels, are inversions of Catholic rituals intended as satires of the state as embodied violence. 

     In some respects he can be compared to de Sade, but only to a point; where de Sade was a satirist who wrote as a revolutionary act and campaign of destabilization against the authority of Church and State, Jerzy Kosinski plays the opposite side of the board, marshalling conserving forces to defend absolute and universal human values.

    For his novels, often thinly veiled autobiographies and referential to historical events, are manuals of survival in circumstances of overwhelming force, dehumanizing oppression, and existential terror as systems of oppression.

    Among these we may include his satires of American culture including Being There, and the magnificent nightmare of Europe under fascism, The Painted Bird. His finest nonfiction is The Future is Ours, Comrade, written within two years of his 1957 escape from Poland under Soviet dominion. All of his works bear the weight of his scholarship as a historian and sociologist.

     His novels are metafictional commentaries on the roles he played in life, both chosen and those forced on him by others. Perhaps only Philip Roth has struggled more as a writer for control of his own identity, when those whom he claimed did not in turn claim him, and few have suffered more. I believe that each of us has the right as human beings to reinvent ourselves, and to be who we choose.

      Being There is a precious and delicate confection of a fable, which transforms a universal myth into a new one for our time in spare language that a child might grasp. The film version starring Peter Sellers and Shirley MacLaine is also compelling and beautiful; I made a practice of watching it every month for years since I was at university, and rereading the novel which I taught in high school. It has become a part of who I am, this story, and I hope that you will love it as do I.  But before I can take you on a walk through this novel, we must understand its context in the novel for which it is a coda, The Painted Bird.

      The Painted Bird is an unforgettable paen of horrors as lived by the author as a child wandering alone in Eastern Europe during the Second World War, victimized and powerless, a figure of Europe, civilization, and all humanity.    

     I cannot say I advise anyone to open the lid of this particular box and look within; I cannot even say that it is good for you. Exposure to evil of this magnitude and festering malignity, raw and unanswerable, is a disruptive and  corrosive, destabilizing and subversive event, at once destruction and liberation, much like the history it describes. Here the boundaries of the human are charted, in blood.

    What has it done for me, this Pandora’s Box of a story? Perhaps only to help me find the will to claw my way out of the ruins and make yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory or even survival. For myself, this has been enough.

     I have lost count of such Last Stands during my decades of revolutionary struggle and resistance to fascism since that fateful day in 1982 Beirut during the siege, when Jean Genet swore me to the Oath of the Resistance he had appropriated from that of the Foreign Legion in Paris 1940 and set me on my life’s path. I too have looked into the Abyss, and as Nietzsche warned it has begun to look back at me, since Mariupol and possibly before, and I must now and always question my actions as a man without fear, mercy, or remorse.

     I am become as history has made me, a monster who hunts other monsters; with death the alternative to survival, with subjugation, falsification, and dehumanization pervasive and omnipresent existential threats on the one hand and those truths written in our flesh and to which we must bear witness, and our glorious liberty and uniqueness on the other, and with only solidarity and our faith in each other to heal the pathology of our disconnectedness and the divisions of authorized identities as elite hierarchies of otherness and belonging, love to redeem the flaws of our humanity, and hope to answer the terror of our nothingness and the brokenness of the world, we each of us must struggle to become human, even when we must trade fragments of our humanity for the hope of future possibilities of becoming human and for the lives of others, who may one day escape the shadows of history in which we dwell.

      Last Stands; naming these forlorn hopes so makes them sound grand and heroic, but they are nothing of the kind. Not acts of virtue bearing the force of redemption, but choices to remain Unconquered as a free and self-created being conferred by refusal to submit against unanswerable force and impossible odds; a human thing, and a power which cannot be taken from us. As Jean Genet said to me on that fateful day, in a burning house, in a time of darkness, in a lost cause; “When there is no hope, one is free to do impossible things, glorious things.”

       Each of these Defining Moments has created unique imaginal spaces as mimesis which cannot be escaped; I will forever be crawling through tunnels of utter darkness covered in the blood of those I could not save while the earth trembles with impending collapse as I was in Mariupol 2022, and numberless other such moments. But as in Camus’ allegory of Sisyphus I bore the burden of my humanity onward and became Unconquered and free, and so can you. 

     This is what is important; to resist and cease not, and abandon not our fellows, as Genet’s Oath of the Resistance goes. What matters are not the horrors I have survived and which have shaped me to the thing that I am, a monster who hunts other monsters, and who has traded pieces of his humanity to do so and win a space of free creative play and time for others to discover and create new kinds of human being, meaning, and value which I may never find or dream; but that in refusal to submit I emerged from the darkness and despair into the light, and so can we all.

     We may not be able to escape the legacies of our history or the consequences of our humanity, nor find balance for the terror of our nothingness nor bring healing to the brokenness of the world; but we can refuse to submit and become Unconquered as free and unique beings, a power which cannot be taken from us and can return us to ourselves.

    In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power. Do something beautiful with yours.

    Here follows my celebration of Jerzy Kosinski, on his birthday:

    A novel translated from his native Polish and reconstructed from notes written while the author was psychosomatically mute for five years after his liberation by Russia at the age of nine, as a therapy journal, it is unique among the literature of madness and psychoanalysis. The Painted Bird is the voice of this traumatized child; its authenticity is incontestable even though the government of Poland has attempted to discredit it as the Witness of History as part of its policy of denial as regards complicity in the Holocaust.

      Of this I say: evil wears many masks. It can be massively destructive when given the authorized power of governments, armies, official papers and decrees, but this is not its exclusive domain, nor where it is born.

     For the tortures and abuse suffered by the narrator are not inflicted upon him by officials carrying out a policy or because he is a member of a persecuted group like the Jews, though he is sometimes mistaken for a gypsy, but by ordinary villagers simply because they can. Indeed, much of the novel is a series of episodic vignettes in which brutalized villagers commit unspeakable crimes against one another. These episodes form a journey of initiation and are organized as Stations of the Cross:  labyrinthine as is the symbolism of a great cathedral.

    The universality of evil and the depravity of man are the subjects of his great work, and this is what elevates it beyond the conditions of time and place. The Painted Bird affirms traditional values in that it cleaves to the interpretation of the Bible on which our government is based, derived from the idea of sin. In the absence of the restraining force of law, the most ruthless tyrant or criminal wins. As George Washington said, “Government is about force, only force.”

     True, the social use of force cuts many ways, especially when wielded by the juggernaut of governments; my point is that Jerzy Kosinski has written a very Catholic novel which offers an apologetics of law and order any government might welcome. That this is not generally understood may be due to no one having thought to compare him to Flannery O’Connor, Walker Percy, or other fellow Catholic authors with whom he belongs.

      Indeed, The Painted Bird has been misunderstood as Holocaust literature and originally misrepresented by the publisher as nonfictional testimony, which backfired as it made the author and his work vulnerable to the lies of his political foes.  He himself became a Painted Bird, ostracized and tormented by his fellows both as a child and as an author, and both functioning on the basis of a public denial of his identity as a Polish Catholic. The tribes he claimed did not in turn claim him, as his faith led him to identify evil as a universal human flaw and not the intrusive weapon of a despised enemy outsider.      

     The Painted Bird thematically recapitulates Measure For Measure, Shakespeare’s savage morality play which examines concepts of state power, justice, and the theology of the depravity of man on which our legal system is founded. Jerzy Kosinski has organized and fictionalized his therapy journal along lines paralleling the Bard’s play, while reversing its revolutionary critique of authorized force.

     Running through all his novels are interlinked narratives supporting Freud’s theory that humans are polymorphosly perverse until they learn to control their animal nature,  and against Rousseau’s idea that the natural man is not bound by social contracts made prior to his birth or without his consent and participation, and may without concern disregard such laws, which is the legal basis of the American Declaration of Independence and a keystone of the Supreme Court’s rulings on the Constitution. And so we have the doctrine of Natural Law, a startling bit of anarchy at the founding of our nation, which goes directly to the heart of Jerzy Kosinski’s theme of power relations and defense of a universal and imperative moral order. By moral order I mean human rights as an absolute and universal principle, independent of tribe and tradition; the classic conservative critique of ethical and cultural relativism.

      The logical extension of this line of reasoning denies the legitimacy of the American state, and aligns with the British claim that our revolution, at its origin anticolonial and antiaristocratic, has no basis in law, and with the claim of all states to rule their citizens without their consent personally as a contract.

     Among the finest interrogations of this idea of moral order as  authoritarianism can be found in Nikos Kazantzakis’ thesis Friedrich Nietzsche on the Philosophy of Right and the State, an anarchist analysis of authority as dehumanization which underlies all his later work.

       In Jerzy Kosinski’s world, like that of William T. Vollman, moral order balances on a social contract guaranteed by force; a brutal and fallen world, but one in which true heroism is possible.

     Little wonder that, once he became rich and famous on the basis of this book, his subsequent novels were mainly elaborately constructed Baroque   fantasies of vengeance and the championing of the powerless. They also continue his exploration of Dante’s Inferno, displaying the consequences of sin and his role as an avenging angel. His work foregrounds personal sin as the origin of social evils; vanity and greed, materialism and the loss of communion as connection with others as well as the Infinite, sexual terror as a means of ownership and dehumanization, all the facades which abstract us from ourselves and one another. He wrote them to avenge the child he had once been, but also to shield others by exposing injustices.

     And this is what killed him:  his quixotic knight-errantry, truthtelling, and the authorial turning over of stones. Though his death was reported as a suicide, with a final note as proof, this is inconsistent with his obsessive survivalism, vigilante justice, secret identities, use of his public role as concealment, and his appropriation of intelligence tradecraft to evade enemies which included the Soviet Union he had escaped, and his personal mission of hunting evildoers. In life as in his fiction, Jerzy Kosinski was an avenging trickster who like the heroes of the messianic films The Magic Christian and Willy Wonka and the Chocolate Factory constructed elaborate Dante-esque traps as purgatorial rituals. This is the author who became a role model for me as I worked through my trauma with his novel as my guide to becoming human; a Dark Knight and Avenger. He would have never abdicated his chosen role as a protector of innocents, for this is what sustained him and gave his tragedies and traumas meaning and made them bearable.

      Jerzy Kosinski died as his forebears did, when their lances shattered on the unstoppable tanks of the invaders in a final charge of traditional meaning and value against a nihilistic barbarian modernity, glorious and beautiful as was the defense of the Great Siege of Malta, and bearing to the last the only title that matters, that of Invictus.

    So we come to Being There, a deceptively simple story based on the fables of Krylov which retells the Biblical Fall of Man and Adam’s expulsion from the Garden of Eden, and the return of Christ as the Second Adam from Exile as a redeemer.

      As does his work as a whole and The Painted Bird especially, Being There presents at once a path of spiritual rebirth which unifies Catholic sin and Existential freedom, a Freudian political theory of government as force, a Sartrean critique of identity as a social construction, and a theory of history which re-evaluates and diverges from both Biblical teleology and Marxism, and written by a man who was once the Soviet Union’s greatest sociologist with a deeply personal stake in the issues and themes of his work rooted in profound childhood trauma.

     First, it is a masterpiece, directly addressing the themes developed in The Painted Bird in the context of America, a new home where Jerzy Kosinski found celebrity, wealth, and power, (I would like to say safety, but these things cannot buy safety, and security is an illusion) but also a dehumanizing  commodification, superficial materialism, and implicit class system with which he was not wholly comfortable even though he had married into the apex of New York society.

    Both novels are meditations on Otherness; in one the bird which is painted to look different is pecked to death by his fellows, and in Being There someone who is truly different moves among us unhindered because he wears the colors of whatever flock he finds. Themes of concealment and illusion, identity and membership, the protection of assimilation or the danger and loneliness of being different are exhibited in both great books.

      Change the protagonist and we have the myth and horror story of the skinwalker, a monster or cannibal predator who walks among us in disguise, or the tragic figure of the Elephant Man, whose virtue and beauty are hidden behind a hideous mask of flesh. Or an anonymous hero, a Batman-like figure standing the night watch for us all, as was the author Jerzy Kosinski to the last.

     Second, Being There is powerful because it enacts a universal mythic pattern, and then breaks the pattern to create a new myth, maybe one more useful to us now.

     What follows are my lecture notes on Being There, which I would hand out to my classes of High School Juniors and Seniors in the Honors Program and AP English (AP courses being preparatory classwork for taking the AP subject exams which can earn college units if passed- like A levels in British schools)       and read aloud in parts as the class progressed through the book, stopping to ask questions and start discussions. I taught Being There as an introduction to Sir Gawain and the Green Knight; it can also be read as a companion text to T.S. Eliot’s The Wasteland, which shares its sources in Arthurian myth.

