March 14 2025 On This Night of the Worm Moon, Let Us Transcend the Flags of Our Skins In the Festival of Holi As Love and Transgression

     Joy explodes in puffs of colored powder and the exaltation of rainbow delights, masses of human bodies dance and writhe like a vast colony organism or the murmuration of birds ascending to the heavens, as the Festival of Holi unfolds across the Hindu diaspora in psychedelic surrealism and ecstatic trance.

     Herein a festival of love and ecstasy emerges from a more ancient one of spring and fertility, embedded in a historical psychodrama and mythic narrative of Krishna and Radha, who share the same blue skin through exaltation and the magic of his marking her with colored powder, a ritual of transformation enacted during this wild street party of colors cast upon the winds.

    In this wild and magic time, let us all be one color and many in our uniqueness, with no boundaries between us. Let us transcend the flags of our skins through love and transgression.

    Wary as I am of institutions of faith as enforcers of authorized truths, especially those which field armies, Krishna is just love without boundaries, and explicitly transgressive love as the gods are blind to whatever we do during this liminal amok time. In a society bound with laws still rooted in divisions of caste and hierarchies of virtue as karmic action, Holi is the free pass festival, wherein Nothing Is Forbidden.

    Let us embrace those truths written in our flesh and love which liberates us from the limits of our form.     

     As I wrote in my post of March 19 2022, On the Conjunction of the Hindu Festival of Triumph Over Evil Holi and the Islamic Festival of Atonement and Liberation From Sin Shab-e-Barat; Tonight a strange conjunction of the heavens unites Islamic and Hindu peoples, and in this we rejoice for it is a sign of hope for our common future.

   Shab-e-Barat, which means “night of innocence” though shab also means luck, and signposts the belief that on this night the Infinite decides the life, death, wealth, health, and future for the coming year of our lives, a liminal time of absolution and atonement, deliverance and salvation in the liberation from sin.

   Holi, a celebration of the triumph over evil through the sacrifice of oneself, and also a festival of the divine madness of love.

   Both are spring festivals; which begin as the first crocuses bloom here at Dollhouse Park, and the unfolding of the earth’s renewal begins again; soon tulips will follow, the cherry trees will blossom, and the rose gardens emerge from winter.

    This on the first day of the end of the mask mandate, with the stores full of people again; as the world’s first state Quarantine imposed by the Republic of Venice lasted from 1423 to 1797 when Napoleon conquered it, we have been lucky. But also as the world slides with glacial slowness and inevitability into a Third World War which will bring either the nuclear extinction of humankind or centuries of war and an Age of Tyrants in which all books now written, all music composed, all films created, all that our civilization has achieved and all that we have dreamed and done, all human meaning and value we now possess, will become ashes and be lost. 

    From this fate we have created and damned ourselves to I can see no possible escape; but none of us can contain all possibilities of becoming human, nor comprehend the Infinite. Here is my first principle of epistemology, the Conservation of Ignorance, a primary insight of my time as a graduate student historically developed from the thought experiment of the Spear of Archytus, who asked the question; “What happens to a spear when it is hurled across the outer boundary of the universe? Does the spear rebound, or vanish from this world?”, then by Nicholas of Cusa, and finally by Kurt Godel whose work is brilliantly interrogated in Rudy Rucker’s book Infinity and the Mind: The Science and Philosophy of the Infinite.

    And yet our calendrical reckoning of our place in the universe has aligned these two festivals of hope and renewal by happy chance, and reminds us that to live as a human being is to practice the art of the impossible.

     So to you all I say Shab-e-Barat Mubarak, and Holi ki shubhkamnayein; as a reminder to us all of the power of poetic vision in the reimagination and transformation of ourselves and of the redemptive power of love. As Jean Genet taught me during our Last Stand while we were about to be burned alive; “When there is no hope, we are free to do impossible things, glorious things.”

     Let us practice the art of the impossible, wherever we may be, as Living Autonomous Zones.

     As I wrote in my post of January 28 2022, I Sing of Madness, Vision, and Love: Lewis Carroll, on his birthday January 27, which I celebrate on the 28th because the 27th is also Holocaust Remembrance Day and the Liberation of Auschwitz, and the 26th is Australia’s Indigenous Mourning Day, and I need something wonderful to balance the darkness; I practice the art of believing “six impossible things before breakfast”; this is possibly a confession of faith, though if asked directly I normally quote either Keats; “I am certain of nothing but of the holiness of the Heart’s affections and the truth of Imagination—What the imagination seizes as Beauty must be truth—whether it existed before or not—for I have the same Idea of all our Passions as of Love they are all in their sublime, creative of essential Beauty”, or Rumi; “Let the beauty you love be what you do”, depending on who is asking, and in what language and nation.

    Without question and absolutely it is a declaration of allegiance to poetic vision and to poetic and metaphorical truth, as identity and the terms of struggle for its ownership; for after language itself the ideas by which we organize ourselves are our most fundamental ground of being.

     Are we not the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others? Always there remains the struggle between the masks we make for ourselves and those made for us by others; this is the first revolution in which we all must fight, the struggle for the ownership of ourselves.

     Poetic vision and truth allow us to escape the limits of our form and the flags of our skin; to create ourselves anew as a primary human act and the reimagination and transformation of our possibilities of becoming human.

    To Lewis Carroll, Surrealist and philosopher of poetic vision, we are indebted for his primary insight which reconciles the transcendent truth of Keats and Romantic Idealism as developments of the western mystery tradition from Plato with the immanent truths written in our flesh.

    His great book Alice in Wonderland, like Mozart’s Magic Flute, encodes this mystery tradition, for which his primary sources are Plato, the Biblical Book of John the Evangelist which forges a faith of the Logos, and Coleridge’s Primary Imagination; but he also attempted to write a Summa Theologiae which can unfold itself within the mind of its readers as transformation and transcendence.

     Dense with word games of the Italo Calvino-Georges Perec variety and mathematical-philosophical puzzles which are satirical metacommentary on the great thinkers of his time and which lampoon his fellow university professors, Alice in Wonderland is intended to transmit the whole of a classical education, but is also a Socratic dialog which questions the premises of our civilization. Few such total reimaginations have ever been attempted.

    I discovered Wonderland through the brilliant work of the mathematician Martin Gardner, which has been updated as The Annotated Alice: The Definitive Edition, when as a sophomore in high school I joined a reading group at the local university, carried along in the wake of my best friend, four years older than myself and a former Forensics student of my father, Doc (given name Brad) Hannink.

     This occurred during my teenage James Joyce-Ludwig Wittgenstein fandom and immersion in medieval magic, both related to a love of languages, logic, and math as hidden systems of meaning. These enthusiasms of my youth foundered before my senior year of high school on my failure to learn Kabbalah, the only thing I ever gave up on, as I discovered it is written not in Hebrew which I was attempting to teach myself but in a coded medieval scholar’s Aramaic and Andalusi Romance which preceded modern Spanish.

      But as a fifteen year old steeped in the iconography of Surrealist film and the esotericism of Finnegan’s Wake and the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, I loved that Alice always questioned authority and regarded her as an anarchist hero and a figure of Socrates, and this remains the primary meaning of the work for me. Alice enacts parrhesia, what Foucault called truth telling, and I saw in her someone I wished to become.

      As I wrote in my post of January 8 2022, Let Us Bring A Reckoning; Politics is the art of fear as the basis of exchange and the origin of authority and unequal power as systemic evil in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, as balanced with the desire to belong, but it is also about poetic vision as reimagination and transformation; to dream an impossible thing and make it real, as Washington did in crossing the Delaware to create America and as Alice teaches us when recounting the Six Impossible Things in her battle with the Jabberwocky.

      On the way to fight a dragon, and seeing it for the first terrible time, Alice remarks to the Mad Hatter in Tim Burton’s beautiful film; “That’s impossible.”

    To which the Hatter says, “Only if you believe it is.”

    “Sometimes, I believe in six impossible things before breakfast.”

     “That is an excellent practice, but just now, you really might want to focus on the Jabberwocky.”

     Just so.

      Here follows some things I have written for Mad Hatter Day, which I celebrate as a three day Orphic vision quest which begins the month of Halloween.

     As I wrote in my post of October 7 2021, Love as a Divine Madness: a Celebration of Mad Hatter Day;  We celebrate the beginning of the Halloween season, wherein we let our demons out to play, a time of masquerades, the performance of secret identities, violations of normality and transgressions of the boundaries of the Forbidden, reversals of order, the embrace of our monstrosity, of the reimagination and transformation of ourselves, and the pursuit of new truths through ecstatic trance and poetic vision, with our new national holiday of amok time, Mad Hatter Day.

     The Mad Hatter acts as a psychopomp or guide of the soul in Alice in Wonderland, and Alice is a Holy Fool like Parsifal, but he and Alice are also figures of a single whole person and the story one of hierosgamos or heavenly marriage; like Catherine and Heathcliff in Wuthering Heights, a myth into which Sylvia Plath and Ted Hughes cast themselves so disastrously.

     Jean Cocteau’s Beauty and the Beast interrogates this myth of idealizations of authorized masculinity and femininity as Freudian horror and Sadeian transgression. But it is also a primary myth of reimagination and transformation which signposts the inherent fluidity of identities of sex and gender.

     What does love do? Love sublimes us into a unitary being, erases our limits as individuals defined by our form and liberates us from the event horizon of our flesh.

     Love also reveals to us our true selves; a lover has the power to see the truth of others, and to reveal to others their true selves, and models thereby an ideal of human relationships. We choose partners who can help us become the person we want to be, and who embody qualities we wish to assimilate to ourselves; a healthy relationship returns to us and helps us discover our true and best selves. To love is to transform others by the power of our vision to see who they truly are and set them free.

     A lover is both a Pythian seer of truths who like Michelangelo can free us as images captive within the stone of our bodies and our material and social context, who in naming us like Adam naming the beasts defines our truth, and an inverted figure of Medusa, goddess and monster, a victim cursed for the crimes of her abuser like Hester Prynne in The Scarlet Letter, and whose power to turn men to stone appropriates the dehumanizing and objectifying power of the Male Gaze and transforms it into the power to see others true selves and release them to be free, and to mutually assimilate the qualities of the other and transform them both.

     Love is a divine madness which defiles and exalts, reveals truths and confers authenticity, and the redemptive power of love can make glorious and beautiful the flaws of our humanity and bring healing to the brokenness of the world and the pathology of our disconnectedness.

What is to be done? Alice Slays the Jabberwocky:

Jefferson Airplane – Go ask Alice

The Annotated Alice: The Definitive Edition

(Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland #1-2), by Lewis Carroll, Martin Gardner (Introduction and notes), John Tenniel (Illustrator)

Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland Decoded: The Full Text of Lewis Carroll’s Novel with its Many Hidden Meanings Revealed, by David Day

The Making of Lewis Carroll’s Alice and the Invention of Wonderland,

by Peter Hunt

           Sources of Holi festival myth and ritual

Gitagovinda of Jayadeva: Love Song of the Dark Lord, Jayadeva Goswami, Barbara Stoler Miller (Translator)

Krishna: The Beautiful Legend of God: Srimad Bhagavata Purana, Edwin F. Bryant  (contributor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/60421703-krishna

Bhakti Yoga: Tales and Teachings from the Bhagavata Purana, Edwin F. Bryant

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/31450741-bhakti-yoga

Krishna: A Sourcebook, Edwin F. Bryant

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/2557841.Krishna

Hymns Of The Atharva Veda, Maurice Bloomfield

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/4522359-hymns-of-the-atharva-veda

Hala’s Sattasai (Gatha Saptasati in Prakrit): Poems of Life and Love in Ancient India, Peter Khoroche, Herman Tieken

Kamasutra, Mallanaga Vātsyāyana, Wendy Doniger, Sudhir Kakar  (Translators)

https://goodreads.com/book/show/6457220.Kamasutra

Redeeming the Kamasutra, Wendy Doniger

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/27845372-redeeming-the-kamasutra

                    The Ramayana, a reading list

Arrow of the Blue-Skinned God, Jonah Blank

The Ramayana: A Modern Retelling of the Great Indian Epic, Vālmīki, Ramesh Menon

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/141153.The_Ramayana?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_57

The Ramayana: A Shortened Modern Prose Version of the Indian Epic, R.K. Narayan (Translator), Pankaj Mishra (Introduction)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/129876.The_Ramayana?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_65

March 14 2025 On Purim: What Do We Mean When We Use the Phrase; “Never Again!”

     On this holiday of Purim which began at sunset yesterday and ends with the fall of night today, the Jewish peoples of the world celebrate their salvation from genocide in 5th century Persia as written in the Book of Esther, and all of humankind may celebrate the triumph of love over hate, solidarity over division, and resistance over tyranny which it commemorates.

     As we are confronted in the news with images of terrible violence and crimes against humanity in two wars which challenge our world order; the Israeli invasion of Gaza which has made America complicit in genocide and calls into question the idea of human rights, and the Russian invasion of Ukraine, a war of total destruction unlike anything Europe has seen since the Second World War which echoes its atrocities and uses thermobaric weapons as mobile crematoriums against civilians, I think of these things today in terms of the historical legacies of resistance to tyranny, slavery, wars of imperial conquest and dominion, and genocide.  

      How shall we defend the peoples of Palestine and Ukraine from the horrific war crimes of Netanyahu’s theocratic fascism of blood, faith, and soil and from Putin’s mad imperial conquest, without ourselves becoming an empire?

     The seduction of power begins with fear, especially overwhelming and generalized fear given forms of Otherness by authority in service to power; to find safety and security in becoming the arbiter of virtue. This too we must resist.

     Moreover such strategies of force and control must always fail and come to ruin, for security is an illusion, and the use of social force creates its own resistance.

      Never Again! is a phrase I have used often as a reply to tyranny and fascism, both in my writing and to my comrades personally as a call to total resistance without limits, and herein I wish to interrogate its meaning and consequences.

      How can we use Never Again! as a principle of direct action which preserves and empowers the wellbeing and autonomy of others, without such action becoming a point of moral fracture, subversion of ideals, and the cascade failure of unequal power?

      For myself the history of its use is connected to a category of my Defining Moments which I call Last Stands, the stories of which I have told many times. These include only moments in which I chose solidarity and refusal to submit over personal survival; refusing to step aside from the child behind me when ordered to surrender by the police bounty hunters in Brazil 1974, when soldiers set fire to the house Jean Genet and I were in, surrounded and unarmed, in Beirut 1982 when he swore me to the Oath of the Resistance, a forlorn hope at the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale in Angola 1988 for the liberation from Apartheid, and numberless others beyond my accounting.

      Last Stands are choices of refusal to surrender our humanity and universal human rights, our duty of care and stewardship of one another, regardless of the consequences as lines we cannot cross without becoming something less than human.

    In the ongoing Gaza War and genocide of the Palestinians, this is also a refusal to abandon the cause of “freedom of faith for all humankind” as the legend on the monument of Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden’s 1631 victory at the Battle of Breitenfeld which secured this right declares, the principle of a nonsectarian state on which America is founded and of the inherent right of independence and sovereign self-determination of all peoples, and solidarity with all those whom Frantz Fanon called the Wretched of the Earth against  force and control, state terror and tyranny, war and imperial conquest.

      Among my personal role models in antifascism and revolution is the fictional character of Harry Tuttle played by Robert de Niro in the film Brazil, whose line “we’re all in this together,” echoes through forty some years of my life and adventures.

     Let me place this in context; Brazil was my first solo foreign travel experience, flying to Sao Paulo when I was fourteen, in the summer of 1974, to train with some fellow fencers for the Pan American Games which were planned to be held there, though later the venue was moved to Mexico. I had some newly learned conversational Portuguese, an invitation to stay at the home of a boy my age I knew from the fencing tournament circuit with whom I could discover the local mischief, and visions of beach parties.

     So it was that I entered a world of courtly manners and white-gloved servants, gracious and brilliant hosts who were local luminaries and threw a magnificent formal ball to introduce me, and a friend with whom I shared a mad passion for martial and equestrian sports, but also a world of high walls and armed guards.

     My first view beyond this illusion came with the sounds of rifle fire from the guards; when I looked from my balcony to see who was attacking the front gate I discovered the guards were firing into a crowd of beggars, mostly children, who had mobbed a truck carrying the weekly food supplies. That day I made my first secret excursion beyond the walls, from which I have never truly returned.

     What truths are hidden by the walls of our palaces, beyond which it is Forbidden to look? It is easy to believe the lies of authority when one is a member of the elite in whose interest they claim to wield power, and to fail to question one’s own motives and position of privilege. Terrifyingly easy to believe lies when we are the beneficiaries of hierarchies of exclusionary otherness, of wealth and power disparity and inequalities systemically manufactured and weaponized in service to power, and of white and patriarchal privilege, genocide, slavery, conquest, and imperialism. 

     Always pay attention to the man behind the curtain. For there is no just authority, and as Dorothy says in the Wizard of Oz, he’s “just an old humbug”, and his lies and illusions, force and control, serve no interests but his own.

     Being a naïve American boy, I felt it was my duty to report the incident; but at the police station I had difficulty making myself understood, not because of language but of implicit systems of oppression. They thought I was there to place a bet on my guard in an ongoing monthly contest for which police officer bagged the most street children; there was a chalkboard on the station wall for this, and a jar of tagged ears to prove the count. This was how the elites of Brazil had chosen to solve the problem of abandoned street children, fully ten per cent of the national population. Another betting game called “the Big One”, was for which policeman kicked the most pregnant girls in the stomach and ranked among the top ten causes of death in Brazil for teenage girls, invariably living within slum zones containing the most impoverished and most Black of citizens; this in a city founded by escaped African slaves as a free republic.

     I learned much in the weeks that followed; above all I learned who is responsible for these inequalities; we are, if we do not challenge and defy tyranny and unjust systems.

     During the nights of my adventures beyond the walls and actions to help the bands of child beggars and to obstruct the police bounty hunts I had a traumatic near death experience, similar to the mock executions of Maurice Blanchot by the Nazis in 1944 as written in The Instant of My Death and  of Fyodor Dostoevsky by the Czar’s secret police in 1849 as written in The Idiot; fleeing pursuit through a warren of tunnels with an injured child among others and trapped in the open by two police riflemen who took flanking positions and aimed at us while the leader called for surrender beyond the curve of a tunnel. I stood in front of a boy with a twisted leg who could not run while the others scattered and escaped or found hiding places, and refused to stand aside when ordered to do so. This was reflexive and a decision of instinct beneath the level of conscious thought or volition, where the truths of ourselves written in our flesh are forged and revealed. Asked to let someone die to save myself, I simply said no. When thought returned to me from this moment of panic or transcendence of myself, I asked how much to let us walk away, whereupon he ordered his men to fire. But there was only one shot instead of a demonstration of crossfire, and that a wide miss; he had time to ask “What?” before falling to the ground.

       And then our rescuers revealed themselves, having crept up on the police from behind; the Matadors, who might be described as vigilantes, a criminal gang, a revolutionary group, or all three, founded by Brazil’s notorious vigilante and criminal Pedro Rodrigues Filho, infamous for avenging his mother’s savage murder by killing his father and eating his heart, who had been arrested the previous year after a spectacular series of one hundred or more revenge killings of the most fiendish and monstrous of criminals, powerful men beyond the reach of the law or who were the law and who had perpetrated atrocities on women and children. Into this fearsome brotherhood I was welcomed, with the words; “You are one of us, come with us” and in the streets of Sao Paulo that summer I never again stood alone.

    “We can’t save everyone, but we can avenge”; so they described themselves to me, and this definition of solidarity as praxis or the action of values remains with me and shadows my use of the battle cry Never Again! As Shakespeare wrote in The Merchant of Venice, Act III, scene I; “If you wrong us, shall we not avenge?”

     From the moment I saw the guards of the aristocratic family with whom I was a guest firing on the crowd of homeless children and beggars swarming the food supply truck at the manor gate, naked and skeletal in starvation, scarred and crippled and misshapen with diseases unknown to any people for whom healthcare and basic nutrition are free and guaranteed preconditions of the universal right to life, desperate for a handful of food which could mean one more day of survival; in that moment I chose my side, and my people are the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased; all those whom Frantz Fanon called the Wretched of the Earth.   

    Second is the day when Jean Genet set me on my life’s path with the Oath of the Resistance in Beirut during the summer of 1982.

     Israeli soldiers had set fire to the houses on my street, and called for people to come out and surrender. They were blindfolding the children of those who did and using them as human shields.

     We had no other weapon than the empty bottle of champagne we had just finished with our breakfast of strawberry crepes; I asked “Any ideas?”, at which he shrugged and said “Fix bayonets?”

     And then he gave me a principle of action by which I have lived for forty two years now; “When there is no hope, one is free to do impossible things, glorious things.”

     He asked me if I was going to surrender, and I said no; he smiled and replied, “Nor will I.” And so he swore me to the Oath he devised in 1940 in Paris at the beginning of the Occupation for such friends as he could gather, reworded from the oath he had taken as a Legionnaire in 1929. He said it was the finest thing he ever stole; “We swear our loyalty to each other, to resist and yield not, and abandon not our fellows.”

     So it was that I became the bearer of a tradition now over eighty years old and forged in the most fearsome and terrible conflict the world has ever known, shortly before I expected to be burned alive in the second of many Last Stands.

     This was the moment of my forging, this decision to choose death over subjugation, and ever since being struck by it I have been a bell, ringing. And like the Liberty Bell, I am broken open to the suffering of others and the flaws of our humanity. This has been the greatest gift I have ever been given, this empathy borne of a sacred wound, and I shall never cease the call to liberty, nor hesitate to answer as I am able the call for solidarity with others.

     Of the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale, the largest battle ever fought in Africa, even more vast than El Alamein; this was where the system of Apartheid was broken. In a massive campaign involving over 300,000 Cuban volunteer soldiers between December 1987 and March 1988, in coordination with Angolan and other indigenous forces, international volunteers, and with Soviet aid and advisors, defeated the far larger and technologically superior South Africa and their UNITA and American allies and mercenaries in the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale, an Angolan military base which South Africa had failed to capture with five waves of assaults.

     While the spectacle of this grand final battle in a decades long liberation struggle was unfolding, I was making mischief behind enemy lines in the bush. Here I discovered a lost unit, mainly Zulu, which was encircled by Apartheid forces. After reporting what I knew of the area to the command group and a brief conference in several languages, an old fellow who had heretofore been silent stood up from the shadows of the tent, whose shirtless form displayed a fearsome and magnificent scar from a lion’s claws, and said; “We are surrounded and outnumbered with no ammunition and worse, no water, and no one is coming to help us. We must attack.”

    The sergeant smiled at this as if he had been given a marvelous gift, strode outside, and gave the order which if you are lucky you will never hear; “Fix bayonets!”

     And the men about to die erupted in song. “Usuthu! Umkhonto wami womile!” The first is a universal Zulu battle cry, which asks the spirits of ones ancestors to awake and bear witness to the glorious acts of heroism one is about to perform. “My spear is thirsty”, that last.

   And we were victorious, though the cost was terrible. No such costs are too great to bear compared to the costs of submission to slavery, commodification, falsification, and dehumanization; for in refusal to submit we become Unconquered and free, and this power of self-ownership as victory in the struggle for our humanity cannot be taken from us. As Max Stirner wrote; “Freedom cannot be granted; it must be seized.”

    Long ago I lost count of Last Stands; these have become truths written in my flesh, and I bear such marks without number. As doubtless will those who now stand with Palestine, Ukraine, or any people under threat of  genocide and annihilation.

     In all of this what matters is that in refusal to submit to authority and to force we become Unconquered and free; this is victory as a condition of being which cannot be taken from us, much like the heroic Ukrainian soldier guarding a desolate island who refused to surrender to a Russian warship with the words; “Russian warship, go fuck yourself.” Such a man cannot be conquered, and his immortal words speak for his whole nation.

     The secret of force, power, and authority is that these things are hollow and fragile, and fail when met with disobedience and the simple refusal to believe and to submit.

     How do we find the will to do these things, to claw our way out of the ruins and make yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory or even survival?

     The truth is we need nothing beyond ourselves and our moment of decision to do such things; no great universal principles, not even the negative space of a heroic figure to inhabit and perform before the stage of the world. All we need is this; that others who rely on us will die if we do not.

     This is what makes us human, and its something we must continue to affirm no matter what the cost.

     There may be one more thing that can help us in such moments of decision; if we remember who we are, and not how others imagine us.

     Are we not the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others?

      History, memory, identity; we are a prochronism, a history expressed in our form of how we have solved problems of adaptation across vast gulfs of time, like the shell of a fantastic sea creature.

     Always there remains the struggle between the masks that others make for us, and those we make for ourselves. This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the struggle for ownership of ourselves.

      We have begun to remember who we are, we Americans, after the long spell of falsification cast by Traitor Trump and his Fourth Reich propagandists; we have now called for a ceasefire in Gaza, after half a year of secretly arming Israel’s Gaza War at the orders of Genocide Joe. Europe too is reawakening as NATO coheres its resistance to the imperial conquest of Ukraine and to the threat of a Russian conquest of Europe. As yet America has done nothing to bring regime change to either outlaw nation, nor silenced the bombs, nor liberated Ukraine or Palestine, nor opened the Israeli blockade of humanitarian aid; but all of this remains possible, if we all help as we can.

     At moments of doubt such as this I read again Camus’ The Myth of Sisyphus, Hemingway’s The Old Man and the Sea, Henley’s Invictus, I.F. Stone’s The Trial of Socrates; myths, stories, poetry, and history of the grandeur of resistance which confers freedom.

      Here too, in a moment which parallels that of Spain in 1936 and Poland in 1939, we must say Never Again!

      As I defined the phrase in my post of March 6 2022, How if Vladimir Putin Should Be Assassinated? An Interrogation of the Origins of Evil and the Social Use of Force, and of the State as Embodied Psychopathy and Violence; “I cannot be complicit in silence with these crimes against humanity, to which as with fascism there can be but one reply: Never Again! A rallying cry complicated by its popularization in the title of founder of the Jewish Defense League Meir Kahane’s book “Never Again!: A Program for Survival, its origin is in Isaac Lambdan’s 1926 poem Masada; “Never shall Masada fall again”; it first appeared  in its current form on signs written by the prisoners of Buchenwald after its liberation.

     Elie Wiesel defines the phrase in his novel Hostage; “Never again” becomes more than a slogan: It’s a prayer, a promise, a vow. There will never again be hatred, people say. Never again jail and torture. Never again the suffering of innocent people, or the shooting of starving, frightened, terrified children. And never again the glorification of base, ugly, dark violence. It’s a prayer.”

    As written in the article The Persistence of Genocide at the Hoover Institution of Stanford University: “According to the great historian of the Holocaust, Raul Hilberg, the phrase “Never Again” first appeared on handmade signs put up by inmates at Buchenwald in April, 1945, shortly after the camp had been liberated by U.S. forces.”

     As written by Emily Burack in the Jerusalem Post; “After a gunman took the lives of 17 students and staff at their high school in Parkland, Florida, students there launched a national campaign to promote gun control. They called for a major protest in Washington, DC, on March 24, and are encouraging similar protests and student walkouts across the country.

     And they took a name for their campaign, #NeverAgain, that has long been linked to Holocaust commemoration.

     Parkland junior Cameron Kasky is credited with coining the hashtag. A Twitter account for the movement, NeverAgainMSD, is described as “For survivors of the Stoneman Douglas Shooting, by survivors of the Stoneman Douglas Shooting.”

     Some supporters of the students’ efforts are put off by their use of Never Again. Lily Herman, writing in Refinery29, said “it’s very uncomfortable to watch a term you’ve used to talk about your family and people’s own heritage and history be taken away overnight.”

     Malka Goldberg, a digital communications specialist in Maryland, tweeted, “When I saw they’re using #NeverAgain for the campaign it bothered me, b/c many Jews strongly [associate] that phrase w/ the Holocaust specifically. For a second it felt like cultural appropriation, but I doubt the kids knew this or did it intentionally.”

     Hasia Diner, a professor of American Jewish history at New York University, is unfazed by the students’ use of the phrase. While some may object to the phrase Never Again being reappropriated for gun control, it “does not mean that reaction is appropriate or reasonable,” she told JTA.

     While some have traced the phrase to the Hebrew poet Isaac Lambdan’s 1926 poem “Masada” (“Never shall Masada fall again!”), its current use is more directly tied to the aftermath of the Holocaust. The first usage of Never Again is murky, but most likely began in postwar Israel. The phrase was used in secular kibbutzim there in the late 1940s; it was used in a Swedish documentary on the Holocaust in 1961.

     But the phrase gained currency in English thanks in large part to Meir Kahane, the militant rabbi who popularized it in America when he created the Jewish Defense League in 1968 and used it as a title of a 1972 book-length manifesto. As the president of the American Jewish Committee, Sholom Comay, said after Kahane’s assassination in November 1990, “Despite our considerable differences, Meir Kahane must always be remembered for the slogan Never Again, which for so many became the battle cry of post-Holocaust Jewry.”

     For Kahane, Never Again was an implicitly violent call to arms and a rebuke of passivity and inactivity. The shame surrounding the alleged passivity of the Jews in the face of their destruction became a cornerstone of the JDL. As Kahane said, “the motto Never Again does not mean that ‘it’ [a holocaust] will never happen again. That would be nonsense. It means that if it happens again, it won’t happen in the same way. Last time, the Jews behaved like sheep.”

     Kahane used Never Again to justify acts of terror in the name of fighting antisemitism. In the anthem of the Jewish Defense League, members recited, “To our slaughtered brethren and lonely widows: Never again will our people’s blood be shed by water, Never again will such things be heard in Judea.”

     Later, however, Kahane’s violent call for action was adapted by American Jewish establishment groups and Holocaust commemoration institutions as a call for peace, tolerance and heeding the warning signs of genocide.

     These days, when the phrase is used to invoke the Holocaust, it can be either particular or universal. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu tends toward the particular when he uses it to speak about the need for a strong Jewish state in the wake of the Holocaust.

     “I promise, as head of the Jewish state, that never again will we allow the hand of evil to sever the life of our people and our state,” he said in a speech at the site of the former Auschwitz-Birkenau death camp marking International Holocaust Memorial Day in 2010.

     But Netanyahu has also used the phrase in its universal sense of preventing all genocides. After visiting a memorial to the victims of the Rwanda genocide in 2010, Netanyahu and his wife, Sara, wrote in the guestbook, “We are deeply moved by the memorial to the victims of one history’s greatest crimes — and reminded of the haunting similarities to the genocide of our own people. Never again.”

     Then-President Barack Obama also used the phrase in its universal sense in marking International Holocaust Remembrance Day in 2011. “We are reminded to remain ever-vigilant against the possibility of genocide, and to ensure that Never Again is not just a phrase but a principled cause,” he said in a statement. “And we resolve to stand up against prejudice, stereotyping, and violence – including the scourge of anti-Semitism – around the globe.”

     That’s similar to how the US Holocaust Memorial Museum uses the phrase. In choosing the name Never Again as the theme of its 2013 Days of Remembrance, its used the term as a call to study the genocide of the Jews in order to respond to the “warning signs” of genocides happening anywhere.

     And Elie Wiesel, the Holocaust survivor and author who came to be associated with the phrase, also used it in the universal sense. ”Never again’ becomes more than a slogan: It’s a prayer, a promise, a vow …  never again the glorification of base, ugly, dark violence,” the Nobel  laureate wrote in 2012.

     Never Again is a phrase that keeps on evolving. It was used in protests against the Muslim ban and in support of refugees, in remembrance of Japanese internment during World War II and recalling the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. And now the phrase is taking on yet another life: in the fight for gun control in America.

     Shaul Magid, a professor of Jewish studies at Indiana University who is presently a visiting scholar at the Center for Jewish History in New York, told JTA, “For [Kahane], Never Again was not ‘this will not happen again because we will have a country’ but ‘we Jews will never be complacent like we were during the war.’ That is, for Kahane, Never Again was a call to militancy as the only act of prevention. In Parkland it is a call for gun control. In a way, a call for anti-militancy.”

     So the dialectical forces of history have unfolded Never Again!  like an origami Moebius Loop toward Infinity, from the defense of victims as our duty of care for others to general principles of action. I am uncomfortable with such abstractions; for they begin again a recapitulation of the cycle of centralization of authority and the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force which makes genocides possible. Gott Mitt Uns; it is an ancient evil.

     As Voltaire has written; “Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities.”

     Let us send no armies to enforce virtue. To protect and defend others from harm, our universal human rights, and democracy as a free society of equals, yes. Resistance and solidarity in the struggle against tyranny and fascism, always, and by any means necessary.

     But we must never legitimize the use of social force because some of us are less human than others. No matter where you begin in authorizing identities, normalities, or the tyranny of imposed ideas of virtue, with elite hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness, with fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     And now I will ask the same questions as in the beginning of my dialog herein, but I will reverse the order of the questions.

     So, how can we use Never Again! as a principle of direct action which preserves and empowers the wellbeing and autonomy of others, without such action becoming a point of moral fracture and unequal power?

     How shall we defend the peoples of Palestine and Ukraine from the horrific war crimes of Israeli and Russian imperial conquest and genocide, without ourselves becoming an empire?

         As written by David Rieff in The Persistence of Genocide; “According to the great historian of the Holocaust, Raul Hilberg, the phrase “Never Again” first appeared on handmade signs put up by inmates at Buchenwald in April, 1945, shortly after the camp had been liberated by U.S. forces. “I think it was really the Communists who were behind it, but I am not sure,” Hilberg said in one of the last interviews he gave before his death in the summer of 2007. Since then, “Never Again” has become kind of shorthand for the remembrance of the Shoah. 

     At Buchenwald, the handmade signs were long ago replaced by a stone monument onto which the words are embossed in metal letters. And as a usage, it has come to seem like a final word not just on the murder of the Jews of Europe, but on any great crime against humanity that could not be prevented. “Never Again” has appeared on monuments and memorials from Paine, Chile, the town with proportionately more victims of the Pinochet dictatorship than any other place in the country, to the Genocide Museum in Kigali, Rwanda. The report of conadep, the Argentine truth commission set up in 1984 after the fall of the Galtieri dictatorship, was titled “Nunca Mas” — “Never Again” in Spanish. And there is now at least one online Holocaust memorial called “Never Again.”