     The works of Jerzy Kosinski came into my life through the influence of my mother, Coleridge scholar and expert on religious symbolism in medieval art, a Catholic university trained psychologist, biologist, and English teacher who, at my insistence after some time of Kosinski being a presence of references in our home while she wrote a study of psychosomatic muteness from the Soviet hospital case notes of his childhood therapy as compared to his own notes written between the ages of nine and fourteen ending when he regained the power of speech and which later became the basis of his novel, gave me The Painted Bird to read when I was seventeen. As one can imagine, we talked about it a lot.

       I myself would not now do as she did then; its simply too disturbing and can cause real harm, though I was working though the trauma of battle and near execution by a police death squad in Brazil the summer before high school. If you are a survivor of private Holocausts, it can be useful; I might say the same of Kathy Acker’s novel Blood and Guts in High School, which I have taught to high school students who were survivors of sexual terror as was she.

     As to other influences on the text of my lecture notes, I wrote it during my first year of teaching high school, and while I used it without changes for many years as a discussion prompt it reflects my interests and understanding at the time; I was in my third year of university and taking courses in Celtic Literature and Arthurian Romance while I wrote it, and reading Emma Jung’s Grail studies. My interpretations are also shaped by deep and lifelong interests, sparked by reading Frazier’s Golden Bough in sixth grade, in Joseph Campbell and comparative mythology, fairytales, the archetypal psychology of Jung and Hillman, and a Great Books education through my teenage years. As I could count on no particular literary background among my students, to frame a discussion I had to tell the story; hence the brief retellings of references. 

          On Jerzy Kosinski’s Being There:  a reading guide

    Being There is a fable, a retelling of the story of the Original Man, and of his exile from Paradise and his redemption of the world as the Holy Fool. It parallels the story of Christ, the Fall of Adam and the return of the world to an Edenic state through the second Adam, the Innocent who goes shod in the temple. In Being There, the hero’s quest takes him to a citadel of Fallenness, where he must heal the wound of a Fisher King, in an initiation pattern found in Celtic pagan and Arthurian sources. 

    Early Christian legend says that Jesus was crucified on Calvary, the Mound of the Skull, where the skull of Adam is buried. He is depicted in early art as being hung from the Tree of Life rather than nailed to a cross, just as Odin hung from the World Tree Ygddrasil, a sacrifice to himself, in order to gain knowledge of the runes, universal organizing and informing principles. In the body of Jewish folklore and mystical gnosis called Cabala, the Tree of Life is a series of emanations from the Infinite called the sephiroth, worlds which form a ladder between our world and the Divine. Through astral projection and other practices, the cabalist reunites pairs of opposing principles within himself, just as the Redeemer of the Basilidians mounted through the planetary spheres to acquire their powers. The Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil and the Tree of Life were understood to be aspects of the same linking system.

    Many mythic systems trace humanity to an Original Man, actually an inner man in whom all participate and share in the human spirit. This is clearly true of Adam, but also of the Purusha in India and Chung Ko in China, among others.

    Parallel myths are structured on the idea of the Universal Monarch, such as Arthur, the Once and Future King. In both Christianity and Buddhism, the hero is a Holy Fool who forsakes the role of Universal Monarch for that of Redeemer, just as Chance, incapable of relating to the world except as an innocent, will accidently become the President of America and restore the nation’s spirit.

     Chance is evicted from the Garden of Eden and is cast into a fallen world; in the film the fallen state of the world surrounding his home is more clearly contrasted with the idyllic garden than in the book. When Chance is introduced to the world during a television interview, he unknowingly proposes to govern as a gardener tends his garden, returning it to a state of order and harmony. Chance is the Redeemer bringing about the Kingdom of God.

    The lawyers who evict Chance are clearly Tempter figures; Chance defeats them when he declines to make a claim against the old man’s estate, as doing so would have kept him in Paradise and prevented him from fulfilling his role as Redeemer. While sitting under the Bo tree awaiting his vision of Enlightenment, Buddha is tempted by Mara in his terrible and seductive forms. Christ is also tempted, both to display his powers and to become World Monarch in a riddle match with Satan, prior to his vision of the Shekinah or Holy Spirit.  But the Holy Fool must descend into the fallen world if he is to redeem it, and so in Islam the serpent is revered as Iblis, the Instructor, a guide of the soul and faithful servant of the Infinite. In all his forms, the Holy Fool must reject the role of Universal Monarch for that of Redeemer.

     People constantly misunderstand Chance; they misinterpret his words in their own context. He is both the sum of images he has internalized from television and the images others make of him; he is all mankind. He is a mirror; Jason kills the Medusa by polishing his shield to a mirror surface so that she sees herself and turns to stone. Chance has the power to transform others because he is the Inner Man in an innocent, unfallen state. Eve tells Chance, “You make me free. I reveal myself to myself, and I am purged.”

     After leaving the Garden, Chance comes by accident to live in another house, the mansion of a powerful financier, Mr. Rand, and his wife, Eve. The mansion is a Castle Perilous, a material and fallen cage for a Fisher King. Chance goes from the Garden to this second house, and from a triadic relationship with the Old Man and the maid, Louise, to another with Mr Rand and Eve.

     Both Mr Rand and the Old Man are dying; to understand the interaction between the major characters in Being There, let’s compare it to the mythic pattern in the Arthurian tale of Parsifal and the Grail Quest. Parsifal is an innocent, raised in seclusion as were Buddha and Chance. Parsifal goes into the world dressed as a fool or jester, riding an ass, and defeats his opponents in combat simply because he is too ignorant to be afraid and never hesitates to charge. He undertakes to find the Grail and bring it to Arthur, who is so sick he can’t get out of bed for seven years, during which time there is famine in the land. The period of the Wasteland is a representation of the fallen state of the world, which can only be healed through spiritual renewal. Parsifal reaches the Grail Castle, whose lord, the Fisher King, is in a position identical to Arthur’s; he is sick and his land is barren. The Fisher King is wounded through the thighs; just as Arthur fell ill when he lost Guinevere, the Fisher King fell ill when the virgin in whose lap his feet must rest was slain. Both rulers are cut off from the source of spiritual renewal and empowerment. Parsifal heals the Fisher King and gains a vision of the Grail by asking the question Buddha asked of his charioteer; “What is wrong with you?” Many other knights on the Grail Quest had failed to ask it, to much wailing and sorrow.

     Like Parsifal, Chance is a figure of the Holy Fool, the child who points out that the Emperor has no clothes. When Mr Rand tells Chance, “I’m not afraid of dying anymore. I’m ready to trade the Horn of Plenty for the Horn of Gabriel,” it is clear that in Chance he has found redemption.  

     From Garden to Wasteland and back again; Chance’s progression follows the quest of Dante for Beatrice, but without a transformative realization. Part of this initiation pattern can be seen in the tension of images between the Garden and the Wasteland.

     The image of the Garden has an interesting history; in the Koran it is called Hasht Bihesht, the Eight Paradises visited by Mohammed on his Night Journey.  Like the labyrinth-gardens of medieval Europe, the Islamic water garden reflected the order of a universe unfolding according to divine will, represented a plan of progress on the pilgrim’s journey toward the Infinite, and provided an immediate metaphor of rebirth in its cycles of decay and growth.

     Dante’s vision of a multileveled universe is similar to the Koran’s; they also share the concepts of a divine mercy and justice in the afterlife, a vision gained in an Otherworld journey, and conceptualize the Infinite as inclusive of the feminine, the Beloved.

     The English word “Paradise” has its roots in the Persian pairi, around, and deiza, wall; a walled garden. Its Greek form, paradeisoi, comes from Xeonophon’s Socratic discourse, the Oeconomics, a history of the Persian war of 400 B.C.  Virgil referred to the sacred groves around Roman temples as a paradisus. The word first appeared in Middle English as paradis in 1175 in a Biblical passage” God ha hine brohte into paradis.”

     The identification of Paradise with the Garden of Eden happened quite early, during the Babylonian captivity of the Jews from which they were released by Cyrus the Great in 538 B.C. During this time, Judaism assimilated the Sumerian-Babylonian Paradise, the Garden of the Gods, from the Epic of Gilgamesh.

 Gilgamesh describes his vision of the Garden: “In this immortal garden stands the Tree, with trunk of gold and beautiful to see. Beside a sacred fount the Tree is placed, with emeralds and unknown gems is graced.”

     Thus, at the end of the human journey we are brought to the beginning again. From its earliest times, Indo-European myth has held the idea of the afterlife as a return to the source and origin of life.

     In Being There, the Garden is contrasted with the Wasteland, the pervading economic malaise linked to the impotence and illness of both Mr Rand and the President as types of the Fisher King.

     Arthur’s Wasteland is a divine punishment for his inhumanity; Arthur mab Uthr means not “son of Uther” but “the Cruel”. The Historia Brittonum records that he once hanged two dozen children; in another incident he cut off the noses of the female relatives of a man who disturbed his banquet. Geoffrey of Monmouth based the figure of Arthur on the historical Macsen Wledig, a Welshman who became Emperor of Rome in 383 with the support of the legions in Britain. His story is told in the Mabinogi, in the tale of Culwich and Olwen. The literature of early Arthurian romance was written largely by monks both as a criticism of the system of chivalry and to connect Christianity to the Celtic literary heritage.

     Mythically, Arthur, a name meaning “the Bear”, is a figure of the Celtic Lord of the Animals. The usual pattern has him paired with a double-aspected Goddess who is both Mother and Bride, in Celtic terms Gog and Magog, literally son, son of Mother. Grendel and his mother are another example.

     In Being There, Chance’s relationship with the black maid, Louise, is superceded by that of Eve, Mr Rand’s wife. The dynamics between Louise and Eve are understandable in terms of the Goddess figures in the original sources from which the story of Eden was drawn in Genesis.

     Adams first wife was Lillith, a sensual black demoness who lived in a cave. An embodiment of the forces of nature, she is represented as a Trickster figure in medieval Jewish folklore. Adam, himself Lord of the Animals, both claimed them and completed their creation in naming them. Adam was born both male and female, a figure of wholeness split into the sexes when Eve was made from his female half.

     Eve’s banishment from the Garden is an Underworld journey paralleled by the story of Demeter and Persephone. Persephone, daughter of Demeter as Eve is the Maiden aspect of Lillith, is abducted by Pluto, King of the Underworld, to reign as his queen during winter. Demeter descends to the underworld to rescue her, and wins her freedom for half of each year, during which the land is fruitful.

     The transformation of Yahweh from King of the Underworld to an all-knowing, all-powerful creator was never complete in Judaism; until Roman times the Goddess was worshipped on a separate altar beside God. Even today, God’s wife, the Shekinah or Wisdom, is recognized in Jewish rituals such as the Lekha Dodi, which welcomes the Bride of God into the temple. In Christianity she became the Holy Spirit and Mary Theotikos, god-bearer or Mother of God. The Black Madonna found on many Catholic altars is a survival of Lillith, the Great Mother.

     The Wasteland period in Arthurian romance begins when Arthur’s queen, Guinevere, is abducted by the mad Lancelot du Lac, a champion of the spirits, in Saxon called alven or elves, in Gaelic called sidhe. She is reclaimed in a cataclysmic war against the sidhe led by Morgan LeFay, the Faerie Queen. After his death, Arthur is sent drifting in a boat toward the Isle of Avalon, the realm of faerie, signifying his completion of the initiation process and return to the feminine source of being.

     The Ramayana parallels major features of this initiation pattern. Rama is a Universal Monarch who wanders the jungle for nine years in a Wasteland period. His wife, Sita, who is a figure of Lakshmi, goddess of wealth and wife of Vishnu the Incarnator, is abducted by Ravanna, King of the Demons. She is Tempted by Ravanna to become Queen of the Underworld, but remains faithful to Rama. Rama, acting as Lord of the Animals, gathers an army of six million monkeys and a number of bears and attacks Ravanna’s island. Together with Hanuman the Monkey King, he reclaims Sita in a battle which pits demons against men, beasts, and gods; rather like the war in Irish mythology of the Tuatha deDanaan against the demonic Fomorians who dwell beneath the sea.

     The pivotal moment in Being There occurs when Chance fails to respond to Eve’s attempt at seduction. Incapable of sexual interest or Temptation, of initiation through assimilation of the feminine unconscious, Chance fails to unite with the Shekinah. The pattern of initiation, of internalizing projections or de-objectifying the Other, is disrupted. His mind, and the creative potential expressed by sexuality, is crippled by the wound of the Fisher King.

     Kosinski leads the reader to expect a transformative event in this scene, and then diverges wildly from the expected. The jarring discontinuity alerts us to his real intent and contribution; the creation of a new myth, a modern myth in which man has no defining relationship to the world and must make his own.

     The Temptation as an Underworld journey to reclaim the feminine creative force and emerge fully human, becoming an Original Man, is found in three sources which form a historical progression within a literary tradition. The direct antecedents of Being There are the story of Pwyll in the Mabinogi, Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, and Wagner’s Parsifal.

     In the first story of the Mabinogi, King Pwyll meets Arawn, King of the Underworld, while riding in the forest. They agree to trade places for a year; Arawn casts a spell which makes each look like the other.  During this time, Pwyll is Tempted by Arawn’s Queen, but resists her. His initiation complete, Pwyll returns home to become a just and merciful king. The second half of the story articulates a linked myth, the Underworld journey of the goddess Rhiannon, which parallels that of Persephone.

     Sir Gawain and the Green Knight is a more sophisticated story, a synthesis of Christian and pagan Celtic elements. Gawain, linked to Parsifal in other stories as a contrasting-complementary character, is a development of the Irish hero Cuchulainn. The Green Knight is both Christ and the Green Man, Celtic god of vegetative rebirth whose leafy face can be seen as a decorative motif in English churches. A parallel trickster-initiator figure in Islam is the Green Genie Khidr.

     Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table are feasting at Camelot when a strange knight enters the hall bearing an axe, a man made of vines and leaves in green armor. He issues a challenge, and by the laws of chivalry the request of a guest cannot be denied once he has been admitted to the hospitality of the castle; one of them must strike off his head, after which the Green Knight will return the blow. Gawain agrees, to avoid Arthur’s loss of honor. He chops off the Green Knight’s head, and the Knight picks up his head and speaks; “In one year you will come to my castle, and I will return the blow.”

     Gawain sets out on his quest a year later, and comes to the Castle Perilous, where he is tempted by its Queen. He resists, and is given her magic lace girdle to wear. Dressed in the Queen of the Underworld’s clothes, he goes to meet the Knight at a cavern called the Green Church. The Green Knight swings but stops his blow, just nicking Gawain’s neck in an act of redemption. The Green Knight tells him that the Castle Perilous is his own, and its Queen the wife of the Green Knight.

    Parallel elements include the Underworld journey and Castle, the Temptation by an Underworld Queen, an exchange of identities with an Underworld King, and a wandering or Wasteland period. The Beheading Game is a retelling of Cuchulainn’s contest for the kingship of Ulster in the epic Bricriu’s Feast.

     Chance is sent on an Underworld journey to Mr. Rand’s house, is Tempted by Eve, and takes the place of the Fisher King. The seduction scene is where the story of Chance breaks the initiation pattern. Like the Old Man, Chance bears the wound of the Fisher King. In the first chapter we learn, “The soil of his brain, the ground from which all his thoughts shot up, had been ruined forever.”

     In Wagner’s opera Parzival, the theme of Redemption also hinges on a Temptation. Anfortas, the Fisher King, is wounded by the Spear of Longinus, which pierced Christ’s side at the Passion. Parzival’s experience with his objectified Other in the form of the sensual Kundry’s kiss triggers his despair and eventual redemption. The Holy Fool becomes Redeemer through unification with the unconscious.

     Chance’s tragic flaw prevents him from undergoing a transformative initiation; he is the Holy Fool as pure symbol. Kosinski uses the interruption of a mythic pattern as social critique; the mold of man is broken. Like Theseus, we must find our way through the Labyrinth of the Minotaur, but without Ariadne’s Thread to guide us. Like Mersault in The Stranger, Chance is the ultimate image of modern man’s pathology of disconnectedness. He is, perhaps, the only Redeemer we deserve.

     Or, perhaps Kosinski’s message is a more simple, hopeful one: First, we must recognize that we are on a journey toward becoming human. Second, we have no map of transformative process to guide us. Therefore, each of us must reinvent how to be human.

      Kosinski beneath the illusion of a savage and nihilistic Absurdism like that of Samuel Beckett in his final form in the Malone Trilogy is a Catholic theologian of the Thomist school like Flannery O’Connor, who has lived a myth and can teach us how to witness horrors and survive without losing our humanity or our power to question authority.     

     Chance’s redemptive power rests on his innocence; he is the child who speaks truth to power, who knows the Emperor has no clothes, an Adamic man in his uncorrupted state, the Fool who can achieve a vision of the Infinite.

    Bodidharma, the founder of Zen, once had an interview with the Emperor of China.

     The Emperor said to him, ” I have donated money to the poor, I have built orphanages, hospitals, and monasteries. How much merit have I accumulated in heaven?”

     To which Bodidharma said, “None whatsoever.”

Being There film trailer

Being There, Jerzy Kosiński

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/677877.Being_There?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_11

The Painted Bird – Official Trailer

The Painted Bird, Jerzy Kosiński

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/18452.The_Painted_Bird

Oral Pleasure: Kosinski as Storyteller, Jerzy Kosiński, Barbara Tepa Lupack

 (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/17120292-oral-pleasure

Being There in the Age of Trump, Barbara Tepa Lupack

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/116268099-being-there-in-the-age-of-trump

https://deadline.com/2019/08/being-there-movie-40th-anniversary-peter-sellers-donald-trump-1202706505/

https://www.cineaste.com/fall2017/being-there

https://www.filmsite.org/bein.html

http://www.thecinessential.com/being-there/televising-reality

http://www.thecinessential.com/being-there/reflection

https://www.rogerebert.com/reviews/great-movie-being-there-1979

Being There 1979 : Film Analysis/Review -Symbolism, Esoteric Paradigms, and the Creation of Reality

https://www.popmatters.com/being-there-hal-ashby-2495395173.html

The Green Knight (2021 Movie) Official Trailer

Wagner – Parsifal – Elming, Sotin, Watson, Sinopoli Bayreuth 1998

    Fun facts about Wagnerian opera for Pride Month; the King of Bavaria, Louis the Second, most famous for building Neuschwanstein Castle, was Richard Wagner’s lover and patron, and the beautiful music they created together as mythologist and composer remains an unacknowledged monument to the triumph of love unbound by the limits of our form.

Wagner’s Parsifal: The Music of Redemption, Roger Scruton

 The Redeemer Reborn: Parsifal as the Fifth Opera of Wagner’s Ring,

Paul Schofield

Wagner’s Parsifal, William Kinderman

PARSIFAL: The Will and Redemption: “Exploring Richard Wagner’s Final Treatise”, John Mastrogiovanni

Wagner’s Parsifal: An Appreciation in the Light of His Theological Journey,

Richard H. Bell Jr.

Parsifal, Wolfram von Eschenbach

Parsifal, Peter Vansittart

The Mabinogion: The First Branch (Annotated): Pwyll Pendefig Dyfed,

Charlotte Guest, Kaitlyn Tupper (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/195818354-the-mabinogion

The Feast Of Bricriu, George Henderson

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/6056099-the-feast-of-bricriu

Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, Unknown, Bernard O’Donoghue

 (Translator)

The Poems of T. S. Eliot, 1: Collected and Uncollected Poems, T.S. Eliot,

Christopher Ricks  (Editor)

The Grail Legend, Emma Jung, Marie-Louise von Franz

Romance of the Grail: The Magic and Mystery of Arthurian Myth,

Joseph Campbell

Arthurian Romance: A Short Introduction, Derek Pearsall

June 14 2025 No Kings Day

     Let us remember always the true nature of Our Clown of Terror and Rapist In Chief, Traitor Trump, and of his treasonous and dishonorable voters, minions, and co-conspirators in the subversion of our democracy, the Fall of America, of democracy, and of our civilization founded in the Forum of Athens.

     On this glorious No King’s Day we seize our power from those who would enslave us through systems of unequal power and oppression which include theocratic patriarchal sexual terror and white supremacist terror, and from elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege and their process of control including falsification, commodification, and dehumanization.

      Ours is no mere protest against the despicable and loathsome Trump, but against his regime of Nazi revivalism and all who enabled and voted for him, funded him, propagandized us for him as a figurehead of the Fourth Reich which has shaken us in its jaws since 2016.

     As I wrote in my post of February 11 2021, Profiles in Treason and Terror;   The dishonorable and the mad, the delusional and the sadistic epicures of brutality and perversions, the feral predators hooting and champing before the gallows and guillotines they have brought to murder members of congress with and their partners in uniform unleashing racist terror and gun violence in the streets, and the amoral and predatory grifters and puppetmasters of fascism who have subjugated and enslaved them and stolen their honor and their souls; these are among the idolators of Traitor Trump who conspired, enabled, and collaborated in his plot to subvert democracy and overthrow America in the January 6 Insurrection which attempted to seize Congress and execute its members, which like Hitler’s Beer Hall Putsch on which it was modeled was intended to decapitate the government of the people in a single stroke.

     As details emerge of the internal operations and massive scale of the plot against America, in terms of its central coordination and logistics under direct operational command of Trump and his cabal of conspirators, we are offered not only the spectacle of his aberrance and monstrosity as a mad idiot Clown of Terror drooling and gloating in bestial depravity at the destruction of our values and institutions, the violation of our ideals and the endless suffering he has caused, but of those of his freakish and degenerate followers as well.

     The role of deniable forces of the Fourth Reich such as the Proud Boys, the Oathkeepers, and other organizations of white supremacist terror, and of their partners and infiltration agents within our police, military, and security services,  in the January 6 Insurrection is by now well documented and will become more so as the greatest manhunt in our history exposes and entraps more of its perpetrators.

     The images we have been witnessing of their assault on liberty during the Second Impeachment trial will be remembered in the history of the world as the true legacy of an era of fascist tyranny under the figurehead of Trump which nearly ended America as a guarantor of global democracy and universal human rights, and had we fallen as the primary domino and a beacon of hope to the world both democracy and human rights would be lost to humankind for unknown ages; the last time civilization fell it took a thousand years for the idea that government derives its authority from its citizens and not by divine right, the idea that no one of us is better than any other by right of birth, and that freedom, equality, truth, and justice are the foundational values of our society and truths of human being and meaning, to reawaken.

     And it took centuries of wars and revolutions to do so; how if this time civilization falls not to hordes of barbarians seeking nothing but pillage and destruction, but to regimes of totalitarian force and control?

     This is the great contradiction of the forces of repression and subjugation to authority which overran our capitol on January 6; they have been betrayed by their masters in believing they were acting to restore our traditional values and civilization, when in fact they had been weaponized in service to its destruction. Here is a clear and present danger, but also an opportunity; shared motives can be redirected to heal divisions, for they too want an American Restoration. As yet we just disagree on our definition of terms.

     When fear is overwhelming and generalized, it can be shaped through submission to authority by lies, illusions, alternate realities, especially when pervasive and endemic surveillance, big data, and propaganda are available as instruments of state control. Authority achieves submission through falsification and the theft of the soul, but this is also the weakness of control which cannot stand against truth, just as the weakness of force is that it is powerless against resistance, disobedience, and refusal to submit.

    The election of Biden and Harris, the failure of Trump’s sixth coup attempt on January 6, and the public exposure and shaming of his co-conspirators, collaborators, and enablers before the stage of the world of the Second Impeachment trial; in these events we have witnessed a turning of the tide from fascism to a restoration of democracy.

     Once the Reckoning has been achieved, the Restoration must heal our divisions; and this means we must embrace and transform the fear that lives at the heart of hate, and drives the rage, violence, and need to conquer and dominate others which shadows our historical inequalities and injustices.

    Fear, Power, Force; such is the Ring of Power which enslaves us, and which we must abandon if we are to become whole.

     I would like to see Trump achieve his true nature by being fed to dogs and transformed into dog shit. Wouldn’t it be a lovely display in a glass case exhibited in a museum of holocausts, atrocities, and crimes against humanity? Let his monument read thus:

     Here lies Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, in his true form, most terrible enemy democracy has faced since Alcibiades betrayed Athens, most dangerous foreign agent to ever attack America even including Pearl Harbor and the Twin Towers, who subverted our ideals and sabotaged our institutions, and nearly enacted the fall of civilization as the figurehead of the Fourth Reich and herald of an age of fascist tyranny and state terror.

     Yet here he lies, nothing but a pile of dog shit. Look upon the rewards of tyranny, you who are mighty, and despair.

     For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.

      As I wrote in my post of February 16 2025, Anniversary of Judgement In the Trump Organization Civil Trial: New York Casts Out the Trump Crime Family;     A year ago when I wrote this in celebration of the Trump Crime Family’s exile from New York, I was hoping this was the last we would ever hear of Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, sadly now Rapist In Chief of our nation, a Vichy America captive of the Fourth Reich and a colony of Russia.