     Since 1945, “never again” has meant, essentially, “Never again will Germans kill Jews in Europe in the 1940s.”

     There is nothing wrong with this. But there is also nothing all that right with it either. Bluntly put, an undeniable gulf exists between the frequency with which the phrase is used — above all on days of remembrance most commonly marking the Shoah, but now, increasingly, other great crimes against humanity — and the reality, which is that 65 years after the liberation of the Nazi concentration camps, “never again” has proved to be nothing more than a promise on which no state has ever been willing to deliver. When, last May, the writer Elie Wiesel, himself a former prisoner in Buchenwald, accompanied President Barack Obama and Chancellor Angela Merkel to the site of the camp, he said that he had always imagined that he would return some day and tell his father’s ghost that the world had learned from the Holocaust and that it had become a “sacred duty” for people everywhere to prevent it from recurring. But, Wiesel continued, had the world actually learned anything, “there would be no Cambodia, and no Rwanda and no Darfur and no Bosnia.”

     Wiesel was right: The world has learned very little. But this has not stopped it from pontificating much. The Obama administration’s National Security Strategy Paper, issued in May 2010, exemplifies this tendency. It asserts confidently that “The United States is committed to working with our allies, and to strengthening our own internal capabilities, in order to ensure that the United States and the international community are proactively engaged in a strategic effort to prevent mass atrocities and genocide.” And yet again, we are treated to the promise, “never again.” “In the event that prevention fails,” the report states, “the United States will work both multilaterally and bilaterally to mobilize diplomatic, humanitarian, financial, and — in certain instances — military means to prevent and respond to genocide and mass atrocities.”

     Of course, this is not strategy, but a promise that, decade in and decade out, has proved to be empty. For if one were to evaluate these commitments by the results they have produced so far, one would have to say that all this “proactive engagement” and “diplomatic, financial, and humanitarian mobilization” has not accomplished very much. No one should be surprised by this. The U.S. is fighting two wars and still coping (though it has fallen from the headlines) with the floods in Pakistan, whose effects will be felt for many years in a country where America’s security interests and humanitarian relief efforts are inseparable. At the same time, the crisis over Iran’s imminent acquisition of nuclear weapons capability is approaching its culmination. Add to this the fact that the American economy is in shambles, and you do not exactly have a recipe for engagement. The stark fact is that “never again” has never been a political priority for either the United States or the so-called international community (itself a self-flattering idea with no more reality than a unicorn). Nor, despite all the bluff talk about moral imperatives backed by international resolve, is there any evidence that it is becoming one.

     And yet, however at variance they are with both geopolitical and geoeconomic realities, the arguments exemplified by this document reflect the conventional wisdom of the great and the good in America across the “mainstream” (as one is obliged to say in this, the era of the tea parties) political spectrum. Even a fairly cursory online search will reveal that there are a vast number of papers, book-length studies, think tank reports, and United Nations documents proposing programs for preventing or at least halting genocides. For once, the metaphor “cottage industry” truly is appropriate. And what unites almost all of them is that they start from the premise that prevention is possible, if only the “international community” would live up to the commitments it made in the Genocide Convention of 1948, and in subsequent international covenants, treaties, and un declarations. If, the argument goes, the world’s great powers, first and foremost of course the United States, in collaboration with the UN system and with global civil society, would act decisively and in a timely way, we could actually enforce the moral standards supposedly agreed upon in the aftermath of the Holocaust. If they do not, of course, then “never again” will never mean much more than it has meant since 1945 — which, essentially, is “Never again will Germans kill Jews in Europe in the 1940s.”

     The report of the United States Institute for Peace’s task force on genocide, chaired by former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and former Secretary of Defense William Cohen, is among the best of these efforts. As the report makes clear, the task force undertook its work all too painfully aware of the gulf between the international consensus on the moral imperative of stopping genocide and the ineffectiveness to date of the actual responses. Indeed, the authors begin by stating plainly that 60 years after the United Nations adopted the Genocide Convention and twenty years after it was ratified by the U.S. Senate, “The world agrees that genocide is unacceptable and yet genocide and mass killings continue.” To find ways to match words and “stop allowing the unacceptable,” Albright and Cohen write with commendable candor, “is in fact one of most persistent puzzles of our times.”

     Whether or not one agrees with the task force about what can or cannot be done to change this, there can be no question that sorrow over the world’s collective failure to act in East Pakistan, or Cambodia, or Rwanda is the only honorable response imaginable. But the befuddlement the authors of the report confess to feeling is another matter entirely. Like most thinking influenced by the human rights movement, the task force seems imbued with the famous Kantian mot d’ordre: “Ought implies can.” But to put the matter bluntly, there is no historical basis to believe anything of the sort, and a great deal of evidence to suggest a diametrically opposing conclusion. Of course, history is not a straitjacket, and the authors of the report, again echoing much thinking within the human rights movement, particularly Michael Ignatieff’s work in the 1990s, do make the argument that since 1945 there has been what Ignatieff calls “A revolution of global concern” and they call a “revolution in conscience.” In fairness, if in fact they are basing their optimism on this chiliastic idea, then one better understands the degree to which the members of the task force came to believe that genocide, far from being “A Problem From Hell,” as Samantha Power titled her influential book on the subject, in reality is a problem if not easily solved then at least susceptible to solution — though, again, only if all the international actors, by whom the authors mean the great powers, the un system, countries in a region where there is a risk of a genocide occurring, and what they rather uncritically call civil society, make it a priority.

     Since it starts from this presupposition, it is hardly surprising that the report is upbeat about the prospects for finally reversing course. “Preventing genocide,” the authors insist, “is a goal that can be achieved with the right institutional structures, strategies, and partnerships — in short, with the right blueprint.” To accomplish this, the task force emphasizes the need for strengthening international cooperation both in terms of identifying places where there is a danger of a genocide being carried out and coordinated action to head it off or at least halt it. Four specific responses are recommended, one predominantly informational (early warning) and three operational (early prevention, preventive diplomacy, and, finally, military intervention when all else has failed). None of this is exactly new, and most of it is commonsensical from a conceptual standpoint. But one of the great strengths of the report, as befits the work of a task force chaired by two former cabinet secretaries, is this practical bent — that is to say, its emphasis on creating or strengthening institutional structures within the U.S. government and the un system and showing how such reforms will enable policymakers to respond effectively to genocide.

     However, this same presupposition leads the authors of the report to write as if there were little need for them to elaborate the political and ideological bases for the “can do” approach they recommend. Francis Fukuyama’s controversial theory of the “End of History” goes unmentioned, but there is more than a little of Fukuyama in their assumptions about a “final” international consensus having been established with regard to the norms that have come into force protecting populations from genocide or mass atrocity crimes. It is true that there is a body of such norms: the Genocide Convention, the un’s so-called Responsibility to Protect doctrine, adopted by the World Summit (with the strong support of the Bush administration) in 2005, and various international instruments limiting impunity, above all the Rome Statute that created the International Criminal Court. And, presumably, it is with these in mind that the report’s authors can assert so confidently that the focus in genocide prevention can now be on “implement[ing] and operationalizing the commitments [these instruments] contain.”

     It is here that doubt will begin to assail more skeptical readers. Almost since its inception, the human rights movement has been a movement of lawyers. And for lawyers, the establishment of black-letter international law is indeed the “end of the story” from a normative point of view — an internationalized version of stare decisis, but extended to the nth degree. On this account such a norm, once firmly established (which, activists readily admit, may take time; they are not naifs), can within a fairly short period thereafter be understood as an ineradicable and unchallengeable part of the basic user’s manual for international relations. This is what has allowed the human rights movement (and, at least with regard to the question of genocide, the members of the task force in the main seem to have been of a similar cast of mind) to hew to what is essentially a positivist progress narrative. However, the human rights movement’s certitude on the matter derives less from its historical experience than it does from its ideological presuppositions. In this sense, human rights truly is a secular religion, as its critics but even some of its supporters have long claimed.

     Of course, strategically (in both polemical and institutional terms) the genius of this approach is of a piece with liberalism generally, of which, in any case, “human rights-ism” is the offspring. Liberalism is the only modern ideology that will not admit it is an ideology. “We are just demanding that nations live up to the international covenants they have signed and the relevant national and international statutes,” the human rights activist replies indignantly when taxed with actually supporting, and, indeed, helping to midwife an ideological system. It may be tedious to have to point out in 2010 that law and morality are not the same thing, but, well, law and morality are not the same thing. The problem is that much of the task force report reads as if they were.

     An end to genocide: It is an attractive prospect, not to mention a morally unimpeachable goal in which Kantian moral absolutism meets American can do-ism, where the post-ideological methodologies (which are anything but post-ideological, of course) of international lawyers meet the American elite’s faith, which goes back at least to Woodrow Wilson if not much earlier in the history of the republic, that we really can right any wrong if only we commit ourselves sufficiently to doing so. Unfortunately, far too much is assumed (or stipulated, as the lawyers say) by the report’s authors. More dismayingly still, far too many of the concrete examples either of what could have been done but wasn’t are presented so simplistically as to make the solutions offered appear hollow, since the challenge as described bears little or no resemblance to the complexities that actually exist.

     The calls for an intervention in Darfur reached their height after the moral imperative for intervention had started to dissipate.

     Darfur is a good example of this. The report mentions Darfur frequently, both in the context of a nuts and bolts consideration of the strengths and weaknesses of various states and institutions such as the UN and the African Union, which have intervened, however unsatisfactorily, over the course of the crisis, and as an example of how the mobilization of civil society can influence policy. “In today’s age of electronic media communication,” the report states, “Americans are increasingly confronted in their living rooms — and even on their cell phones — with information about and images of death and destruction virtually anywhere they occur. . . . The Internet has proven to be a powerful tool for organizing broad-based responses to genocide and mass atrocities, as we have seen in response to the crisis in Darfur.”

     The problem is not so much that this statement is false but rather that it begs more questions than it answers, and, more tellingly still, that the report’s authors seem to have no idea of this. There is no question that the rise in 2005 and 2006 of a mass movement calling for an end to mass killing in Darfur (neither the United Nations nor the most important relief groups present on the ground in Darfur agree with the characterization of what took place there as a genocide) was an extraordinarily successful mobilization — perhaps the most successful since the anti-Apartheid movement of the 1970s and 1980s. Beginning with the activism of a small group of college students who in June 2004 had attended a Darfur Emergency Summit organized by the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum and addressed by Elie Wiesel, and shortly afterwards founded an organization called Save Darfur, the movement rapidly expanded and, at its height, included the U.S. Congressional Black Caucus, right-wing evangelicals, left-leaning campuses activists, mainline human rights activists, and American neoconservatives. But nowhere does the task force report examine whether the policy recommendations of this movement were wise, or, indeed, whether the effect that they had on the U.S. debate was positive or negative. Instead, the report proceeds as if any upsurge in grassroots interest and activism galvanized by catastrophes like Darfur is by definition a positive development.

     In reality, the task force’s assumption that any mass movement that supports “more assertive government action in response to genocide and mass atrocities” is to be encouraged is a strangely content-less claim. Surely, before welcoming the rise of a Save Darfur (or its very influential European cousin, sos Darfour), it is important to think clearly not just about what they are against but what they are for. And here, the example of Save Darfur is as much a cautionary tale as an inspiring one. The report somewhat shortchanges historical analysis, with what little history that does make it in painted with a disturbingly broad brush. Obviously, the task force was well aware of this, which I presume is why its report insists, unwisely in my view, that it was far more important to focus on the present and the future more than on the past. But understanding the history is not marginal, it is central. Put the case that one believes in military intervention in extremis to halt genocide. In that case, intervening in late- 2003 and early-2004, when the killing was at its height, would have been the right thing to do. But Save Darfur really only came into its own in late 2005, that is, well after the bulk of the killing had ended. In other words, the calls for an intervention reached their height after the moral imperative for such an intervention had started to dissipate. An analogy can be made with the human rights justification for the U.S. overthrow of Saddam Hussein. As Kenneth Roth, the head of Human Rights Watch, has pointed out, had this happened during Baghdad’s murderous Anfal campaign against the Kurds in 1988, there would have been a solid justification for military intervention, whether or not Human Rights Watch would have agreed with it. But to intervene fifteen years later because of the massacre was indefensible on human rights grounds (though, obviously, there were other rationales for the war that would not have been affected by such reasoning).

     If you want to be a prophet, you have to get it right. And if Save Darfur was wrong in its analysis of the facts relevant to their call for an international military intervention to stop genocide, either because there had in reality been no genocide (as, again, the un and many mainstream ngos on the ground insisted) or because the genocide had ended before they began to campaign for intervention, then Save Darfur’s activism can just as reasonably be described in negative terms as in the positive ones of the task force report. Yes, Save Darfur had (and has) good intentions and the attacks on them from de facto apologists for the government of Sudan like Mahmood Mamdani are not worth taking seriously. But good intentions should never be enough.

     In fairness, had the task force decided to provide the history of the Darfur, or Bosnia, or Rwanda, in all their frustrating complexity, they would have produced a report that, precisely because of all the nuance, the ambiguity, the need for “qualifiers,” doubtless would have been of less use to policymakers, whose professional orientation is of necessity toward actionable policies. But when what is being suggested is a readiness for U.S. soldiers (to be sure, preferably in a multilateral context) in extreme cases to kill and die to prevent genocide or mass atrocity crimes, then, to turn human rights Kantianism against them for a change, it is nuance that is the moral imperative. Again, good intentions alone will not do. Qui veut faire l’ange, fait la bete, Pascal said. Who wishes to act the angel, acts the beast.

     History, in all its unsentimentality, is almost always the best antidote to such simplicities. And yet, if anything, the task force’s report is a textbook case of ahistorical thinking and its perils. The authors emphasize that, “This task force is not a historical commission; its focus is on the future and on prevention.” The problem is that unless the past is looked at in detail, not just conjured up by way of illustrations of the West’s failures to intervene that the task force hopes to remedy, then what is being argued for, in effect, are, if necessary, endless wars of altruism. To put it charitably, in arguing for that, I do not think the authors have exactly established their claim to occupying the moral high ground. If they had spent half the time thinking about history in as serious a way as they did about how to construct the optimal bureaucratic architecture within the U.S. government, then what the task force finally produced would have been a document that was pathbreaking. Instead, they took the conventional route, and, in my view, will simply add their well-reasoned policy recommendations to the large number that came before and, indeed, as in the case of the recent initiative of the Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies on the so-called Will to Intervene, have already begun to come after.

      With the best will in the world, what is one to make of arguments made at the level of generalization of the following?

     Grievances over inequitable distribution of power and resources appear to be a fundamental motivating factor in the commission of mass violence against ethnic, sectarian, or political groups. That same inequality may also provide the means for atrocities to be committed. For example, control of a highly centralized state apparatus and the access to economic and military power that comes with it makes competition for power an all-or-nothing proposition and creates incentives to eliminate competitors. This dynamic was evident in Rwanda and Burundi and is serious cause for concern in Burma today.

The fact is that, vile as they are, there is actually very little likelihood of the butchers in Rangoon committing genocide — their crimes have other characteristics. It is disheartening that the members of the task force would allow the fact that they, like most sensible people, believe that Burma is one of the worst dictatorships in the world, to justify their distorting reality in this way, when they almost certainly know better. And since they do precisely that, it is hard not to at least entertain the suspicion — whose implications extend rather further than that and beg the question of what kind of world order follows from the task force’s recommendations — that consciously or (and this is worse, in a way) unconsciously they reasoned that if they could identify the Rangoon regime as genocidal, this would make an international intervention to overthrow it far more defensible. If this is right, then, if implemented, the report (again, intentionally or inadvertently) would have the effect of helping nudge us back toward a world where the prevention of genocide becomes a moral warrant for other policy agendas (as was surely the case with Saddam Hussein in 2003, and was the case with General Bashir in Khartoum until the arrival of the Obama administration).

     I write this in large measure because the task force’s description of why mass violence and genocide occur could be a description of practically the entire developing world. Analysis at that level of generalization is not just useless, it is actually a prophylactic against thought.

     It gets worse. The authors write:

     “It is equally important to focus on the motivations of specific leaders and the tools at their disposal. There is no genocidal destiny. Many countries with ethnic or religious discrimination, armed conflicts, autocratic governments, or crushing poverty have not experienced genocide while others have. The difference comes down to leadership. Mass atrocities are organized by powerful elites who believe they stand to gain from these crimes and who have the necessary resources at their disposal. The heinous crimes committed in Nazi-occupied Europe, Cambodia, and Rwanda, for example, were all perpetrated with significant planning, organization, and access to state resources, including weapons, budgets, detention facilities, and broadcast media.

     There are also key triggers that can tip a high-risk environment into crisis. These include unstable, unfair, or unduly postponed elections; high-profile assassinations; battlefield victories; and environmental conditions (for example, drought) that may cause an eruption of violence or heighten the perception of an existential threat to a government or armed group. Sometimes potential triggers are known well in advance and preparations can be made to address the risk of mass atrocities that may follow. Poorly planned elections in deeply divided societies are a commonly cited example, but deadlines for significant policy action, legal judgments, and anniversaries of highly traumatic and disputed historical events are also potential triggers that can be foreseen.”

     I tax the reader’s patience with such a long quotation to show how expertise can produce meaninglessness. For apart from the mention of poorly planned elections — a reference to Rwanda that is perfectly correct as far as it goes — the rest of this does not advance our understanding one iota. To remedy or at least alleviate these vast social stresses, the task force recommends “effective [sic] early prevention”! The authors themselves were obliged to admit that, “Such efforts to change underlying social, economic, or political conditions are difficult and require sustained investment of resources and attention.” Really, you think? But about where these resources, as opposed to institutional arrangements, are to come from, they are largely silent, apart from emphasizing the need to target with both threats and positive inducements leaders thought likely to choose to commit such crimes. But the authors know perfectly well that, as they themselves put it, “early engagement is a speculative venture,” and that “the watch list of countries ‘at risk’ can be long, due to the difficulty of anticipating specific crises in a world generally plagued by instability.” Surely, people like Secretary Albright and Secretary Cohen know better than anyone that such ventures are never going to be of much interest to senior policymakers, just as the global Marshall Plan that would be required to effectively address the underlying causes of genocidal wars is never going to be on offer.

    To a great power, and to the citizens of great power, powerlessness is simply an unconscionable destiny. The task force report, with its strange imperviousness to viewing historical tragedy as much more than an engineering problem, is a perfect illustration of this. Unsound historically, and hubristic morally, for all its good intentions, the task force report is not a blueprint for a better future but a mystification of the choices that actually confront us and between which we are going to have to choose if we are ever to prevent or halt even some genocides. My suspicion is that the reason that the very accomplished, distinguished people who participated in the task force did not feel obliged to face up to this is because the report gives as much weight to the national interest basis for preventing or halting genocide as it does to the moral imperative of doing so. As the report puts it:

    “ First, genocide fuels instability, usually in weak, undemocratic, and corrupt states. It is in these same types of states that we find terrorist recruitment and training, human trafficking, and civil strife, all of which have damaging spillover effects for the entire world.

     Second, genocide and mass atrocities have long-lasting consequences far beyond the states in which they occur. Refugee flows start in bordering countries but often spread. Humanitarian needs grow, often exceeding the capacities and resources of a generous world. The international community, including the United States, is called on to absorb and assist displaced people, provide relief efforts, and bear high economic costs. And the longer we wait to act, the more exorbitant the price tag. For example, in Bosnia, the United States has invested nearly $ 15 billion to support peacekeeping forces in the years since we belatedly intervened to stop mass atrocities.

     Third, America’s standing in the world — and our ability to lead — is eroded when we are perceived as bystanders to genocide. We cannot be viewed as a global leader and respected as an international partner if we cannot take steps to avoid one of the greatest scourges of humankind. No matter how one calculates U.S. interests, the reality of our world today is that national borders provide little sanctuary from international problems. Left unchecked, genocide will undermine American security.

     A core challenge for American leaders is to persuade others — in the U.S. government, across the United States, and around the world — that preventing genocide is more than just a humanitarian aspiration; it is a national and global imperative.”

     Again, apologies for quoting at such length. but truthfully, is one meant to take this seriously? There is absolutely no evidence that terrorist recruiting is more promising in failed states than, say, in suburban Connecticut where the (very middle-class) Faisal Shahzad, son of a retired Pakistani Air Force vice-marshal, plotted to explode a car bomb in Times Square. Nor, in the U.S. case is there any basis for concluding that the main source of immigration is from places traumatized by war. To the contrary, most of our immigrants are the best and the brightest (in the sense not of the most educated but most enterprising) of Mexico, the Philippines, India, and China. The proportion of migrants from Sudan or Somalia is small by comparison. As for the costs of peacekeeping, are the authors of the report serious? Fifteen billion dollars? The sum barely signifies in the rubric of the military budget of the United States. And lastly, the report’s claim that the U.S. won’t be viewed as a global leader and respected as an international partner if it doesn’t take the lead to stop genocide is absurd on its face. Not respected by whom, exactly? Hu Jintao in Beijing? Merkel in Berlin? President Felipe Calderon in Mexico City? To put it charitably, the claim conjures up visions of Pinocchio, rather than Theodore Roosevelt or Woodrow Wilson.

     The report calls for courage, but courage begins at home. Pressed by Armenian activists at one of the events held to launch the report as to why they had both earlier signed a letter urging the U.S. not to bow to Armenian pressure and formally recognize the Armenian genocide, Secretary Cohen and Secretary Albright refused over and over again to characterize the Armenian genocide as, well, a genocide. It is true that the Armenian activists had come looking for a confrontation. But there can be little question that both secretaries did everything they could to avoid committing themselves one way or the other. “Terrible things happened to the Armenians,” Secretary Albright said, refusing to go any further. The letter, she explained, had been primarily about “whether this was an appropriate time to raise the issue.” For his part, Secretary Cohen, emphasized that angering the Turks while the Iraq war was raging could lead to Turkish reactions that would “put our sons and daughters in jeopardy.” And, in any case, the task force was not “a historical commission.”

     This is a perfectly defensible position from the perspective of prudential realpolitik. The problem is that what the task force report constantly calls for is political courage. And whatever else they were, Secretaries Albright and Cohen’s responses were expedient, not courageous. There will always be reasons not to intervene — compelling pressures, I mean, not trivial ones. Why should a future U.S. government be less vulnerable to them than the Bush or Obama administrations? About this, as about so many other subjects, the task force report is as evasive as Secretary Albright and Secretary Cohen were at the press conference at which the Armenian activists confronted them. Doubtless, they had to be. For the solutions they propose are not real solutions, the history they touch on is not the actual history, and the world they describe is not the real world.”

Schindler’s List: What The Girl In The Red Coat Represents, Explained

https://screenrant.com/schindlers-list-girl-red-coat-meaning-explained/#When%20The%20Girl%20in%20The%20Red%20Coat%20Is%20Seen

Blood and Soil: A World History of Genocide and Extermination from Sparta to Darfur, Ben Kiernan

https://www.jpost.com/Diaspora/Never-Again-From-a-Holocaust-phrase-to-a-universal-phrase-544666

https://www.hoover.org/research/persistence-genocide

The Idiot, by Fyodor Dostoevsky

The Instant of My Death / Demeure: Fiction and Testimony, by Maurice Blanchot, Jacques Derrida

The Wretched of the Earth, by Frantz Fanon, Jean-Paul Sartre (Preface),

Never Again! A Program for Survival, by Meir Kahane

Hostage, by Elie Wiesel

The Myth of Sisyphus, by Albert Camus

The Old Man and the Sea, by Ernest Hemingway

The Trial of Socrates, by I.F. Stone

Invictus, by William Ernest Henley

The Painted Bird, by Jerzy Kosiński

The Origins of Totalitarianism, by Hannah Arendt

Robert De Niro as Harry Tuttle in Brazil

Hebrew

14 במרץ 2025 בפורים: למה אנחנו מתכוונים כשאנחנו משתמשים בביטוי; “לעולם לא שוב!”

      בחג פורים זה שמתחיל היום בשקיעה ומסתיים עם סתיו הלילה מחר, חוגגים עמי העולם את ישועתם מרצח העם בפרס המאה ה-5 כפי שכתוב במגילת אסתר, וכל האנושות עשויה לחגוג את הניצחון. של אהבה על שנאה, סולידריות על פילוג והתנגדות על עריצות שהיא מנציחה.

      כאשר אנו מתמודדים בחדשות עם תמונות של אלימות נוראה ופשעים נגד האנושות בשתי מלחמות המאתגרות את סדר העולם שלנו; הפלישה הישראלית לעזה שהפכה את אמריקה לשותפה ברצח עם ומעמידה בספק את רעיון זכויות האדם, והפלישה הרוסית לאוקראינה, מלחמת הרס מוחלט שלא דומה לשום דבר שאירופה ראתה מאז מלחמת העולם השנייה, המהדהדת את הזוועות והשימושים שלה. נשק תרמברי כמשרפות ניידות נגד אזרחים, אני חושב על הדברים האלה היום במונחים של המורשת ההיסטורית של התנגדות לעריצות, עבדות, מלחמות כיבוש ושליטה אימפריאלית ורצח עם.

       איך נגן על עמי פלסטין ואוקראינה מפני פשעי המלחמה הנוראיים של הפשיזם התיאוקרטי של נתניהו של הדם, האמונה והאדמה והכיבוש האימפריאלי המטורף של פוטין, מבלי שעצמנו נהיה אימפריה?

      פיתוי הכוח מתחיל בפחד, במיוחד פחד מוחץ ומוכלל הנתון בצורות של אחר על ידי סמכות בשירות לכוח; למצוא ביטחון ובטחון בהפיכתו לבורר המידות. גם לזה עלינו להתנגד.

      יתרה מכך, אסטרטגיות כאלה של כוח ושליטה חייבות תמיד להיכשל ולהתקלקל, שכן ביטחון הוא אשליה, והשימוש בכוח חברתי יוצר התנגדות משלו.

       לעולם לא שוב! הוא ביטוי שהשתמשתי בו לעתים קרובות כתשובה לעריצות ולפשיזם, הן בכתיבתי והן לחבריי באופן אישי, כקריאה להתנגדות מוחלטת ללא גבולות, ובזה אני מבקש לחקור את משמעותו והשלכותיו.

       איך נוכל להשתמש ב- Never Again! כעיקרון של פעולה ישירה המשמר ומעצים את הרווחה והאוטונומיה של אחרים, מבלי שפעולה כזו תהפוך לנקודת שבר מוסרית, חתרנות לאידיאלים וכישלון מפל של כוח לא שוויוני?

       עבורי, ההיסטוריה של השימוש בו קשורה לקטגוריה של הרגעים המגדירים שלי, שאני קורא להם עמודים אחרונים, שאת סיפוריהם סיפרתי פעמים רבות. אלה כוללים רק רגעים שבהם בחרתי בסולידריות ובסירוב להיכנע על פני הישרדות אישית; מסרב לזוז הצידה מהילד שמאחורי כשציידי הראשים של המשטרה קיבלו פקודה להיכנע בברזיל 1974, כאשר חיילים הציתו את הבית בו ז’אן ז’נה ואני היינו, מוקפים ולא חמושים, בביירות 1982 כשהשביע אותי בשבועה. של ההתנגדות, תקווה עזובה בקרב Cuito Cuanavale באנגולה 1988 לשחרור מהאפרטהייד, ועוד אינספור אחרים מעבר לחשבון שלי.

       עמדות אחרונות הן בחירות של סירוב לוותר על האנושות שלנו וזכויות האדם האוניברסליות שלנו, חובת הזהירות והניהול שלנו זה בזה, ללא קשר להשלכות כקווים שאנו לא יכולים לחצות מבלי להפוך למשהו פחות אנושי.

     במלחמת עזה המתמשכת ורצח העם של הפלסטינים, זהו גם סירוב לנטוש את מטרת “חופש האמונה לכל המין האנושי” כאגדה על האנדרטה של ניצחונו של גוסטבוס אדולפוס משבדיה ב-1631 בקרב ברייטנפלד, שהבטיחה זאת. הימין מצהיר, העיקרון של מדינה לא עדתית שעליה מושתתת אמריקה ושל הזכות הטבועה לעצמאות והגדרה עצמית ריבונית של כל העמים, וסולידריות עם כל אלה שפרנץ פאנון כינה עלובי כדור הארץ נגד כוח ושליטה, מדינה טרור ועריצות, מלחמה וכיבוש אימפריאלי.

       בין המודלים האישיים שלי לחיקוי באנטי-פשיזם ובמהפכה היא דמותו הבדיונית של הארי טאטל בגילומו של רוברט דה נירו בסרט ברזיל, שהשורה שלו “כולנו בזה ביחד”, מהדהדת לאורך ארבעים שנים מהחיים וההרפתקאות שלי.

      תן לי לשים את זה בהקשר; ברזיל הייתה חווית הסולו הראשונה שלי בנסיעות חוץ, טסתי לסאו פאולו כשהייתי בן ארבע עשרה, בקיץ 1974, כדי להתאמן עם כמה סייפים אחרים לקראת המשחקים הפאן אמריקאים שתוכננו להתקיים שם, אם כי מאוחר יותר הועבר המקום ל מקסיקו. הייתה לי קצת פורטוגזית שיחה חדשה שלמדתי, הזמנה להתארח בביתו של ילד בגילי שהכרתי ממעגל טורנירי הסייף שאיתו יכולתי לגלות את השובבות המקומית, וחזיונות של מסיבות חוף.

      אז נכנסתי לעולם של נימוסים חצרניים ומשרתים עם כפפות לבנות, מארחים אדיבים ומבריקים שהיו מאורות מקומיים וזרקו כדור פורמלי מפואר כדי להציג אותי, וחבר שאיתו חלקתי תשוקה מטורפת לספורט לחימה ולספורט סוסים. , אבל גם עולם של חומות גבוהות ושומרים חמושים.

      המבט הראשון שלי מעבר לאשליה זו הגיע עם קולות של ירי רובה מהשומרים; כשהסתכלתי מהמרפסת שלי לראות מי תוקף את החזית

בשער גיליתי שהשומרים יורים לתוך קהל של קבצנים, בעיקר ילדים, שהסתערו על משאית שהובילה את אספקת המזון השבועית. באותו יום עשיתי את הטיול הסודי הראשון שלי מעבר לחומות, שממנו מעולם לא חזרתי באמת.

      אילו אמיתות מסתתרות בחומות הארמונות שלנו, שמעבר להן אסור להביט? קל להאמין לשקרי הסמכות כשאדם חבר באליטה שבאינטרס שלה הם טוענים שהוא מחזיקים בכוח, ולא להטיל ספק במניעים ובעמדת הפריבילגיה של עצמו. קל להחריד להאמין בשקרים כאשר אנו הנהנים מהיררכיות של אחרות מוציאה מהכלל, מפערי עושר וכוח ואי-שוויון המיוצרים באופן מערכתי ומיוצרים נשק בשירות לשלטון, ומפריבילגיות לבנים ופטריארכליים, רצח עם, עבדות, כיבוש ואימפריאליזם.

      תמיד שימו לב לאיש שמאחורי הווילון. כי אין סמכות צודקת, וכפי שדורותי אומרת בקוסם מארץ עוץ, הוא “רק זקן זקן”, והשקרים והאשליות שלו, הכוח והשליטה שלו, אינם משרתים אינטרסים מלבד שלו.

      בהיותי נער אמריקאי נאיבי, הרגשתי שחובתי לדווח על התקרית; אבל בתחנת המשטרה התקשיתי להפוך את עצמי למובן, לא בגלל שפה אלא בגלל מערכות דיכוי מרומזות. הם חשבו שאני שם כדי להמר על המשמר שלי בתחרות חודשית מתמשכת שעבורה השוטר הכניס הכי הרבה ילדי רחוב; היה לוח גיר על קיר התחנה בשביל זה, וצנצנת עם אוזניים מתויגות כדי להוכיח את הספירה. כך בחרו האליטות של ברזיל לפתור את בעיית ילדי הרחוב הנטושים, עשרה אחוזים מהאוכלוסייה הלאומית. משחק הימורים נוסף שנקרא “הגדול”, היה בו השוטר בעט בבטן של הנערות ההריוניות ביותר ודורג בין עשרת גורמי המוות המובילים בברזיל עבור נערות מתבגרות, המתגוררות תמיד באזורי שכונות עוני המכילים את העניים והשחורים ביותר. אזרחים; זאת בעיר שהוקמה על ידי עבדים אפריקאים שנמלטו כרפובליקה חופשית.

      למדתי הרבה בשבועות שלאחר מכן; מעל הכל למדתי מי אחראי לאי השוויון הללו; אנחנו כן, אם לא נאתגר את העריצות ומערכות לא צודקות ומתריסות אותן.

      במהלך לילות הרפתקאותיי מעבר לחומות ופעולות כדי לעזור ללהקות הילדים הקבצנים ולחסום את ציד הראשים של המשטרה חוויתי חוויה טראומטית של כמעט מוות, בדומה להוצאות להורג המדומה של מוריס בלאנשו על ידי הנאצים ב-1944 כפי שנכתב ב” מיידי מותי ופיודור דוסטויבסקי על ידי המשטרה החשאית של הצאר ב-1849 כפי שנכתב ב”אידיוט”; נמלט מרדף דרך מערך מנהרות עם ילד פצוע בין היתר ונלכד בשטח הפתוח על ידי שני רובאי משטרה שתפסו עמדות אגפים וכיוונו אלינו בעוד המנהיג קרא להיכנע מעבר לעיקול של מנהרה. עמדתי מול נער עם רגל מעוותת שלא יכול היה לרוץ בזמן שהאחרים התפזרו ונמלטו או מצאו מקומות מסתור, וסירבתי לעמוד מהצד כשהצטוו לעשות זאת. זה היה רפלקסיבי והחלטה של אינסטינקט מתחת לרמה של מחשבה או רצון מודע, שבו האמיתות של עצמנו שנכתבו על בשרנו מזויפות ומתגלות. ביקשתי לתת למישהו למות כדי להציל את עצמי, פשוט אמרתי שלא. כשחזרה אלי המחשבה מרגע זה של בהלה או התעלות של עצמי, שאלתי כמה לתת לנו להתרחק, ואז הוא הורה לאנשיו לירות. אבל הייתה רק ירייה אחת במקום הפגנה של אש צולבת, והחטאה רחבה; היה לו זמן לשאול “מה?” לפני נפילה ארצה.

        ואז גילו את עצמם המצילים שלנו, לאחר שהתגנבו למשטרה מאחור; המטאדורים, שאפשר לתאר אותם כאנשי משמר, כנופיית פושע, קבוצה מהפכנית, או שלושתם, שהוקמה על ידי הכונן והפושע הידוע לשמצה של ברזיל פדרו רודריגס פילו, הידוע לשמצה בכך שנקם את הרצח הפראי של אמו על ידי הריגת אביו ואכילת ליבו, אשר נעצר בשנה הקודמת לאחר סדרה מרהיבה של מאה רציחות נקמה או יותר של הפושעים המטומטמים והמפלצתיים ביותר, גברים חזקים מעבר להישג ידם של החוק או שהיו החוק ושעשו זוועות בנשים וילדים. לתוך האחווה האימתנית הזו התקבלתי, עם המילים; “אתה אחד מאיתנו, בואי איתנו” וברחובות סאו פאולו באותו קיץ לא עמדתי שוב לבד.

     “אנחנו לא יכולים להציל את כולם, אבל אנחנו יכולים לנקום”; אז הם תיארו לי את עצמם, וההגדרה הזו של סולידריות כפרקסיס או פעולת ערכים נשארת איתי ומצללת את השימוש שלי בזעקת הקרב לעולם לא שוב! כפי שכתב שייקספיר ב”סוחר מוונציה”, מערכה שלישית, סצנה א’; “אם אתה טועה בנו, האם לא ננקום?”

      מהרגע שראיתי את השומרים של משפחת האצולה שאיתם התארחתי יורים על קהל הילדים חסרי הבית והקבצנים רוחשים את משאית אספקת המזון בשער האחוזה, עירומים ושלדיים ברעב, מצולקים ונכים ומשובשים במחלות לא ידועות. לכל אדם שעבורם שירותי בריאות ותזונה בסיסית א

מחדש תנאים מוקדמים חופשיים ומובטחים של הזכות האוניברסלית לחיים, נואשים לקומץ מזון שיכול להיות עוד יום אחד של הישרדות; באותו רגע בחרתי בצד שלי, ועמי הם חסרי הכוח והמנושלים, המושתקים והנמחקים; כל אלה שפרנץ פאנון כינה עלובי כדור הארץ.

     השני הוא היום שבו ז’אן ז’נה הוביל אותי למסלול חיי עם שבועת ההתנגדות בביירות בקיץ 1982.

      חיילים ישראלים הציתו את הבתים ברחוב שלי וקראו לאנשים לצאת ולהיכנע. הם כיסו את עיניהם של הילדים של אלה שעשו זאת והשתמשו בהם כמגן אנושי.

      לא היה לנו נשק אחר מלבד בקבוק השמפניה הריק שסיימנו זה עתה עם ארוחת הבוקר שלנו של קרפ תותים; שאלתי “יש רעיונות?”, והוא משך בכתפיו ואמר “לתקן כידונים?”

      ואז הוא נתן לי עקרון פעולה שלפיו אני חי כבר ארבעים ושתיים שנה; “כשאין תקווה, אדם חופשי לעשות דברים בלתי אפשריים, דברים מפוארים.”

      הוא שאל אותי אם אני מתכוון להיכנע, ואמרתי שלא; הוא חייך וענה, “גם אני לא.” וכך הוא השביע אותי לשבועה שהגה ב-1940 בפריז בתחילת הכיבוש עבור חברים שהוא יכול לאסוף, מנוסח מחדש מהשבועה שנשא כלגיונר ב-1918. הוא אמר שזה הדבר הטוב ביותר שהוא אי פעם. צָעִיף; “אנו נשבעים את נאמנותנו זה לזה, להתנגד ולא להיכנע, ולא לנטוש את חברינו.”

      אז הפכתי להיות נושאת מסורת בת למעלה משמונים שנה וחיצפתי בסכסוך המפחיד והנורא ביותר שידע העולם, זמן קצר לפני שציפיתי להישרף בחיים בדוכן האחרון מבין רבים.

      זה היה רגע הזיוף שלי, ההחלטה הזו לבחור במוות על פני כפיפות, ומאז שנפגעתי ממנו אני פעמון, מצלצל. וכמו פעמון החירות, אני פתוח לסבלם של אחרים ולפגמי האנושות שלנו. זו הייתה המתנה הגדולה ביותר שניתנה לי אי פעם, האמפתיה הזו שנושאת מפצע קדוש, ולעולם לא אפסיק את הקריאה לחירות, ולא אהסס לענות כפי שאני יכול לקריאה לסולידריות עם אחרים.

      מבין קרב Cuito Cuanavale, הקרב הגדול ביותר שנלחם אי פעם באפריקה, עצום אפילו יותר מאל עלמיין; זה היה המקום שבו נשברה שיטת האפרטהייד. במערכה ענקית שכללה למעלה מ-300,000 חיילים מתנדבים קובנים בין דצמבר 1987 למרץ 1988, בתיאום עם כוחות אנגולה וילידים אחרים, מתנדבים בינלאומיים, ועם סיוע ויועצים סובייטים, הביסו את דרום אפריקה הגדולה והעדיפה בהרבה מבחינה טכנולוגית ואת UNITA והאמריקאית שלהם. בעלי ברית ושכירי חרב בקרב Cuito Cuanavale, בסיס צבאי אנגולי שדרום אפריקה לא הצליחה לכבוש בחמישה גלי תקיפות.

      בעוד המחזה של הקרב האחרון הגדול הזה במאבק שחרור ארוך של עשרות שנים התגלגל, עשיתי שובבות מאחורי קווי האויב בשיח. כאן גיליתי יחידה אבודה, בעיקר זולו, שהוקפתה על ידי כוחות האפרטהייד. לאחר דיווח על מה שידעתי על האזור לקבוצת הפיקוד וכנס קצר במספר שפות, קם בחור זקן שעד כה שתק מצללי האוהל, שצורתו ללא חולצתו הראתה צלקת אימתנית ומרהיבה מציפורני אריה. , ואמר; “אנחנו מוקפים וחסרי מספרם בלי תחמושת וגרוע מכך, בלי מים, ואף אחד לא בא לעזור לנו. אנחנו חייבים לתקוף”.

     הסמל חייך על כך כאילו ניתנה לו מתנה נפלאה, פסע החוצה ונתן את הפקודה שאם יתמזל מזלך לעולם לא תשמע; “תקן כידונים!”

      והגברים שעומדים למות התפרצו בשירה. “אוסוטו! Umkhonto wami womile!” הראשון הוא קריאת קרב זולו אוניברסלית, המבקשת מרוחות אבותיו להתעורר ולהעיד על מעשי הגבורה המפוארים שעומדים לבצע. “החנית שלי צמאה”, זה האחרון.

    וניצחנו, למרות שהמחיר היה נורא. אין עלויות כאלה גדולות מכדי לשאת בהשוואה לעלויות הכניעה לעבדות, סחורה, זיוף ודה-הומניזציה; כי בסירוב להיכנע אנו הופכים לבלתי נכבשים וחופשיים, ואי אפשר לקחת מאיתנו את הכוח הזה של בעלות עצמית כניצחון במאבק על האנושיות שלנו. כפי שכתב מקס סטירנר; “לא ניתן להעניק חופש; יש לתפוס אותו.”

     מזמן איבדתי את ספירת היציעים האחרונים; אלה הפכו לאמיתות הכתובות על בשרי, ואני נושא סימנים כאלה ללא מספר. ללא ספק יהיו אלה שעומדים כעת לצד פלסטין, אוקראינה או כל עם שנמצא בסכנת השמדה.

      בכל זה מה שחשוב הוא שבסירוב להיכנע לסמכות ולכפות אנו הופכים לבלתי נכבשים וחופשיים; זהו ניצחון כתנאי הוויה שאי אפשר לקחת מאיתנו, בדומה לחייל האוקראיני הגיבור השומר על אי שומם שסירב להיכנע לספינת מלחמה רוסית במילים; “ספינת מלחמה רוסית, לך תזדיין.” אדם כזה אי אפשר לכבוש, ודבריו האלמותיים מדברים בעד כל האומה שלו.

      ט

סוד הכוח, הכוח והסמכות הוא שהדברים האלה חלולים ושבירים, ונכשלים כשהם נתקלים בחוסר ציות ובסירוב פשוט להאמין ולהיכנע.

      איך אנחנו מוצאים את הרצון לעשות את הדברים האלה, לצאת מהחורבות ולעשות עוד עמדה אחרונה, מעבר לתקווה לניצחון או אפילו הישרדות?

      האמת היא שאנחנו לא צריכים שום דבר מעבר לעצמנו ולרגע ההחלטה שלנו לעשות דברים כאלה; אין עקרונות אוניברסליים גדולים, אפילו לא המרחב השלילי של דמות גיבורה לאכלס ולהופיע לפני בימת העולם. כל מה שאנחנו צריכים זה זה; שאחרים שסומכים עלינו ימותו אם לא.

      זה מה שהופך אותנו לאנושיים, וזה משהו שאנחנו חייבים להמשיך לאשר לא משנה מה המחיר.

      יכול להיות שיש עוד דבר אחד שיכול לעזור לנו ברגעים כאלה של החלטה; אם נזכור מי אנחנו, ולא איך אחרים מדמיינים אותנו.

      האם אנחנו לא הסיפורים שאנו מספרים על עצמנו, לעצמנו ולאחרים?

       היסטוריה, זיכרון, זהות; אנחנו פרוכרוניזם, היסטוריה המתבטאת בצורתנו של האופן שבו פתרנו בעיות של הסתגלות על פני מפרצי זמן עצומים, כמו קונכייה של יצור ימי פנטסטי.

      תמיד נשאר המאבק בין המסכות שאחרים עושים לנו, לבין אלה שאנחנו עושים לעצמנו. זו המהפכה הראשונה שבה כולנו חייבים להילחם; המאבק לבעלות על עצמנו.

       התחלנו להיזכר מי אנחנו, אנחנו האמריקאים, אחרי התקף הארוך של הזיוף שהטילו הבוגד טראמפ ותעמולי הרייך הרביעי שלו; קראנו כעת להפסקת אש בעזה, לאחר חצי שנה של חימוש חשאי במלחמת עזה של ישראל בהוראת רצח העם ג’ו. גם אירופה מתעוררת מחדש כאשר נאט”ו מאחד את התנגדותה לכיבוש האימפריאלי של אוקראינה ולאיום של כיבוש אירופה הרוסי. עד כה אמריקה לא עשתה דבר כדי להביא שינוי משטר לאומה מחוץ לחוק, לא השתיקה את הפצצות, לא שחררה את אוקראינה או פלסטין, ולא פתחה את המצור הישראלי של סיוע הומניטרי; אבל כל זה נשאר אפשרי, אם כולנו נעזור ככל שנוכל.

      ברגעים של ספק כמו זה קראתי שוב את המיתוס של סיזיפוס של קאמי, את הזקן והים של המינגווי, את Invictus של הנלי, I.F. משפט סוקרטס של סטון; מיתוסים, סיפורים, שירה והיסטוריה של הוד של ההתנגדות המקנה חופש.        גם כאן, ברגע המקביל לזה של ספרד ב-1936 ופולין ב-1939, עלינו לומר לעולם לא

March 13 2025 Night of the Worm Moon and the Blood Moon

     On this night of the Worm Moon, sacred to serpents and dragons, for myself symbols of the wisdom of our darkness and of unknowns beyond all limits and all laws respectively, especially those of water as turbulent systems of primal chaos from which all things are born and arise, we rejoice and celebrate death and chaos in their positive forms as regeneration and metamorphosis, rebirth and transformation, as the Conqueror Worm liberates us from the limits of our form.

     During a sixty five minute window tonight a Blood Moon appears, fleeting herald of a new and liminal time of change and transformation, like a gate opening in the celestial spheres, letting angels through, or devils, and I welcome them both. For as Nelson Mandela once said we are not in a position to turn down help from anyone, and as the Ides of March resurface the battle cry of Sic Semper Tyrannis against the fall of the Old Republic to tyranny in the captured state of Vichy America as in Caesar’s Rome, and under the spell of an idiot madman, Nazi revivalist, and Russian agent whose criminal regime is all about the subversion of democracy and our enslavement to elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege and the theft of our souls through falsification, commodification, and dehumanization, this I say; if our angels will not help us, perhaps our devils will.

      Let us go not quietly, for all Resistance is War to the Knife, and those who respect no limits and no laws may hide behind none.

     As written by Friedrich Nietzsche in Thus Spake Zarathustra, Prologue, part 5; “I tell you: one must still have chaos within oneself, to give birth to a dancing star..” In the original; ”Ich sage euch: man muß noch Chaos in sich haben, um einen tanzenden Stern gebären zu können”.

     Of the destabilization and destruction of order, law, and authority as revolutionary struggle and seizures of power I have written often and will again, for the songs of liberty are sung throughout all of history and the world and among all humankind; herein I wish to say to my comrades now dying in such struggles without number or simply of being human and the limits of our flesh as an imposed condition of struggle, there is nothing to fear in being destroyed and recreated, for death is nothing but freedom from the limits of our form.

     As I said to my mother when I awakened in her arms at the age of nine from being cast out of my body by the force wave of a police grenade at Bloody Thursday 1969 in People’s Park Berkeley, and a moment of awareness beyond time wherein I contained myriads of possible futures, Most Sincerely Dead and then returned to the sidereal universe for reasons I can not understand; “Don’t be afraid. Death is nothing, nothing but awakening from an illusion.”

     So many echoes and reflections of that moment of illumination and Awakening under the light of the Worm Moon now fill my thoughts, seize and shake me with wonder and terror as Rudolph Otto described immersion in the Infinite, of stories which take form in us and unfold as motivating, informing, and shaping sources; Lewis Carroll’s Jabberwocky, Beowulf, and Poe’s The Conqueror Worm, which together form a manual of Rituals of the Worm.

     This is also the night of the Hindu fire festival of dancing and ecstatic trance  which precedes Holi, Holika Dahan which like the Festival of the Worm Moon celebrates transformation and rebirth, and curiously in India also the triumph of  good over evil in the cannibalistic eating of a wicked king by a hero were-lion, which resonates with the diasporic cult of the Rakshasa demons whose role as a warrior brotherhood is to punish transgression by the mighty beyond the reach of the law, a form of revolution as justice which I call bringing a Reckoning.  

     First among my intertexts and references here is Poe’s beautiful allegory of death as liberation from a fallen world of madness, sin, and horror.  Here human history is a theatrical performance for utterly alien and cruel tyrant gods whose designs for us must be resisted, a poem which founded the Absurdist-Surrealist universe within which H.P. Lovecraft lives, and the Worm a heroic liberator.

The Conqueror Worm

by Edgar Allan Poe

Lo! ’t is a gala night

   Within the lonesome latter years!  

An angel throng, bewinged, bedight

   In veils, and drowned in tears,  

Sit in a theatre, to see

   A play of hopes and fears,

While the orchestra breathes fitfully  

   The music of the spheres.

Mimes, in the form of God on high,  

   Mutter and mumble low,

And hither and thither fly—

   Mere puppets they, who come and go  

At bidding of vast formless things

   That shift the scenery to and fro,

Flapping from out their Condor wings

   Invisible Wo!

That motley drama—oh, be sure  

   It shall not be forgot!

With its Phantom chased for evermore  

   By a crowd that seize it not,

Through a circle that ever returneth in  

   To the self-same spot,

And much of Madness, and more of Sin,  

   And Horror the soul of the plot.

But see, amid the mimic rout,

   A crawling shape intrude!

A blood-red thing that writhes from out  

   The scenic solitude!

It writhes!—it writhes!—with mortal pangs  

The mimes become its food,

And seraphs sob at vermin fangs

   In human gore imbued.

Out—out are the lights—out all!  

   And, over each quivering form,

The curtain, a funeral pall,

   Comes down with the rush of a storm,   

While the angels, all pallid and wan,  

   Uprising, unveiling, affirm

That the play is the tragedy, “Man,”  

   And its hero, the Conqueror Worm.

    Here is the Project Gutenberg archive of Beowulf. As Jean Genet said to me in a burning house, in a lost cause, in a Last Stand beyond hope of victory or survival; “When there is no hope, one may do impossible things, glorious things.”   

https://www.gutenberg.org/files/16328/16328-h/16328-h.htm

    And last of three parts of this liturgical assemblage of texts, is Carroll’s glorious Jabberwocky, in which the hero takes the place of the Conqueror Worm as a liberator in a battle with his shadow as a dragon which must be embraced and subsumed, completing the exchange of qualities and transpositions of symbols and metaphors which occur throughout Beowulf as a manual of shapechanging magic.

Jabberwocky

by Lewis Carroll

’Twas brillig, and the slithy toves

      Did gyre and gimble in the wabe:

All mimsy were the borogoves,

      And the mome raths outgrabe.

“Beware the Jabberwock, my son!

      The jaws that bite, the claws that catch!

Beware the Jubjub bird, and shun

      The frumious Bandersnatch!”

He took his vorpal sword in hand;

      Long time the manxome foe he sought—

So rested he by the Tumtum tree

      And stood awhile in thought.

And, as in uffish thought he stood,

      The Jabberwock, with eyes of flame,

Came whiffling through the tulgey wood,

      And burbled as it came!

One, two! One, two! And through and through

      The vorpal blade went snicker-snack!

He left it dead, and with its head

      He went galumphing back.

“And hast thou slain the Jabberwock?

      Come to my arms, my beamish boy!

O frabjous day! Callooh! Callay!”

      He chortled in his joy.

’Twas brillig, and the slithy toves

      Did gyre and gimble in the wabe:

All mimsy were the borogoves,

      And the mome raths outgrabe.

     On the reverse face of this time of spring and rebirth with its many rituals from the vernal equinox to the Worm Moon to Easter, I have written in my post of June 1 2021, Death is a Secret Twin; Death is a secret twin which shares our face but not our dreams which lift and exalt us beyond the limits of our flesh, so Death must steal the echoes and reflections of ours, a thing of shadows filled with secret histories, unspoken truths, unsworn oaths, thousands of myriads of loyalties to private loves and desires betrayed by our failures to make them live and become real by action.     

     Death is the terror of all that we may have been but did not become, the loss of our disconnectedness and the emptiness of meaning in a world where love cannot redeem us, the grief for beauty which loses context when it is no longer shared and is lost with the fragments of memories which like the genie of perfume escape their bottle to trigger moments out of time and then evanesce like the ghost of a beloved hand which no longer grasps ours back. 

     We are tattered and broken things, our secret shadows and ourselves, who live in the incandescent now with these repositories of our beautiful dreams and our terrible nightmares, bearing them on into eternity; for this is the great secret of being, that our best selves are formed of all we would deny and keep hidden, and which live beyond us as figures of our glorious sins.  

     Death is an ambush predator made of our histories, memories, and identities, which must steal these things to become real in the moment of our awakening into its realm of beautiful and terrible dreams, a realm of true being beyond the illusions of our lives which bears names including the Bardo in Tibetan Buddhism and the alam al mythal in Islam, called by Coleridge the Primary Imagination, the Logos in neo-Platonic philosophy and the Gospel of John, and by Jung the Collective Unconscious, and waits to seize us unawares and carry us off to eternity while it replaces us like a faery changeling with the image of our unrealized hopes and unexpressed desires.

     Death is a unique and personal demon created by our denial of ourselves, such denial acting as a parasite which destroys its host and operates through a process of falsification like the distorted and captured images in a wilderness of funhouse mirrors, but it can become instead a symbiote, a terrible and monstrous guardian spirit and a guide of the soul which speaks from within our greatest darkness with Forbidden wisdom, like a remora borne by a shark on its journeys through chasms of the unknown not as its nemesis and conqueror but as a servant which grooms from us that which we must cast down from the thrones of our hearts; we humans and our silent and unseen partners the angels of our deaths whom we must wrestle not for victory, for everything in life is more powerful than we are, but to become Unconquered in resistance and free.

     Thus may we bear without breaking the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world, become greater and more real and alive than we were born, transcend the limits of our form, and become sublimed as figures of our truths in Sartrean total freedom and authenticity as an art of life, for all true art defiles and exalts.

     Here is a faith which asks us to renounce nothing and embrace our true selves, to reimagine and transform ourselves; and offers a path of working with grief process and death transcendence not of control of our passions and dominion of nature, but as seizure of power and autonomy, of the embrace and celebration of our wildness as beings of nature and of those truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh. 

    Let us embrace our monstrosity and say of this secret twin who knows no limits and is free as Prospero says of Caliban in Act V, Scene 1 of William Shakespeare ’s The Tempest; “This thing of darkness I acknowledge mine.”

    How shall we answer death and the terror of our nothingness? Let us challenge and defy such death, and while it waits to claim us with its cold hand of entropy and unraveled time we must seize and shake our shadow and secret twin of longing to become, transgress the boundaries of the Forbidden and perform our best selves, our hopes and our desires, as a guerilla theatre of identities upon the stage of the world in fearless grandeur, and let nothing be lost or remain untested among the limitless possibilities of becoming human.

     Let us answer death as Bringers of Chaos and Transformation, and make of our world and humankind a thing of beautiful, terrible truths written in our flesh, and of our dreams and nightmares a brave new world.

     As I wrote in reflection on my mother’s death, now years ago; Who then shall we become? Asks our self of surfaces, images, and masks which each moment negotiates our boundaries with others. 

     To which our secret self, the self of darkness and of passion, the self that lives beyond the mirror and knows no limits, unbound by time and space and infinite in possibilities, replies; Who do you want to become?

    As wrote in my post of May 28 2023, The True and False Crows: a Fable; A crow confronts his image in a pool of water, and as Nietzsche warned the darkness looks back. Of this I have written a paragraph on the Nietzschean idea of the Abyss, and of tragedy as failure to embrace our monstrosity and those truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh; the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves.

      As Nietzsche’s warning in Beyond Good and Evil goes; “He who fights monsters should be careful lest he thereby become a monster. And if thou gaze long into an abyss, the abyss gazes back into thee.”

      It is also an origin of evil as the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force; written in the tyrannies and systems of unequal power which hold humankind in their iron grip of force and control as Kristevan abjection and learned helplessness, and the ecological catastrophe which threatens our species extinction as disconnection from nature, control of nature as capitalist exploitation of resources and theft of the commons, carceral states of force and control as embodied violence, and our falsification, commodification, and dehumanization through the Wilderness of Mirrors.

     All of this requires the renouncement of love, as Wagner’s figure of tyranny Alberich the Dwarf must do to seize the Ring of power and dominion, a story more familiar to us as Tolkien’s retelling of the Nibelungenlied in his trilogy of novels which recast World War Two as an allegory of the abandonment of addiction to power. This has a corollary; the redemptive power of love, like the power of poetic vision to reimagine and transform ourselves, can free us from the Ring of Power and bring healing to the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     As written by Jean Genet in Miracle of the Rose; “A man must dream a long time in order to act with grandeur, and dreaming is nursed in darkness.”

     Here follows the paragraph of my thoughts on seeing this image, which if considered as a poem I now think of as the True and False Crows: a fable.

     Who is this imposter? If he is me, where now am I? Avaunt, my nemesis, for I shall pursue retribution for this theft of myself beyond all wrath now remembered, through death and hell and the terrors of our nightmares. Come and let us grapple for the truth of ourselves in this place where angels fear, and end not in silence but in exaltation and fire, with roars of defiance hurled against the chasms of our nothingness, supernal and magnificent as the Morningstar, and illuminate for all humankind the path of escape from this prison of illusions and lies. 

     To this my sister replied, Such poetry!

    This is as direct as I can be, o my sister. Should I merit some kind of monument one day, an absurd fantasy as I mean nothing to history and will vanish from the world without a trace, and nothing to anyone beyond yourself as the remnants of family, Dolly as my partner, and those few friends and allies who know my true identity, inscribe this therein.

     I have tried to salvage something of our humanity and to become a fulcrum and change the balance of power in the world these past forty years since I was sworn to the oath of the Resistance by Jean Genet, and often failed, but this is not what is important.

     What is important is to refuse to submit.

     And one thing more; to act with solidarity in revolutionary struggle. As the Oath of the Resistance created in Paris 1940 by Jean Genet from the oath of the Foreign Legion in which he once served, and given to me in Beirut 1982 in a burning house, in a lost cause, in a Last Stand beyond hope of victory or survival, and which I offer to all of you as a tradition to bear forward into the future; “We swear ourselves to each other, to resist and cease not, and abandon not our fellows.”

     In this my chosen life mission I have held true, for if each and every one of us stands in solidarity with others regardless of how different they may be from ourselves, we will become liberators and guarantors of each other’s uniqueness, and in refusal to submit will be victorious and free.

     He said it was the finest thing he ever stole, the Oath of the Resistance, but I often think of this in terms of a definition of the beauty of human beings; to become Unconquered and free as self created beings in refusal to submit to authority and its instruments of violence, force and control, and the repression of dissent, to refuse our dehumanization and the theft of our souls and autonomy and to do all of this in solidarity and absolute loyalty to each other. 

    As he once said to me; “Is this not the beauty of men, to resist and never yield, to cede nothing to the enemy, not love nor hope, not our history nor the chance for a future of our own choosing, neither our monstrosity nor our grandeur, nothing of our humanity nor of any human being whose life is in our power to harm or help, to live beyond all limits and all laws and to risk everything to do this for each other?”

    I dream of a future something like the future envisioned by Gene Roddenberry in Star Trek. Infinite Diversity in Infinite Combinations; the idea first put forth in the episode Is There In Truth No Beauty?, described in the first issue of the fanzine Inside Star Trek as; “that beauty, growth, progress — all result from the union of the unlike. Concord, as much as discord, requires the presence of at least two different notes. The brotherhood of man is an ideal based on learning to delight in our essential differences, as well as learning to recognize our similarities.” As stated in the episode The Savage Curtain; “I am pleased to see that we have differences. May we together become greater than the sum of both of us.”

     Liberty as freedom from authorized identities and truths, and equality and its corollary solidarity; these are the personal and social preconditions of democracy as a free society of equals.

    With all of the horrors I have witnessed in a life lived in the unknown spaces of our maps of becoming human marked Here Be Dragons, beyond the limits of the human and the boundaries of the Forbidden, through wars and revolutions  as a maker of mischief for tyrants and a monster who hunts other monsters for the chance to salvage something of our humanity, though in this I often fail as I did last spring in Mariupol and in the year of the fall of Afghanistan, regardless of the brokenness of the world and the flaws of our humanity, something in us refuses to submit to the abjection and learned helplessness of authoritarian systems and reaches toward exaltation and freedom. Whether such hope is a gift or a curse remains for each of us to discover in how we live our lives.

     In this I speak to you of truths which are immanent in nature and written in our flesh; we must embrace our darkness and claim our truths, and celebrate what Walt Whitman called the songs of ourselves as victorious seizures of power, freedom, and joy.

     Love and desire are innate capacities of reimagination and transformative rebirth, which like Dorothy’s magic ruby slippers cannot be taken from us and bear the power to send us home to our heart’s desire, to restore to us the self  which is truly ours.

      My flesh is a map of private holocausts, written with silent screams, nameless loves, causes lost and won, ephemeral signs of our secret histories and the lies and illusions which capture and distort our images in a wilderness of mirrors and the pathologies of our falsification and disconnectedness.

     We have but one escape from the limits of our flesh and the flags of our skin; and this is love. In love we transcend ourselves and become exalted; through the redemptive power of love we may heal the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     Love is crucial both to poetic vision and as solidarity in action as processes of self-construal and becoming human; Siegfried walks through the fire and becomes human. There’s a good retelling of it in Buffy the Vampire Slayer’s musical episode, Once More With Feeling; plus it contains a marvelous re-enactment of the myth of Persephone.

     Let us always take the risks of our humanity, and place our lives in the balance with all those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased.

     In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.

     My friends, please feel free to perform and enact this spell with me; A Hymn to Chaos and Transgression:

     I invoke Chaos, freedom, and the limitless possibilities of becoming human against Order, Authority, and the boundaries of the Forbidden.

    I perform acts of transgression by which to break the chains of law and illusion woven by those who would enslave us, to seize our power and our autonomy from hierarchies of elite wealth, power, and privilege, from authorized identities and divisions of exclusionary otherness, to create myself in the image of my own imagination and no other, and to shape human being, meaning, and value to the forms of my desires.

     In this time of the turning of the tides I refuse and resist subjugation by force and control, I become Unconquered and free, I run amok and am ungovernable, and to Authority I reply with the Four Sacred Acts in pursuit of Liberty and Truth; Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority.

     By these invocations of Chaos and Transgression (Herein be free to make wishes, and to consecrate acts of defiance of tyranny, disruptions and subversions of good order and discipline, violations of normality, seizures of power, and celebrations of autonomy and living beyond all limits in the glorious embrace of our monstrosity, of the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves) I curse all fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, patriarchy, state terror and tyranny, elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, and inequalities of power.

     On this night of the renewal of the world in which the old order is consumed in fire and the spirit world moves among us and is unified with our own in its reimagination and transformation, I name to my brothers and sisters of Chaos these enemies of humankind as rightful prey; first, upon all tyrants and their forces of repression of dissent and enforcement of the Law, for order appropriates, law serves power, and there is no just authority; second upon Donald Trump (herein please feel free to name tyrants whom you oppose and seek to cast down from their thrones; mine include Vladimir Putin, Benjamin Netanyahu, and many others) and all who serve and support him and the cause of fascism, and all those who in voting for him in the Presidential election of November 3 2020 have signed the confession of their treason and allegiance to white supremacist terror, theocratic- patriarchal sexual terror,  and to the tyranny and terror of a police state.

     So upon Trump, his puppetmaster Vladimir Putin, and all who claim him as their own do I place my curse and invoke ruin upon their fortunes and their lives and destruction upon their cause. May they be forgotten and become nothing.

     This I balance with equal blessing, protection, and good luck upon the lives, fortunes, and causes of liberty and equality upon all who are powerless and dispossessed, marginalized by exclusionary otherness, falsified, commodified, dehumanized, silenced and erased, and those who place their lives in the balance with them in solidarity as champions and bearers of the Torch of Liberty and a free society of equals.

     Tonight our wildness will eat the moon and set it free.

                Final Thoughts

    Bury me at sea, for I belong to no nation but to the world

Send me out in flames, for this is how I have lived

Not silent but incandescent in the night

An agent of change and illumination, like fire itself    

A Crow Confronts His Image

The hatter recites the jabberwocky poem

Walk Through the Fire, song from Buffy the Vampire Slayer, episode Once More With Feeling

Worms | The Atlantic Religion

https://atlanticreligion.com/tag/worms/

From dragons to dreaming serpents: tracing the cultural history of the monstrous Lambton Worm

https://theconversation.com/from-dragons-to-dreaming-serpents-tracing-the-cultural-history-of-the-monstrous-lambton-worm-100015

Ring of Power: Symbols and Themes Love Vs. Power in Wagner’s Ring Circle and in Us: A Jungian-Feminist Perspective, Jean Shinoda Bolen

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/451808.Ring_of_Power?ref=nav_sb_ss_2_13

Siegfried & The Twilight of the Gods, Richard Wagner, Arthur Rackham (Illustrator)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/12448164-siegfried-the-twilight-of-the-gods

Miracle of the Rose, Jean Genet

Thus Spake Zarathustra A book for all and none, Friedrich Nietzsche

Beyond Good and Evil, Friedrich Nietzsche

The Tempest, William Shakespeare

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/12985.The_Tempest?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_11

Julius Caesar, William Shakespeare

     As we are now in the American Late Republic Period, some studies of the Late Republican Period of Rome:

Rome and America: The Great Republics: What the Fall of the Roman Republic Portends for the United States, Walter Signorelli

Perils of Empire: The Roman Republic and the American Republic, by Monte L. Pearson

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/5957189-perils-of-empire

The Storm Before the Storm: The Beginning of the End of the Roman Republic, by Mike Duncan

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/34184069-the-storm-before-the-storm

Rubicon: The Last Years of the Roman Republic, by Tom Holland

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/91017.Rubicon

Rome’s Last Citizen: The Life and Legacy of Cato, Mortal Enemy of Caesar, by Rob Goodman

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/13538752-rome-s-last-citizen

Cicero: The Life and Times of Rome’s Greatest Politician, by Anthony Everitt

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/84593.Cicero

Caesar Versus Pompey: Determining Rome’s Greatest General, Statesman & Nation-Builder, Stephen Dando-Collins

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/188541745-caesar-versus-pompey?ref=rae_1

Caesar: Life of a Colossus, by Adrian Goldsworthy

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/60432.Caesar

The Death of Caesar: The Story of History’s Most Famous Assassination,

Barry S. Strauss

The War That Made the Roman Empire: Antony, Cleopatra, and Octavian at Actium, Barry S. Strauss

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/55711554-the-war-that-made-the-roman-empire?ref=rae_0

The Roman Republic in Political Thought, Fergus Millarhttps://www.goodreads.com/book/show/2265411.The_Roman_Republic_in_Political_Thought?from_search=true&from_srp=true&qid=Jk1nHO9enB&rank=62

March 12 2025 The Idea of America As a Symbol of the Absurd: Edward Albee, On His Birthday   

     Here I began, at the door to the Absurd, and I look back now from the other side, after a lifetime of strangeness, among the freaks and monsters myself; America was always an illusion, a figment of lies, distorted shapes in the funhouse of our Wilderness of Mirrors, echoes and reflections which capture, possess, and falsify, but which also reveal truths and extend us into the Infinite among chasms of darkness.

     Among my Defining Moments are those I categorize as By Encounters with Possible Selves As Shaping Forces of Becoming Human, figures and images of the possibilities of our myriad future selves as reflected in the eyes of others with whom we share imaginal spaces.