    The Unclean One, whose only god is the demon of lies Moloch, sabotages democracy and our institutions of governance as he abandons NATO and our EU allies to prepare us all for the Russian invasion and Occupation to follow.

     But the dreams of his puppetmaster Putin of a Russian Empire ruling Europe and America, Africa and the Middle East are only an interim step in the plans of the Fourth Reich of which Trump is the figurehead, for the Nazi revivalists and their Confederate allies here in America intend to realize Bannon’s goal when he said” I am a Leninist, and I want to smash the state.” 

    JD Vance, our fake Jethro of uncertain pronouns and bold eyeliner tattoos, Bearded Lady of the Trump regime freak show, is also a fanatical and committed ideologist of fascism who wants, like our Troll King Musk, to subvert and destroy the values, ideals, and laws and institutions of democracy, both here in America and globally, so that no human being is equal to another. The designs of the Republican Party and the degenerate, perverse, treasonous, and dishonorable subhumans who vote for them and have not renounced membership in this organization of white supremacist terror and theocratic patriarchal sexual terror constitute conspiracy in crimes against humanity and our rights as citizens who are co-owners of the state and guarantors of each other’s rights.

     And remember, folks, you can always tell a Republican’s secret name; its their act of treason plus their sex crime.

     As gratifying as this is, and as necessary as a morality play in which justice is restored to America, it does not bring a Reckoning for the historical sources of the Trump family fortune patriarchs before the orange clown; his grandfather’s trafficking of Native American women abducted in slave raiding and imprisoned in his network of brothels during the Klondike Gold Rush in Alaska. The baroque perversions and atrocities of sexual terror of Traitor Trump began not with his role in the crimes of his buddy Epstein, but with multigenerational depravity and the psychopathy of power.

     That Reckoning is yet to come.

     As I wrote in my post of July 4 2019, Tinhorn Trump’s Parade; This fourth of July, Trump has appropriated our most sacred national holiday, Independence Day, a celebration of our freedom from colonial rule by Britain and their antiegalitarian feudal aristocracy, as a kind of Nuremburg Rally extravaganza of Republican white supremacy, patriarchy, and antihumanist religious fundamentalism.

     Replete with tanks, planes, and other spectacles of military power, this is far more than an attempt to whip up his voter base for the upcoming elections; it is intended to overawe and repress dissent through the threat of state terror and forestall the day in which Republicans will be answerable to the citizens of America, and to monkeywrench democracy through fear of reprisal against voters. 

     Trump wants a Stalinesque and Hitlerian military parade both for self aggrandizement and to intimidate us by making it look like the military supports him in his bid for tyranny.  One thing about Americans our enemies, internal and external, will ever learn to their regret: we don’t scare easily.

      Pointing a gun at us will not secure our obedience nor silence our resistance and the witness of history.

       As I wrote in my post of January 16 2020, As the Articles of Impeachment are Signed, Let Us Remember the Unfitness, Lies, and Crimes of Traitor Trump Let us remember the unfitness, lies, and crimes of Traitor Trump; his subversions of democracy, his use of gun violence and deniable forces of white supremacist terror, his concentration camps and campaign of ethnic cleansing, his crimes against children and perversions of misogyny and sexual terror, his sabotage of America’s global hegemony of power and privilege and our role as principal guarantor of freedom, his defilement of our sacred honor and betrayal of our historical legacy as a free society of equals, and his treasonous and criminal actions as a Russian agent and as chief conspirator of the Fourth Reich in the destruction of our values and institutions of freedom, equality, truth, and justice.

    Our President is the primary existential threat to the survival of the United States of America and to democracy globally. And this we must resist with our whole lives and to the last, all we who love liberty.

      As I wrote in my post of February 10 2021, Treason, Tyranny, and Terror on Trial: As the Second Impeachment of Traitor Trump Begins, I Submit Charges Before the People’s Tribunal of Crimes Against Humanity for Which Trump and His Collaborators Should Now Be On Trial; Among the many crimes against humanity for which Traitor Trump and his collaborators should be on trial but are not yet include the genocide and ethnic cleansing of Mexican and other nonwhite migrants, the concentration camps at our border, the orphaning and torture of children, and the state tyranny and terror of fascist and racist violence as national policy perpetrated by the ICE and Border Patrol components of Homeland Security, forces of repression which are antidemocratic by their nature and which should be abolished as a top priority of the Restoration of America.

    Just as villainous and reprehensible is the parallel program of racist police violence and the carceral state to re-enslave Black American citizens and enforce systemic forms of inequality and injustice through state terror, repression of dissent, the force of a militarized police and the counterinsurgency model of policing which has transformed our security services into an army of occupation with primarily political objectives, and the control of pervasive and endemic surveillance and propaganda, lies, illusions, and subversions of the truth.

     Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, and his circus of fools, degenerates, and barbarians, his enablers and collaborators both within the government and his shadow forces rallying under the Confederate flag to bring violence and insurrection to our nations capital and to the streets of our cities throughout America, are co-conspirators and instigators in the murders of every Black American killed by police shooting or other racist violence since its authorization by Trump in the wake of Charlottesville.

      And every missing child kidnapped by the state and disappeared into what abominable slavery or human trafficking designed in the diseased imagination of Trump and his Epstein buddies we know not of, every migrant of the huddled masses yearning to be free who died in the quest to reach the safety of America because the water caches had been intentionally sabotaged by criminals in the uniform of our nation who were “just following orders” like their counterparts in the SS during the Holocaust, every prisoner who died in custody because they were denied water or medical care; the blood of these and countless other victims of Trump’s narcissistic self-aggrandizement and regime of fascist corruption, racism, and patriarchal sexual terror is on the hands of every  Republican who voted for him and fails now in this trial to repudiate him publicly and renounce his works as among those of the devils which he serves. 

     For in his actions Trump has been not only a foreign agent and Putin’s puppet whose mission is the subversion of democracy and the Fall of America, but also a slave of Moloch the Seducer, Demon of Lies, in that he is not merely a pathological liar but also an idiot madman who cannot distinguish truth from lies, and who has weaponized his delusions and psychopathy as instruments of our falsification and subjugation in his quest for tyrannical power.

     The bizarre and lurid dark fairytales of the QAnon conspiracy theory movement, like the charges of the Inquisition and the Nazis which othered witches and Jews on which QAnon is constructed, serves as deflection from Trump’s loathsome perversions and sexual terrorism.

     His Stop the Steal campaign is a similar deflection which shields him from inquiry into the Stolen Election of 2016 and the fact that his Presidency was entirely illegitimate and due to Russian interference; it was also the rhetorical and organizational basis of his final attempted coup on January 6, for which he is now being impeached for the second time.

     We must cast out the monsters from among us, the racists and white supremacist terrorists, the Gideonite fundamentalists and patriarchs of Christian Identity fascism and sexual terror, and the amoral forces of repression of those who would enslave us and who enforce hegemonies of elite power and privilege and hierarchies of exclusionary otherness armed with guns and badges and the authority of a government which has been infiltrated by the Fourth Reich, an implacable and relentless enemy which has come just short of seizing us in its jaws.

     We must give fascism no second chances.

     As I wrote in my post of August 25 2020, Welcome to Bizarro World, Where Truth and Lies Change Places and All Our Values Are Reversed; The Republican Party held up a mirror to America in the figure of Trump at last night’s National Convention, and I’m hoping most of us didn’t like what we saw.

      A funhouse mirror, filled with distorted images, a thing of surfaces without substance offering a mirage of illusions, lies, and reflections into infinite regress of our atavisms of fear and hate, shadows which we drag behind us in our wake like an invisible reptilian tail, and which like the picture of Dorian Grey reveal our disfigured souls and our failures as Americans and as human beings.

     It is an image designed to terrorize us into submission, and to steal our souls.

      Among the freaks and monsters, the litanies of victimhood and retribution, of dominion, white supremacy, patriarchy, and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil sung by the barkers and screaming johnnies who warmed up the main show, among all these and reigning over them like a ringmaster was the tyrant himself, Traitor Trump, spewing abominations and depravities as the puppet of the demons he worships, the lies of those who would enslave us.

     Thanks for showing us what’s under your masks, Republicans; Treason, Racism, Untruth, Misogyny, Predator.

     Yet the willingness of the enemy to demonize himself is a great advantage, for we need only perform the four primary duties of a citizen to seize the moral high ground; Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority.

     So performs the monster on the stage of history and the world, become forever a symbol of the limits of the human in his outrageous depravities and perversions, gibbering idiocy and feral terror. As we who love liberty go forth to do battle with Trump and his enforcers of white supremacist terror and theocratic patriarchal sexual terror, let us remember a great truth; all politics is theater, and the purpose of the use of social force is to Take Their Power. Hence we perform the Four Primary Duties of a Citizen; Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority. May all our seizures of power from those who would enslave us come true.

     As I wrote in my post of October 16 2020, Savannah Guthrie Tames the Wild Beast; In the Big Top a monster was displayed before the crowd, fearsome and unclean, ululating its song of lies and defilement of American values. Juggling it came, proudly keeping a number of balls in the air with a nimbleness of diversion and misdirection with which to tantalize its degenerate hooting and champing fans; white supremacist terror, patriarchal sexual terror, and the state terror and tyranny of secret police and the subversion of our institutions of democracy, all the while greedily snapping from the air the money thrown to it.

    And with a crack of her whip Savannah Guthrie brought Trump to heel, made him sit up and beg for attention like the pathetic loser he is, exposed and challenged his web of lies and hate, mocked his idiocy and his madness, and put him through his paces. The world laughed at his antics, and he was diminished and made ridiculous.

     Savannah Guthrie has shown us all how to steal a tyrant’s power.

     Finally among the endless litany of woes, violations of our ideals, and subversions of our institutions of democracy which will forever be the legacies of Trump’s Reign of Terror come the perversions, depravities, moral leprosy, degenerate atavisms of feral brutality, and boggling freakishness of his idiocy and madness.

      As I wrote in my post of July 8 2020 Our Clown of Terror: The Madness of Donald Trump

     We now have two revelatory and electrifying exposes of the secret world of Trump’s psyche and intimate sphere of action from insider whistleblowers, which together form a portrait of America’s President not unlike that of Dorian Gray, a horrific monster and predator who moves among us concealed beneath a human mask by the sorcery of lies and illusions.

     In this Mary Trump and John Bolton have done a great service to the witness of history and to our nation and all humankind as the fate of democracy and civilization hangs in the balance. Their books will be primary texts in any future civics and political history studies, unless of course Trump is given free rein by our citizen electorate to sabotage democracy in the cause of white supremacy and patriarchy.

     While we await to discover whether the people will authorize the theft of their liberty by a state of force and control in abject submission to tyranny and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, or arise in resistance like a phoenix from the flames, The Guardian has thoughtfully clarified our choices by providing a precis of the exposes.

      Too Much and Never Enough: How My Family Created the World’s Most Dangerous Man by Mary Trump includes the following insights; “1 Trump allegedly paid someone to take his high school exams, 2 Trump praised his own niece’s breasts, 3  Donald Trump’s sister appears to be a key source, 4 Mary Trump spoke to the New York Times about Trump family taxes, 5 Trump told Melania that Mary Trump took drugs, 6 Trump Christmases could be tough, 7 Jared Kushner’s father didn’t think Ivanka was good enough, 8 Trump’s character was shaped by ‘child abuse’.”

     The Room Where It Happened by John Bolton includes these revelations; “1 Trump pleaded with China to help win the 2020 election, 2 Trump suggested he was open to serving more than two terms, 3 Trump offered favors to authoritarian leaders, 4 Trump praised Xi for China’s internment camps, 5 Trump defended Saudi Arabia to distract from a story about Ivanka, 6 Trump’s top staff mocked him behind his back,  7 Trump thought Finland was part of Russia, 8 Trump thought it would be ‘cool’ to invade Venezuela.”

     My own opinion is that any understanding of the motives and likely actions of Trump rests with the two great shaping forces of his life; the etiology of his narcissism and psychopathy as a survivor of child abuse, and the influence of his primary model Roy Cohn, wonderfully depicted in the HBO documentary The Story of Roy Cohn as well as Tony Kushner’s luminous Angels in America.

     As I wrote in my post of August 7 2019 Psychopathy and the Nature of Evil: the Parallel Cases of Donald Trump and Adolf Hitler; “How are monsters created, and how does evil arise as a shaping force which grants them the power to change the topography of human souls and the course of history?