     We choose as our companions through life those who represent qualities and figures of human being, meaning, and value we wish to integrate in our becoming; those who perform roles we wish to step into.

     Herein I number the conversations and personal relationships with those who shaped me and left upon me their mark of strangeness; first among them an influence of my childhood, Edward Albee, as I watched my father direct his plays and listened to their conversations.

     With a title taken from the song Who’s Afraid of the Big Bad Wolf? in the 1933 Disney short film Three Little Pigs, where two of the pigs are convinced they’re safe from the wolf in their straw and twig houses, you know that threatening truths will undo the house of illusions George and Martha, emblematic founders of America, have built around themselves.  

     In this year of the Fall of America in 2025, which begins with the capture of the state by the Fourth Reich led by Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, Rapist In Chief and Russian agent whose mission is the subversion of democracy to be replaced by a totalitarian theocracy of white supremacist terror and Gideonite patriarchal sexual terror, as we begin our pathetic and tragic national and civilizational collapse on the cusp of a second Great Depression designed to drive a vast precariat into quasi slavery and which heralds the dawn of an Age of Tyrants of eight hundred years of global wars of imperial conquest and dominion fought with weapons of unimaginable hoor ending with the extermination of humankind, we now find ourselves in the roles of George and Martha in Edward Albee’s transformative and prophetic play Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf, with the realization of the lies and fictions by which authority has falsified us and stolen our souls, leaving us less than human like fleeting shadows on the wall.

     As written by Ben Brantley in The New York Times; “Mr. Albee has unsparingly considered subjects outside the average theatergoer’s comfort zone: the capacity for sadism and violence within American society; the fluidness of human identity; the dangerous irrationality of sexual attraction and, always, the irrefutable presence of death.”

     In Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf, Edward Albee has given us the Great American Play, a mirror in which we see ourselves as we are rather than the illusions we have spun around and through ourselves as a defensive mask. It is about the historical and political consequences of a lie we told at our founding about freedom and equality in a government designed to leave structural power asymmetries of wealth, race, and gender untouched; about the human cost of dysfunctional relationships based on unequal power and falsificaltion, and about the implications for meaning and being when the personal and political realms of action collide and change each other.

      This play is a masterpiece, and I think we should all watch the film in school before we go to vote for the first time, and as an ongoing national ritual observance every four years before the polls open in our Presidential elections. It reminds us that our democracy is a performance, which deceives, commodifies, and dehumanizes us, and manufactures our consent to be enslaved.

     We could by our actions make our values and ideals real as lived truths in a free society of equals, but first we must escape and bring a Reckoning for the legacies of our history. Such a Reckoning was begun in the Black Lives Matter protests which seized over fifty American cities with mass action and solidarity for several months a few short years ago; let us now finish the work of reimagination and transformation of our nation and our civilization, and of human being, meaning, and value.

     When the enemies of democracy and of liberty, equality, truth, and justice come for us, as they always have and will, let them find not subjects defeated by learned helplessness, abjection, and despair, but citizens of a United Humankind unconquered in refusal to submit and solidarity of action and disbelief in and disobedience to authority and those who would enslave us, and loyal to each other as guarantors of our universal human rights and rights as citizens and co-owners of the state in a free society of equals.

     This, and only this, can save us from ourselves and the systems of oppression we have created and allowed to go unchanged.    

       In this context I think of America as represented in Edward Albee’s iconic play, Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf. My father directed some of his plays, and I listened intently to their conversations during rehearsals from a center front seat in the theatre, from the very young age of four, and memorizing everything as texts which overwrote my own thinking, conversations which interrogated Albee’s direct influences and references among his fellow Absurdists Samuel Beckett, Eugene Ionesco, Jean Genet, and Harold Pinter.

      The line of transmission of Absurdist elements in literature originates with Fyodor Dostoevsky, Lewis Carroll, Nikolai Gogol, and Franz Kafka, diverges from the limits of Humanism with Antonin Artaud, Eugene Ionesco, Witold Gombrowicz, Albert Camus, Albee and his ilk as previously cited, diverged from the main tradition as Nihilism in Samuel Beckett, Thomas Ligotti, and Kobo Abe, and continues today in the works of Haruki Murakami, Kurt Vonnegut, and Elif Shafak.

      Of my adventures as a theatre brat I shall recount here only one; during my father’s direction of The Sandbox my mother asked Edward Albee if she could have a picture taken with him, whereupon he pointed to the gallery along the theatre entrance and said, “Let’s take it in front of the Jackson Pollock; it looks like Martha’s mind.” For Edward Albee, whose works were among those I could recite verbatim at the age of four, literally as I used to sit in at rehearsals and give the actors their lines if someone forgot, the failure of order in both political and psychological terms was a symptom of Sartrean bad faith.

     Here also Albee leads us through a labyrinth of mirrors, a funhouse of distorted images, both comical and grotesque, images which capture and reflect, assimilating or robbing us of our uniqueness in infinite regress to steal our souls, which through his magic of seeing our true selves becomes a Hobgoblin’s Broken Mirror as in in Anderson’s The Snow Queen, fragmented images which multiply our possibilities of becoming human.

     I particularly like the following lines from Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf, laden with satire of our falsification through invented histories and authorized identities, and influential to Jean Baudrillard’s theory of simulacra;

       “Martha: Truth or illusion, George; you don’t know the difference.

George: No, but we must carry on as though we did.

Martha: Amen.”

     Do see the iconic 1966 film adaptation starring Richard Burton and Elizabeth Taylor; I used to show it to high school students on day one of American History.

           And I would say in preface to the class; Here we see images of the history from which must emerge to become human as self-created and self-owned beings; histories which we drag behind us like invisible reptilian tails, with legacies of unequal power and multigenerational epigenetic trauma.

     I want you to seize these images and reclaim them for your own. Always there remains the struggle between the masks we make for ourselves and those made for us by others. This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the struggle for ownership of ourselves.

     We are gathered here to study history and our place in it, and to interrogate our informing, motivating, and shaping sources as stories, to perform the four primary duties of a citizen; Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority, and to be what Foucault called truth tellers.

     So, I have a film for you which models how to perform these roles, and this is where we will begin our study of American History, with the Original Lie which founded our nation, for there is no equality under the law if there is no social equality in praxis, and our magnificent reinventions of our civilization and ourselves in America’s founding documents leave vast systems of unequal power unchanged; class, race, and gender among others. This is who we are, and it falls to each of us to make a better future than we have the past; to become a fulcrum, and change the balance of power in the world.

     Such was my annual speech in preface to the study of American history.

      Also informative and insightful, Stretching My Mind: The Collected Essays of Edward Albee, includes his ideas about Samuel Beckett, Eugene Ionesco, and Sam Shepherd, as well as autobiographical writings about his own life, work, and worldview.

      Finally, written four decades after Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf, there is his last and greatest work, displaying the final form of his political psychology and an evolution of all the themes that have come before in his long career as a playwright, like a summa theologica of our time; The Goat, or Who Is Sylvia?

     The Goat, or Who Is Sylvia? is a Greek tragedy in structure which employs the methods of comedy to subversive ends, referential to Shakespeare’s Midsummer Night’s Dream, about the uncontrollable, totalizing nature of love and passion as a bringer of chaos and renewer of the world, sweeping all before it like a tidal wave.

     Nowhere in his cannon of work is Edward Albee’s intention more clear; to empower and liberate us both personally and politically. As an examination of Keats’ ideal of Love it is insightful and superb; as an extension and interrogation of the themes of Thomas Mann in Death in Venice and his reinterpreter Vladimir Nabokov in Lolita it is a brilliant satire and political fable. Herein he restates his primary insight; that life is a struggle for control and ownership of identity, the persona or mask that is worn in Greek theatre, between ourselves and our society.    

     As written by the Edward Albee Society, On The Goat of Who Is Sylvia?;    “The play is about love, and loss, the limits of our tolerance and who, indeed, we really are.”  Indeed, while bestiality is one of the many topics addressed in Albee’s play, the playwright’s main objective is more aligned with imagining ourselves “subject to circumstances outside our own comfort zones.” 

     In an interview with Charlie Rose focused on The Goat’s 2002 New York premiere, Albee stated, “Imagine what you can’t imagine.  Imagine that, all of a sudden, you found yourself in love with a Martian, in love with something you can’t conceive of.  I want everybody to be able to think about what they can’t imagine and what they have buried deep as being intolerable and insufferable.  I want them to just think freshly and newly about it.”

     Even the play’s title echoes this sense of multiplicity in terms of its meaning.  Albee said in his interview with Charlie Rose, “A goat is two things.  A goat is the animal, and, also, I believe a person can be a goat, the butt of a situation.”  Florescu offers a more symbolic definition of the word goat: “Sylvia is everybody’s goat, ready to unleash our wildest desires, potentially dissolving, or, at least, diminishing the ravaging effects of our gregarious, unhealthy regimented selves.”   Zinman suggests that the use of the term “goat” could also refer to “scapegoat”: “The goat is wholly innocent, victimized by Martin’s obsessive love and Stevie’s murderous revenge.”  Yet, in an advertisement created by The Philadelphia Theatre Company for their production, a picture of a goat “with a snapshot of the play’s characters hanging out of its mouth, suggesting that a goat, who will, notoriously, eat anything, has devoured this family alive,” suggests the personification of the goat and, thus, Sylvia’s own responsibility for the events that take place.  In addition, the name Sylvia, Zinman argues, references Shakespeare’s pastoral vision in Two Gentlemen of Verona.

   As stated by Esbjornson, The Goat is ultimately meant to be a tragedy.  Even the set he and John Arnone collaborated on had columns to provide a “classical quality to it, a Greek-tragedy quality.”  Zinman states, “In ancient Greek tragedy, the hero, at the height of his happiness, often complacent in his smooth fortunate life, undergoes a sudden reversal of fortunes.”  Indeed, once Martin confesses his affair to Ross, his fate is no longer his own.  According to Aristotle, he must then “‘fall from a great height,’” which Martin does; he is reduced from an award-winning architect to a mere sexual deviant.  Whereas Martin acts more as a tragic hero, Ross, on the other hand, takes the place of the chorus “representing the vox populi and of setting the wheels of tragedy in motion.”

      Albee thinks a play can be called political only if “…it makes people think differently enough about things so that their life alters including their politics.”  In order to make a difference in a contemporary society so accustomed to debunking generally accepted restrictions, Albee had to “…go even further afield than Nabokov to find a taboo still standing.”  In Zinman’s opinion, Albee’s view is that sexuality is “…more complex, far wider, deeper, and less governable than we generally think.”  Albee’s use of bestiality is meant to parallel society’s view of homosexuality which “appear[s] normal by comparison.”  Gainor furthers her argument by stating that it is through bestiality that Martin “literalizes his extremity of alienation and longing.”  By experiencing prejudice for his own sexual proclivities, Martin must “accept his son’s desires with equanimity, applying his newly gained insights on dominant and marginal practices.”

      In this way, Martin and Billy can seek to rebuild their relationship.  Robinson writes of The Goat: “Albee’s play insists that it is about something beyond a domestic crisis that can be cordoned off and concealed from the world – though it is about that too.  We see that the personal is political, yes, but also something more: that what is private about our lives only comes to have meaning as we enter the public sphere and this public sphere enters us.”  Ultimately, as Robinson states, The Goat is meant to affect both the micro and macro levels of society in a way that encourages progressive thinking even in uncertain times. “

     And on Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf?, also from the EAS website; “George and Martha revel in the dissection of the truth and illusion that have kept them bound in their fiery marriage. The illusionary component of George and Martha’s relationship is best symbolized by their imaginary son. George, jarred by Martha’s breaking of their rule, decides to kill off or “exorcise” their son, thus explaining the significance of Act III’s title. Adler writes, “…George exorcises the child not only to kill the illusion and live in reality, but to destroy one reality—that in which he has failed to exercise the strength necessary to make the marriage creative even without children–and create a new reality to take its place. George, through mapping out for Nick and Honey the way to redirect their lives, achieves for Martha and himself a radical redirection of their own.” Unlike Martha and George who are universally acknowledged by critics as having married for love, Nick and Honey’s marriage was only initiated because of Honey’s pregnancy coupled by her father’s wealth. George tries to steer Nick and Honey away from the fate that he and Martha are currently battling: the use of illusion as a weapon against each other. Martha, too, as Hoorvash and Porgiv comment, “…senses that something is lacking, not merely in her marriage or her life, but also in the lives of everyone else.” Paolucci further asserts: “The younger couple mirror our own embarrassment and own public selves; Martha and George, our private anguish.” In an interview with Rakesh H. Solomon, Albee comments on George and Martha’s imaginary son as a metaphor for this profound discontentment: “There is a distinction between the death of a metaphor and the death of a real child. And the play for me is more touching and more chilling if it is the death of the metaphor.” George’s shattering of the illusion of his and Martha’s son is his answer to Martha’s desire for him to “…assert his strength” against her “…many masculine qualities…[which] feeds off of George’s emasculation.” The duality of George’s personality allows for a breadth of interpretations for actors. Albee comments: “‘Once you’ve played George in my play no other role with the possible exception of Hamlet will challenge you quite as much as far as magnitude of text, complexity of language and the challenge of working on many planes at the same time.’”

     George and Martha’s inability to conceive also plays into the extended metaphor of Albee’s play, suggesting that “…sterility and fertility are simply metaphors for social stagnation and progress, respectively.  George’s solution, rather, is closer to a religious one, which has always been part of the American ideology”  Albee’s inspiration for Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf? was the tumultuous state of American society during the 1960s.  Dircks writes of Albee: “Albee saw an American society as sustaining itself on national illusions of prosperity and equality; here too, the situation demanded an honest confrontation of problems and a heightened state of communication.”  Zinman, too, states, “Albee’s political and cultural agenda is woven into the characters’ preoccupations, and thus into the dialogue.”  Thus, there can be no mistaking Albee’s allusion to George and Martha Washington, the first couple of the United States.  Still, other critics attribute Albee’s inspiration to not just American politics but also to Virginia Woolf, herself, and her short story: “Lappin and Lapinova.

     Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf? remains an impactful script that speaks to universal conflicts each generation must face: Who are we? What do we represent? and What will our futures hold?”

Edward Albee’s Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf? With Elizabeth Taylor and Richard Burton

https://vimeo.com/499019198

                          Edward Albee, a reading list

Stretching My Mind: The Collected Essays of Edward Albee, Edward Albee

Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf?, Edward Albee

The Goat, or Who is Sylvia?, Edward Albee

Edward Albee: A Singular Journey, Mel Gussow

Conversations with Edward Albee, Philip C. Kolin

Irrevocably Intertwined: Analyzing the Plays of Edward Albee, Greg Carlisle

March 11 2025 Free Speech Versus State Sponsorship of Genocide and Repression of Dissent: Case of Mahmoud Khalil

      What do our rights of free speech, assembly in protest, a free press, fair and equal justice for all, and the pursuit of truth look like in Vichy America today?

      As written by Anna Betts in The Guardian, in an article entitled ‘Reeks of McCarthyism’: outrage after Ice detains Palestinian student activist: Arrest of Mahmoud Khalil a ‘targeted, retaliatory’ attack on his first amendment rights, say civil rights groups; “Free speech organizations and advocates are expressing outrage after a prominent Palestinian activist who helped lead Columbia University’s pro-Palestinian protests last year, was arrested and detained over the weekend.

     Mahmoud Khalil, a permanent US resident with a green card, was taken into custody by federal immigration authorities on Saturday night, who reportedly said that they were acting on a state department order to revoke his green card.

     His attorney, Amy Greer, said that Khalil, who grew up in a Palestinian refugee camp in Syria, was in his university-owned apartment building, just a few blocks from Columbia’s main campus in New York, when several Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) agents entered the building on Saturday night and took him into custody.

     Greer said the authorities also declined to tell his wife, who is a US citizen and eight months pregnant, why Khalil was being detained.

     “The US government has made clear that they will use immigration enforcement as a tool to suppress that speech,” Greer said, adding that a habeas corpus petition had been filed on Khalil’s behalf challenging the validity of his arrest and detention.

     The US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) confirmed the arrest of Khalil, a recent Columbia graduate who has worked for the British embassy in Beirut, and alleged that Khalil’s activism constituted “activities aligned to Hamas”.

     At first, it was reported that Khalil was taken to an immigration detention facility in New Jersey, but his wife said she could not locate him there. As of Monday morning, it appeared that he was now listed as being in Ice custody at La Salle detention facility in Louisiana.

     Khalil served as a lead negotiator for the Gaza solidarity encampment at Columbia University last year, mediating between protesters and university administrators. According to Reuters, he was not among the students who occupied a campus building.

    More recently, according to the Associated Press. Khalil was reportedly among several students under investigation by a new Columbia committee that has brought disciplinary charges against dozens of students for their pro-Palestinian activism.

     A Columbia spokesperson told the Associated Press over the weekend that law enforcement officials needed a warrant to enter university property but did not disclose whether the school had received a warrant for Khalil’s arrest.

     The university recently issued guidance on “potential visits to campus” by Ice, where it states that “exigent circumstances” may allow Ice to access “university buildings or people without a warrant”.

     Khalil’s detention has sparked outrage from civil rights groups and first amendment organizations and advocates.

     Jameel Jaffer, executive director at the Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University, said that “arresting and threatening to deport students because of their participation in political protest is the kind of action one ordinarily associates with the world’s most repressive regimes”.

     He said that universities “must recognize that these actions pose an existential threat to academic life itself” and must “make clear, through action, that they will not sit on the sidelines as the Trump administration terrorizes students and faculty alike and runs roughshod over individual rights and the rule of law”.

     Donna Lieberman, executive director of the New York Civil Liberties Union, condemned Khalil’s detention as a “targeted, retaliatory, and an extreme attack on his first amendment rights”.

     “The unlawful detention of Mr Khalil reeks of McCarthyism,” Lieberman said. “It’s clear that the Trump administration is selectively punishing Mr Khalil for expressing views that aren’t Maga-approved – which is a frightening escalation of Trump’s crackdown on pro-Palestine speech, and an aggressive abuse of immigration law.”

     Lieberman warned that “ripping a student from their home, challenging their immigration status, and detaining them solely based on political viewpoint will chill student speech and advocacy across campus” and said that “political speech should never be a basis of punishment, or lead to deportation”.

     The Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (Fire) emphasized that “anyone facing arrest and detention must be afforded due process” stating that just as students and demonstrators “are obliged to abide by lawful rules of conduct, our government must abide by the first amendment”.

     “The government must be clear and transparent about the basis for its actions to avoid chilling protected speech,” the statement added.

    The Council on American-Islamic Relations highlighted that Khalil is a lawful permanent resident with no criminal charges and called the detention “lawless” and a violation of free speech rights, immigration laws and the humanity of Palestinians.

     While the state department can rescind visas, Elora Mukherjee, director of the immigrants’ rights clinic at Columbia Law School told the New York Times that revoking a green card was relatively rare and usually only occurs after criminal convictions.

     Mukherjee said that if the government were to revoke Khalil’s green card “in retaliation for his public speech, that is prohibited by the first amendment of the US constitution”.

     Eli Northrup, a New York City public defender and policy advocate, said on social media that “no matter what your views are on Israel & Palestine, you should be terrified of a country incarcerating its residents for exercising free speech.”

     Murad Awawdeh, president of the New York Immigration Coalition, said in a statement that “Khalil and all people living in the United States are afforded due process.

     “A green card can only be revoked by an immigration judge, showing once again that the Trump administration is willing to ignore the law in order to instill fear and further its racist agenda” Awawdeh said.

     Several New York City lawmakers, leaders and advocates also criticized Khalil’s arrest and called for his release.

     Zohran Mamdani, the Queens assembly member and mayoral candidate, called the arrest “a blatant assault on the first amendment and a sign of advancing authoritarianism under Trump”.

     The New York City comptroller, Brad Lander, also running for mayor, described the arrest as unconstitutional, and argued that deporting individuals for their speech does not make any community safer.

     “Ice’s arrest of Mahmoud Khalil is an unconstitutional and egregious violation of the first amendment, and a frightening weaponization of immigration law,” Lander said. “I disagree strongly with things that were said in the protests he reportedly led. But it will not make Jews – or any of us – safer for the federal government to deport people for saying things we may find hateful.”

     The student workers union at Columbia University called on Columbia university leadership to protect their international students. “By allowing Ice on campus, Columbia is surrendering to the Trump administration’s assault on universities across the country and sacrificing international students to protect its finances,” the union said.

     The Democratic congresswoman Pramila Jayapal, who represents Washington state, also took to social media, describing the arrest as “unacceptable” and a violation of free speech rights.

    “The Trump admin is going after students who have used their first amendment, constitutional rights,” Jayapal wrote. “Deporting legal residents solely for expressing their political opinions is a violation of free speech rights. Who’s next? Citizens?”

     While first amendment groups have condemned the arrest, the Columbia Jewish Alumni Association praised the move on social media on Sunday, calling it “exactly what needs to happen to restore order to campuses like Columbia and our country”.

     The Anti-Defamation League (ADL), a group that describes its focus as fighting antisemitism and all forms of hate, also said on Sunday that they “appreciate the Trump administration’s broad, bold set of efforts to counter campus antisemitism” and said that Khalil’s arrest “further illustrates that resolve by holding alleged perpetrators responsible for their actions”.

     But the group emphasized that any deportation, revocation of a green card or visa “must be undertaken in alignment with required due process protection”.

     Khalil’s arrest comes as Donald Trump has repeatedly pledged to revoke the student visas of foreign students in the US who are involved in protests against the war in Gaza, and that he would imprison “agitators”.

     Just a few days ago, the Trump administration announced that it had canceled $400m in federal grants and contracts to Columbia University because of what it alleges is the college’s failure to address antisemitism on campus.

     Columbia was central to the campus protests that broke out last spring across the US and internationally over the war in Gaza, with students demanding an end to US support for Israel and university divestment from companies linked to Israel.

     At Columbia, these protests resulted in mass arrests, suspensions and the resignation of the university’s president.

     One of the groups that played a key role in organizing these protests was Jewish Voice for Peace, who describe themselves as the “largest progressive Jewish anti-Zionist organization in the world”.

     On Monday, Jonah Rubin, the senior manager of campus organizing for JVP said that that Khalil’s arrest was designed to instill terror “throughout immigrant communities and social justice movements on college campuses”.

     “Even as we work to free Mahmoud Khalil, Columbia and every other college and university must stop complying with the illegal and unconstitutional orders of the Trump regime, and must start taking active measures to protect their students,” Rubin said.

     Before his arrest, Khalil had told Reuters that he feared that he would be targeted by the federal government.

     “Clearly Trump is using the protesters as a scapegoat for his wider agenda fighting and attacking higher education and the Ivy League education system,” he told the outlet.

     A protest was scheduled for Monday afternoon in New York to demand Khalil’s release. A petition for his release has already garnered more than 800,000 signatures.”

     As written by Moustafa Bayoumi in The Guardian, in an article entitled Mahmoud Khalil’s treatment should not happen in a democracy: The Columbia University graduate’s arrest is an attempt to destroy free thinking while murdering due process; “Forced disappearance, kidnapping, political imprisonment – take your pick. These terms all describe what has happened with the Trump administration’s first arrest for thought crimes, something that should never happen in a democracy.

     But it has, to Mahmoud Khalil, a recently graduated master’s student from Columbia University’s school of international and public affairs. And for each minute that Khalil is held in detention, every one of us should feel like our own individual rights in this country are being shredded. The arrest of Mahmoud Khalil is a barefaced attempt by the Trump administration to destroy free thinking while murdering due process and free speech along the way. This is an ominous development.

     On the evening of Saturday 8 March, Khalil, who is a lawful permanent resident of the US (a green card holder), and his US-citizen wife, who is eight months pregnant, were returning home to their Columbia University apartment in upper Manhattan. According to reports, the couple had just unlocked the door to the building when plainclothes agents from the Department of Homeland Security pushed their way in like thugs and demanded Khalil surrender himself for arrest.

     The lead agent told Khalil’s lawyer, whom Khalil had immediately called, that his student visa was being revoked. But Khalil doesn’t have a student visa for the very simple reason that he is a lawful permanent resident! Apparently confused, the agent next responded that Khalil’s green card was being revoked – which, by US law, cannot be done without a lot of due process. When pressed by Khalil’s lawyer to show a warrant for arrest, the agent simply hung up on the lawyer, shoved Khalil into handcuffs, and carted him away. As of this writing, Khalil is in a detention facility in Louisiana.

     Let’s be clear. If you grew up in Egypt or Nicaragua or Russia, you would recognize this behavior. If you have read the work of Milan Kundera or Ariel Dorfman or Breyten Breytenbach, you will recognize this behavior. This is how the authoritarian regimes always operate, seeking to demonize their critics and neutralize their opposition by lies, exaggerations and the blunt force of state power. This despicable and dangerous conduct has now come to the land of the free and the home of the brave as official policy.

     The Trump administration doesn’t even bother to disguise the ideological assault that characterizes Khalil’s arrest. Khalil was an active member of Columbia University’s protests against Israel’s war on Gaza, a war that has been characterized as a genocide by Israel by experts and multiple human rights organizations around the world. Khalil also served as a negotiator between the university administration and student activists who had set up an encampment on campus.

     It was in that role that Khalil’s profile grew, particularly among extreme rightwing organizations supporting Israel that began sending lists of students to the Trump administration who, they said, should be deported from the US because of their views. This blatant attempt to shut down free speech picked up after Donald Trump issued two executive orders in late January that called for deporting “perpetrators of unlawful anti-Semitic harassment”. (It shouldn’t be lost on anyone that the Trump administration is actively canceling every form of protection for other minority populations, while appearing deeply concerned about antisemitism, as it also tacitly supports antisemitic behavior.)

     Khalil had already suffered so much harassment by these pro-Israel groups that the day before his arrest, he wrote to the interim president of Columbia University, telling her that he was afraid that government officials or private actors would target him or his family, urging her to provide him legal support and protection. After his arrest, the official White House account on X issued a post that said: “Shalom, Mahmoud,” using a Hebrew word that can mean goodbye. Haha. Whoever wrote the post must think this very clever. But in a court of law, the post will only buttress the argument that Trump is on a rampage to shut down any types of speech he doesn’t like.

     Exactly which crime has Mahmoud Khalil committed? Which activities has he engaged in to warrant arrest and deportation? The best the Department of Homeland Security can come up with are the same flimsy innuendo that we hear over and over again. Any show of concern for Palestinians is, presto, turned into “activities aligned to Hamas”.

     That “aligned to Hamas” is not a legal standard is hardly surprising. It comes after all from the Trump administration, which operates almost definitionally as the opposite of a legal standard. Expecting something reasonable from this administration is like eating a razor-blade sandwich and thinking you won’t come out all bloodied, which is of course why the Trump administration is repeatedly offering you such aromatic and enticing fresh bread.

     I expect as much from Trump, but I demand more from Columbia University, my own alma mater. After Trump withdrew some $400m of federal funding over an unproven and completely ideologically driven allegation that Columbia was a hotbed of antisemitism, the interim president didn’t bother to defend her institution. Instead, she immediately sent us Columbia affiliates an email to “assure the entire Columbia community that we are committed to working with the federal government to address their legitimate concerns”. I’m educated enough to know that the word “appeasement” has a specific history. I also know that cowards run away from Palestine, even if they too will be the ones who suffer in the end.

     I also demand more from my local officials. This federal assault on protected speech from a New Yorker should raise huge alarms from the mayor of New York, but all we’ve heard from Eric Adams thus far is … well, what sound would crickets make if they were flying business class on Turkish Airlines? If it’s any sound at all, I imagine the jet engine hums louder than the lack of objection he’s made. His silence is matched only by Andrew Cuomo, Adams’s new competition for the next New York mayoral race. Together, they might have enough courage to lose a game of chicken to the lion in the Wizard of Oz.

     But mostly, I demand a whole lot more from the Democratic party. Where is Hakeem Jeffries? Where is Chuck Schumer? They seem to believe the best way to defend free speech in this country is not to speak at all. Irrelevance has never been so recognizable.

     Democracy has always been a fragile, improvised, teetering wall of bricks that extends high in the air. It takes a lot of people to support it, but it gives quickly when faced with pressure from the other side. The thing is, even if you’re not supporting it, you’ll still get crushed when the wall falls. Too many people seem ready to be crushed. That’s only the tiniest reason to support Mahmoud Khalil. We all need to rush to the wall and do what we can to free him from his unjust imprisonment. For him and also for us. Because, you know what? He won’t be the last.”

     What of the charge of antisemitism levelled by a state complicit in the genocide and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians by Israel, as repression of dissent?

     As I wrote in my post of May 19 2024, Is Zionism Fascism? Is Protest Against the Israeli Genocide of the Palestinians Antisemitism and Hate Speech?

     The question of whether an author’s historical claim to stand with Israel makes them a Zionist and a fascist was posed in an online forum, as Israel violates Biden’s Red Line and begins the assault on the refugees of Rafah, reverse face of the question of whether protest against the Israeli genocide of the Palestinians constitutes antisemitism and hate speech. Among the first objections to these questions was that an author’s ideology has nothing to do with their work rather than emerging from it, of which we in the group are all members of a fandom.

     Here is my reply:

      Actually a very relevant and complex question. Why must one peoples Return mean another’s Exile? Why must we be each other’s jailors, and not each other’s liberators?

      Netanyahu and his settler regime and apologists would like everyone, especially their own citizens, to conflate being Israeli with being Jewish, and to use fear to centralize power to a carceral state of force and control and legitimize their authority as necessary to security. But none those things are true, and security is an illusion.

      The idea of Israel as an empire of tyranny and terror is antithetical to an Israel founded to protect Jewish peoples from tyranny and terror. The Netanyahu regime and the Occupation which long precedes it are subversions of Zion as a refuge for the powerless, the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, and also a dark mirror of Judaism as the work of Tikkun Olam, repair of the world.

      Marx began Das Capital with an eschatological vision of the New Jerusalem and the limitless possibilities of a humankind free from the profit motive as an analogy of Original Sin, and free from its praxis as the reduction of human relations to cash exchange. There are far more such possible futures of becoming human together through love rather than fear, more than we can now imagine.

       Friends, everything the enemy says is a lie; never let them define the terms of debate or the rules of the game.

     Fascisms of blood, faith, and soil now rule most of our world, and to this I say Never Again! Regardless of whose name those who wish to enslave us claim to act as a strategy of our subjugation and dehumanization.

      No matter where you begin with divisions and hierarchies of being human, of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     As I wrote in my post of December 11 2023, What is Hate Speech? What is Anti-Semitism? Who Decides What Is Permitted, and How Shall We Enforce Limits On Each Other’s Freedoms? Case of the Repression of Dissent By Universities Beholden to Special Interest Money; Free speech ends where hate and violence begin; and dehumanization is criminal incitement to violence.

     Yes, but what is hate speech? What is Anti-Semitism? Who decides what is permitted, and how shall we enforce limits on each other’s freedoms?

     Such questions about our fundamental rules of how to be human together are now being fought out on university campuses throughout our nation and the world, which pit student mass protests against the Israeli ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians in Gaza against repression of dissent by authority both within education systems and between institutions of education and those of the state, and often shaped by the special interest money which has been allowed to define the terms of the debate.

     In large part the world has accepted the state of Israel’s claim that criticism of its use of force inclusive of vast war crimes in Gaza is anti-semitism. There are two problems with this; first, Palestinians and Israelis are both semites, one people divided by history as faith, ethnicity, and national identity weaponized in service to power. Second, this falsification is deployed globally by the state of Israel to both defend and subjugate the Jewish diaspora by enforcing identification of being Jewish with the state of Israel, which also deflects questioning of its brutal colonial-Apartheid settler regime.

     We must beware those who claim to speak and act in our name, and most especially commit unforgiveable acts to make us complicit in their crimes, for this is a strategy of fascist tyranny.

     Netanyahu’s settler regime, founded on conquest and theft of indigenous people’s lands as manifest destiny authorized by God in imitation of our own  Conquest of the Native Americans, and on the Apartheid system of Bantustans which was also modeled on our own reservation system, the state of Israel institutionalized as a military society designed as a refuge for and avenger of Jews, and the whole Zionist ideology of identitarian politics and a nation of one faith and one blood, remains today the world’s most extreme and dangerous fascist successor state to the Nazis.

      But this need not remain so. Israel would very much like to convince her own citizens and all of us that to be a Jew is to be a member and figure of the state of Israel, and that to call out and oppose the state of Israel for crimes against humanity and war crimes in Gaza is to be guilty of hate crime against Jewish people, but this is a lie, and one of many.

     So we come to this final question; how do we oppose state tyranny and terror without confusing and conflating a state with the people it claims to speak and act for? How answer division with solidarity?

     Netanyahu has incited anti Jewish hate as well as anti Israeli horror at his atrocities and war crimes. When a state demonizes itself before the world, it is the diasporic population of those it claims to act in service of as legitimation of power who suffer first. This is a primary strategy of fascism; making those in whose name it claims to act complicit in unforgiveable crimes. But the use of force obeys Newtons Third Law of Motion and creates its own counterforce and resistance. The crimes of Israel have reawakened a slumbering monster and put every Jewish person and community at risk. We must now bring regime change, peace, and democracy to Israel or witness the return of the global Fourth Reich and its policies of Judenfrei.

     Save the Jews; bring down the Israeli state.

      Herein we may find guidance in Jean Genet’s restatement of Nietzsche’s principle of how those who hunt monsters become monsters themselves in the use of violence to enforce authorized identities and ideas of virtue; “If we behave like those on the other side, then we are the other side. Instead of changing the world, all we’ll achieve is a reflection of the one we want to destroy.”

    Yesterday we witnessed a ray of light pierce the immense darkness of our moment, in twin events of fracture on both of the primary fronts of the Gaza War; in the Israeli regime of tyranny and terror and in America’s complicity in the atrocities and crimes against humanity of our colony and proxy state. On the Israeli front, Benny Gantz threatens to leave the coalition government which would bring it down unless Netanyahu stops the genocide, and on the American front Biden for the first time in the history of the American-Israel partnership aligns us with the principle of our universal human rights inclusive of Palestinians as fellow human beings in an empathetic speech which defines goals of peace and equality in the region and reveals that he is working on solutions rather than obstructing them and abetting the atrocities of Israel, something I wish he would have communicated with us all on October 7.