     While sorting through Trump’s tweets and speeches by keyword looking for answers, I was reminded of another such project, the now-classic study of Adolf Hitler from his speeches and writings, The Psychopathic God by Robert G. L. Waite, which I read enthusiastically the year of its publication while a junior in high school. I had just finished reading Jerzy Kosinski’s novel The Painted Bird, which led me to an interest in the origins and consequences of evil, the route by which I developed a serious interest in psychology and its intersections with history, philosophy, and literature.

     The parallels between Hitler and Trump are amazing and instructive, both in terms of the personal and political origins, shaping forces, and consequences of madness and evil.

     Dr Justin Frank’s book Trump on the Couch is an excellent resource, particularly illuminating on Trump’s erotic relationship with his daughter, the fantasies of violence and power which are rooted in his childhood relationship with his tyrannical and abusive father, and his inability to love or empathize with others as a result of his abandonment by his mother.

      Pathological lies, poor impulse control, and grandiose fantasies and delusions complete the picture of a narcissistic personality and psychopathic predator.

     I’ve said it as a joke, but its quite true; how do you spell Trump? Treason, Racism, Untruth, Misogyny, Predator.

    Actually, Donald Trump is very easy to understand, because literature provides a ready portrait of him in Frankenstein’s monster, which I have described in my celebration of Mary Shelly and her luminous novel as the figure of an abandoned and tormented child, “a vessel of rage and vengeance, with the merciless iron will to enact subjugation of others in their turn, terrible and pathetic and with the grandeur of a tortured defiant beast trapped in the same flesh as the innocent who needs to be loved and cannot understand why he seems monstrous to others.”

     How Trump’s particular madness is expressed in our national policy is a horror which can described with precision; his fear of contamination and faecal fixation translate into his signature campaign against nonwhite others and a policy of ethnic cleansing and racist state terror, his misogyny into a patriarchal wave of legal disempowerment of women’s reproductive rights, his fragile ego,  identity confusion, and need for attention into a governance of Nuremburg-like rallies, the cultivation of despicable autocrats, and the obsessive vengeance against anyone who refuses to offer adoration and submission.

     Above all what unites Trump and Hitler as parallel figures and historical forces is the theory of politics as theatre of cruelty and government as performance art.”

     As written in my post of October 28 2019 Trump and al-Baghdadi: parallel lives and reflections; “As the world celebrates the death of al-Baghdadi, both tyrant and monster, and Trump claims credit in this the sole victory of his administration, as if for the trophy head of some dangerous beast shot by a guide while enjoying cocktails at the hunting camp, it may be interesting to compare the parallel lives, methods, and goals of Trump and al-Baghdadi.

     Both Trump and al-Baghdadi are megalomaniacs and psychopaths who seized power through manipulation of those who perceived themselves as victims and readily dehumanized others to change their status, using disruption of norms and a reimagination of reality through lies and misdirects to shape history, and enacted regimes of state terror and campaigns of religious and ethnic cleansing and of patriarchal misogyny and sexual violence against women.

     Trump cannot distinguish truth from lies and delusions; his madness and childlike feeble mindedness, the tantrums and psychotic rages, the bullying and narcissism of a spoiled brat, does not however absolve him of responsibility for his actions, or those of the treasonous cabal of sex predators and fascists he has gathered around him.

     Trump claims to have killed his dark reflection and shadow self by his spurious arrogation of a victory won by our intelligence and military services; but history will always see this second face behind his mask, a secret twin he bears into eternity, a face of power and twisted desires unrestrained by the laws and values of a democratic civilization and a free society of equals: the face of Trump’s heart of darkness, al-Baghdadi.

     So I rest my case for our participation in No Kings Day;

     In a brilliant thumbnail analysis of Trump’s impact on the state of the world in terms of foreign policy, Simon Tisdall writing in The Guardian describes his policy of vacuous sound bites, staged publicity images, the diplomacy of a man totally ignorant of human relationships beyond the golf course and of any strategy of action to achieve goals other than grabbing the world by the crotch and hanging on while gobbling and ululating meaningless bestial sounds as if negotiating for slops in a hog trough.

     As written in 2019 by Simon Tisdall in The Guardian, in an article entitled Trump’s new world disorder: competitive, chaotic, conflicted: With John Bolton dismissed, Taliban peace talks a fiasco and a trade war with China, US foreign policy is ever more unstable and confrontational; “Since taking office in January 2017, Trump has not merely broken with diplomatic and geopolitical convention. He has taken a wrecking ball to venerated alliances, multilateral cooperation and the postwar international rules-based order. He has cosied up to autocrats, attacked old friends and blundered into sensitive conflicts he does not fully comprehend.

     The resulting new world disorder – to adapt George HW Bush’s famous 1991 phrase – will be hard to put right. Like its creator, Trump world is unstable, unpredictable and threatening. Trump has been called America’s first rogue president. Whether or not he wins a second term, this Trumpian era of epic disruption, the very worst form of American exceptionalism, is already deeply entrenched.

     The suggestion that Trump will make nice and back off as election time nears thus elicits considerable scepticism. US analysts and commentators say the president’s erratic, impulsive and egotistic personality means any shift towards conciliation may be short-lived and could quickly be reversed, Bolton or no Bolton.

     Trump wanted quick ‘n’ easy, primetime credit for a dramatic peace deal in Afghanistan with the Taliban, pushed ahead blindly, then changed his mind at the last minute

     Trump is notorious for blowing hot and cold, performing policy zigzags and suddenly changing his mind. “Regardless of who has advised Mr Trump on foreign affairs … all have proved powerless before [his] zest for chaos,” the New York Times noted last week.

     Lacking experienced diplomatic and military advisers (he has sacked most of the good ones), surrounded by an inner circle of cynical sycophants such as secretary of state Mike Pompeo, and driven by a chronic desire for re-election, Trump’s behaviour could become more, not less, confrontational during his remaining time in office, suggested Eliot Cohen, professor of strategic studies at Johns Hopkins university.

     “The president has proved himself to be what many critics have long accused him of being: belligerent, bullying, impatient, irresponsible, intellectually lazy, short-tempered and self-obsessed,” Cohen wrote in Foreign Affairs journal. “Remarkably, however, those shortcomings have not yet translated into obvious disaster. But [that] … should not distract from a building crisis of US foreign policy.”

     This pending crisis stems from Trump’s crudely Manichaean division of the world into two camps: adversaries/competitors and supporters/customers. A man with few close confidants, Trump has real trouble distinguishing between allies and enemies, friends and foes, and often confuses the two. In Trump world, old rules don’t apply. Alliances are optional. Loyalty is weakness. And trust is fungible.

     As a result, the US today finds itself at odds with much of the world to an unprecedented and dangerous degree. America, the postwar global saviour, has been widely recast as villain. Nor is this a passing phase. Trump seems to have permanently changed the way the US views the world and vice versa. Whatever follows, it will never be quite the same again.

     Clues as to what he does next may be found in what he has done so far. His is a  truly calamitous record, as exemplified by Afghanistan. Having vowed in 2016 to end America’s longest war, he began with a troop surge, lost interest and sued for peace. A withdrawal deal proved elusive. Meanwhile, US-led forces inflicted record civilian casualties.

     The crunch came last weekend when a bizarre, secret summit with Taliban chiefs at Camp David was cancelled. It was classic Trump. He wanted quick ’n’ easy, primetime credit for a dramatic peace deal, pushed ahead blindly, then changed his mind at the last minute. Furious over a debacle of his own making, he turned his wrath on others, notably Bolton – who, ironically, had opposed the summit all along.

     All sides are now vowing to step up the violence, with the insurgents aiming to disrupt this month’s presidential election in Afghanistan. In short, Trump’s self-glorifying Afghan reality show, of which he was the Nobel-winning star, has made matters worse. Much the same is true of his North Korea summitry, where expectations were raised, then dashed when he got cold feet in Hanoi, provoking a backlash from Pyongyang.

     The current crisis over Iran’s nuclear programme is almost entirely of Trump’s making, sparked by his decision last year to renege on the 2015 UN-endorsed deal with Tehran. His subsequent “maximum pressure” campaign of punitive sanctions has failed to cow Iranians while alienating European allies. And it has led Iran to resume banned nuclear activities – a seriously counterproductive, entirely predictable outcome.

     Trump’s unconditional, unthinking support for Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s aggressively rightwing prime minister – including tacit US backing for his proposed annexation of swathes of the occupied territories – is pushing the Palestinians back to the brink, energising Hamas and Hezbollah, and raising tensions across the region.

     With Trump’s blessing, Israel is enmeshed in escalating, multi-fronted armed confrontation with Iran and its allies in Iraq, Lebanon and Syria. Add to this recent violence in the Gulf, the disastrous Trump-backed, Saudi-led war in Yemen, mayhem in Syria’s Idlib province, border friction with Turkey, and Islamic State resurgence in northern Iraq, and a region-wide explosion looks ever more likely.

     Yet Trump, oblivious to the point of recklessness, remains determined to unveil his absurdly unbalanced Israel-Palestine “deal of the century” after Tuesday’s Israeli elections. He and his gormless son-in-law, Jared Kushner, may be the only people who don’t realise their plan has a shorter life expectancy than a snowball on a hot day in Gaza.

     Another prominent aspect of Trump world is his sinister, personal alliance with Vladimir Putin. There’s no doubt Russia’s president meddled in the 2016 US election to Trump’s benefit, as the Mueller report states. There’s no doubt Trump has gone easy on Putin over Crimea and Ukraine, over war crimes and chemical weapons attacks in Syria, over the Salisbury poisonings, and over his vicious assaults on Russia’s democratic opposition. Trump is even pushing for Russia to be readmitted to the G7. Exactly why he acts this way is much less certain.

     Whether Trump is attacking Nato, insulting Europe’s elected leaders, unhelpfully taking sides on Brexit, ignoring India’s repression in Kashmir, plotting regime change in Venezuela, ignoring egregious human rights abuses from the Philippines to Saudi Arabia, undermining the UN and international law, wrecking nuclear arms control treaties, plundering the Arctic, or opposing efforts to combat climate crisis and environmental degradation, he is consistently out of line, out on his own – and out of control.

     This, broadly, is Trump world as it has come to exist since January 2017. And this, in a nutshell, is the intensifying foreign policy crisis of which Professor Cohen warned. The days when responsible, trustworthy, principled US international leadership could be taken for granted are gone. No vague change of tone on North Korea or Iran will by itself halt the Trump-led slide into expanding global conflict and division.

     Historians such as Stephen Wertheim say change had to come. US politicians of left and right mostly agreed that “the bipartisan consensus forged in the 1990s – in which the US towered over the world and, at low cost, sought to remake it in America’s image – has failed and cannot be revived”, Wertheim wrote earlier this year. “But agreement ends there … ” he continued: “One camp holds that the US erred by coddling China and Russia, and urges a new competition against these great power rivals. The other camp, which says the US has been too belligerent and ambitious around the world, counsels restraint, not another crusade against grand enemies.”

     This debate among grownups over America’s future place in the world will form part of next year’s election contest. But before any fundamental change of direction can occur, the international community – and the US itself – must first survive another 16 months of Trump world and the wayward child-president’s poll-fixated, ego-driven destructive tendencies.

     Survival is not guaranteed. The immediate choice facing US friends and foes alike is stark and urgent: ignore, bypass and marginalise Trump – or actively, openly, resist him.

     Here are some of the key flashpoints around the globe

     United Nations

     Trump is deeply hostile to the UN. It embodies the multilateralist, globalist policy approaches he most abhors – because they supposedly infringe America’s sovereignty and inhibit its freedom of action. Under him, self-interested US behaviour has undermined the authority of the UN security council’s authority. The US has rejected a series of international treaties and agreements, including the Paris climate change accord and the Iran nuclear deal. The UN-backed international criminal court is beyond the pale. Trump’s attitude fits with his “America First” isolationism, which questions traditional ideas about America’s essential global leadership role.

     Germany

     Trump rarely misses a chance to bash Germany, perhaps because it is Europe’s most successful economy and represents the EU, which he detests. He is obsessed by German car imports, on which protectionist US tariffs will be levied this autumn. He accuses Berlin – and Europe– of piggy-backing on America by failing to pay its fair share of Nato defence costs. Special venom is reserved for Germany’s chancellor, Angela Merkel, most likely because she is a woman who stands up to him. Trump recently insulted another female European leader, Denmark’s Mette Frederiksen, after she refused to sell him Greenland.