      To clarify, Biden personally, our government, and our nation will forever bear a measure of responsibility for how the immense arsenal we provide Israel has been used, regardless of what may happen next. For these crimes against humanity both Netanyahu and Biden among many others belong in the same court as Milosevic. Nothing in this must divert our gaze from the future and the possibilities for change which Biden and Gantz have now offered us. In both Israel and America, we now have agents of change speaking not merely of ceasefire, but also of our future and solutions which might allow us to emerge from the legacies of our history.

     America and Israel have been partners in a Faustian bargain; in its wake we believed the Holocaust proved that only power is real and has meaning, embraced the seduction of power to be the arbiter of virtue, and with the centralization of power to authority forged carceral states of force and control and of imperial conquest and dominion. 

     But now the tide begins to turn.

      As Biden said in his historic Morehouse College speech; “It’s a humanitarian crisis in Gaza. That’s why I’ve called for an immediate ceasefire to stop the fighting, bring the hostages home, and I’ve been working on a deal as we speak.”

     “This is one of the hardest, most complicated problems in the world. There’s nothing easy about it. I know it angers and frustrates many of you, including my family, but most of all, I know it breaks your heart. It breaks mine as well.”

     Tyranny blinks, and we must seize the moment. As Edwin Markham wrote in Preparedness;

 “For all your days prepare,

   And meet them ever alike:

When you are the anvil, bear—

   When you are the hammer, strike. “

    In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power; let us use ours not to dehumanize and enslave others, but to restore our humanity and to liberate each other. As the lyrics of the beautiful elegiac song in the series Wednesday goes, nothing else matters.

     As written by Branko Marcetic in Jacobin, in an article entitled Trump Is Viciously Cracking Down on Free Speech: The detention and possible deportation of former Columbia University student and pro-Palestine organizer Mahmoud Khalil is the most serious attack on the First Amendment by any president in years; “ast Tuesday, President Donald Trump told Congress, “I have stopped all government censorship and brought back free speech in America.” Not even a week later, his administration has arrested a permanent resident, summarily revoked his green card, and is getting ready to deport him — all because they don’t like his constitutionally protected speech.

     The detention and possible deportation of Columbia University protester Mahmoud Khalil, who was arrested on Saturday by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents, is the most serious attack on the First Amendment by any president in years. The twenty-first century has seen US administrations routinely trample over free speech, whether George W. Bush’s spying on Muslim American leaders, the surveillance and torture of whistleblowers and journalists like Julian Assange, or the US government’s involvement in tech censorship. This move is arguably more extreme than all of them.

     According to multiple reports and statements, Khalil, a permanent resident who was one of the leaders of the student antiwar protests at Columbia over the past year and a half, was arrested by ICE agents after they entered in-campus housing. The ICE agents reportedly also threatened to arrest his wife, a US citizen eight months pregnant with their baby, and claimed his student visa had been revoked. When informed that Khalil was not on a student visa but rather had a green card — one step away from full citizenship, in other words — the agents were at first confused, then, after a phone call, claimed that had been revoked, too. When asked by his attorney to provide her with a warrant, they simply hung up the phone.

     Until very recently, neither Khalil’s attorney, Amy Greer, nor his wife knew where he even was. Despite first being told he was being held at an ICE facility in Elizabeth, New Jersey, his wife was informed he was not actually there when she tried to visit him yesterday morning. He is now confirmed to have been sent 1,300 miles away to Louisiana. It all has unmistakable, disturbing echoes of the lawless practice of forced disappearances common in Latin American dictatorships during the Cold War.

     Meanwhile, as outrage has built over the past twenty-four hours, the Trump administration has doubled down. Just today, the White House proudly touted Khalil’s arrest, charging he had “led activities aligned to Hamas” and warning his was “the first arrest of many to come.”

     “We will be revoking the visas and/or green cards of Hamas supporters in America so they can be deported,” Secretary of State Marco Rubio tweeted about the incident.

     “Law Enforcement enforcing the rule of law,” commented Katie Miller, a Trump advisor and wife of Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller.

     But this is the opposite of the rule of law. Green cards can’t summarily be revoked by the president or his secretary of state — it can only be done by an immigration judge. And they certainly can’t be canceled because the holder has opinions or took part in protests that the president and his political party don’t like.

     Green cards can be revoked if the permanent resident commits certain crimes, including joining or materially supporting a terrorist organization — this is presumably what Khalil is supposed to have done to get himself targeted by ICE. But neither the government nor his detractors have given any actual evidence that he’s materially supported Hamas, or even that he’s so much as said anything supportive of the organization. Instead, they are recklessly stretching that definition to charge that his antiwar activism is tantamount to giving money to or working on behalf of Hamas.

     A month ago, I warned that Trump’s mass deportation program threatened the rights of US citizens and permanent residents, who have been repeatedly swept up in raids, detained, and even deported by ICE in the past, including just the past month. What we’re seeing with Khalil’s case is that the Trump administration — which came into office on the promise of “mass deportations” of undocumented immigrants, specifically training its ire on violent criminals — is now radically extending the tools and authorities it uses for that group to not just target legal immigrants with no criminal or violent histories, but to weaken the rights of all Americans.

     A permanent resident has been effectively disappeared by the government, had his legal status revoked, and is set to be thrown out of the country, without trial or any sort of due process at the whim of those in power. It is only a step away from saying you can do something like this to a permanent resident to saying you can do it to a citizen, as long as those citizens meet certain requirements of one person’s definition of non-Americanness, of course — having the wrong opinions, or the wrong heritage, or being naturalized, for example. In fact, this case is already wreaking havoc on one citizen’s life: Khalil’s pregnant wife, who, if he is deported, will effectively be forced out of her own country to be with her husband.

      The Trump administration is not just targeting legal immigrants with no criminal or violent histories, but weakening the rights of all Americans.

This has crossed over with another thread in the not-yet-two-month-old Trump presidency: its hostility to Americans’ free speech and other basic constitutional rights on behalf of Israel.

     What has happened to Khalil was advocated by the Heritage Foundation in its “Project Esther,” a plan for crushing the pro-Palestinian movement that it released a month before last year’s election. Two of its chief goals were to force “leaders and members” of pro-Palestinian organizations, which it deceptively defines as “Hamas Supporting Organizations” to “voluntarily depart” or be “deported from the U.S.”

     As with all attacks on free speech, Trump’s move here makes everyone’s rights less secure, including those of his own supporters. The Trump administration is currently going over Israel’s head and angering its officials by taking the unprecedented step of negotiating directly with Hamas for a decade-long cease-fire without Israel being at the table. It’s hard to see how, under the warped definition the administration is using in Khalil’s case, this couldn’t cynically be construed as materially supporting Hamas, too.

     If Trump voters who are permanent residents voice support for these negotiations, are they liable to be arrested and deported, too, by a future administration? What if they support a cease-fire in Ukraine? Legislation to officially designate Russia a state sponsor of terror was being pushed as recently as last year.

     It doesn’t even have to involve foreign policy. The Trump administration here is opening the door for a future Democratic administration to politically retaliate against conservative students and other immigrants for holding conservative views: on abortion for instance (where anti-choice organizations have carried out terrorist attacks in the past), or gender issues more broadly, a movement whose high-profile right-wing figures like Andrew Tate have carried out shocking crimes like human trafficking and rape of a minor.

     It’s yet another unfortunate example of the rights of Americans being undermined for the sake of a foreign country, in this case Israel. Under Joe Biden, Israel was allowed to kill multiple Americans without even a slap on the wrist. Under Trump, a permanent resident is being arrested and deported because he dared criticize the country.

     This attack on free speech is happening thanks to silence or even complicity from liberal institutions. Democratic officials have been slow to react with the kind of outrage they mobilized against Trump’s cuts to foreign aid. (We have asked for comment from Senator Chuck Schumer and other members of Congress from New York, where Khalil lives, and will update the story if they come.)

     The reason Khalil came in the government’s crosshairs in the first place is because he was one of dozens of Columbia students being investigated by the university over their pro-Palestinian activism, after the school was threatened by Trump with withdrawing government money — which Trump has now taken away anyway, despite the university choosing to disgracefully go after its own students, canceling $400 million in grants and contracts, or about 6 percent of its total funding.

     New Yorkers are planning to take over Federal Plaza in New York to protest Khalil’s treatment, while a petition demanding his release has drawn more than a million signatures in less than a day. These are appropriate responses to such a brazen and blatantly unconstitutional assault on the First Amendment. But many more Americans around the country should be up in arms.”

     Of the glorious and heroic Resistance to state sponsorship of genocide, imperial conquest and dominion, and to tyranny and terror both by America and her colony Israel, a Resistance of the future against the legacies of our history,  Nina Lakhani has written in The Guardian in an article entitled ‘Do not bow’: ex-Black Panther praises pro-Palestinian student protesters from prison: Mumia Abu-Jamal tells New York City students they’re on the right side of history by deciding ‘not to be silent and to speak out’; “In a powerful and rousing live address to students at the City University of New York (Cuny) on Friday night, the incarcerated Black political activist Mumia Abu-Jamal praised the pro-Palestinian movement growing at US colleges as being on the right side of history.

     “It is a wonderful thing that you have decided not to be silent and decided to speak out against the repression that you see with your own eyes,” Abu-Jamal, a former Black Panther, said while calling from Pennsylvania’s Mahanoy state prison. “You are part of something massive, and you are part of something that is on the right side of history.

     “You’re against a colonial regime that steals the land from the people who are Indigenous to that area. I urge you to speak out against the terrorism that is afflicted upon Gaza with all of your might, all of your will and all of your strength. Do not bow to those who want you to be silent.”

     As hundreds of students and supporters at the Cuny encampment in Harlem cheered, he continued, “This is the moment to be heard and shake the earth so that the people of Gaza, the people of Rafah, the people of the West Bank, the people of Palestine can feel your solidarity with them.”

     Abu-Jamal was a founding member of the Philadelphia chapter of the Black Panther party and went on to become a radio journalist as well as president of the Philadelphia chapter of the Black Association of Journalists. In 1982, he was convicted and sentenced to death in 1982 for the murder of police officer Daniel Faulkner in Philadelphia in 1981.

     Abu-Jamal spent almost three decades in solitary confinement on death row before his death sentence was overturned by a federal court, citing irregularities in the original sentencing process.

     A prolific writer on Black struggle and critic of the US criminal justice system, Abu-Jamal is serving life without parole, and his supporters regard him as a political prisoner.

     Student protests calling for divestment in Israel have spread across the US in the past 10 days – in solidarity with the Palestinian liberation cause as well as the Columbia University students who were arrested and suspended after administrators allowed the NYPD on to campus.

     Cuny is the largest public urban college in the US, with a large working-class Black and brown student and teaching body, with 25 campuses across the city’s five boroughs.

     The mood on Friday night in Harlem was buoyant despite the cold. Students wrapped up in donated blankets amid Shabbat rituals, Muslim community prayers, lectures and the screening of documentaries about the history of student protests, the South African apartheid regime and the Palestinian struggle.

     Nationwide, students – and a growing number of faculty – are demanding administrators disclose and divest from funds and corporations doing business with Israel in it. Those include Amazon and Google, which are part of a $1.2bn cloud-computing contract with Israel’s government, as well as manufacturers of weapons and other military equipment.

     Police have responded with brutality on some campuses, such as at Emory University in Atlanta, provoking international condemnation – and, in turn, more student protests.

     Joe Biden and many lawmakers have criticized the protesters as “antisemitic” despite the fact that Jewish students who reject Zionism are organizing many of the college protests.

     In response to the 7 October Hamas attack that killed about 1,200 Israelis and resulted in the kidnappings of more than 200 others, Israel has killed at least 34,000 Palestinians in Gaza, with thousands more buried under the rubble and presumed dead.

     Deaths from starvation and extreme heat are rising, according to UN agencies, amid ongoing Israeli attacks and blockades stopping the delivery of humanitarian aid that some US officials acknowledge could be a violation of international law.

     As the Israeli military appears to be preparing to launch an attack on Rafah in southern Gaza, where a million Palestinians have been displaced, Abu-Jamal urged students to expand protests.

     “The people of Gaza are fighting to be free from generations of occupation so it is not enough, brothers and sisters, it is not enough to demand a ceasefire,” he said. “Make your demand cease occupation, cease occupation, and let that be your battle cry because that is the call of history of which all of you are part.

     “You are part of something magnanimous, magnificent and soul changing, and history changing. Do not let go of this moment, make it bigger, make it more massive, make it more powerful, make it echo up into the stars. I am thrilled by your work – I love you.”

     The students erupted into chants of “brick by brick, wall by wall, free Mumia Abu-Jamal”.

     Abu-Jamal has a track record of supporting student movements and has been invited as a commencement speaker by numerous colleges. He participates in those commencements through recordings.

     He has published dozens of essays and several books – including 2017’s Have Black Lives Ever Mattered? – about his time on death row and the history of the Black Panthers.

     Cuny voted to divest from South Africa in 1984 by cutting ties with companies supporting the apartheid regime. Columbia was the first Ivy League university to sever financial links with the apartheid regime.”

     As I wrote in my post of October 24 2024, Universities Attack Protests by Jewish Peace Activists on Sukkot; This Sukkot, American universities attack protests by Jewish peace activists calling for divestiture of investment in war industries complicit in genocide and other crimes against humanity in Palestine and Lebanon.

    So it has been with our entire nation for longer than I have been alive, and though I have fought to save something of our humanity since the 1982 Siege of Beirut, all over our dark and brutal world, and won some few victories, on the whole I am failing.

    Tens of thousands of American, Israeli, Palestinian, and Lebanese peoples have protested their annihilation, dehumanization, and enslavement by a Zionist state of tyranny and terror, and of fascisms of blood, faith, and soil. Yet even our most liberal regime in America, led by Genocide Joe and Kommandant Kamala, refuse to stop funding and arming Israel’s criminal war against humanity.

     Trump of course would be far worse and more terrible, should he recapture the state, for he is Netanyahu’s ally and the October 7 2023 attack was planned jointly by Hamas and the Netanyahu regime to divide America and shoehorn Trump back into power where he will fully support Israel’s imperial conquest and dominion of the whole Middle East.

     We must stop trump and elect Kamala on November 5, but this does not mean turning a blind eye to our complicity in genocide and state terror, in America or in the Holy Lands.

     Resistance begins with truth telling and solidarity of action, and this is the primary ground of struggle now unfolding on our university campuses and in our elections.

     We are offered a false dichotomy between Kommandant Kamala and Traitor Trump; we can keep both our democracy and our universal human rights. If we refuse to submit, abandon not our fellows, and find the will to claw our way out of the ruins of our nation and our civilization again, and make yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory or even survival.

     God bless America, and God Bless Us, Every One; we’re going to need it.

    As written by Chris Walker in Truthout, in an article entitled Jewish Students Blast Universities for Actions Against Sukkot Demonstrations: Universities destroyed sukkah shelters and stood by while students were harassed by bigots, Jewish Voice for Peace said; “Multiple Jewish-led organizations on college campuses across the country marked the end of the religious holiday of Sukkot this week by calling for their universities to divest from Israel amid its genocide of Palestinians in Gaza.

     Sukkot commemorates the 40 years the Israelites spent wandering the wilderness, led by Moses, after they were freed from enslavement in Egypt. The holiday is often celebrated by constructing temporary structures called sukkahs, meant to remind the Jewish people of their ancestors’ displacement. This year, Jewish students adorned their sukkahs on campus with messages of solidarity with Palestinians, noting that the tradition has taken on increased resonance as Israel’s ethnic cleansing campaign has displaced millions of Palestinian families in Gaza over the past year.

     Around 18 college chapters of Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) took part in the demonstrations, with other student groups joining them across the country. According to a press release shared with Truthout by JVP, students built Gaza solidarity sukkahs at Northwestern University, the University of Chicago, Brown, Columbia, the University of Washington, the University of Rochester, UC Berkeley, Stanford, Yale, the University of North Carolina, Swarthmore, UCLA, Bryn Mawr, MIT, Rutgers, UC San Diego, Occidental, and more.

        The sukkah demonstrations included teach-ins, prayer services, sacred meals, and other programs intended to foster understanding of the genocide and promote divestment and an arms embargo on Israel.

     On many campuses, administrators responded to the demonstrations by ordering the destruction of the structures. Administrators also ignored harassment against Jewish students and their allies by pro-Israel agitators. At Northwestern University, for example, administrators tore down students’ Gaza solidarity sukkah not once, but twice — destroying it a second time after students rebuilt the structure.

      Isabelle Butera, a student who took part in the sukkah demonstration at Northwestern, condemned the university’s actions; Northwestern has spent all year claiming to care about the wellbeing of Jewish students, yet they send police to dismantle our sacred Sukkah in the dark of night. This reveals that Northwestern’s claims of caring for Jewish students were really only about punishing any students who speak out for Palestinian freedom. Because we dedicated our Sukkot to the people of Gaza who are currently enduring genocide, Northwestern decided to send in police to harass us.”

     JVP also noted actions against students elsewhere.

     Seventeen students from Brown University are reportedly set to face disciplinary action for violating a newly enacted rule against sleeping overnight on campus property, a standard that was enacted in response to the pro-Palestinian student encampments across the country earlier this year. The university barred students from being inside their sukkah or even within 20 feet of it from the hours of 2 am and 6 am, an unprecedented action that went against the university’s tolerance of Sukkot observations in the past.

     “Every year on this campus Jewish students sleep in sukkahs without incident. We believe we are being treated differently because we…are standing with Palestine,” said Etta Robb, a student taking part in the Gaza solidarity sukkah at Brown.

     At UCLA, police in riot gear stood near a sukkah and did nothing while right-wing agitators, many who had just attended an event featuring far right speaker Ben Shapiro, harassed pro-Palestine students. The agitators shouted at the demonstrators, used homophobic slurs, and tore parts of the sukkah apart for around half an hour, forcing students taking part in the sukkah to leave out of fear for their safety.

     “The students were ultimately forced to abandon the sukkah and disperse for their safety. Only then did cops issue a dispersal order, but allowed agitators to remain and destroy the walls and decorations in the sukkah,” a press release from students said.

     Shortly afterward, maintenance workers from the university destroyed the sukkah.

     A spokesperson for JVP decried the universities’ actions against student demonstrators.

     “These universities desecrate these student’s Jewish practice because their faith is intertwined with their solidarity with the Palestinian people,” said JVP media coordinator Liv Kunins-Berkowitz. “A university has no right to dictate what types of Jewish practice are legitimate. Anti-Zionist Judaism is a longstanding and rapidly growing expression of being Jewish.”

     As written in an article as Sukkot began, also by Chris Walker in Truthout, entitled Jewish Students Mark Sukkot Holiday With Calls to End Israel’s Genocide in Gaza; “Several Jewish-led student groups are marking the holiday of Sukkot on campuses across the country by constructing small, temporary structures called sukkahs and adorning them with messages of solidarity with Palestinians amid Israel’s genocide.

     Sukkot, sometimes known as the Feast of Booths, is a weeklong Jewish holiday commemorating the story of the 40 years that Israelites spent in the wilderness after Moses led them out of slavery in Egypt. Jewish people often celebrate Sukkot by constructing sukkahs, which are reminiscent of the shelters their ancestors lived in during displacement.

     Sukkot began at sunset on Wednesday, and will last through this coming Wednesday, October 23.

     Jewish students at campuses across the U.S. are using the occasion to call for their institutions to divest from Israel and for a U.S. arms embargo on Israel — with many noting that the holiday has increased resonance this year as millions of Palestinians have been forcibly displaced and now live in tents due to Israel’s ethnic cleansing campaign.

     Around 18 college chapters of Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) have set up sukkahs at colleges and universities across the country. Other Jewish students and groups have also taken part in the demonstrations.

     Many of the sukkahs feature both Jewish and Palestinian imagery, including olive trees. The structures are also marked with messages like “Gaza Solidarity Sukkah” and “Stop Arming Israel.” At the sukkahs, students have hosted teach-ins featuring university faculty, JVP said in a press release shared with Truthout.

    The construction of sukkahs on university campuses has been met with varying responses from administrators.

     At Brown University, for example, the student group Jews for Ceasefire Now (JFCN) received permit approval for the temporary construction of their sukkah, with the Office of Chaplains and Religious Life allowing it to stand during the weeklong holiday.

     Still, leaders from JFCN said that university officials must do more to address U.S. complicity in Israel’s slaughter of Palestinians in Gaza and the occupied West Bank.

    “It is important to take up space on this campus and show that the undemocratic Corporation” — the formal name given to the governing body of Brown University — “will not silence the student movement,” Rafi Ash, a member of JFCN, told The Brown Daily Herald. “We want to show the Corporation that as they arrive on campus, they are working against the student body.”

     Not all universities were receptive to the construction of sukkahs on their grounds. Northwestern University, for example, ordered employees, accompanied by police, to tear down students’ Gaza solidarity sukkah.

     As the religious structure was being torn down, the Northwestern students who had constructed it read a poem out loud, observing the symbolism of the university destroying their sukkah that was calling for Palestinian liberation.

     “We asked if we could stay on this lawn, as we are students of this campus and have every right to be here. So we stayed and watched the police tear down the beautiful structure that we built only hours ago,” student Isabelle Butera said.

     At the University of California-Berkeley, administrators ordered another sukkah to be torn down. Jewish students condemned the action, with some saying it demonstrated the university-wide sentiment against anti-Zionist Jews on campus.

     The students relocated their sukkah to a different location, where a guest lecturer spoke. However, the next morning, the university called the police and again tore the structure down, removing materials from it, including items donated by community farms.

     “They don’t see us as real Jews or make claims that we’re self hating Jews because we refuse to support a genocide and the colonization of Indigenous Palestinians,” said Gus, who participated in building the sukkah at Berkeley. “Then, when we try to make our own space on the campus that we pay for, our administration destroys our religious dwelling not once, but twice. Both times accompanied by a swarm of police.”

     “At Brown, we are unequivocally in solidarity with Northwestern, Cornell, Columbia, and all other Jewish and non-Jewish organizers who are facing repression for pro-Palestinian activism, whether right now in their sukkahs, on their campuses, or throughout the entirety of the past year,” Eden Fine, a participant in the Sukkot event and a senior at Brown University, said in a statement to Truthout.

     A pro-Palestinian sukkah was also torn down by officials at the University of Washington.”

      What are the students protesting? As written by Sharif Abdel Kouddous and Abubaker Abed in a newsletter entitled The Murderous Logistics of Israel’s Ethnic Cleansing Campaign in Northern Gaza: Eyewitnesses say the IDF is starving residents, targeting hospitals, bombing shelters, and murdering civilians in the streets; “On Monday, Al Jazeera correspondent Anas al-Sharif posted a photograph from northern Gaza capturing the Israeli military’s brutal depopulation campaign. In the photo, hundreds of Palestinian men, women, and children crowd together on a bombed-out street, carrying their few belongings in plastic bags. They all face the same direction, as if moving in procession, holding their ID cards up in the air to an Israeli soldier just out of view. The caption reads: “Ethnic Cleansing in Jabaliya 2024.”

     For the past 19 days, the Israeli military has waged a concentrated campaign of extermination and ethnic cleansing in northern Gaza, according to medical staff and eyewitnesses who have been speaking to Drop Site News. The IDF has besieged the area with troops, blocked roads, and constructed earthen barriers, while cutting off access to food, water, fuel, and medical supplies. From the air, it has targeted homes, shelters, schools and hospitals with relentless airstrikes. Quadcopters are shooting civilians in the streets. Amid shelling and demolitions on the ground, soldiers have rounded up residents, arresting hundreds and forcing tens of thousands to march south. “This is the first time since the beginning of the war that the occupation army has besieged an area and then begun a campaign of bombing, killing and starvation in such a complete way,” Mahmoud Basal, the spokesperson for the Civil Defense in Gaza, told the Palestinian press agency Safa.

     In one of the deadliest incidents, at least 87 people were killed or have been reported missing following an airstrike on a residential block in Beit Lahia on Saturday. More than 40 people were injured in the strike, including infants, some of whom were taken to Kamal Adwan hospital. Video shared by the ministry of health shows several children barely clinging to life in the hospital’s intensive care unit, including footage of a months-old baby lying dead next to another severely wounded child covered in gauze and hooked up to tubes receiving treatment.

     On Monday, at least 10 people were killed and 30 injured in the shelling of an UNRWA school sheltering displaced Palestinians in the Jabaliya camp after the Israeli military ordered them to evacuate. In Beit Lahia on Tuesday, 15 people were killed in an Israeli drone strike, followed by a tank shelling on a school that had become a shelter for the displaced, killing seven.

     The Israeli military on Wednesday released aerial footage showing crowds streaming out of a bombed out landscape and extolling the “tens of thousands” of citizens that have been forced to flee Jabaliya. Al Jazeera also posted footage from Israel’s national broadcaster showing IDF trucks carrying dozens of blindfolded Palestinian men reportedly from Jabaliya.

     So far, the assault has claimed the lives of over 770 people, a number certain to go up with countless more casualties lying in the streets and under the rubble in areas Israeli troops have barred emergency crews from accessing. “Israeli forces are executing people in the streets, in shelters, everywhere,” Ismail Al-Thwabta, the spokesperson for the Information Ministry in Gaza, told Drop Site News. Over 1,000 others have been injured and more than 200 civilians have been “kidnapped,” according to the Government Media Office in Gaza, with dozens more missing.

     The focus of the military campaign is the northernmost governorate in the Gaza Strip, an area known as North Gaza. The stretch, where some 200,000 Palestinians still remain, includes the cities of Beit Lahia, Beit Hanoun, and Jabaliya, along with Jabaliya refugee camp, the largest refugee camp in the Gaza Strip.

     The UN Human Rights Office issued a statement on Sunday voicing its concern that Israeli forces in North Gaza are interfering with humanitarian aid and facilitating the forced expulsion of Palestinians. “The Israeli military has taken measures that make life in north Gaza impossible for Palestinians while repeatedly ordering the displacement of the entire governorate,” the office said. Thousands of homes, shelters and other structures have also been destroyed “causing massive and unprecedented destruction,” the Government Media Office in Gaza said in a statement.

     Images and video shared by journalists on the ground show large groups of civilians on the street being rounded up, with Israeli tanks positioned next to them. On Monday, Al Jazeera correspondent Hossam Shabat posted on X that Israeli forces that day had attacked a school in the Jabaliya refugee camp, forcing people out. “Then they lined them up and shot anyone who dared to move. Any male over the age of 16 is being detained, tortured, and investigated,” he wrote. “Many people who are being lined up are sick individuals, such as amputees, cancer patients, and young kids who are being asked to stand in line for hours. The situation is catastrophic.”

     As Israeli operations in the north have intensified, its planes are dropping flyers over the area and deploying drones fitted with loudspeakers, warning people that the area will be detonated while they are inside their homes if they do not evacuate immediately. Israeli troops have also bombed and burned down shelters for the displaced.

     Amid the carnage, those who have been forced out describe a hellish journey south, made to walk for many kilometers past Israeli tanks and troops.

     Fadi Redwan, a 22-year-old resident of Jabaliya refugee camp, was forced to leave his family on October 8 and head to Kamal Adwan hospital for a blood transfusion to treat his thalassemia, a blood disorder that affects hemoglobin levels. “On my way, the streets were a picture of horror and trauma: decomposing bodies gnawed by dogs, children’s skulls here and there, scattered skeletons amid the rubble of homes. I couldn’t do anything as snipers and quadcopters were shooting everyone,” Redwan told Drop Site News. Not long after he reached the hospital, Israeli soldiers encircled and stormed the facility. “They checked my ID, my medical report, and my phone,” Redwan said. “They only gave back my ID and medical report and ordered me and five others like me with thalassemia to head to the south.”

     With Apache helicopters overhead, Redwan and several others also seeking care were forced to leave the hospital. “The streets were filled with corpses and piles of rubble and it was difficult to walk straight. Anyone looking left or right was shot dead,” he said. “There were many decomposing bodies and the smell was utterly horrific.” After a 10-hour trek, he reached the Netzarim corridor, a securitized stretch of land established by the Israeli military with bases and checkpoints that divides northern and southern Gaza, where soldiers eventually allowed him to pass through.

     Sixteen hours after Redwan was forced out of the hospital, he finally reached Deir al-Balah in central Gaza, where more than a million displaced Palestinians are crowded into tents on every street with little sanitation or infrastructure, taking refuge with a friend in a tent. “My family was extremely worried about me. When I finally called them, they broke down in tears as they thought I had been killed. I am now a patient and have nothing with me. I was trembling with cold yesterday as I only have this T-shirt,” Redwan said. “It was the first time I had seen Israeli soldiers—it was the shock of a lifetime. I am now without my family. I dream of having the most basic things, such as clothes to get warm and some food to eat. I don’t know how I’ll endure this, but I hope it’ll end and I’ll be back with my family. I am severely traumatized.”

     Key to Israel’s campaign in the north has been the targeting of hospitals, Al-Thwabta told Drop Site News. Following repeated attacks, the three partially functioning hospitals in the area—Kamal Adwan, Indonesian, and al-Awda—are almost out of service. Over 350 patients are trapped inside the three hospitals, including pregnant women and people who recently  underwent surgery, according to Médecins Sans Frontières.

     “Israeli attacks hit Kamal Adwan Hospital today, which remains under Israel’s constant bombings and with no medical aid or supplies,” Al-Thwabta said. “We’ve been calling out the world to allow safe corridors to provide the north with the basic necessities. However, there’s been no response. Even our request to provide healthcare professionals with food was rejected.”

     Dr. Hussam Abu Safia, Director of Kamal Adwan Hospital, said the hospital has run out of blood and a number of wounded have died as a result of the severe lack of resources. “We are now implementing a priority treatment system. This is the reality,” he said. Dr. Eid Sabah, the Director of Nursing at Kamal Adwan Hospital said in an audio message shared with Drop Site that Israeli forces have shelled and closed all roads and streets leading to the hospital, preventing ambulances from reaching the facility, effectively isolating it.

     At the Indonesian hospital, “the occupation bombs the generators, cutting off electricity, causing patients to die after being disconnected from oxygen devices,” Dr. Munir Al-Borsh, director-general of the ministry of health, said in a statement. “Doctors and medical staff dig graves to bury the martyrs inside the hospital, which is besieged by tanks, as they are unable to leave.”

     And at the Al-Awda Hospital, Israeli forces “have completely surrounded the hospital, and we cannot leave or approach the windows,” Dr. Mohammed Salha, the acting director of the hospital, said in a message. “We only eat one meal a day, which is half a loaf of bread or a small plate of rice. Two days ago, occupation forces fired artillery shells at the hospital, destroying two floors of patients’ accommodation and water tanks.”

     With Israel continuing to enforce a near-total blockade the humanitarian crisis is becoming catastrophic. On Monday, Israeli forces killed six men in the Jabaliya refugee camp attempting to get drinking water, Al Jazeera reported. Also on Monday, the UN said Israel had, for the fourth consecutive day, denied an urgent request it had made to allow access to the Jabaliya refugee camp to rescue people trapped under the rubble. Israel also denied a separate request by the UN to deliver food, water, and fuel. Farhan Haq, the UN’s deputy spokesman, said Israel also denied 28 UN requests to deliver humanitarian aid to Jabaliya, Beit Hanoun, and Beit Lahiya between October 6 and 20. Several other requests, he added, “faced impediments.”

     On Tuesday, the Israeli military said in a statement that over 230 trucks carrying aid have entered northern Gaza since last week, despite multiple reports from journalists on the ground and humanitarian organizations pushing back on that claim, including the World Health Organization. The group said on Wednesday that when teams were granted access to Kamal Adwan Hospital to evacuate critical patients, their request to bring food, fuel, blood, and medicine was denied.

     In a letter addressed to senior Israeli officials dated October 13, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin said Israel must take steps in the next month to allow more humanitarian aid into Gaza or face potential restrictions on military aid. Yet at the same time, White House national security spokesperson John Kirby stressed in a press briefing that the letter was intended not as a threat, but as a way to “reiterate the sense of urgency we feel and the seriousness with which we feel it, about the need for an increase, a dramatic increase in humanitarian assistance.”

     Phillippe Lazzarini, the Commissioner-General of UNRWA, posted an urgent message on X on Tuesday:

     “Nearly three weeks of non-stop bombardments from the Israeli Forces as the death toll increases.

     Our staff report they cannot find food, water or medical care.

     The smell of death is everywhere as bodies are left lying on the roads or under the rubble. Missions to clear the bodies or provide humanitarian assistance are denied.

     In northern Gaza, people are just waiting to die.

     They feel deserted, hopeless and alone. They live from one hour to the next, fearing death at every second.”

     And while university systems and other authorities in America perpetrate repression of dissent which echoes and reflects the McCarthy era and the gruesome police brutality unleashed on peace activists during the Vietnam War, our colony and client state of Israel bombs hospitals and schools while our leaders betray us and abandon our ideals of universal human rights as our taxes buy the deaths of children.

      But there is nothing new in this museum of Holocausts Israel and America have together made of the Holy Land as imperial conquest and dominion, nor in the complicity of our universities and elites in profiteering from terror.

     As I wrote in my post of May 15 2024, Anniversary of Bloody Thursday Berkeley 1969: Love, Magic, and Political Awakening Amid the Most Massive and Terrible Incident of Police Terror in American History; In this time of melting glaciers and dying seas, of drought and scarcity of drinking water, of burning rainforests and species extinctions, of acid rain and clouds of poison gas, of humankind drowning in our own wastes of greed and vanity and taking everything else with us, of fascist tyranny and state terror, of the horrors of imperial conquest and wars of dominion which threaten us with nuclear annihilation, I find myself reflecting not on the inevitability of our failure but instead on the hope of our defiance of those who would sell us into oblivion.

     And so I write to offer you a fragment of protective magic from my childhood and family history; but first the truth of the peril and existential crisis we face today.

     As I wrote of biodiversity and extinction in my post of May 13 2019; Earth is an Ark hurtling through space, filled with precious life among chasms of emptiness.

     How shall we answer this nothingness?  Will it be with wisdom in maintaining the balance of life in all its subtle and glorious interconnectedness, diversity, and beauty, a dance of joy and of love?

     Or will we be defeated and consumed by our own vanity and greed, surrendering to the dark and to despair and turning all we have or ever will into profit until there is nothing left, not water to drink nor air to breathe, and the last of us die with inarticulate brute cries, bloated in toadlike satiation and trumpeting our splendid dominance and rulership of the world?

     We must choose who we are to become, we humans; stewards of our homeworld and of one another, or destroyers. Can we find a path forward in coexistence, or will we allow our appetites and desires to drive us to suicidal ruin? For we have but two choices of futures in this; we will be Lightbringers, or we will annihilate ourselves.

      So I wrote among my celebrations of May Day and the coming of spring. I write today not to prophecy apocalypse, but to hold before us hope of redemption. Of Extinction Rebellion and the Green New Deal, of the abolition of police and carceral states, and of solidarity which bridges authorized identities and divisions in seizures of power and revolutionary struggle against those who would enslave us I have written much and will do so again; but I promised magic, and you shall have it.

     As recounted in Lions Roar; ‘In 1969, poet Gary Snyder wrote his “Smokey the Bear Sutra,” imagining Smokey as the Great Sun Buddha giving a discourse, in the style of a Buddhist sutra. Fifty years later, the message of the sutra continues to resonate.”

      I first heard it, a song of shining truth and the incorruptible redemptive power of love, sung by my mother and the women who joined hands in a circle of protection between the protestors holding signs and flowers and the guns of the riot police during the summer of my Awakening to political awareness.

     Gary Snyder had distributed copies of his poem at the February 1969 Sierra Club Wilderness Conference, which were in the hands of the protesters who occupied People’s Park in Berkeley to rally in support of the people of Palestine and demand divestiture of investment in Israeli injustices by the University of California system and our government, just in time for Bloody Thursday on May 15, when his words were the only shield against the shotgun blasts- lethal rounds with multiple shot the size of 38 caliber bullets which had been loaded with intent to kill- fired at random into the crowd by the police.

      Of the six thousand protesters at the scene of what has been called the most violent incident of state terror in American history, only 111 of the victims reached the safety of hospitals. There has never been a full accounting of Bloody Thursday.

     I remember my mother smiling and reaching out to a policeman offering a handful of flowers, and he pumped and aimed a shotgun at her in reply. Is it truly so threatening, a bouquet of flowers, to our systems of unequal power, to patriarchy, to white supremacy, to capitalism, to the carceral state? I have no explanation for how we survived the next few moments. I’d like to think he hesitated to murder for no reason a beautiful woman, with flaming red hair and skin pale as rice powder, fearless and kind and with imperious hazel eyes and a boy less than ten years old at her side, even that she had been identified and orders issued not to shoot a notable academic, surely the greatest scholar of Coleridge and symbolism in medieval religious art of her time and a psychologist and biologist as well as an author of children’s books. But no; chance intervened in the form of a policeman who at that moment threw a grenade into the crowd. There was a flash of light and thunder, like God’s head being split open with a hammer, and all devolved into chaos and death. Time resumed as the crowd fled and policemen fired at our backs; still we escaped harm.

     The moment of my true birth was that in which I stood outside of time, beyond death, and held the universe within me.

     The force wave of the detonations cast my consciousness from my body, like the shadows etched on the walls of Hiroshima, momentarily dead and in a vision of our possible alternate futures become a vessel of fate, bearer of a terrible awareness that we live on the cusp of decision of an age of tyranny, six to eight centuries of fascist and theocratic prison-states, wars and genocides, ending with the extinction of humankind.

     I returned from death in my mother’s arms, and said; “Don’t be afraid. Death is nothing; nothing but Awakening from an illusion.”

     This is why I have learned to read our futures in current events as civilizational choices we make, as adaptations to threats and to change, through the methods of literary criticism, history, psychology, and philosophy; because ours is a time of Rashomon Gate Events which can doom or save us, for our actions have consequences globally and for all of us, and if we are to escape the fall of civilization and our extinction we must reimagine and transform ourselves.

     What happened next? Governor Ronald Reagan unleashed 2,700 soldiers of the National Guard, who joined the Alameda County Sheriffs, in effect a mercenary force who had donned Halloween masks and discarded their badges, in a two week campaign of repression that included bombing the entire city from helicopters with tear gas. When informed of the elementary school children who were hospitalized as a result, he said; “Once the dogs of war have been unleashed, you must expect things will happen, and that people, being human, will make mistakes on both sides.”

     In all of this, I remembered the great spell of love and nonviolence which heralded my Awakening and may have saved the lives of my mother and myself among others.

     As to family history and the origins of Smokey the Bear as a protective spirit,  my aunt Betty invented Smokey the Bear as a character to represent our duty of stewardship of nature during her career in the U.S. Forest Service, named for an actual bear cub raised by herself among other forest rangers and Native Americans together because its mother had died in a forest fire. As the USFS mascot and spokesman, he became the image of one of most successful marketing campaigns in history and a universal symbol which belongs to us all.

     I hope that he will continue to protect all of us and our planet, and to remind us to live in harmony with each other and our fellow beings as companions on a great journey. So, here follows the Smokey the Bear Sutra:

     “Once in the Jurassic, about 150 million years ago, the Great Sun Buddha in this corner of the Infinite Void gave a great Discourse to all the assembled elements and energies: to the standing beings, the walking beings, the flying beings, and the sitting beings—even grasses, to the number of thirteen billion, each one born from a seed, were assembled there: a Discourse concerning Enlightenment on the planet Earth.

 “In some future time, there will be a continent called America. It will have great centers of power called such as Pyramid Lake, Walden Pond, Mt. Rainier, Big Sur, Everglades, and so forth; and powerful nerves and channels such as Columbia River, Mississippi River, and Grand Canyon. The human race in that era will get into troubles all over its head, and practically wreck everything in spite of its own strong intelligent Buddha-nature.”

“The twisting strata of the great mountains and the pulsings of great volcanoes are my love burning deep in the earth. My obstinate compassion is schist and basalt and granite, to be mountains, to bring down the rain. In that future American Era I shall enter a new form: to cure the world of loveless knowledge that seeks with blind hunger; and mindless rage eating food that will not fill it.”

And he showed himself in his true form of

SMOKEY THE BEAR.

A handsome smokey-colored brown bear standing on his hind legs, showing that he is aroused and watchful.

Bearing in his right paw the Shovel that digs to the truth beneath appearances; cuts the roots of useless attach­ments, and flings damp sand on the fires of greed and war;

His left paw in the Mudra of Comradely Display—indicating that all creatures have the full right to live to their limits and that deer, rabbits, chipmunks, snakes, dandelions, and lizards all grow in the realm of the Dharma;

Wearing the blue work overalls symbolic of slaves and laborers, the countless men oppressed by a civilization that claims to save but only destroys;

Wearing the broad-brimmed hat of the West, symbolic of the forces that guard the Wilderness, which is the Natural State of the Dharrna and the True Path of man on earth: all true paths lead through mountains—

With a halo of smoke and flame behind, the forest fires of the Kali-yuga, fires caused by the stupidity of those who think things can be gained and lost whereas in truth all is contained vast and free in the Blue Sky and Green Earth of One Mind;

Round-bellied to show his kind nature and that the great earth has food enough for everyone who loves her and trusts her;

Trampling underfoot wasteful freeways and needless suburbs; smashing the worms of capitalism and totalitarianism;

Indicating the Task: his followers, becoming free of cars, houses, canned food, universities, and shoes, master the Three Mysteries of their own Body, Speech, and Mind; and fearlessly chop down the rotten trees and prune out the sick limbs of this country America and then burn the leftover trash.

Wrathful but Calm, Austere but Comic, Smokey the Bear will Illuminate those who would help him; but for those who would hinder or slander him,

HE WILL PUT THEM OUT.

Thus his great Mantra:

Namah samanta vajranam chanda maharoshana Sphataya hum traka ham mam

“I DEDICATE MYSELF TO THE UNIVERSAL DIAMOND BE THIS RAGING FURY DESTROYED”

And he will protect those who love woods and rivers, Gods and animals, hobos and madmen, prisoners and sick people, musicians, playful women, and hopeful children;

And if anyone is threatened by advertising, air pollution, or the police, they should chant SMOKEY THE BEAR’S WAR SPELL

DROWN THEIR BUTTS

CRUSH THEIR BUTTS

DROWN THEIR BUTTS

CRUSH THEIR BUTTS

And SMOKEY THE BEAR will surely appear to put the enemy out with his vajra-shovel,

Now those who recite this Sutra and then try to put it in practice will accumulate merit as countless as the sands of Arizona and Nevada,

Will help save the planet Earth from total oil slick,

Will enter the age of harmony of man and nature,

Will win the tender love and caresses of men, women, and beasts

Will always have ripe blackberries to eat and a sunny spot under a pine to sit at,

AND IN THE END WILL WIN HIGHEST PERFECT ENLIGHTENMENT.

thus have we heard.”

     A sovereign and independent Palestine, as imagined by its people only, with the UN as guarantor; for this dream I have struggled for fifty five years now since my first death, of moments only, from the concussive pressure wave of a police grenade when I was nine as Reagan ordered the police to open fire on the student divestiture from Israel protests, Bloody Thursday May 15 1969 in People’s Park Berkeley; and as my consciousness was hurled out of my body I stood beyond time and lived myriads of possible futures extending through millennia.

      I hope that we choose love over fear, power, and force, now in this moment when the fate of humankind balances between liberty and tyranny, and that we are not still merely hoping that solidarity may one day triumph over division fifty years from now, or fifty thousand, but now begin its realization, here in this Holocaust which is Gaza.

      May peace be upon us all.

Postscript: On Solidarity and liberation struggle, regarding the charge of protest against Israeli genocide being the same as support for Hamas

      Traitor Trump has attempted to deport a Palestinian student leader of liberation struggle under the false charges of antisemitism and the bizarre characterization of the anti-genocide protests as being pro Hamas, a government on America’s official list of terrorist organizations which has mysteriously excluded Israel.

     Protest for our universal human rights has nothing to do with Hamas, other than the inconvenient fact that Hamas is also fighting for human rights in Palestine, including the right to live and the right of civilians to be free from war crimes perpetrated against them.

     This leaves us with the question, why would anyone support Hamas, or align themselves with any defender of the people against Occupation and imperial conquest and dominion by a hostile power? It is exactly the same question we must ask of Ukraine in her magnificent stand for liberty against Russia.

     You must understand that Hamas recruits ten fighters for each killed, is recognized as the legitimate state of Palestine by the Palestinians because no one else fights for them in quite the same way, and will never submit. Not in a thousand years.

      Nor do they stand alone; I will stand with them and with any who stand between forces of genocide, ethnic cleansing, imperial conquest and dominion, tyranny and terror and their intended victims. The particulars are irrelevant. Nor do I recognize differences of blood, faith, or national identity as just causes of war, which is to say that I am an antifascist and believe in the absolute and universal equality of all human beings.

      I place my life in the balance with the powerless and the dispossessed, the marginalized and the erased, all whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth, and I will bet my refusal to submit to tyranny and terror against any power on earth.

     Join us.

Wednesday’s concert to the night

Nothing Else Matters, by Apocalyptica from the original Metallica song, as featured on the Netflix series Wednesday

“I don’t believe in heaven or hell. But I do believe in vengeance.”

Reproduced from the Summer 1970 issue of Wind Bell, where it appeared with the note, “May be reproduced free forever.”

‘Reeks of McCarthyism’: outrage after Ice detains Palestinian student activist

Mahmoud Khalil’s treatment should not happen in a democracy

Trump Is Viciously Cracking Down on Free Speech

https://jacobin.com/2025/03/trump-free-speech-khalil-deportation?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTAAAR3MHcLCUMu_RPTcZUr8AzDIYOXFePschSSr3ZT66utVBjTCclZTpvbF2xo_aem_8FhTQyXbjI6NGZZM0Z-2pA

Pro-Palestine Protesters Are on the Right Side of History

https://jacobin.com/2024/04/columbia-university-palestine-protests-1968

The Gaza Massacre Is Undermining the Culture of Democracy

https://jacobin.com/2024/04/gaza-genocide-holocaust-memory-democracy

What To Know About Mahmoud Khalil, and Why His Green Card Was Revoked

https://time.com/7266683/mahmoud-khalil-columbia-green-card/?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR0w046ufB5CrXIpSXjuFMFKZmdIlCL6U_w90Kp6Rqw28-Y4TJ0uJ0Ng73U_aem_8LGzXRQ5RIbhiK7bMLTBmw

‘Do not bow’: ex-Black Panther praises pro-Palestinian student protesters from prison

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/apr/28/pro-palestinian-cuny-protesters-mumia-abu-jamal

Jewish Students Blast Universities for Actions Against Sukkot Demonstrations

Universities destroyed sukkah shelters and stood by while students were harassed by bigots, Jewish Voice for Peace said.

https://truthout.org/articles/jewish-students-blast-universities-for-actions-against-sukkot-demonstrations/?utm_source=feedotter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=FO-10-24-2024&utm_content=httpstruthoutorgarticlesjewishstudentsblastuniversitiesforactionsagainstsukkotdemonstrations&utm_source=Truthout&utm_campaign=9ece4459fb-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2024_10_24_08_53&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_bbb541a1db-9ece4459fb-%5BLIST_EMAIL_ID%5D

The Murderous Logistics of Israel’s Ethnic Cleansing Campaign in Northern Gaza: Eyewitnesses say the IDF is starving residents, targeting hospitals, bombing shelters, and murdering civilians in the streets

Students across Europe hold Gaza war protests in run-up to UN vote on Palestinian statehood

 More than 2,000 pro-Palestinian protesters arrested across US campuses

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/article/2024/may/02/university-protests-arrests-ucla-dartmouth

                   Bloody Thursday, a reading list

https://www.theguardian.com/books/2019/jul/06/the-battle-for-peoples-park-berkeley-1969-review-vietnam

https://www.rollingstone.com/culture/culture-news/flashback-ronald-reagan-and-the-berkeley-peoples-park-riots-114873/

https://www.rt.com/usa/343123-reagan-berkeley-park-riot

https://archive.org/details/canhpra_000027

March 10 2025 Of Love and Desire as Forces of Autonomy and Liberation: Identities of Sex and Gender Part 3

      In my previous journal entry in this series I provided a brief outline of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator test as a tool of discovery and description of the processes of masculinity and femininity as interdependent aspects of a whole personality, in the context of gender identity and performance.

      So we come to the final category of our interest here, sexual orientation. The most important thing to know about human sexuality as a dimension of experience is that it involves the whole person. Whereas a personality test can tell you who you are, and who others are or wish to represent themselves as, it cannot tell you who or what you desire. Desire remains ambiguous, and that is its great power as a force of liberation and autonomy.

     The second is that desire is uncontrollable as the tides, an inherently anarchic and chaotic force of nature which is nonvolitional and for which we cannot be held responsible, unlike our actions toward others.

    In this I speak to you of truths which are immanent in nature and written in our flesh; we must claim our truths and celebrate what Walt Whitman called the songs of ourselves as victorious seizures of power, freedom, and joy.

    In the mirror of our desires are revealed the truths of ourselves, and the infinite possibilities of becoming human. Herein I sing of glorious sins of rebellion against Authority, transgressions of the Forbidden, violations of normality, and subversions of imposed ideas of Virtue.

     Love and desire are innate capacities of reimagination and transformative rebirth, which like Dorothy’s magic ruby slippers cannot be taken from us and bear the power to send us home to our heart’s desire, to restore to us the self  which is truly ours.

      My flesh is a map of private holocausts, written with silent screams, nameless loves, lost causes and victories forgotten by the memory of the world, ephemeral signs of our secret histories and the lies and illusions which capture and distort our images in a Wilderness of Mirrors and the pathologies of our falsification and disconnectedness.

     We have but one escape from the limits of our flesh and the flags of our skin; and this is love. In love we transcend ourselves and become exalted; through the redemptive power of love we may heal the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     As I wrote in my post of March 13 2021, A Year of Quarantine in Retrospect;

The quality of our humanity is not fixed, but always in motion, like the turbulent systems da Vinci studied in his fountain and which later with new mathematics came to be described as chaos theory. Identity is a process which is fluid, and our emotions are instruments with which it creates itself.

      We create ourselves over time, through our history of defining moments; human being is a prochronism, a history expressed in our form of how we solved problems of adaptation. What we call our self or our soul is no different in kind from the exoskeleton of an insect or the shell of a sea creature.

     And we create ourselves through our interdependence with others, our relationships, friends, families, communities, and the systems of signs thereof.

     Human being has in this scheme three orders of relationships; persona, history, and interdependence, and all of it is in motion, dynamic and inherently unstable.

     Impermanence is the defining quality of nature and the material universe; so also is the controlling metaphor and condition of human nature, being, and identity the Rashomon Gate of our ephemeral, transitory, and protean forms. Nature is a mirror which reflects itself, and like the Hobgoblin’s fragmented mirror in Hans Christian Andersen’s The Snow Queen, reveals endless possibilities of becoming human; the inward and outward halves of the cosmos also create and define each other in mutual coevolution, like Escher’s Drawing Hands.

    Humans are naturally polyamorous and are enculturated to be otherwise; we are shaped by sociohistorical forces in the sphere of gender identity and sexual orientation to deny our true nature. It is normality which is deviant, and from which misogyny, the system of Patriarchy inclusive of the institution of marriage which derives from that of slavery, and other destructive illnesses of the spirit arise, especially the drive to dominate and control others.

     As Goethe wrote in Faust; “Let us extend our lives through our bodies in all directions possible”.

     For me the origin of human evil is in unequal relationships and the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, pathologies of violence and dominion which require the renunciation of love as their price; not in the violation of taboos, the transgression of the Forbidden, or the defiance of Authority, three things I count as sacred acts in pursuit of the truth of ourselves, but in the systemic and structural injustices and inequalities of hegemonic elites, their lies and illusions which falsify us and steal our souls, and the state tyranny and terror of brutal force and control which we must resist and refuse to submit to, that we may become autonomous and free as self- created and self-owned beings; for power and force are meaningless when met with disobedience, and in the moment of our refusal to submit to authority we become Unconquered and free.

     I say again; human sexual orientation is not a spectrum with endpoint limits nor of fixed points of reference of any kind, but a Moebius Loop of infinite possibilities, and we are born and exist by nature everywhere along it at once. All else is limitation and control imposed artificially as dominion, captivity, and falsification by authorized identities, or a seizure of power and self-ownership in revolutionary struggle against such narratives, hierarchies, taxonomies, and divisions.

     Writing of love in Letters to Milena, Franz Kafka gives us this witness; “I wish the world were ending tomorrow. Then I could take the next train, arrive at your door in Vienna, and say, Come with me, Milena. We are going to love each other without scruples or fear or restraint. Because the world is ending tomorrow.

    Perhaps we don’t love unreasonably because we think we have time, or have to reckon with time. But what if we don’t have time? Or what if time, as we know it, is irrelevant? Ah, if only the world were ending tomorrow. We could help each other very much.”

     Here is the true origin of Nietzsche’s idea of Eternal Return as a test and praxis of Authenticity, and it recalls to me something I once said to Jean Genet. He had sat down at my table after my friends and I made our morning race against death, crossing a sniper alley to reach a cafe in Beirut that had the best strawberry crepes in the world.

     “I’m told you do this every day, steal breakfast from death.”

     To which I replied, “It’s a poor man who loves nothing beyond reason, and has no pleasures worth dying for.”

     He smiled and said,” I agree”; this was the beginning of our conversations at breakfast in the days of the terrible siege, which would reset the path of my life. We saw each other, Jean and I; and when this is true, nothing else matters.

      My wish for all of us is that we may find such friends who can reveal to us our true selves and offer figural spaces into which to grow; such is my functional definition of love.

     Through love and desire we pursue a sacred calling to discover our truths, truths which are immanent in nature and written in our flesh. Herein also we escape the limits of our flesh as we become sublimed and exalted in unification with others, who free our captive images from the wilderness of mirrors which falsify us. Love is an instrument with which we may liberate and empower each other and restore to one another our autonomy and authenticity.

     What does love do? Love sublimes us into a unitary being, erases our limits as individuals defined by our form and liberates us from the event horizon of our flesh.

     Love also reveals to us our true selves; a lover has the power to see the truth of others, and to reveal to others their true selves, and models thereby an ideal of human relationships. We choose partners who can help us become the person we want to be, and who embody qualities we wish to assimilate to ourselves; a healthy relationship returns to us and helps us discover our true and best selves. To love is to transform others by the power of our vision to see who they truly are and set them free.

     A lover is both a Pythian seer of truths who like Michelangelo can free us as images captive within the matrix of our bodies and our histories as material and social context, who in naming us like Adam naming the beasts defines our truth, and an inverted figure of Medusa, goddess and monster, a victim cursed for the crimes of her abuser like Hester Prynne in The Scarlet Letter, and whose power to turn men to stone appropriates the dehumanizing and objectifying power of the Male Gaze and transforms it into the power to see others true selves and release them to be free, and to mutually assimilate the qualities of the other and transform them both.

     Love is a divine madness which defiles and exalts, reveals truths and confers authenticity, and the redemptive power of love can make glorious and beautiful the flaws of our humanity and bring healing to the brokenness of the world and the pathology of our disconnectedness.

     Love and desire are forces of liberation, uncontrollable as the tides and inherently anarchic. They are our most powerful weapons against authority and tyranny; for they can neither be taken from us nor limited.

      Love like you have laughed in the face of your executioner, for this is exactly what love is.

Love as liberation of our truth through the gaze of the Other; I Could Have Danced All Night song from My Fair Lady

     Celebrate with us this 50th Anniversary of the Broadway debut of the Rocky Horror Picture Show, which came to hold a unique position in our global civilization as audience participation theatre.

      Something between a rite of passage and a community of refuge from our culture as systems of oppression, normality, authorized identities, boundaries of the Forbidden which define elite membership from otherness, and normie ideas of virtue and beauty, is Rocky Horror. To perform our uniqueness on the stage of history is an act of liberation struggle and becoming human; to do so in a context which celebrates strangeness is wonderful.

     Here it was that I developed my idea of becoming human through defining moments of struggle, crisis, and trauma which is central to my political ideology and practice of psychology, history, philosophy, and literature, as a member of the Berkeley cast Indecent Exposure.

     My thanks to all for the safe space of play.

     As written by Laura Collins-Hughes in The New York Times, in an article entitled Just Before It Was a Cult Film, ‘Rocky Horror Show’ Was a Broadway Flop: Tim Curry and colleagues recall the musical’s misadventure at the Belasco Theater in 1975.

Tim Curry, left, as Frank-N-Furter and Kim Milford as Rocky in the Broadway stage production of “The Rocky Horror Show” in 1975.Credit…Martha Swope/Billy Rose Theatre Division, via The New York Public Library for the Performing Arts

     “Fifty years have passed, but the actor Tim Curry isn’t sure he has ever forgiven the reception that “The Rocky Horror Show” received in its original Broadway production, which was also his Broadway debut.

“I try not to think about it,” he said the other day by phone from Los Angeles. “There’s not much point in paddling through old failures.”

Curry was back on Broadway the fall after “Rocky Horror,” in Tom Stoppard’s “Travesties.” But, wanting not to be reminded, he has never returned to the Belasco Theater on West 44th Street, where the musical spoof that would soon become a cult-film phenomenon started previews on March 7, 1975, opened on March 10 and lasted just a month.

On the heels of the show’s successes in London, where it began in 1973 in the tiny upstairs theater at the Royal Court, and then in Los Angeles, at the Roxy nightclub, it was the kind of Broadway fizzle that seems baffling in retrospect — not least because some of its cast overlapped with the movie’s.

   Arriving on Broadway after “The Rocky Horror Picture Show” was shot but several months before it was released, the musical starred Curry in the role he had originated in London, as the sexually omnivorous, corset-clad, extraterrestrial mad scientist Frank-N-Furter. Richard O’Brien, who wrote the musical, played the disquieting butler Riff-Raff, and Meat Loaf doubled as the doomed delivery boy, Eddie, and the scientist Dr. Scott.

Jim Sharman, who directed the film, restaged his Los Angeles production for Broadway. Lou Adler — the record executive, an owner of the Roxy and producer of the “Rocky Horror” film — produced.

The Broadway reviews reflected a peculiar mix of chip-on-the-shoulder indignation: about sitting at the cabaret tables that had replaced the theater’s orchestra seats; about enduring yet another British import; about being subjected to what some critics called “trash.” (Roundabout Theater Company plans a second Broadway revival next spring at Studio 54.)

Clive Barnes, who had enjoyed Sharman’s production in London, argued in The New York Times that it had lost some vital craziness en route to Broadway and should have been staged in “a filthy old cinema in the East Village.”

Curry, now 78; O’Brien, 82; Sharman, 79; and Adler, 91, recently spoke in separate interviews about that Broadway production, which came only a year before late-night movie screenings started turning “Rocky Horror” into a goth-camp classic. These are edited excerpts from those conversations.

.

The Broadway cast, from left: Jamie Donnelly as Magenta; Bill Miller as Brad Majors; Richard O’Brien as Riff-Raff; Boni Enten as Columbia; and Graham Jarvis as the Narrator.Credit…Martha Swope/The New York Public Library for the Performing Arts

JIM SHARMAN It was a very unusual show. It was kind of immersive and subversive in its original form. [In London] we played it in what appeared to be, with Brian Thomson’s design, demolished cinemas. Then Lou wanted to do it in the Roxy in L.A., and so it became a bit more of a rock ’n’ roll horror show there. A touch of a Weimar cabaret to it.

TIM CURRY A huge part of its charm was the small, insignificant places that we played in. That we made them hip.

RICHARD O’BRIEN We had a lovely time. It was a commitment to fun.

SHARMAN After the movie, I thought we were done, and I was getting ready to go back to Australia and do other things. And then it was kind of, “No, we’re doing Broadway.” It was certainly spoken of that they wanted to do Broadway prior to releasing the film.

LOU ADLER It was more a personal thing than anything else, feeling like I’d like to have it be successful in New York. I wasn’t looking for a traditional theater on Broadway. I was looking in the boroughs, something outside of Manhattan. I found a place that I really liked. A local theater that had bar mitzvahs and weddings and those kinds of things. And the guy, first he said I could have it, then he said he had to change the date because he had a bar mitzvah that was scheduled. So I started looking for another theater.

I liked the history of the Belasco. But I wanted to make it into a theater similar to what I had done at the Roxy.

CURRY I wasn’t sure at all about Lou Adler’s idea that, because when we played it at the Roxy there were tables and chairs and drinks, it should be the same kind of ambience. I didn’t know whether that would work. And it didn’t.

O’BRIEN That was a fatal mistake. So many people had to sit sideways-on. And you can’t ask people to watch a show sideways-on.

CURRY Some of the highlights of the show were dangerous, because there was a sort of tawdry feel about it. I don’t know that the new audience at the Belasco were up for that. They were just rather confused, I think.

ADLER At that time, Broadway was much stiffer. It was more traditional, and they weren’t really happy with anything that came from L.A.

O’BRIEN Meat Loaf was great. He had a voice to die for back then.

Meat Loaf as Eddie (with Enten).Credit…Martha Swope/The New York Public Library for the Performing Arts

CURRY He was a force of nature. Good old boys believe in themselves. He was convinced that “Rocky Horror” was going to make him the kind of star that he wanted to be.

SHARMAN He did a very amusing Dr. Everett Scott, along the lines of Orson Welles.

CURRY I used to barge about the theater down a ramp, and I think I probably got way too close to the audience for some people. Audiences, on Broadway at least, were expecting substance. And the substance they got at the Belasco was not particularly to their taste.

O’BRIEN Theater in New York in those days was more precious. Those critics could make and break a show.

CURRY I lost so much confidence.

SHARMAN What we were doing with “Rocky Horror” back then was trying to move the theater out of theater, in a funny kind of way. Because it was still captive to a 19th-century proscenium idea of itself, and middle-class people seeing middle-class lives in middle-class rooms.

O’BRIEN It was far more stylized when we first started. The movie turned Frank-N-Furter glamorous. He wasn’t. We weren’t. It was much more expressionistic, you know, ghoulish, more gothic in a sense, and dirty, perhaps. But the weird thing was that this creature [Frank-N-Furter] would strut down the aisle and the women in the audience found him attractive. That was a change in social understanding, because that was a surprise to all of us as well. And not only that, the chap sitting next to the woman would go, “I see what you mean.”

An expressive-faced actress with a pixie haircut, wearing an embellished leotard and tap pants, white socks and tap shoes, posing, one hand on her hip.

With performers like Enten, here, the Broadway production had “a touch of a Weimar cabaret to it,” the stage director Jim Sharman said.Credit…Martha Swope/The New York Public Library for the Performing Arts

CURRY I wasn’t skin-deep gorgeous. I was gorgeous in attitude. And I was gorgeous, I think, in a certain kind of courage. It took a certain amount of courage to do the show in the first place, let alone translating it to New York. But then I started going to Elaine’s, and that was my shelter. I used to go up to 88th Street and hide at Elaine’s and eat the veal chop.

O’BRIEN Recently, of course, and now with the authoritarian, far right, anti-gay, anti-rainbow brigade being loud and obnoxious, [“Rocky Horror” has] become a kind of sanctuary. It’s a rainbow event in a way.

SHARMAN Though the way the show’s being done these days, which is a bit like an imitation of the movie, it’s more like a Broadway show. It’s now the show that probably they would have loved in 1975.

ADLER What I learned immediately is if the critics didn’t like you, you didn’t have long. So at that point, not to spoil any of the excitement of coming out of London and L.A., and about the release of the film, I wanted to close as quickly as possible. If I regret it, I only regret it because I didn’t give it the chance to grow. I don’t know if it could have, but that might have been interesting, too.

CURRY I had to go to the Algonquin Hotel, where I was staying, and tell them that I couldn’t pay the bill. Because the show had been a flop. The manager was incredible and said, “Don’t worry, Mr. Curry. We know that you’ll be back — on Broadway, in New York. One or the other. Probably both.” Which was super encouraging and so generous. The next time I was in New York, I went in there and counted out the money in $5 bills.

O’BRIEN I remember standing with Tim outside the Algonquin — well, of the Royalton, actually, where I was staying. The Royalton was 40 bucks a night, which was fantastic. And I’m saying, “Well, I suppose that’s it.” We’d done the movie, and the show had closed. We both agreed that it had been a jolly nice ride.

CURRY But I had high hopes for the movie, and I really wanted it to be wonderful. When I went back to London, there was a screening, and I was very disappointed by the movie and particularly by my performance in it. Because I thought that it could have been a bit more subtle.

SHARMAN An interesting thing did happen because [the musical] lasted, what, a month? There was an audience that was still hungry for it. The film, which didn’t have any names in it, kind of opened and shut like a door. But when the late-night [screenings] started, which was also in New York, at the Waverly, there was an audience that hadn’t seen it that wanted to see it.

And so the same city that had slightly punished it, in a way, on Broadway, became the kernel for what is still playing today, 50 years later. Karma.”

             Wisdom from Maria Popova: narratives of identity

https://www.brainpickings.org/2021/06/25/jose-ortega-y-gasset-on-love/?fbclid=IwAR19a6VWBd1sOpjw8wQrLmUPNAcg3f6nLEMsIJkDIZLS1vYLETtPaesHJPc

https://www.brainpickings.org/2016/03/02/amelie-rorty-the-identities-of-persons

https://www.brainpickings.org/2015/03/26/margaret-mead-james-baldwin-a-rap-on-race-2

https://www.brainpickings.org/2018/01/15/oliver-sacks-identity-self-narrative

https://www.brainpickings.org/2017/04/03/the-nothingness-of-personality-borges

https://www.brainpickings.org/2015/08/20/amin-maalouf-identity

                            Love and Desire: A Reading List

A Natural History of Love, Diane Ackerman

The Art of Loving, Erich Fromm

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/14142.The_Art_of_Loving?ref=nav_sb_ss_2_30

Eros the Bittersweet, Anne Carson

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/150255.Eros_the_Bittersweet?ref=nav_sb_ss_2_33

Love: A History, Simon May

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/10179796-love?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_26

 The Laugh of the Medusa, Hélène Cixous

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/11080013-the-laugh-of-the-medusa?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_23

Love Itself: In the Letter Box, Hélène Cixous

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/5085842-love-itself

The Way of Love,  Luce Irigaray

Elemental Passions, Luce Irigaray

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/440464.Elemental_Passions

Forever Fluid: A Reading of Luce Irigaray’s Elemental Passions, Hanneke Canters

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/440470.Forever_Fluid?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_79

Lacan on Love: An Exploration of Lacan’s Seminar VIII, Transference, Bruce Fink

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/26524710-lacan-on-love?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_79

All About Love: New Visions, bell hooks

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/17607.All_About_Love?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_39

The Nature of Love, Volume 3: The Modern World, Irving Singer

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1329810.The_Nature_of_Love_Volume_3

Philosophy of Love: A Partial Summing-up, Irving Singer, Alan Soble (Foreword)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/6328491-philosophy-of-love

Mystery Dance: On the Evolution of Human Sexuality, Lynn Margulis

The History of Sexuality, Michel Foucault

https://www.goodreads.com/series/52730-the-history-of-sexuality

Philosophy of Sex and Love: An Introduction, Alan Soble

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/5479071-philosophy-of-sex-and-love

Sex from Plato to Paglia [Two Volumes]: A Philosophical Encyclopedia, Alan Soble

March 9 2025 A Sorting Hat of One’s Own: A General Theory of Identities of Sex and Gender as Processes and Functions of Personality, Identities of Sex and Gender Part 2

     In my post of June 9 2021, Masquerade: Identities of Sex and Gender as Culture, Ethnicity, and Performance, I posed a question of how we discover who we want to become. As a joke I imagined a field guide and called it Queer Tribes, and How to Find Yours.