     Israel

     Trump has made a great show of unconditional friendship towards Israel and its rightwing prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, who has skilfully maximised his White House influence. But by moving the US embassy to Jerusalem, officially condoning Israel’s annexation of the Golan Heights, and withdrawing funding and other support from the Palestinians, the president has abandoned the long-standing US policy of playing honest broker in the peace process. Trump has also tried to exploit antisemitism for political advantage, accusing US Democrat Jews who oppose Netanyahu’s policies of “disloyalty” to Israel.

    Russia

     Trump’s evident liking for Vladimir Putin, Russia’s president, has been the cause of endless puzzlement, given Moscow’s hostility to Nato and the western democratic alliance, its support for Bashar al-Assad and alleged Syrian war crimes, and its illegal intervention in Ukraine. Trump’s attitude may stem from Putin’s meddling in the 2016 US presidential election, which benefited him. But the affinity between them may be better explained by shared autocratic tendencies. Putin is an authoritarian nationalist, like similar rightwing politicians in China, Turkey, Brazil and India whom Trump admires – and would like to emulate.

     China

     During his presidential campaign in 2016, Trump provocatively declared China a bigger problem than jihadi terrorism. He claims that China has enjoyed unfair advantages in two-way trade for decades due to its notional designation as a developing country, supposed currency manipulation, and America’s own failure to protect manufacturing industry. He has levelled similar accusations at the EU, Japan, Canada, India and other trading partnersothers. But his remedy – unilateral punitive tariffs and sanctions – has disrupted international commerce, shaken global economic confidence and strained political relations with Beijing without demonstrably improving US fortunes.

      Venezuela

     Trump’s clumsy efforts to engineer regime change in Venezuela and impose a Washington-approved version of democracy mark a regression to the bad old days of the cold war when the US regarded Central and Latin America as its “backyard” and exclusive sphere of influence. So far, Trump’s attempt, masterminded by John Bolton, to replace the regime of Nicolás Maduro with a pro-American technocrat, Juan Guaidó, has failed miserably. Undeterred, he continues to sanction Maduro’s ideological allies in post-Castro Cuba and to exacerbate the Central American migrant crisis, meanwhile enthusiastically embracing Jair Bolsonaro, Brazil’s president.

     Saudi Arabia

     Trump made his first overseas trip as president to Saudi Arabia, signalling the importance he attaches to close relations with the energy-rich, autocratic Gulf kingdom. He has since strengthened the alliance in opposition to Iran, deploying troops to Saudi Arabia and supplying advanced weaponry for its war in Yemen. The Saudi connection has also come to symbolise Trump’s indifference to human rights abuses, whether in the Philippines, Russia or on the US-Mexico border. When the Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, was murdered by Saudi agents, Trump defended senior figures in Riyadh such as its crown prince who allegedly ordered the killing.

     Kashmir

     When Imran Khan, Pakistan’s prime minister, visited the White House recently, Trump boasted he was ready to mediate in the long-running dispute over divided Kashmir. It was a vainglorious gesture, reflecting Trump’s ignorance. When, shortly afterwards, India imposed direct rule on Kashmir, effectively detaining its population, Trump did nothing. Whether the issue is the Delhi-Islamabad nuclear standoff, the unending Afghan war, Chinese attempts to gain strategic leverage in Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Myanmar, or the Rohingya refugee tragedy in Bangladesh, Trump’s south Asia policy, like that in sub-Saharan Africa, is ineffectual and near non-existent. Maybe they are luck”

     Trump has discovered it’s not as easy to rape nations as it is to corner little girls in the dressing room of a beauty pageant, or even an adult one at Bloomingdales.

    Not if we unite together in Resistance.

     As I wrote in my post of April 19 2025, No Kings Protests Commemorate the American Revolution and Possibly Begin the Second American Revolution;     Today on the 250th anniversary of the American Revolution We The People rise in resistance and revolutionary struggle with nationwide mass protests against the abominable and treasonous Trump regime which has captured the state and its nefarious designs in subversion of our democracy.

      This we will not abide. This we will Resist. For this, we will bring a Reckoning.

       And because of this, as Traitor Trump, Rapist In Chief, Nazi revivalist, white supremacist terrorist, theocratic patriarchal sexual terrorist, and Russian agent tests and exposes the flaws of our system with relentless attacks upon the institutions of our democracy and violations of its values and ideals as Theatre of Cruelty, we must now begin the total reimagination and transformation of our nation and our society if we are to become a free society of equals wherein we are co-owners of the state as citizens and guarantors of each other’s inalienable and universal human rights.

        As written in the mission statement for this weekend’s nationwide protest, from We (The People) Dissent:

     “On April 19, 1775, colonists confronted the British at the Battle of Lexington and Concord—the shot heard round the world.

     On April 19, 2025, millions of everyday Americans will rise to defend that for which they fought—freedom against tyranny.

This time, we carry not arms, but signs.

We will not raise a barricade;

instead, we must lift our voices.

Instead of marching to the tempo of drums,

we will march to the echo of our hearts crying for justice.”

      Herein only one thing must I dispute; for the imposed conditions of struggle require that we now bear arms in our defense and that of any human being threatened with death or abduction and imprisonment without cause or trial in a foreign gulag.

     This is a grave and terrible choice when state tyranny and terror leave us no other options in our duty of care for others, and if a man kneels on another’s neck, regardless of which one has a badge and a gun or who is white and who is black, that man is a murderer and our duty of care for others requires our intervention, By Any Means Necessary.

      I am prepared at all times to fight to the death, and the Trump regime’s criminal and brutal repression of dissent leaves none of us any other choice but submission or resistance.

     All Resistance is War to the Knife.

     Let us not go quietly, friends, but unite in solidarity of action to seize our power and restore our nation and our liberty.

     As written by Robert B. Hubbell in his Substack newsletter; “On this day, two hundred fifty years ago, America began its long march toward independence at the Battles of Lexington and Concord. The battles marked our nation’s first efforts to throw off the yoke of a foreign king. The battles marked “No Kings Day, Part I.”

     On Saturday, millions of Americans will participate in “No Kings Day, Part II.” At root, the issues animating protests separated by two-and-a-half centuries are the same: The right to self-determination, liberty, democracy, and the rule of law—not subjugation to the ‘divine right of kings.”

     Our ancestors risked everything in rising against the king, mutually pledging to each other “their lives, fortunes, and sacred honor.”

     We stand on their shoulders as inheritors of their revolutionary zeal and the steadfast efforts of every citizen, soldier, slave, civil rights marcher, organizer, and leader who redeemed democracy anew over the ensuing ten generations.

     Our generation will not falter in passing the gift of “No Kings Day”—democracy—to the next generation. Democracy will endure so long as we do not give up. And in the words of Alexei Navalny, “You are not allowed to give up.”

     We are not allowed to give up because the democracy we defend does not belong to us. It belongs to all people of America—past, present, and future. We are custodians of democracy until the next generation takes up the struggle as their own.

     As we engage in mass resistance on “No Kings Day, Part II,” we should pause to reflect on our place in the long arc of a moral struggle that stretches behind and ahead of us.

     America did not achieve independence when the battles of Lexington and Concord concluded. It would take eight years to defeat the British and yet another four years to adopt the Constitution. It would take seventy-five years and a civil war to expiate the sin of slavery embedded in the Constitution. It would take a century more to begin to deliver on the promises of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments.

     In whatever way you choose to resist on “No Kings Day, Part II,” recognize that you, too, are pledging your sacred honor to the defense of democracy for however long it takes.

     Like the Founders, our pledge is made to “each other”—a mutual endeavor for the common good. Take pride and comfort in knowing that the cause is bigger than any one of us and will outlast all of us because we will refuse to give up.

     We will win. It is only a matter of time.

     Godspeed to us all!”

      When they come for us, as they always have and will, fascists of theocratic state terror, patriarchal sexual terror, and white supremacist terror, let them find not a people divided by fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, but united as guarantors of each other’s humanity as a Band of Brothers, sisters, and others; this, this this.

    To the instruments of fascist tyranny in the pathology of disconnectedness and the terror of our nothingness, to division, abjection, learned helplessness, and despair in the face of overwhelming force, I make reply with Buffy the Vampire Slayer quoting the instructions to priests in the Book of Common Prayer in episode eleven of season seven, Showtime, after luring an enemy into an arena to defeat as a demonstration to her recruits; “I don’t know what’s coming next. But I do know it’s gonna be just like this – hard, painful. But in the end, it’s gonna be us. If we all do our parts, believe it, we’ll be the one’s left standing. Here endeth the lesson.”

Elegy For a Swindler King: “You gotta admit, I played this stinkin city like a harp from hell” line of Penguin in the film Batman Returns

     Have you seen this man? Report wandering idiot madman if spotted; do not approach, children; the President grabs.

Join us

https://action.womensmarch.com/calendars/kick-out-the-clowns?fbclid=IwY2xjawK6gXhleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBicmlkETF6UFRxQnVDNHFqQ0RMYmpmAR5xDkGqFqMpLF0HEZFKDFBa39DN0WZDHeeOGRNKn6KfFLsBHBWqTTlQGyY3rA_aem_t30Ai6peYH3RHDpWlCKqoA

Map of No Kings Protests

Trump’s new world disorder: competitive, chaotic, conflicted

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2019/sep/14/trump-american-foreign-policy-unstable-confrontational

January 24 2025 The Six Coup Attempts of Traitor Trump; a Retrospective

November 8 2024 Elegy For the Fall of America

February 10 2021 Treason, Tyranny, and Terror on Trial: As the Second Impeachment of Traitor Trump Begins, I Submit Charges Before the People’s Tribunal of Crimes Against Humanity for Which Trump and His Collaborators Should Now Be On Trial

March 5 2025 Trump Is An Illusion Made Of Lies, But How Is He Constructed and How Can He Be Unmade? Case of Trump’s Address to Congress

January 31 2025 Trump Unfurls His Tongue of Lies

April 16 2025 Whoremonger In Chief: Anniversary of the Stormy Daniels Hush Money Trial

February 16 2025 Anniversary of Judgement In the Trump Organization Civil Trial: New York Casts Out the Trump Crime Family

December 3 2024 How Shall We Answer Treason?

July 16 2024 Party of Treason Show Day One: Theft of Public Wealth Through Deregulation, Privatization, and Austerity As the Neoliberal Order Collapses in the Death Spiral of Capitalism

April 16 2021 It’s Been 100 Days Since the Insurrection. Where Are We in the Fight Against Fascist Terror and Treason?

An Endless Litany of Woes: The Crimes of Traitor Trump

https://www.mcsweeneys.net/articles/lest-we-forget-the-horrors-an-unending-catalog-of-trumps-cruelties-collusions-corruptions-and-crimes?sfnsn=mo

The Dangerous Case of Donald Trump: 27 Psychiatrists and Mental Health Experts Assess a President, by Bandy X. Lee editor & contributor

Here Endeth the Lesson: Buffy the Vampire Slayer, season seven, episode eleven

June 13 2025 The Monster Brought to Judgement: Anniversary of the Trump Espionage Trial

     Rejoice with me in the anniversary of the spectacle of the monster brought to judgement, his numberless crimes and perversions and those of his treasonous and dishonorable minions and collaborators in a loathsome regime of patriarchal sexual terror and white supremacist terror as theocratic fascism and tyranny, designed and perpetrated for the purposes of infiltration and subversion of democracy and capture of the state, are displayed before the stage of history and the world as defining limits of the human and branded into the soul of America.

     Like the thief’s brand of Milady de Winter in Alexandre Dumas’ The Three Musketeers, may the actions of Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, forever remind us who the enemies of Liberty truly are, regardless of the masks they wear and the web of lies in which they seek to trap us as the raw material of their power.

    Saboteurs of our justice system and agents of the Fourth Reich have conspired to deny us a public viewing of the trial, a trial whose functions are not limited to the espionage of one Russian agent and then in the trial of 2023 ex President, though vote fraud, the dark money of Russian paymasters and crime syndicates, and propaganda’s Wilderness of Mirrors has now given him another stolen election, but the purposes of a public trial include the restoration of the legitimacy of the justice system, of America as both state and idea, and of democracy globally.

    We must see the monster disempowered to harm us, exposed and cast out, if we are to find catharsis in this morality play, for Trump is a figure of the diseased heart of America as a Sin Eater for all of his followers and those who voted for him and his policies of division and theft of the soul. We must purge our destroyers from among us; most especially those who once believed his lies and enabled him as voters and co-conspirators including the whole of the Republican Party must now be granted the chance to disavow him and free themselves of their subjugation to theocratic fascism, or be judged with him by history.