    In clarification, truth telling, writing as a sacred calling in pursuit of truth, and the openness of my soul and witness of history, I am not a member of the constellation of identities which may be referred to as queer, and I cannot speak as their voice or from within the lived experience of their truths.

    As a metaphor of otherness, the idea of queerness remains a powerful means of leveraging change through solidarity of action versus authorized identities and systems of oppression, and this is why I use it here. Those truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh possess vast autonomizing forces and numinous potential for the envisionment, reimagination, and transformation of ourselves, humankind, and how we choose to be human together. 

    As Mary Oliver framed the question; “What is it you plan to do with your one wild and precious life?”

    In the following paragraph I speculated about what such a work might involve; If I were designing an instrument for this purpose in terms of sexual orientation and identities of sex and gender, I would base the process not on any precut selection of labels or prescriptive authorization of identities like the Sorting Hat in Harry Potter, which involves both submission to authority and overdetermination as a limiting factor, but on descriptive taxonomy and a tool with which I am very familiar, the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator, which could easily be modified for the discovery of identities of sex and gender.

     How does that work? With nothing more than a change of emphasis in terms, though I’m sure diagnostic questions specific to sexual orientation and desire can be written for the purposes of finding oneself, viable partners, and communities where one belongs.

     We must first define what we mean when we speak of identities of sex and gender. By gender I mean who you are; as identity a confluence of holistic and interdependent and evolving relations between all four categories of being, which include nature, thinking, feeling, and nurture, and as expression, social, cultural, and historical constructions of values and ideals of masculine and feminine beauty and gender roles as performances. By sex I mean biology and the morphology of our form including evolutionary influences, genetics, and hormones, and by sexual orientation I mean whom and what one desires, which can be influenced by both sex and gender but is determined by neither. Such identities are complex, layered, nuanced, and ambiguous, shifting and protean, as our identities of sex and gender shape each other as adaptive processes of change.

      As I’ve often said, this is a primary ground of struggle, of life, growth, adaptation, and individuation, and the creation of ourselves as autonomous beings in revolution against authority and the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue and beauty, and idealizations of masculinity and femininity.

     That the interplay of masculine and feminine signs of identity and modes of being is descriptively useful need not be determinative, but a space of free creative play.

     Always there remains the struggle between the masks that others make for us and those we make for ourselves. This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the seizure of power over the ownership of ourselves.

     Let us answer the question of who we are with grandeur and the frightening of the horses; let us claim, I am a Bringer of Chaos and Transformation, I am a Fulcrum of Change, I am the Revolution. And with Loki the Trickster let us say; “I am burdened with a glorious purpose”, that of self discovery and self creation.

     If we are to map the topologies of identities of sex and gender as possibilities of human being, meaning, and value, we must consider as distinct classes the social and interpersonal sphere of action and relations or gender expression and in a limited sense sexual behavior, what one does, as opposed to sexual orientation, what one wants, which include as motivating, informing, and shaping forces authorized gender identities and role models offered us by history, society, and culture, which are arbitrary and ephemeral, and those of the intrapersonal, what one is, our processes of thinking and feeling, which arise from within us rather than being imposed from without, but which are then shaped and conditioned by role modeling and how we are treated, especially by our parents.

     I say again, gender identity is an artifact of being, which is influenced by all four levels of self.

     These dyadic forces of sex and gender function interdependently to create and shape the highly relational and context-determined thing we call our selves; a dance of potentialities as feminine anima and masculine animus, and our persona or the masks we wear.

     For such a mapping system and wayfinding compass, I turn first to Jung’s magisterial work Psychological Types, and to the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator which was developed from it. It is a precision tool, which allows us to locate ourselves and others through our constellations of traits along the infinite Moebius Loop of human possibilities of sex and gender with predictive and explanatory power in terms of our relationships in romance, friendships, and work.

     By direct word substitution of descriptors in the Jungian personality quadrants, we find a useful general theory of sexual and gender identity as a function of the interfaces between the bounded realms of biological determinants including genetics, neurotransmitters, and epigenetic or multigenerational historic legacies, and historical, cultural, and sociopolitical contexts which balances nature and nurture.

     We begin at birth with sexual identity, which stands outside the system of personality but influences it, primarily through relative prenatal exposure to testosterone and estrogen in the intrapersonal sphere, which we can broadly think of as gender identity with awareness that identity is complex and nondeterminative, and dopamine and serotonin in the interpersonal sphere of gender performance. Everyone has degrees of both masculinity and femininity, just as a whole person possesses both a conscious self and an unconscious self which is of the opposite gender, our animus and anima. These anima-animus relations and processes are found at all four levels of being, of which we may or may not be aware and so have limited volitional control of or personal responsibility for, meaning that we cannot simply choose to be other than we are.

     This means that any relationship is quadratic and includes our own relationship with our unconscious which is of the opposite gender from our conscious selves, our partner’s internal relations, our conscious relationship with our partner’s waking self, and our submerged unconscious relations of which we are not aware but which shape our conscious ones. Simple, no?

     And we wonder why relationships can be laden with issues, when the answer is simple; relationships are complex because we are.

      Jung’s primary layer of personality, mind, maps directly onto this dyadic anima-animus relation, and is a measure of masculinity or independent self construal, as Extroversion which includes dominance and assertiveness, and femininity or interdependent self construal, as Introversion or nurturance.

     Masculine traits of Extroversion include Initiating, Active, Expressive, Gregarious, and Enthusiastic; the first two related to dominance and assertiveness, and the last three components of sociability.

      Feminine traits of Introversion include Receiving, Contained, Intimate, Reflective, and Quiet.

      This fundamental dichotomy is inborn and manifests in infants as preferences for attention, interests, and play; in boys for things and how they work as objects and motion, and in girls for human facial expressions and imaginative doll play.

     Jung’s second layer of personality and the next to develop as a childhood stage of growth, energy, describes how we conceptualize the world and process information, a balance of feminine Intuitive and masculine Observant traits.

     Feminine Intuition involves holistic thinking, qualitative analytics, questions, wonder, and imagination; linguistic-emotional-interpersonal cognition.

     Masculine Observation involves part to whole reasoning, quantitative analysis, and how things work; logical-mathematical-mechanical cognition.

    Jung’s third layer of personality, nature, describes how we make decisions and process emotions; here we have traits shaped most directly by hormonal factors, though hormones influence all three of our first layers of personality as developmental stages. Otherwise gender identity would be a function of this third layer, when it is a coevolutionary product of all four successive layers of personality. This area measures our Thinking, influenced by testosterone or masculinity, and our Feeling, influenced by estrogen or femininity.

     Masculine Thinking traits influenced by testosterone include: decisive, focused, direct, logical-analytical, strategic thinkers, bold, competitive, excel at rule bound systems such as machines, math, and music.

     Feminine Feeling traits influenced by estrogen include: holistic and contextual thinking, imaginative, superior at verbal skills and executive social skills like reading expressions, posture, gestures, and tone of voice; also nurturing, sympathetic, intuitive, and emotionally expressive.

     In the fourth layer of personality, that of gender performance and expression or one’s strategic and tactical approach to life, relationships, and work; here we have traits shaped by acculturation and historical factors. This area measures our balance of structure versus spontaneity; our Perceiving, influenced by dopamine and corresponding to masculinity, and our Judging, influenced by serotonin and corresponding to femininity.

     Masculine Perceiving or Prospecting traits influenced by dopamine include: seeking novelty, risk taking, spontaneity, curiosity, creativity, mental flexibility, optimism.

     Feminine Judging traits influenced by serotonin include: calm, social, cautious, persistent, loyal, orderly, fond of rules and facts.

     The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator test gives us four categories of personality types, of four types each.

    The Analyst Group contains the Architect (INTJ), Logician (INTP), Commander (ENTJ), and Debater (ENTP) types.

     The Diplomat Group contains the Advocate (INFJ), Mediator (INFP), Protagonist (ENFJ), and Campaigner (ENFP) types.

     The Sentinel Group contains the Logistician (ISTJ), Defender (ISFJ), Executive (ESTJ), and Consul (ESFJ) types.

     The Explorer Group contains the Virtuoso (ISTP), Adventurer (ISFP), Entrepreneur (ESTP), and Entertainer (ESFP) types.

     What does this look like in the context of real people? Here I will use myself as an example and case, for as written by Virginia Woolf; “If you cannot tell the truth about yourself, you cannot tell it about other people.”

      I test as an ENFP or Campaigner; in my most primal layer of personality I am 65% Extrovert over 35% Introvert. This manifests in me as a love of risk and adventure, and a natural leadership and people-centeredness which has been useful in my professional career as a teacher and counselor. I instinctively and reflexively seek to dominate and seize power in any situation, even when consciously trying to keep myself in check as Extroversion favors competition over cooperation though my ideology construes this as a negative. My Extroversion also influences my idea of life as a game of transgression and chaos, to be played with creative freedom, improvisation, fearlessness, and a gourmet aesthetics which valorizes both the monstrous and the beautiful; you can count on me to ignore authority, change the rules of any game, delight in the violation of norms, and to play our games of human being, meaning, and value without any boundaries whatever.

     I remain the boy who upon hearing the term Original Sin for the first time from a friend, said; “I’ll think of some new ones we can play, games of our very own.”

     In the layer of Energy, how we direct our thoughts and passions, I am 83% Intuitive over 17% Observant, a balance enormously toward femininity. This means that I reason holistically and infer hidden relationships and patterns as a strength, that interpretation and qualitative analysis comes more easily than quantitative or mechanical tasks, and that I think outside the box and draw outside the lines, which makes me good at solving unknowns. On a team I’m the one you want as the fire brigade handling unforeseen issues, so long as I have a good forensic investigator for failure reconstruction and analysis at my right and a staff officer to handle logistics and planning at my left. I’m a natural at intelligence, strategy, and policy functions, investigations and putting puzzles together to make guesses about what the picture they make could mean and how to use it to achieve goals. This has been my role in my primary career of the last forty years as a revolutionary and hunter of fascists.

     In the third layer of Nature, how we make decisions and process emotions, I am 92% Feeling and only 8% Thinking. This is an extreme score, statistically anomalous and my strongest personality trait; a preference for empathy and ungoverned passion. As an influence in relationships it makes me the caretaker of partnerships, and professionally I’m a natural at quickly reading people and profiling motives and intentions, sifting for truth, and assessing character. Combined as a multiplier with my No Boundaries preference and identity as a bringer of Chaos, it also makes me unpredictable, which has been very useful in games of revolutionary struggle and seizures of power.

     In the fourth layer of personality, that of Tactics or one’s approach to life and work, I am 57% Prospecting and 43% Judging. This means my masculine/feminine balance in terms of gender performance and roles, the most outwardly visible part of oneself and the layer of being others interact with most often, is toward masculinity, and informs how I read to others as a system of signs.

     To restate how I interpret my personality profile; both my intrapersonal gender identity and interpersonal gender performance as an observable external cueing system, the mask I wear in the social performance of myself, in my case controlled by my Extroversion and Prospecting traits in the first and fourth layers of personality, is masculine or animus, which makes my unconscious self, always a mirror image, feminine or anima, and comprised of the layers of personality which are internal and hidden, as reflected in my Intuitive and Feeling traits. I regard this as an achievement of integration and the work of finding balance and wholeness.

     These two pairs of traits face Janus like as sides of a whole person in dynamic balance, and together form a quadratic personality type which can take 16 forms, which reflect and organize relative masculinity and femininity as adaptive processes.

     As to type compatibility and the use of the MBTI system in sifting for partners, in general opposites attract in the first and fourth layers of personality, Introverts with Extroverts and Prospectors with Judges, dyadic masculine-feminine pairs and aspects of personality revealed in gender performance, and like aligns with or has no influence in the second and third layers, which are mainly concealed from public view and correspond to the unconscious.

     The surfaces of ourselves and the masks we wear in our dances with others are but images and reflections moving atop a vast and bottomless sea, within whose chasms of darkness we are all interconnected.

      And none of this tells you anything about the interdependent realm of love and desire as informing, motivating, and shaping sources which both act on us as their subject and through us as their figures and agents, though it tells us everything we need to know about what we would be like as a romantic partner, friend, colleague at work or comrade in action. A human being is a work of art shaped by such forces of our nature as well as history, like stone sculpted by the action of wind and water.

      Insightful work in the influence of neurotransmitters on personality has been pioneered by Dr. Helen Fisher, a biological anthropologist who built chemistry.com’s matching systems from her studies. Her schema, which modernizes and maps directly onto the Jungian theory of personality as I have described, dispenses with Jung’s first two categories, the Introvert/Extrovert primary layer and the Intuitive/Observant secondary layer, and yields a simple dominant and recessive binary personality type rather than the 16 types in the Myers-Briggs scale. This is why I am inclined to incorporate Fisher’s studies of hormone and neurotransmitter biochemistry into the Jungian model of personality and use her test as a quick reference tool in addition to the MBTI rather than a replacement; the Fisher model lacks predictive power because it is flawed. Personality is a developmental process which unfolds in stages as a child becomes a person, and if you ignore this and the first two stages of growth the results become unreliable. The Fisher model can be a useful tool for matching with partners using the test and essay together, if you don’t take it too seriously, but for a tool of self discovery I turn to the Myers-Briggs test.

     Her Word Type study asked people to describe themselves in an essay for Chemistry.com and found the ten most common words each type used.

      Explorers, Jung’s masculine Perceivers, used adventure most often, with the other ten in descending order being; venture, spontaneous, energy, new, fun, traveling, outgoing, passion, and active.

     Builders, Jung’s feminine Judges, used family most often, then honesty, caring, moral, respect, loyal, trust, values, loving, and trustworthy.

     Negotiators, Jung’s feminine Feelers, used passion most often, then real, heart, kind, sensitive, reader, sweet, learn, random, and empathetic.

     Directors, Jung’s masculine Thinkers, used intelligent most often, then intellectual, debate, geek, nerd, ambition, driven, politics, challenging, and real.

     Here you can take the Fisher Personality Type Test; read each statement and record the answer that best applies to you.  Acronyms are Strongly Disagree, Disagree, Agree, Strongly Agree.

Scale 1

1. I find unpredictable situations exhilarating.

2. I do things on the spur of the moment.

3. I get bored when I have to do the same familiar things.

4. I have a very wide range of interests.

5. I am more optimistic than most people.

6.I am more creative than most people.

7. I am always looking for new experiences.

8.I am always doing new things.

9. I am more enthusiastic than most people.

10. I am willing to take risks to do what I want to do.

11. I get restless if I have to stay home for any length of time.

12.My friends would say I am very curious.

13. I have more energy than most people.

14. On my time off, I like to be free to do whatever looks fun.

Total

Scale 2

1.I think consistent routines keep life orderly and relaxing.

2. I consider and reconsider every option thoroughly before making a plan.

3. People should behave according to established standards of proper conduct.

4. I enjoy planning way ahead.

5. In general, I think it is important to follow rules.

6. Taking care of my possessions is a high priority for me.

7. My friends and family would say I have traditional values.

8. I tend to be meticulous in my duties.

9. I tend to be cautious, but not fearful.

10. People should behave in ways that are morally correct.

11. It is important to respect authority.

12. I would rather have loyal friends than interesting friends.

13. Long established customs need to be respected and preserved.

14. I like to work in a straightforward path toward completing the task.

Total

Scale 3

1. I understand complex machines easily.

2. I enjoy competitive conversations.

3. I am intrigued by rules and patterns that govern systems.

4. I am more analytical and logical than most people.

5. I pursue intellectual topics thoroughly and regularly.

6. I am able to solve problems without letting emotion get in the way.

7. I like to figure out how things work.

8. I am tough-minded.

9. Debating is a good way to match my wits with others.

10. I have no trouble making a choice, even when several alternatives seem equally good at first.

11. When I buy a new machine (like a camera, computer, or car) I want to know all of its technical features.

12. I like to avoid the nuances and say exactly what I mean.

13. I think it is important to be direct.

14. When making a decision, I like to stick to the facts rather than be swayed by people’s feelings.

Total

Scale 4

1. I like to get to know my friends deepest needs and feelings.

2. I highly value deep emotional intimacy in my relationships.

3. Regardless of what is logical, I generally listen to my heart when making important decisions.

4. I frequently catch myself daydreaming.

5. I can change my mind easily.

6. After watching an emotional film, I often still feel moved by it several hours later.

7. I vividly imagine both wonderful and horrible things happening to me.

8. I am very sensitive to people’s feelings and needs.

9. I often find myself getting lost in my thoughts during the day.

10.I feel emotions more deeply than most people.

11. I have a vivid imagination.

12. When I wake up from a vivid dream, it takes me a few seconds to return to reality.

13. When reading, I enjoy it when a writer takes a sidetrack to say something beautiful or meaningful.

14. I am very empathetic.

Scoring the test

0 for each SD, 1 for each D, 2 points for each A and three for SA. Add each section separately.

Scale 1 measures Masculinity as Dominance, the degree to which you are butch or an Explorer based on your Perceiving traits.

Scale 2 measures Femininity as Submissiveness, Judging traits or the degree to which you align with Fisher’s Builder personality type.

Scale 3 measures Masculinity as logical-mathematical-mechanical cognition, Thinking quadrant traits or what Fisher calls the Director personality type.

Scale 4 measures Femininity as linguistic-emotional-interpersonal cognition or Feeling traits on the Myers-Briggs scale which Fisher calls the Negotiator personality type.

The two top scores are your primary and secondary traits.

      For further study of the idea of gender, I refer you to the works of Judith Butler; including Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity, Undoing Gender, and Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of Sex, and to those of Anne Fausto-Sterling; Sexing the Body: Gender Politics and the Construction of Sexuality, and Myths Of Gender: Biological Theories About Women And Men.

     The nature versus nurture debate can be explored in the oppositional works of Delusions of Gender: How Our Minds, Society, and Neurosexism Create Difference by Cordelia Fine, and Human Diversity: Gender, Race, Class, and Genes by Charles Murray.

     In histories, Gods of the Upper Air: How a Circle of Renegade Anthropologists Reinvented Race, Sex, and Gender in the Twentieth Century,

by Charles King.

     In biography, Monsieur d’Eon Is a Woman: A Tale of Political Intrigue and Sexual Masquerade by Gary Kates.

     In fiction, we have Virginia Woolf’s Orlando, Ursula K. Le Guin’s The Left Hand of Darkness, Joseph Cassara’s House of the Impossible Beauties, Jordy Rosenberg’s Confession of the Fox, and Time Is the Thing a Body Moves Through, by T. Fleischmann.

The Sorting Hat, Harry Potter and the Sorcerer’s Stone

https://www.16personalities.com/free-personality-test

https://personalityjunkie.com/01/masculine-feminine-myers-briggs-mbti-vs-big-five/

https://www.sosyncd.com/the-complete-guide-to-myers-briggs-compatibility

Personality Types: Jung’s Model of Typology, Daryl Sharp

Gifts Differing: Understanding Personality Type, Isabel Briggs Myers, Peter B. Myers

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/49187.Gifts_Differing?ref=rae_0

Psychological Types, C.G. Jung

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/565806.Psychological_Types?ref=rae_8

March 8 2025 International Women’s Day: Interrogating the Idea of Woman and Identities of Sex and Gender As Performance Art and Revolutionary Struggle, Identities of Sex and Gender Part 1 of 3

    What is a woman or a man, how are such identities constructed, and who decides?

     On this International Woman’s Day, I am wondering how we define such a thing, and how our idealizations of masculine and feminine beauty shape our range of choices in the performance of ourselves.

    I am thinking of these things in the context of a conversation in which a friend described the primary trauma of realizing they were imprisoned in a body whose sex did not match their gender, and in this vulnerable space was multiply attacked on grounds of falsely identifying as female in order to appropriate female spaces of performance.

    It seems to me that our idea of trans personhood is a test of how we imagine the role of biology in regards to identity; trans exclusion reinforces and originates in a narrow definition of gender restricted to biology, and one which privileges signs and forms over hormones, the psyche, memory and history, and inner experience; this ignores social construction of identity entirely, and also perpetuates systemic inequalities and authorized identities of sex and gender.

      Is biology destiny? I phrase the question in this way because of its historic role in women’s liberation movements, and because outlaws of sex and gender teach us something about how we become human and how we choose to be human together, as seizures of power wherein our forms and their narratives of authorized identity are imposed conditions of struggle.

     Gender is always fluid, relational, ambiguous, and a ground of struggle. It is also, like sexual orientation, distinct from biological sex and not a spectrum with endpoint limits but an infinite Moebius Strip where we are born and exist everywhere at once as polymorphosly perverse beings, to use Freud’s delicious phrase, who say yes to life and to all pleasure; except where identity is chosen as seizure of power or imposed by other people’s ideas of virtue, normality, the limits of the human and the boundaries of the Forbidden.

    Freud was so right about humans being animals who are self aware as a primary conflict and a primary ground of struggle, and so wrong about the goal of growing up being control of our libido, our desires and imagination. And this is the great tragedy of our civilization; fear of the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves.

    To be an outcast is a terrible thing; but to be forced to create your own forms because you fit in no one else’s bottles can be a wonderful thing as well, though never an easy one.

    Sartre described this with the phrase; ”We are condemned to be free,” in his 1946 lecture Existentialism Is A Humanism, and what this means is that in a universe empty of all meaning and value other than that which we ourselves create, we must balance the terror of our nothingness with the joy of our total freedom.

    In such a universe, free of imposed meaning and of purpose, all rules are arbitrary and can be changed, rules which are legacies of our histories and the fictional laws of false and unjust authorities, wherein all normalities are negotiable, and the limitless possibilities of becoming human may be pursued as our uniqueness through the reimagination and transformation of poetic vision and metaphorical truths.

     Life is a performance art, and we all have one problem in common; each of us must reinvent how to be human.

     This process of becoming human or individuation is controlled by a second or historical principle; humans create themselves over time, and a third or social principle; humans create each other through their interdependence.

     Our idea of self derives from the persona, the ancient Greek theatrical mask through which characters speak, and the possibilities of becoming human are a function of the struggle between authorized identities and the self- ownership of autonomous individuals.

     Our identities, including those of sex and gender, are literally masks; social constructs and artifacts of our process of adaptation and becoming human. Herein the primary shaping, informing, and motivating source is the interface between authority and autonomy as an unknown and unclaimed potential, a blank space of limitless possibilities of the reimagination of humankind, like the places marked Here Be Dragons on our maps of human being, meaning, and value.

     As we learn from John Cage in music, Harold Pinter in theatre, and Piet Mondrian in art, it is the blank spaces which define and order meaning; and in history it is the silenced and erased voices to which we must listen most carefully, for here the emptiness speaks to us of secret power and of the key functions and relationships which authority must conceal to maintain its hegemony over us.

     Let us pay attention to the man behind the curtain.

     Always there remains the struggle between the masks that others make for us and those we make for ourselves.

     This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the struggle to create ourselves.

     Our performance of identities of sex and gender is a theatre of possibilities, of negotiations and dances with normativity and the transgression of boundaries, of the questioning and reimagination of idealizations of masculinity and femininity, of self-creation as liberation and autonomous total freedom, a quest for our uniqueness and for the human transcendent, and of truths which are immanent in nature and written in our flesh.

    This need not be determinative or prescriptive, but a space of free creative play.

     All true art defiles and exalts.

     As written by Amy M. Vaughn on the Surrealist site Babou691, in a brilliant interrogation of identity as performance art and of the boundaries of the Forbidden as interfaces of reimagination, transformation, and autonomy; “I love genderfuck. I love watching the disruption of enculturated norms, which is what genderfuck does to traditional notions of the male/female, masculine/feminine dichotomy.

     While genderfuckery has had a place in both gay culture and, to a lesser extent, punk rock since the ’70s, it remained mostly underground until drag hit mainstream media. I am, of course, referring to RuPaul’s Drag Race (RPDR).

     These days drag serves as an umbrella term for the work of several different types of performance artists. The most well-known of these are drag queens, who perform as women, and drag kings, who perform as men. Sometimes this traditional type of drag is campy, sometimes it’s realistic, but it’s always based on the idea of the gender binary—fucking with the binary, but still within it. Genderfuck rejects the binary, often aggressively, sometimes playfully, always purposefully.

     I believe there may be something to gain from looking at these performative manipulations of gender though the ideas of the Surrealists of the early 20th century. The Surrealists saw themselves as a revolutionary cultural movement. Their goal was to free people from false and restrictive conceptions of reality. In other words, they wanted to disrupt enculturated norms. And their method was the juxtaposition of disparate entities with the intention of creating a surprising or startling effect.

     I don’t think it’s too far a leap to say performative genderbending fits this approach. Whether we’re talking about overlaying feminine characteristics on a masculine form or vice versa, or combining the genders together in incongruous ways, done well, the effect is literally stunning.”

     And RPDR has provided a platform for genderfuck, but because the goal of the competition is to find the “next drag superstar”—a person who can represent RuPaul’s polished, feminine brand to the world— genderfuck queens rarely excel. “May the best woman win,” has been one of the show’s catchphrases, repeated every episode until the current season. Now RuPaul says, “May the best drag queen win.” We could speculate that this change is due to the casting of the first ever trans contestant, though the point remains the same—RPDR is a safe space for gay males to express themselves through female impersonation.

     Which is drag but not genderfuck.

     However, something even more subversive has entered through the door that RPDR opened: The Boulet Brothers’ Dragula, an “alternative drag competition” based on the principles of horror, filth, and glamour. And the Boulets’ stage is far more welcoming of genderfuck.

     While drag has traditionally been dominated by gay men performing as women, genderfuck is not gender specific or sexual-orientation specific. Disasterina, on season two of Dragula, described himself as hetero-fluid and is married to a woman, while season three featured two AFAB contestants: Landon Cider, a lesbian drag king, and Hollow Eve, who identifies as nonbinary.

     At this point, spelling out all of these distinctions seems more than a little cumbersome and like a whole lot of nunya bizness, as if these descriptions have no place in the discussion of genderfuck because genderfuck is beyond them. In fact, jabs at traditional drag culture are not rare on Dragula, as can be seen in Evah Destruction’s disposable razor bikini on her hirsute body, a look which would not have a place in RPDR.

     The Surrealists believed that art could bring about revolutionary social change through the process of the Hegelian dialectic—thesis, antithesis, synthesis. If we examine the recent history of drag and genderfuck through this lens, while vastly simplified, it might look something like this: the thesis that there are two heteronormative genders was met with the antithesis of an artform superimposing one gender over another to provoke the surreal effect of juxtaposing opposites in order to startled people out of ingrained cultural constructs. The synthesis has been greater acceptance of gay male culture and freedom of expression. Worthy goals, no question.

     The dialectic for genderfuck, which I see as following traditional drag to further the same and expanded goals, would also start with the thesis that there are two genders but it would add three sexual identities (gay, straight, and bi). The antithesis is the performance of multiple expressions of gender and sexuality, provoking the surreal effect, and leading to the synthesis of radical freedom of expression and an existence untethered to preconceived cultural definitions—gay, straight, or otherwise.”

     “Real progress has been made through queer art in providing a surrealist antithesis to the idea of a gender dichotomy, and the result has been to guide mainstream culture toward not just tolerance or acceptance but celebration of gender differences.”

Idealizations of Feminine Beauty in Performance of Identity: Ru Paul’s Drag Race: LaGanja’s Let’s Get Physical

Subversions of Idealizations of Masculinity and Femininity: The Boulet Brothers Dragula, Season 4 trailer

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2023/mar/08/happy-international-womens-day-a-look-back-at-over-a-century-of-the-global-fight-for-justice-and-equality?CMP=share_btn_link

Time Is the Thing a Body Moves Through, T. Fleischmann

Sartre’s lecture in Existentialism is a Humanism

https://wmpeople.wm.edu/asset/index/cvance/sartre

History of Beauty, Umberto Eco

Here is the FB conversation regarding Trans Exclusive Radical Feminism:

Paris Is Burning

House of the Impossible Beauties, Joseph Cassara

     Here is my review of the book from 2018, when it was published:

     One of the two best novels of 2018, House of the Impossible Beauties by Joseph Cassara is among the immortal classics of world literature, the books we’ll still be reading in a thousand years.

      Joseph Cassara’s marvelous and beautiful debut novel must be accompanied by viewing the glorious celebration of our humanity which is the film Paris Is Burning, the primary source of the novel.

     House of the Impossible Beauties is an investigation of idealized masculine and feminine beauty which poses fundamental questions regarding identity and the struggle for its ownership, the interplay of dreams and imagination with a sometimes cruel and unforgiving reality, and of the shaping forces of the families we have chosen and the ones imposed on us.

     Under siege and on the stage; the profoundly human characters who inhabit this marginal realm are masters of negotiating the boundaries and interfaces between the Real and the Ideal, often discontiguous and filled with peril as seizures of power and revolutionary struggle versus authorized identities of sex and gender; herein are models of how to be human together and of challenging authorized versions of self, sometimes with life and death in the balance.

     To be an Impossible Beauty; who cannot hear the siren call of this mad quest? Not the mere adoration of the Ideal, but its enactment. An Impossible Beauty; a title absolutely saturated in the whole Romantic project of the quest for the Ideal and its realization in the flesh and world of the senses, here especially referential to the poetry of Keats and also to Thomas Mann’s critique of Romanticism in Death in Venice.

     Cassara’s work presents a communal, interdependant society as the medium in which we create ourselves and each other. Under siege from the forces of reaction, but within the community supportive and collaborative; mutualism here presented as a Platonic Republic. This image of an ideal society, praxis of his values of unconditional love and total freedom to choose the roles we will play, is equally important as his analysis of the performative nature of identity.      

     To whom are we responsible for who we are, if not ourselves? For whom are we responsible, if not one another?

March 7 2025 60th Anniversary of Selma’s Bloody Sunday

     Today we honor the heroes who helped secure freedom and equality for us all on this the 60th anniversary of Selma’s Bloody Sunday, when hundreds of Black citizens faced death and violence with none offered in return, a courageous stand of love against hate which will continue to inspire humankind for all eternity, a defiance of systemic and institutional racist terror and authoritarian repression of dissent, theft of citizenship by vote suppression, and re-enslavement through prison labor, a march of protest made simply to claim the power to exercise a hundred year old legal right and the most sacred duty of a citizen, the right to vote.

      This was the turning point of the Civil Rights Movement, which like Gandhi’s Salt Tax protest exposed a corruptive and malign government of brutal force and the falsification of propaganda, lies, and false histories, for after this day the forces of white supremacy could never again claim a moral high ground nor conceal themselves within the legal and political structures they had infiltrated and subverted.

     Sadly it remains a fight for liberty and equality today, as the heroes of Atlanta wage resistance struggle against a police state of white supremacist terror and repression of dissent, in the contest between democracy and tyranny brought into hideous relief by the plans of racist elites and the corrupt politicians who serve them to build a Cop City for the manufacture of police to replace the Klu Klux Klan as their primary enforcers and institutionalize the re-enslavement of Black citizens as prison labor under the fig leaf of law and order.

      This industrial production of force and control in a totalitarian society is the end result of the weaponization of fear in service to power by those who would enslave us.

      No matter where you begin with Othering people, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     Law serves power, order appropriates, and there is no just authority.

     How does one lay siege to an unjust system and its fortress of state terror? First we must define the terms of struggle and control the narrative. Second comes the praxis of mass protests, general strikes, defunding tyranny and terror, isolation by Boycott, Sanction, and Divestiture, and other electoral and legislative actions. Third is Direct Action in all its forms, in this context especially the infiltration of the police and security services and the sabotage of their enforcement of authority and elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege.

     Let us teach the enemies of liberty a simple truth; security is an illusion. There is no level of force which can protect us from each other without also destroying each other, our defining relationships, and our humanity.

     The great secret of power and the use of force and violence is that it is hollow and brittle, and fails at the point of disobedience.

      The great secret of authority and legitimacy is that it is an illusion which fails when met with disbelief and questioning.

     We each of us possess two powers which define our liberty, and cannot be taken from us; to disbelieve authority and to disobey in refusal to submit.

      And when we do these things, we become Unconquered and able to liberate others as Living Autonomous Zones.

      Resistance is victory.

      As written by Jeff Martin and Jeff Amy in Huffpost , in an article entitled More Than 20 Charged With Terrorism In Atlanta ‘Cop City’ Protest:

The wooded area outside Atlanta has become a flashpoint of ongoing conflict between authorities and left-leaning protesters; “More than 20 people from around the country faced domestic terrorism charges Monday after dozens in black masks attacked the site of a police training center under construction in a wooded area outside Atlanta where one protester was killed in January.

     The area has become the flashpoint of ongoing conflict between authorities and left-leaning protesters.

     Flaming bottles and rocks were thrown at officers during a protest Sunday at “Cop City,” where 26-year-old environmental activist Manuel Esteban Paez Terán, or “Tortuguita,” was shot to death by officers during a raid at a protest camp in January. Police have said that Tortuguita attacked them, a version that other activists have questioned.

     Almost all of the 23 people arrested are from states across the U.S., while one is from Canada and another from France, police said Monday.

     Like many protesters, Tortuguita was dedicated to preserving the environment, friends and family said, ideals that clashed with Atlanta’s hopes of building a $90 million Atlanta Public Safety Training Center meant to boost preparedness and morale after George Floyd’s death in 2020.

     Now, authorities and young people are embroiled in a clash that appears to have little to do with other high-profile conflicts.

     Protesters who oppose what detractors call “Cop City” run the gamut from more traditional environmental environmentalists to young, self-styled anarchists seeking clashes with what they see as an unjust society.

     Defend the Atlanta Forest, a social media site used by members of the movement, said Monday on Twitter that those arrested were not violent agitators “but peaceful concert-goers who were nowhere near the demonstration.” A representative of a public-relations firm involved in the group’s events said that it could not immediately comment.

      After “Tortuguita” was killed, demonstrations spread to downtown Atlanta. A police cruiser was set ablaze, rocks were thrown and fireworks were launched at a skyscraper that houses the Atlanta Police Foundation. Windows were shattered. The governor declared a state of emergency.

     On Sunday, Atlanta Police Chief Darin Schierbaum said at a midnight news conference, pieces of construction equipment were set on fire in what he called “a coordinated attack” at the site for the Atlanta Public Safety Training Center in DeKalb County.