     This process of catharsis and the Restoration of America was in 2023 years along since the January 6 Insurrection marked the first high tide and collapse of fascism in America, prior to the ongoing second Trump regime, a stochastic system of political and ideological struggle in the heart of America, recursive iterations of rebirth and destruction, revolutionary and conserving forces. and we can measure the depth of the collapse of support for Trump during the trial by the few supporters who came to the trial in response to Trump’s dogwhistled orders to storm the court as a demonstration of power, as compared to the masses who perpetrated the storming of Congress in the Insurrection.

      Trump is still proclaiming madness and issuing terroristic commands, but almost no one was listening anymore while his grievous and terrible crimes were set before the public like cakes of moral leprosy and decay. This we must do again, and ceaselessly, to steal his power by exposing his lies.

     The tide of fascist tyranny and terror in America has turned before and may yet turn again, and now is the time to bring a Reckoning for its evils.

     For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.

      As written by Heather Cox Richardson in her newsletter ; ““DONALD TRUMP UNDER ARREST, IN FEDERAL CUSTODY.”

     It was quite a chyron from CNN, marking the first time in the history of the United States that a former president has been charged with federal crimes. And in this case, what crimes they are: the willful retention, sharing, and hiding of classified documents that compromise our national security. Trump’s own national security advisor John Bolton said, “This is material that in the hands of America’s adversaries would do incalculable damage to the United States. This is a very serious case and it’s not financial fraud, it’s not hush money to porn stars, this is the national security of the United States at stake. I think we’ve got to take the politics out of this business when national security is at stake.”

     Cameras were barred in the courtroom as Trump pleaded not guilty to the 37 charges in Miami today. Presiding magistrate judge Jonathan Goodman ordered Trump not to communicate with witnesses about the case, including co-defendant Waltine Nauta, then released him on his own recognizance, that is, without needing to post bail. Special prosecutor Jack Smith was in the courtroom; ABC’s senior congressional correspondent Rachel Scott reported that Trump did not look at Smith.

     Then Trump went back to his residence in Bedminster, New Jersey, where he gave a speech that New York Times reporter Maggie Haberman, who is close to the Trump camp, described as low energy, focusing on his insistence that he had a right to keep the classified documents (which experts agree is nonsense and amounts to a confession) and that the indictment was “the most evil and heinous abuse of power.” Right-wing Newsmax and the Fox News Channel (FNC) carried the speech; CNN and MSNBC did not.

     FNC has been hemorrhaging viewers since it fired Tucker Carlson, a threat to its bottom line that might have been behind its chyron tonight attacking Biden by claiming “WANNABE DICTATOR SPEAKS AT THE WHITE HOUSE AFTER HAVING HIS POLITICAL RIVAL ARRESTED.”

     In statements similar to the one from FNC, right-wing pundits spent the day flooding Twitter and other social media with furious insistence that Trump is being unfairly prosecuted, followed by attacks on former secretary of state Hillary Clinton, and with allegations that there are tapes of President Biden accepting bribes—allegations that Biden openly laughed at this evening.

     But that performative outrage among leaders did not translate into support on the ground in Miami. Law enforcement had been prepared for as many as 50,000 protesters, but only a few hundred to a thousand turned out (one wearing a shirt made of an American flag and carrying the head of a pig on a pole).

     The lack of supporters on the ground was significant. Since the August 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, much of Trump’s power has rested on his ability to call out his base to silence opponents by threatening violence. That power was in full force on January 6, 2021, when his loyalists set out to stop the counting of the electoral votes that would make Democrat Joe Biden president, believing they were operating under the orders of then-president Trump.

     Since then, though, more than 1,000 people who participated in the events of January 6 have been charged with crimes, and many have been sentenced to prison, while Trump, who many defendants say called them to arms, has skated. That discrepancy is likely dampening the enthusiasm of Trump’s supporters for protest.

     Today Josh Marshall of Talking Points Memo pointed out that the audacity of Nevada’s militia-related Bundy family simply grew as family members launched successive stands against the federal government without significant legal repercussions. Republican politicians cheered on their attacks on federal officials for political gain, while Democratic politicians didn’t push to go after them out of concern that a show of federal power would alienate Nevada voters.

     Trump’s threats and determination to stir up his base seem to reflect a similar consideration: if he can just rally enough support, he might imagine, the federal government will back off.

     Federal officials permitting politics to trump the rule of law in our past have brought us to this moment.

     After the Civil War, officials charged Confederate president Jefferson Davis and 38 other leading secessionists with treason but decided not to prosecute when the cases finally came to trial in 1869. They wanted to avoid the anger a trial would provoke because they hoped to reconcile the North and South. They also worried they would not get convictions in the southern states where the trials were assigned.

    In the end, between President Andrew Johnson’s pardons and Congress’s granting of amnesty to Confederates, no one was convicted for their participation in the attempt to destroy the country. This generosity did not create the good feeling men like General Ulysses S. Grant hoped it would. Instead, as Civil War scholar Elizabeth Varon established in her book on the surrender at Appomattox, it helped to create the myth that the southern cause had been so noble that even the conquering northern armies had been forced to recognize it. The ideology of the Confederacy never became odious, and it has lived on.

     The same quest for reconciliation drove President Gerald R. Ford to grant a pardon to former president Richard M. Nixon for possible “offenses against the United States” in his quest to win the 1972 election by bugging the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee in the Washington, D.C., Watergate Hotel.

     Ford explained that the “tranquility” the nation had found after Nixon’s resignation “could be irreparably lost by the prospects of bringing to trial a former President of the United States.” The threat of a trial would “cause prolonged and divisive debate over the propriety of exposing to further punishment and degradation a man who has already paid the unprecedented penalty of relinquishing the highest elective office of the United States.”

     In an echo of 100 years before, Ford’s generosity did not bring Nixon or his supporters back into the fold. Instead, they doubled down on the idea that Nixon had done nothing wrong and had been hounded from office by his “liberal” enemies. Nixon himself never admitted wrongdoing, telling the American people he was resigning because he no longer had enough support in Congress to advance the national interest. Although his support had collapsed because even members of his own party believed he was guilty of obstructing justice, violated constitutional rights of citizens, and abused his power, Nixon blamed the press, whose members had destroyed him with “leaks and accusations and innuendo.”

     The willingness of government officials to ignore the rule of law in order to buy peace gave us enduring reverence for the principles of the Confederacy, along with countless dead Unionists, mostly Black people, killed as former Confederates reclaimed supremacy in the South. It also gave us the idea that presidents cannot be held accountable for crimes, a belief that likely made some of the presidents who followed Nixon less careful about following the law than they might have been if they had seen Nixon indicted.

     Holding a former president accountable for an alleged profound attack on the United States is indeed unprecedented, as his supporters insist. But far from being a bad thing to stand firm on the rule of law at the upper levels of government, it seems to fall into the category of “high time.”

     As written by Jerry LeClaire in his Indivisibles newsletter; “If you have not yet taken the time read the Indictment in the case of United States of America v. Donald J. Trump and Waltine Nauta (Trump’s valet), click that link and read. It should be every American’s civic duty to do so. The original document is eminently readable and thoroughly documented chronicle of former President Trump’s flagrant disregard for the law. So far, nearly all the Republicans who have gone on record about the latest Trump indictment (with the notable exception of Mitt Romney), have bizarrely claimed that it is a miscarriage of justice, politically motivated, and spells the death knell for the rule of law in our country. If any of these know-nothings have actually read the indictment or understand how the rule of law actually works, you certainly could not tell it from their inane commentary.

     I’m sure there are many other examples, but that of U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham (R-SC) interviewed on ABC News by George Stephanopoulos on Sunday, June 11, is breathtaking in the whataboutism and misinformation that are quickly becoming the Republican blare machine’s main talking points. It really is worth your time to listen—because this is the garbage that you will likely hear again and again—all by way of avoiding any actually serious discussion of the merits of the indictment itself—and the evidence that underpins it. Senator Graham, who possesses a Doctor of Jurisprudence from the University of South Carolina, must know that he is engaging in gross misinformation. Beyond the usual off-the-point whataboutism of emails and laptops, Graham suggests that the content of the Espionage Act under which Trump is indicted only applies to the most egregious examples of overt spying and bulk transfer of sensitive information to foreign adversaries (think Chelsea Manning and Julian Assange). This is a smokescreen that depends on the Republican faithful’s ignorance of the law. They all need to read the indictment.

     Where’s Cathy McMorris Rodgers on the indictment? We can take a clue in her official statement issued August 9, 2022, the day after the FBI exercised the court-authorized search warrant of Mar-a-Lago and seized 102 documents with classified markings Trump had conspired to keep. Her statement starts off predictably by characterizing the search and seizure as an “FBI Raid of President Trump’s Residence”, evoking an portrait of battering rams and rough treatment. It goes on:

     “Last night’s unprecedented raid and seizure of documents from President Trump’s private residence is alarming and raises a lot of questions. I am deeply concerned about the appearance that the Biden administration is weaponizing the FBI and Department of Justice to target a political opponent, which would be an egregious abuse of power. This sends a dangerous message to the American people that their Constitutional rights can be trampled because of their political beliefs.”

     McMorris Rodgers’ statement sets up this bizarre double-speak Republican talking point: because he was once president any act that challenges Donald Trump’s actions must be politically motivated and cannot possibly be the actual legitimate workings of the rule of law. Since he was once president Trump must be above the law, while, at the same time. exercising a legitimate search warrant is “an egregious abuse of power”. If she reads the indictment, it should be evident to her that not indicting Trump based on the evidence therein would itself be an abandonment of the rule of law.

     I await McMorris Rodgers’ slippery words in response to the federal indictment. Will she actually read it? Will she still spout the words “weaponization of the ______”, the phrase no doubt hatched and pushed out to the media by Republican Party operatives as focus-group-tested propaganda?

     The best I have read from among those commenting on the indictment is Robert Hubbell’s legally-informed June 11th Substack post in which he puts the indictment and the upcoming trial into perspective:

     The trial is designed to achieve two purposes: To punish Trump for his crimes and to dissuade future bad actors from repeating those crimes. In short, the trial is not—and can never be—a solution to the political problem of a potential Trump second term.

     If Trump wins a second term, the trial will be irrelevant, even if Trump is convicted before the election. As a second-term president, Trump can manipulate the DOJ to fire special counsel Jack Smith and reverse the conviction somehow, as the DOJ did for Michael Flynn, or he can grant himself a self-pardon. (I do not believe a self-pardon would be constitutional, but if Trump grants himself one, it will be a “get out of jail free card” for the duration of the appeal through the Supreme Court.)

     The only solution to the political problem of a Trump second term is to defeat Trump (or any other GOP contender) at the ballot box.

     There is a corollary: If Trump regains the Presidency, we will have, thereby, abandoned the rule of law and along with it any pretense that the law applies equally to everyone.

     Republicans will twist logic in knots trying to pretend that the grand jury in the Southern District of Florida that voted to indict Trump based on the evidence presented to them by the Department of Justice and Jack Smith was somehow “politically motivated”. Read the indictment. Don’t let them get away with it.

     Keep to the high ground, Jerry”

     As written by Gunthan Rao in CNN, in an article entitled History is Not On Trump’s Side; “Here we are with another scandal involving former President Donald Trump. What’s new, right? But there’s something that hits differently about this one.

     In the past, Trump’s alleged misdeeds have usually been primarily about himself—about making himself richer, or more powerful, or to protect himself from the law.  By allegedly violating the Espionage Act and hoarding classified documents, Trump (who has denied wrongdoing) has taken things to a far darker place.  A quick look at the history of government record-keeping shows us that Trump is thumbing his nose at our system of government and at the rule of law itself.

     Prosecutor Jack Smith’s indictment and press conference laid out in devastating detail just how serious the charges are against the former president. In the classified documents that Trump allegedly took from the White House to his residences are deep secrets about the United States’ military and even its nuclear program. The law required Trump to return these documents to the National Archives; Trump knew better, too, since the prosecution has him on tape admitting that he had retained sensitive military information that he had not declassified.

     At a more philosophical level, Trump’s alleged actions speak to something else; they flout a basic theory of how our government works.

     Hundreds of years ago, when a government official stepped down from an official post, it was customary for them to take with them the records of their time in office.  It was in keeping with an elitist theory of power.

     Powerful members of the gentry were routinely tabbed to be sheriffs, tax collectors, inspectors and other key roles.  They were expected to use their status to do these jobs, as people deferred to their rank and power.  Often, they worked out of their homes, so that the workings of government were indistinguishable from their daily life.

     In short, their government work was very much their business, even if they were serving the public good.  This approach to governing was still very much in vogue by the American Revolution and at the nation’s founding.

     However, in the 19th century a new, more modern concept of government slowly took over.  Perhaps best explained by the famed German sociologist Max Weber, this new vision was that government work now took place outside of the home and instead in government buildings and bureaus.

     In this new modern understanding of the state, it was crucial that government offices be understood to be distinct from the individuals who might serve them.  Officeholders were now expected to fulfill their duties by defined administrative rules, rather than by leveraging their status and personal power.

     Over time, the professionalization of the government workforce would feature the rise of a civil service, the emergence of bureaucratic experts and the establishment of administrative law.  In the 20th century, President Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal and the Administrative Procedures Act became the foundation for an increasingly complex and regulated system of government organization.

     The Presidential Records Act of 1978, passed in the wake of President Richard M. Nixon’s Watergate scandal, was another example of this evolving system. After resigning in disgrace and to avoid impeachment, Nixon wanted to keep records of his time in office to save what was left of his reputation.  In 1974 Congress passed a law specifically to prevent Nixon from withholding records and followed it up a few years later with The Presidential Records Act, which explicitly designates presidential records as public records.  Presidential records now belong to the American people, not to the President whose administration may have produced them.

     This historical context lets us see Trump’s latest misdeed for what it is—a fundamental rejection of the rule of law.  In this light, we might see Trump’s actions as part of the conservative effort to dismantle the federal government’s administrative power.  But Trump goes even further because his is not a principled ideological manifesto but the simple idea that he, like kings, ministers, and those old self-interested officeholders from centuries ago, is above the law.

     By insisting that official records from his administration are his “papers,” and that he can do as he pleases with them, Trump harkens back to a bygone time when government was the exclusive domain of the rich and powerful, and when the elite kept their papers as bespoke mementos of their public works.

     Are we still a nation of laws?  Or have we been so beaten down by the Trump era that we’re willing to backslide to a seemingly distant past?  At stake in this, the latest trial of Donald J. Trump, then, is more than just legalese about government protocol about classification and record keeping.  This is about the rule of law.”

     As written by Barbara McQuade in MSN, in an article entitled New Indictment Proves Trump Is A Triple Threat to National Security; “The indictment returned by a federal grand jury in Florida last week includes one inescapable conclusion — former President Donald Trump is a triple threat to the national security of the U.S.

     Trump’s 37 counts allege violations of the Espionage Act, obstruction of justice, false statements and conspiracy. The indictment describes audacious conduct, alleging he lied to the National Archives, the Justice Department and even his own lawyers and orchestrated the concealment of boxes of documents when the Justice Department came to visit. But the language that most stood out to me as a former national security prosecutor related to the descriptions of the documents themselves. Of course, special prosecutor Jack Smith cannot reveal in detail the sensitive information within these records, but even the general nature of the secrets Trump allegedly stored across Mar-a-Lago, including in a bathroom and a ballroom, is bone-chilling.

     According to the indictment, the documents included information about:

The defense and weapons capabilities of both the U.S. and foreign countries.

U.S. nuclear programs.

Potential vulnerabilities of the U.S. and its allies to military attack.

Plans for possible retaliation in response to a foreign attack.

     Trump has, of course, denied that he did anything wrong and minimized his gross abuse of power as the “boxes hoax.” One of his lawyers has compared Trump’s retention of national secrets to having an overdue library book. But clearly, this case is about far more than an administrative slip-up.

     Instead, the indictment charges Trump with misconduct that recklessly placed our national security and foreign relations and the safety of the U.S. military and intelligence community in danger. Some of the documents Trump allegedly retained were marked “top secret,” designating information that, if disclosed, could cause exceptionally grave harm to the national security.

     The indictment is a first step toward accountability for Trump’s alleged abuse of power. But, for a number of reasons, he will remain a threat until he is convicted — and perhaps even beyond that.

     First, the indictment demonstrates the risk Trump poses to our country as a former president. As commander-in-chief, Trump was entrusted with knowledge of every aspect of our national security, from the placement of missiles to the nuclear codes. His reckless storage of classified documents at Mar-a-Lago demonstrates his inability to handle this knowledge responsibly. The resort, which the Justice Department says hosted “more than 150 social events that together drew tens of thousands of guests” during the relevant period, was a potential target for foreign intelligence operations. (In 2019, NBC News reported that a Chinese citizen was arrested at the club with “two passports, four cellphones, a laptop, an external hard drive and a thumb drive containing computer malware.”)

     In fact, the indictment alleges that Trump has already shared national defense information with a writer, a publisher, two staffers and a representative of his political action committee — none of whom had the required security clearances. If Trump is convicted, a compelling case could be made for his imprisonment and a sentencing condition that limits his ability to communicate sensitive secrets to the outside world to limit further damage.

     Second, Trump poses a threat to our national security as a defendant. In criminal cases involving classified information, a defendant sometimes will engage in a practice known as “graymail,” threatening to reveal sensitive national secrets if the government persists in the prosecution. For this reason, former government employees often get lenient plea deals to avoid the disclosure of government secrets at trial.

     The Classified Information Procedures Act creates some mechanisms to safeguard such material, such as protective orders during discovery and at trial. But in light of Trump’s access — not to mention his win-at-all-costs mentality — CIPA’s protections feel too thin. Because Trump has already seen all of the documents noted in the indictment, there is a risk that he will share their contents with people unauthorized to see them or threaten to do so unless the charges are dropped or favorably resolved.”

     According to the indictment, in December 2021, the contents of several of Trump’s boxes had spilled on the floor in a storage room. Among the documents on the floor was one marked “FVEY,” indicating that the information was releasable only to the Five Eyes alliance of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the U.S. Most of us would be reluctant to lend a novel to a friend who treated our possessions with such contempt, let alone our most private secrets.

     If Trump were to become president again in January 2025, foreign allies might be unwilling to share their sensitive intelligence with us. And if we stop receiving valuable intelligence from allies, we will be in the dark about important information with which to make decisions about our military and security interests.

     At his news briefing announcing the indictment, Smith emphasized that members of our intelligence community and armed forces “dedicate their lives to protecting our nation and its people.” Violations of the laws that protect national defense information “put our nation at risk.” Even a Trump trial and conviction may not prevent him from wreaking further havoc, but they can send a powerful message that he can be held criminally accountable and deter others who might follow his lawless example.”

     What happens next? Here I find a hopeful voice in Robert Reich, writing in The Guardian in an article entitled There will be no civil war over Trump. Here’s why: Nations go to war over the ideologies, religions, racism, social classes or economic policies. Trump represents nothing other than his own grievance;

“The former president of the United States, now running for re-election, assails “the ‘thugs’ from the Department of Injustice”, calls Special Counsel Jack Smith a “deranged lunatic” and casts his prosecutions and his bid for the White House as part of a “final battle” for America.

     In a Saturday speech to the Georgia Republican party, Trump characterized the entire American justice system as deployed to prevent him from winning the 2024 election.

     “These people don’t stop and they’re bad and we have to get rid of them. These criminals cannot be rewarded. They must be defeated.

     Once again, Trump is demanding that Americans choose sides. But in his deranged mind, this “final battle” is not just against his normal cast of ill-defined villains. It is between those who glorify him and those who detest him.

     It will be a final battle over … himself.

     “SEE YOU IN MIAMI ON TUESDAY!!!” he told his followers on Friday night in a Truth Social post, referring to his Tuesday arraignment.

     It was chilling reminder of his 19 December 2020, tweet, “Be there, will be wild!” – which inspired extremist groups to disrupt the January 6 certification.

     At the Georgia Republican party convention on Friday night, the Arizona Republican Kari Lake – who will go to Miami to “support” Trump – suggested violence.

     “If you want to get to President Trump, you’re going to have to go through me and you’re going to have to go through 75 million Americans just like me,” Lake exclaimed to roaring cheers and a standing ovation. “Most of us are card-carrying members of the NRA,” the National Rifle Association gun lobby. “That’s not a threat, that’s a public service announcement.”

     Most Republicans in Congress are once again siding with Trump rather than standing for the rule of law.

     A few are openly fomenting violence. The Louisiana representative Clay Higgins suggested guerrilla warfare: “This is a perimeter probe from the oppressors. Hold. rPOTUS [a reference to the real president of the United States] has this. Buckle up. 1/50K know your bridges. Rock steady calm.”

     Most other prominent Republicans – even those seeking the Republican presidential nomination – are criticizing Biden, Merrick Garland and the special counsel Jack Smith for “weaponizing” the justice department.

     All this advances Trump’s goal of forcing Americans to choose sides over him.

    Violence is possible, but there will be no civil war.

     Nations don’t go to war over whether they like or hate specific leaders. They go to war over the ideologies, religions, racism, social classes or economic policies these leaders represent.

     But Trump represents nothing other than his own grievance with a system that refused him a second term and is now beginning to hold him accountable for violating the law.

     In addition, the guardrails that protected American democracy after the 2020 election – the courts, state election officials, the military, and the justice department – are stronger than before Trump tested them the first time.

     Many of those who stormed the Capitol have been tried and convicted. Election-denying candidates were largely defeated in the 2022 midterms. The courts have adamantly backed federal prosecutors.

     Third, Trump’s advocates are having difficulty defending the charges in the unsealed indictment – that Trump threatened America’s security by illegally holding (and in some cases sharing) documents concerning “United States nuclear programs; potential vulnerabilities of the United States and its allies to military attack; and plans for possible retaliation in response to a foreign attack”, and then shared a “plan of attack” against Iran.

     Republicans consider national security the highest and most sacred goal of the republic. A large number have served in the armed forces.

     Trump’s own attorney general, Bill Barr, said on Fox News Sunday that he was “shocked by the degree of sensitivity of these documents and how many there were, frankly … If even half of it is true, then he’s toast. I mean, it’s a very detailed indictment, and it’s very, very damning. And this idea of presenting Trump as a victim here, a victim of a witch-hunt, is ridiculous.”

     None of this is cause for complacency. Trump is as loony and dangerous as ever. He has inspired violence before, and he could do it again.

     But I believe that many who supported him in 2020 are catching on to his lunacy.

     Trump wants Americans to engage in a “final battle” over his own narcissistic cravings. Instead, he will get a squalid and humiliating last act.”

          Trump as the masterspy Milady DeWinter

Cardinal Richelieu & Milady DeWinter montage set to Hozier’s Take Me To Church

Maimie McCoy discusses the merciless Milady – The Musketeers – BBC One

The Three Musketeers, Alexandre Dumas

     I was always impressed, as an intelligence historian, that Dumas was the spymaster of France while he wrote his brilliant and highly political novels of state secrets while never betraying any actual state secrets, not even once.

     We all of us humans are bearers of secret histories and constructions of the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others; and while the duties of remembrance, the witness of history, the sacred calling to pursue the truth, and the Four Primary Duties of a Citizen to Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority are crucial to our identity, uniqueness, and liberty in a free society of equals, one of the few true rules we must never violate is our solidarity with and loyalty to each other, as comrades in Resistance to tyranny and revolutionary struggle against systems of oppression.

      Seizure of power by telling our own stories and secret histories, and questioning and exposing those of authority and any who would enslave us and steal our souls, of elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, yes. But the stories and secrets of others who are our comrades in revolutionary struggle are not ours to tell, though we may amplify their voices and interrogate the imposed conditions of struggle with which we wrestle; so with all whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the marginalized and the oppressed, the silenced and the erased.

     As Samuel Beckett demonstrates in the Malone trilogy, the final irreducible and unique thing which makes us human is our Voice, and it must never be silenced, falsified, or stolen.

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/10916717-the-three-musketeers

     America dances with our addiction to power;

 Liberty and Fascist Tyranny, Hope and Fear

The terror of freedom and the ecstasy of submission

Hozier – Take Me to Church, Art-project Inspiration. Choreography and directed by Helga Geller

Sergei Polunin, ‘Take Me to Church’ by Hozier, Directed by David LaChapelle

Jerry LeClaire on the meaning of the trial

https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/#inbox/WhctKKXxBvcFVSqhpTLBwlRTVPkgKxQqpnMFfgsmzjxNXkNJfShSlzxLdQWkJGwfJGLJXkl

Heather Cox Richardson on the trial

https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/#inbox/WhctKKXxBvcDSwdcckBQxScbHdcHkTjlHZGvTkwXdJQqrJffwLtfLcfmBZdzSPGxVRMcRMv

History Is Not On Donald Trump’s Side  /CNN

https://www.cnn.com/2023/06/13/opinions/trump-arraigment-presidential-records-history-rao/index.html

Donald Trump indictment: a guide to everyone mentioned in the charges

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/jun/13/donald-trump-classified-documents-indictment-cast-of-characters-charges?CMP=share_btn_link

New indictment proves Trump is a triple threat to national security /MSN

There will be no civil war over Trump. Here’s why, by Robert Reich

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