     Surveillance video released by police shows a piece of heavy equipment in flames. It was among several destroyed pieces of construction gear, police said.

     Protesters also threw rocks, bricks, Molotov cocktails, and fireworks at police, officials said. In addition, demonstrators tried to blind officers by shining green lasers into their eyes, and used tires and debris to block a road, the Georgia Department of Public Safety said Monday.

     Officers used nonlethal enforcement methods to disperse the crowd and make arrests, Schierbaum said, causing “some minor discomfort.”

     Along with classrooms and administrative buildings, the training center would include a shooting range, a driving course to practice chases and a “burn building” for firefighters to work on putting out fires. A “mock village” featuring a fake home, convenience store and nightclub would also be built for rehearsing raids.

     Opponents have said that the site would be to practice “urban warfare,” and the 85-acre (34-hectare) training center would require cutting so many trees that it would be environmentally damaging.

     Many activists also oppose spending millions on a police facility that would be surrounded by poor neighborhoods in a city with one of the nation’s highest degrees of inequality.

     Atlanta Mayor Andre Dickens has said that the site was cleared decades ago for a former state prison farm. He has said that it is filled with rubble and overgrown with invasive species, not hardwood trees. The mayor also has said that while the facility would be built on 85 acres, about 300 others would be preserved as public green space.

     Many of those already accused of violence in connection with the training site protests are being charged with domestic terrorism, a felony that carries up to 35 years in prison. Those charges have prompted criticism from some that the state is being heavy-handed.

     Lawmakers are considering classifying domestic terrorism as a serious violent felony. That means anyone convicted must serve their entire sentence, can’t be sentenced to probation as a first offender and can’t be paroled unless they have served at least 30 years in prison.

     Meanwhile, more protests are planned in coming days, police said Monday.”

      The heroes of this historic act of liberation generations ago in Selma, like those in Atlanta today, among them Martin Luther King and John Lewis, remain with us forever as totemic figures and guardian spirits of America and of revolutionary struggle throughout the world, and I honor and invoke them today for inspiration and guidance in the victories yet to be won.

      Christopher Klein’s article in History describes the events of that day; “Nearly a century after the Confederacy’s guns fell silent, the racial legacies of slavery and Reconstruction continued to reverberate loudly throughout Alabama in 1965. Even the passage of the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964 months earlier had done little in some parts of the state to ensure African Americans of the basic right to vote. Perhaps no place was Jim Crow’s grip tighter than in Dallas County, where African Americans made up more than half of the population, yet accounted for just 2 percent of registered voters.

     For months, the efforts of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) to register black voters in the county seat of Selma had been thwarted. In January 1965, Martin Luther King Jr., came to the city and gave the backing of the Southern Christian Leadership Council (SCLC) to the cause. Peaceful demonstrations in Selma and surrounding communities resulted in the arrests of thousands, including King, who wrote to the New York Times, “This is Selma, Alabama. There are more negroes in jail with me than there are on the voting rolls.”

     The rising racial tensions finally bubbled over into bloodshed in the nearby town of Marion on February 18, 1965, when state troopers clubbed protestors and fatally shot 26-year-old Jimmie Lee Jackson, an African American demonstrator trying to protect his mother, who was being struck by police.

       In response, civil rights leaders planned to take their cause directly to Alabama Governor George Wallace on a 54-mile march from Selma to the state capital of Montgomery. Although Wallace ordered state troopers “to use whatever measures are necessary to prevent a march,” approximately 600 voting rights advocates set out from the Brown Chapel AME Church on Sunday, March 7. King, who had met with President Lyndon Johnson two days earlier to discuss voting rights legislation, remained back in Atlanta with his own congregation and planned to join the marchers en route the following day. By a coin flip, it was determined that Hosea Williams would represents the SCLC at the head of the march along with 25-year-old John Lewis, a SNCC chairman and future U.S. congressman from Georgia.

     The demonstrators marched undisturbed through downtown Selma, where the ghosts of the past constantly permeated the present. As they began to cross the steel-arched bridge spanning the Alabama River, the marchers who gazed up could see the name of a Confederate general and reputed grand dragon of the Alabama Ku Klux Klan, Edmund Pettus, staring right back at them in big block letters emblazoned across the bridge’s crossbeam.          

     Once Williams and Lewis reached the crest of the bridge, they saw trouble on the other side. A wall of state troopers, wearing white helmets and slapping billy clubs in their hands, stretched across Route 80 at the base of the span. Behind them were deputies of county sheriff Jim Clark, some on horseback, and dozens of white spectators waving Confederate flags and giddily anticipating a showdown. Knowing a confrontation awaited, the marchers pressed on in a thin column down the bridge’s sidewalk until they stopped about 50 feet away from the authorities.

     “It would be detrimental to your safety to continue this march,” Major John Cloud called out from his bullhorn. “This is an unlawful assembly. You have to disperse, you are ordered to disperse. Go home or go to your church. This march will not continue.”

     “Mr. Major,” replied Williams, “I would like to have a word, can we have a word?”

     “I’ve got nothing further to say to you,” Cloud answered.

     Williams and Lewis stood their ground at the front of the line. After a few moments, the troopers, with gas masks affixed to their faces and clubs at the ready, advanced. They pushed back Lewis and Williams. Then the troopers paced quickened. They knocked the marchers to the ground. They struck them with sticks. Clouds of tear gas mixed with the screams of terrified marchers and the cheers of reveling bystanders. Deputies on horseback charged ahead and chased the gasping men, women and children back over the bridge as they swung clubs, whips and rubber tubing wrapped in barbed wire. Although forced back, the protestors did not fight back.

     Weeks earlier, King had scolded Life magazine photographer Flip Schulke for trying to assist protestors knocked to the ground by authorities instead of snapping away. “The world doesn’t know this happened because you didn’t photograph it,” King told Schulke, according to the Pulitzer Prize-winning book “The Race Beat.” This time, however, television cameras captured the entire assault and transformed the local protest into a national civil rights event. It took hours for the film to be flown from Alabama to the television network headquarters in New York, but when it aired that night, Americans were appalled at the sights and sounds of “Bloody Sunday.”

     Around 9:30 p.m., ABC newscaster Frank Reynolds interrupted the network’s broadcast of “Judgment at Nuremberg”—the star-studded movie that explored Nazi bigotry, war crimes and the moral culpability of those who followed orders and didn’t speak out against the Holocaust—to air the disturbing, newly arrived footage from Selma. Nearly 50 million Americans who had tuned into the film’s long-awaited television premier couldn’t escape the historical echoes of Nazi storm troopers in the scenes of the rampaging state troopers. “The juxtaposition struck like psychological lightning in American homes,” wrote Gene Roberts and Hank Klibanoff in “The Race Beat.”

     The connection wasn’t lost in Selma, either. When his store was finally empty of customers, one local shopkeeper confided to Washington Star reporter Haynes Johnson about the city’s institutional racism, “Everybody knows it’s going on, but they try to pretend they don’t see it. I saw ‘Judgment at Nuremberg’ on the Late Show the other night and I thought it fits right in; it’s just like Selma.”

     Outrage at “Bloody Sunday” swept the country. Sympathizers staged sit-ins, traffic blockades and demonstrations in solidarity with the voting rights marchers. Some even traveled to Selma where two days later King attempted another march but, to the dismay of some demonstrators, turned back when troopers again blocked the highway at the Edmund Pettus Bridge. Finally, after a federal court order permitted the protest, the voting rights marchers left Selma on March 21 under the protection of federalized National Guard troops. Four days later, they reached Montgomery with the crowd growing to 25,000 by the time they reached the capitol steps.

     The events in Selma galvanized public opinion and mobilized Congress to pass the Voting Rights Act, which President Johnson signed into law on August 6, 1965. Today, the bridge that served as the backdrop to “Bloody Sunday” still bears the name of a white supremacist, but now it is a symbolic civil rights landmark.”

     Proof of Selma’s resilience as an informing and motivating source in the ongoing resistance to fascism and tyranny may be found in the words of one its leaders, John Lewis, who has given a life of service to America and to the cause of Liberty, and the massive voter turnout he helped inspire which has stunningly transformed the Democratic primaries this week and possibly changed the destiny of our nation and of humankind.

     As Sanjana Karanth writes in Huffpost; “Civil rights icon Rep. John Lewis (D-Ga.) made a surprise appearance at Sunday’s commemorative “Bloody Sunday” march in Selma, Alabama, urging attendees to use their right to vote “to redeem the soul of America.”

     White Alabama state troopers fractured Lewis’ head when he was 25 years old on what became known as Bloody Sunday, when Lewis and several hundred other voting rights activists faced state-sanctioned violence for peacefully marching across the Edmund Pettus Bridge from Selma to Montgomery on March 7, 1965.

     The commemorative gathering honored the Selma protest and those who suffered in the fight to ensure voting rights for Black Americans.

     “Fifty-five years ago, a few of God’s children attempted to march from Brown Chapel AME Church across this bridge,” Lewis, 80, said in a passionate speech on Sunday. “We were beaten, we were tear-gassed. I thought I was going to die on this bridge. But somehow and some way, God almighty helped me.”

     The Georgia congressman’s remarks came as the Democratic primary ramps up, with South Carolina voting on Saturday and 14 additional states voting in the upcoming Super Tuesday primaries this week. Lewis used the moment of the primaries and the nature of the Selma march to encourage everyone to exercise their right to vote.

     “We cannot give up now. We cannot give in. We must keep the faith, keep our eyes on the prize,” he said. “We must go out and vote like we never, ever voted before.”

     “Some people gave more than a little blood, some gave their very lives. So to each and every one of you, especially you young people … go out there,” he said. “Speak up, speak out. Get in the way. Get in good trouble, necessary trouble, and help redeem the soul of America.”

Selma

     The protestors needed sniper teams covering the bridge, for the horse cavalry. And if they opened ranks before the charging racist terror police, to reveal HMG emplacements, a barricade for grenadiers, and fire teams to support them and prevent flanking with point defense and to cover exfiltration of the bait from the killing zone the enemy had been lured into; but that would be a different story.

     Maybe next time, friends; and there will always be a next time.

Historical Newsreel of the Crossing

Rev. Al on 60th anniversary of ‘Bloody Sunday’: I think about the progress and the threat

Selma Bridge Crossing Jubilee  60th Anniversary

https://www.selmajubilee.com/

SPLC Commemorates 60th Anniversary of Selma Bridge Crossing

https://www.splcenter.org/presscenter/splc-commemorates-60th-anniversary-of-selma-bridge-crossing/

‘What happened on Bloody Sunday is worthy of remembering.’ This marks the 60th anniversary/ MSN

https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/us/what-happened-on-bloody-sunday-is-worthy-of-remembering-this-marks-the-60th-anniversary/ar-AA1AsjUR?ocid=BingNewsSerp

US attorney general tells Bloody Sunday service ‘the right to vote is under attack’

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/mar/03/attorney-general-merrick-garland-voting-rights-bloody-sunday-service

https://www.news10.com/video/watch-vp-kamala-harris-speaks-at-bloody-sunday-anniversary-in-selma/

https://www.cnn.com/2022/03/06/politics/harris-selma-bloody-sunday/index.html

http://www.history.com/news/selmas-bloody-sunday-50-years-ago

https://www.huffpost.com/entry/john-lewis-urges-vote-bloody-sunday-anniversary-selma_n_5e5c4639c5b6450a30c0c895

March (March #1-3), by John Lewis, Andrew Aydin, Nate Powell (Illustrator)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/29844341-march

Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice, by Raymond Arsenault, Mirron Willis (Narrator), Thurgood Marshall, John Lewis, Martin Luther King Jr. (Contributors)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/54466634-freedom-riders

     A Testament of Hope: the essential writings and speeches of Martin Luther King, James Washington (editor)

 The Autobiography of Martin Luther King Jr, by Martin Luther King Jr., Clayborne Carson (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/42547.The_Autobiography_of_Martin_Luther_King_Jr

_

Walking with the Wind: A Memoir of the Movement, by John Lewis, Michael D’Orso

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/27550.Walking_with_the_Wind

The Fire Next Time, by James Baldwin, Steve Schapiro, John Lewis (Introduction), Gloria Karefa-Smart

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/35925946-the-fire-next-time

Across That Bridge: A Vision for Change and the Future of America

by John Lewis

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/13622279-across-that-bridge

His Truth Is Marching On: John Lewis and the Power of Hope, by Jon Meacham, John Lewis (Afterword)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/53431510-his-truth-is-marching-on

A More Perfect Union: A New Vision for Building the Beloved Community

by Adam Russell Taylor, John Lewis (Foreword)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/56822962-a-more-perfect-union

March 7, 2025

Heather Cox Richardson

Mar 07, 2025

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Black Americans outnumbered white Americans among the 29,500 people who lived in Selma, Alabama, in the 1960s, but the city’s voting rolls were 99% white. So in 1963, Black organizers in the Dallas County Voters League launched a drive to get Black voters in Selma registered. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, a prominent civil rights organization, joined them.

In 1964, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act, but the measure did not adequately address the problem of voter suppression. In Selma a judge had stopped the voter registration protests by issuing an injunction prohibiting public gatherings of more than two people.

To call attention to the crisis in her city, Amelia Boynton, a member of the Dallas County Voters League acting with a group of local activists, traveled to Birmingham to invite Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. to the city. King had become a household name after delivering his “I Have a Dream” speech at the 1963 March on Washington, and his presence would bring national attention to Selma’s struggle.

King and other prominent members of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference arrived in January to push the voter registration drive. For seven weeks, Black residents tried to register to vote. County Sheriff James Clark arrested almost 2,000 of them on a variety of charges, including contempt of court and parading without a permit. A federal court ordered Clark not to interfere with orderly registration, so he forced Black applicants to stand in line for hours before taking a “literacy” test. Not a single person passed.

Then on February 18, white police officers, including local police, sheriff’s deputies, and Alabama state troopers, beat and shot an unarmed 26-year-old, Jimmie Lee Jackson, who was marching for voting rights at a demonstration in his hometown of Marion, Alabama, about 25 miles northwest of Selma. Jackson had run into a restaurant for shelter along with his mother when the police started rioting, but they chased him and shot him in the restaurant’s kitchen.

Jackson died eight days later, on February 26.

The leaders of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in Selma decided to defuse the community’s anger by planning a long march—54 miles—from Selma to the state capitol at Montgomery to draw attention to the murder and voter suppression. Expecting violence, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee voted not to participate, but its chair, John Lewis, asked their permission to go along on his own. They agreed.

On March 7, 1965, sixty years ago today, the marchers set out. As they crossed the Edmund Pettus Bridge, named for a Confederate brigadier general, Grand Dragon of the Alabama Ku Klux Klan, and U.S. senator who stood against Black rights, state troopers and other law enforcement officers met the unarmed marchers with billy clubs, bullwhips, and tear gas. They fractured John Lewis’s skull and beat Amelia Boynton unconscious. A newspaper photograph of the 54-year-old Boynton, seemingly dead in the arms of another marcher, illustrated the depravity of those determined to stop Black voting.

Images of “Bloody Sunday” on the national news mesmerized the nation, and supporters began to converge on Selma. King, who had been in Atlanta when the marchers first set off, returned to the fray.

Two days later, the marchers set out again. Once again, the troopers and police met them at the end of the Edmund Pettus Bridge, but this time, King led the marchers in prayer and then took them back to Selma. That night, a white mob beat to death a Unitarian Universalist minister, James Reeb, who had come from Massachusetts to join the marchers.

On March 15, President Lyndon B. Johnson addressed a nationally televised joint session of Congress to ask for the passage of a national voting rights act. “Their cause must be our cause too,” he said. “[A]ll of us…must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome.” Two days later, he submitted to Congress proposed voting rights legislation.

The marchers remained determined to complete their trip to Montgomery, but Alabama’s governor, George Wallace, refused to protect them. So President Johnson stepped in. When the marchers set off for a third time on March 21, 1,900 members of the nationalized Alabama National Guard, FBI agents, and federal marshals protected them. Covering about ten miles a day, they camped in the yards of well-wishers until they arrived at the Alabama State Capitol on March 25. Their ranks had grown as they walked until they numbered about 25,000 people.

On the steps of the capitol, speaking under a Confederate flag, Dr. King said: “The end we seek is a society at peace with itself, a society that can live with its conscience. And that will be a day not of the white man, not of the black man. That will be the day of man as man.”

That night, Viola Liuzzo, a 39-year-old mother of five who had arrived from Michigan to help after Bloody Sunday, was murdered by four Ku Klux Klan members who tailed her as she ferried demonstrators out of the city.

On August 6, Dr. King and Mrs. Boynton were guests of honor as President Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Recalling “the outrage of Selma,” Johnson said: “This right to vote is the basic right without which all others are meaningless. It gives people, people as individuals, control over their own destinies.”

The Voting Rights Act authorized federal supervision of voter registration in districts where African Americans were historically underrepresented. Johnson promised that the government would strike down “regulations, or laws, or tests to deny the right to vote.” He called the right to vote “the most powerful instrument ever devised by man for breaking down injustice and destroying the terrible walls which imprison men because they are different from other men,” and pledged that “we will not delay, or we will not hesitate, or we will not turn aside until Americans of every race and color and origin in this country have the same right as all others to share in the process of democracy.”

As recently as 2006, Congress reauthorized the Voting Rights Act by a bipartisan vote. By 2008 there was very little difference in voter participation between white Americans and Americans of color. In that year, voters elected the nation’s first Black president, Barack Obama, and they reelected him in 2012. And then, in 2013, the Supreme Court’s Shelby County v. Holder decision struck down the part of the Voting Rights Act that required jurisdictions with a history of racial discrimination in voting to get approval from the federal government before changing their voting rules. This requirement was known as “preclearance.”

The Shelby County v. Holder decision opened the door, once again, for voter suppression. A 2024 study by the Brennan Center of nearly a billion vote records over 14 years showed that the racial voting gap is growing almost twice as fast in places that used to be covered by the preclearance requirement. Another recent study showed that in Alabama, the gap between white and Black voter turnout in the 2024 election was the highest since at least 2008. If nonwhite voters in Alabama had voted at the same rate as white voters, more than 200,000 additional ballots would have been cast.

Democrats have tried since 2021 to pass a voting rights act but have been stymied by Republicans, who oppose such protections. On March 5, 2025, Representative Terri Sewall (D-AL) reintroduced the John R. Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act, which would help restore the terms of the Voting Rights Act, and make preclearance national.

The measure is named after John Lewis, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee leader whose skull law enforcement officers fractured on the Edmund Pettus Bridge. Lewis went on from his days in the Civil Rights Movement to serve 17 terms as a representative from Georgia. Until he died in 2020, Lewis bore the scars of March 7, 1965: Bloody Sunday.

Notes:

https://millercenter.org/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/august-6-1965-remarks-signing-voting-rights-act

https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/encyclopedia/selma-montgomery-march

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2021/feb/25/fight-to-vote-newsletter-voting-rights-act

https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/gop-voting-restrictions/2021/02/19/d1fab224-72ca-11eb-85fa-e0ccb3660358_story.html

https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/biden-voting-bloody-sunday-order/2021/03/07/ce45b082-7f60-11eb-9ca6-54e187ee4939_story.html

https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/voting-laws-roundup-2023-review

https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/analysis-opinion/people-color-are-being-deterred-voting

https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/growing-racial-disparities-voter-turnout-2008-2022

https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/analysis-opinion/alabamas-racial-turnout-gap-hit-16-year-high-2024

https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/analysis-opinion/john-r-lewis-voting-rights-advancement-act-reintroduced-house-brennan-2

https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R47520

https://sewell.house.gov/2023/9/on-national-voter-registration-day-rep-sewell-and-house-democrats-introduce-the-john-r-lewis-voting-rights-advancement-act

https://campaignlegal.org/update/why-america-needs-john-lewis-voting-rights-advancement-act

March 6 2025 A Russian Agent Whose Mission Is the Subversion of Democracy Unmasks Himself In the Trump-Zelenskyy Incident

Behold the perfidious crimes of an Absurd Clown, Russian agent, Nazi Revivalist, lunatic, idiot, and saboteur of democracy, our universal human rights and rights as citizens and co owners of the state, of America’s historic role as a guarantor of democracy globally and of American power, legitimacy, and hegemony; the mask has slipped, before the stage of history and the world, and proven the truth of my mother’s description to me of what Republicans are, as a child hiding from the brutal thugs who had donned Halloween masks and stripped off their police badges as they hunted student protestors in the wake of the attack by police ordered by then-Governor Ronald Reagan against the divestiture from Israel protest at People’s Park, Berkeley May 15 1969; “If you scratch one, there’s a Nazi underneath.”.

      Thanks for showing us what’s under your masks, Republicans; Treason, Racism, Untruth, Misogyny, Predator. And remember, folks, you can always tell a Republican’s secret name; it’s their act of treason plus their sex crime.

      The clown show at the White Man’s House, which I so name because it is a bastion of white supremacist terror and Nazi revivalism and no long a shrine of democracy as the embodiment of the Enlightenment and its values of liberty, equality, Truth, and Justice, but merely a symbol of the state as embodied violence and systems of oppression which include racism, theocratic patriarchal sexual terror of which our Rapist In Chief is a figure and authorized role model for young men, elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, and fascism of blood, faith, and soil, has in the Trump-Zelenskyy Incident been performed as a terrorist act by the aberrant, treasonous, and dishonorable Trump regime in accord with Artaud’s Theatre of Cruelty in a failed attempt to seize power over Ukraine through fear, just as Traitor Trump has failed to seize power over us all through abjection, despair, and learned helplessness.

     For just as we here in America refuse to submit in mass national protests, so Ukraine and all of Europe unite in Solidarity and refusal to submit to our falsification, commodification, and dehumanization.

      Let us become a United Humankind as guarantors of each other’s universal human rights, among these being the right to self-determination as a free society of equals, a future set against that of Russian imperial conquest and dominion and an Age of Tyrants wherein our uniqueness and individuality ceases to exist, and there is only the will of the tyrant, the hegemonic elites he serves, the enforcers who serve them, and a mass precariat of slaves.

      Those who would enslave us and steal our souls through falsification, commodification, and dehumanization must first trick us into giving them our power, and without our belief in their lies and claims to act in our name and our obedience they cannot subjugate us.

      Disbelieve, disobey, and unite in solidarity of action to Resist. 

      For the great secret of power and authority is that without legitimacy and the freely given power of the people, power is hollow and brittle and fails at the point of disobedience, and force becomes meaningless.

      Those who would enslave us can kill us, imprison and torture us, but they cannot rule us if we are unwilling to belong to them.

       And this is a power which cannot be taken from us, a power which defines our humanity and is an inherent condition of it, and like the Magic Ruby Slippers bears the power to send us home and return to us our own best selves as we imagine and wish to become.

     So I offer to all of you the Oath of the Resistance as it was devised in Paris 1940 by the great Jean Genet from his oath as a Legionnaire, in a burning house, in a lost cause, in a Last Stand as we were about to be burned alive by the Israeli Army in Beirut 1982; “We swear our loyalty to each other, to resist and cease not, and abandon not our fellows”.

     As written by Moira Donegan in The Guardian, in an article entitled Trump’s style of petty domination was in full display with Zelenskyy; “The last time Donald Trump did this, it was in secret, and he got impeached over it. In 2019, Trump, on a phone call with Volodymyr Zelenskyy, demanded that the Ukrainian president produce – or fabricate – evidence of wrongdoing by Hunter Biden, the son of Trump’s eventual opponent in the 2020 election, in exchange for continued US military aid.

     At the time, Russia had already seized control of the Ukrainian region of Crimea, and was funding violent insurgent groups in the country’s east; it was increasingly clear that a full-scale Russian invasion was coming, as it finally did in 2022. Since the end of second world war, it has been the US that checks Russian expansionist ambitions in Europe – the US that provided the backstop to the Nato alliance, the US that secured the independence of eastern Europe. The US president wanted to condition that longstanding role on the Ukrainian president doing him a personal political favor. The international order could be ended, he suggested, if those who depended on him didn’t do enough to indulge his vanity, self-interest and impulsive whims.

     Something similar was already afoot earlier this week, when Trump summoned Zelenskyy to Washington at the last minute to pressure him to sign a mineral rights deal. Trump wanted to make continued US support for Ukraine’s military effort contingent on US involvement in the country’s mineral industry. But the deal that was offered to Zelenskyy in fact contained no security guarantees: it offered something less like a bilateral agreement and more like a shakedown. Nevertheless Zelenskyy, who is leading a besieged people in danger of losing their country, seemed willing to take it – even after Trump called him a “dictator” last week.

     But things went downhill from there. Trump seemed determined to antagonize Zelenskyy, making a passive aggressive remark about what Zelenksyy was wearing when he arrived at the White House. (Sources close to Trump leaked to Semafor that the administration was also displeased with Zelenskyy’s “body language”.) In a meeting in the Oval Office, with film crews and reporters present, the US vice-president, JD Vance, began berating Zelenskyy for what he alleged was the Ukrainian president’s disinterest in diplomacy, by which he seems to have meant a Ukrainian surrender on Russia’s terms.

     When Zelenskyy countered that Russia has not been a reliable partner, breaking promises to Ukraine repeatedly in past ceasefires, Vance began berating him that he was not grateful enough for US support. “I think it’s disrespectful for you to come into the Oval Office and try to litigate this in front of the American media,” said Vance, who had initiated the confrontation with cameras in the room, in a practiced cadence. “Have you said thank you once?” Zelenskyy has in fact said “thank you” to the United States many times, including at the outset of the meeting. Both Trump and Vance began raising their voices, ignoring Zelenskyy’s attempts to speak and impugning both his leadership and his personal character. Zelenskyy was soon kicked out, and left the White House without signing the minerals agreement that Trump had nominally summoned him from Ukraine to conclude.

     It is clear that the post-second world war international order is over. It is clear that Europe will have to look elsewhere, and not to the United States, for its security, and that the US will increasingly be isolated among nations, without allies to advance its interests abroad and without friends to share the benefits of science, culture and commerce. Few world leaders, after all, are willing to make deals with such a mercurial partner; fewer still are willing to try, if the attempt will be met with public humiliation in such brutish and bullying style.

     It is clear that other great powers, including those who do not share what were once the US’s stated principles of justice, democracy and human dignity, will fill this vacuum, to America’s detriment. It is clear that Trump does not intend to check Vladimir Putin’s expansionist ambitions – that he will force a deal in the Ukraine war on Russia’s terms, that Zelenskyy himself will likely be exiled or killed in the aftermath, and that other countries in Europe are in danger.

     In the hours after the meeting, many world leaders publicly voiced their support for Zelenskyy, including the Polish prime minister, Donald Tusk. Like him, they stand on the edge of an uncertain future. Russia is on the march, indifferent to borders, laws and freedoms, and the United States will no longer stop them. As an American, I was embarrassed by the display. I am also, now, very scared.

     Because what Trump did to Zelenskyy on Friday is not a departure from his style: it is entirely typical of his domineering approach to politics – one in which violence or harm is threatened to extort his preferred outcomes, and in which good faith negotiation or even basic dignity is shrugged off in favor of petty displays of domination and cruelty.

     Trump and Vance, I now think, never really intended to have a conversation with Zelenskyy: they intended, instead, to try to make themselves look tough on TV by humiliating him. Jake Paul, a boxer, influencer and alleged crypto scammer who has been a booster of Donald Trump, said of the televised shouting match against a head of state, “This isn’t attacking. This is called being a MAN.”

     Manliness seems to be all that Trump aspires to: and he defines it, almost exclusively as cruelty. Both on the international stage and on the domestic one, Trump and the crowd of racist, misogynist and endlessly immature idiots who surround him will stop at nothing to prove what men they are – no matter how much America suffers, or how many people die, in the process. At the meeting, when Zelenskyy tried to persuade Trump to feel differently about the prospect of Russian expansion, Trump cut him off. “Don’t tell us what we’re going to feel,” he said. “We’re going to feel very good. We’re going to feel very good and very strong.” Maybe he does.”

     As written in the Observer Editorial, entitled Zelenskyy clash: a moment of dark reckoning; “The treatment of the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, by the US president, Donald Trump, during what appears to have been a staged confrontation in the White House in front of the world’s press, marks one of the most profoundly shocking moments in US diplomacy in decades.

     In this crass and deeply disturbing performance, the wartime leader of a democratic European country that is fighting against an illegal invasion by Russia, which has seen its citizens killed and cities bombed indiscriminately, was subjected to a vicious, ignorant and mendacious attack that was designed to humiliate.

     Many watching the antics of Trump and his vice-president, JD Vance – and the subsequent cheerleading from their far-right political allies – will have been sickened by what they saw: an American president channelling the words of Vladimir Putin and the Kremlin. In the cold light of the day that has followed, the world – and Europe in particular – has woken to the most uncomfortable of realities.

     The US, the country that has styled itself the indispensable nation, has aligned itself with the enemies of peace and democracy. If “America first” marks simply a shattering moment of US isolationism not seen since the run-up to America’s entry into the Second World War, this would be devastating enough. But, as they gather in London tomorrow, European leaders, Keir Starmer among them, must recognise that the contours of European and global security have been transformed.

    The first lesson should be acknowledgment of what has been obvious since Trump’s inauguration: the US cannot be relied on as a security, intelligence or trading partner. Washington’s underpinning of Nato, and international security, is no longer a given. By giving succour to a Russia already conducting hostile acts against European countries beyond Ukraine, including Britain, Trump has made common cause with the greatest threat facing Europe today.

     That was reflected in the comment by Kaja Kallas, the EU’s foreign policy chief, after Friday’s degrading White House spectacle, that the “free world needs a new leader”. In practical terms, that must mean an end to the pretence that Trump can be flattered and played.

     The almost unanimous outpouring of support from European leaders for Zelenskyy and Ukraine after the White House meeting needs to be swiftly followed by a show of unity at the London summit – and by concrete measures to support Ukraine and to preserve the wider peace on the European continent.

     All of which means hard decisions will need to be made, and quickly, in European capitals, not only on defence spending but in recognising and in communicating to the public that a wider conflict with Russia – and without US support – is not unthinkable but must be actively prepared for.

     For, while it is easy to see Trump’s actions as the petulant, theatrical and narcissistic reaction of a deeply insecure individual, the consequences go far beyond that. If there is a glimmer of hope, no matter how dim, it is that Trump’s poisonous bluster is underpinned by incoherence and weakness that is open to being challenged.

     It is important to take stock of the reality with which the world is confronted, not the fantasy some would wish to see. Washington’s abdication of leadership and support for Ukraine requires a rapid and united European response without caveats.

     As Kallas suggests, that requires European leaders to articulate the values to which they are committed and how they will practically back them, including material aid to Kyiv. Because the Trump administration’s often bizarre and self-harming view of foreign and trade policy, merging unilateralism, territorial expansion and isolationism, can only work in our deeply connected world if other countries allow it to.

     America, as Zelenskyy rightly observed, is as vulnerable to Putin’s acts as Ukraine and Europe. Starmer’s visit to Washington last week – following that of the French president, Emmanuel Macron – was a necessary attempt to influence Trump. That effort has failed and it should be clear that there are now red lines, the most obvious of which is the threat to end US aid to Kyiv. After Friday’s events, it is already highly questionable in many minds whether Trump should be granted a state visit to the UK.

     What should be clear to No 10 is that ending aid to Ukraine would be a step too far for the UK, even for this highly abnormal regime in Washington. Above all, Starmer and other European leaders must insist on the primacy of one of the key founding principles of the post Second World War order, enshrined in international law: territory may not be acquired through military aggression.

     The starting point for any peace in Ukraine must be to recognise the illegality of Putin’s aggressions, which began with the annexation of Crimea in 2014. Ukraine should have a seat at the table in all discussions, free from threats and extortion from Trump and his allies. The aim of those discussions should be to see both the full withdrawal of Russian forces and powerful guarantees for Kyiv’s security. At this moment of dark reckoning, we owe it not only to the people of Ukraine; we owe it to ourselves.”

     As written by Simon Tisdall in The Guardian, in an article entitled Trump has utterly changed the rules of engagement. World leaders must learn this – and quickly: The world’s most admired democracy is being held hostage by a clique of far-right thugs. It would be a mistake to placate them; “It’s not only about Donald Trump. It’s not just about saving Ukraine, or defeating Russia, or how to boost Europe’s security, or what to do about an America gone rogue. It’s about a world turned upside down – a dark, fretful, more dangerous place where treaties and laws are no longer respected, alliances are broken, trust is fungible, principles are negotiable and morality is a dirty word. It’s an ugly, disordered world of raw power, brute force, selfish arrogance, dodgy deals and brazen lies. It’s been coming for a while; the US president is its noisy harbinger.

     Take the issues one at a time. Trump is a toxic symptom of the wider malaise. For sure, he is an extraordinarily malign, unfeeling and irresponsible man. He cares nothing for the people he leads, seeing them merely as an audience for his vulgar showmanship. His undeserved humiliation of Ukraine’s valiant leader, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, was, he crowed, “great television”. As president, Trump wields enormous power and influence. But Potus is not omnipotent. America’s vanquished Democrats are slowly finding their voice. Connecticut senator Chris Murphy shows how it should be done. Don’t bite your lip. Don’t play by rules Trump ignores. When Trump tried to blame diversity hiring policies for January’s deadly Potomac midair collision, Murphy hit back fiercely.

     “Everybody in this country should be outraged that Donald Trump is standing up on that podium and lying to you – deliberately lying to you,” Murphy fumed. Trump was at it again when he mugged Zelenskyy last week. But it is not passing unchallenged. Street protests in Britain and the US followed. A campaign gathers pace to block Trump’s planned UK state visit. Opinion polls show growing opposition.

     It seems strange to talk about “resistance”, as if a Nazi-style wartime occupation is under way. Yet resisting Trump is what our leaders must do. The world’s most admired democracy is held hostage by a far-right clique of thugs and chancers. Its leader calls himself “king” and talks of a presidency for life. Elon Musk and Steve Bannon raise stiff-armed salutes. European neofascists drool adulation from afar.

     Trump’s minions attack or subvert the agencies of government, the judiciary and free press, terrorising and intimidating those whose loyalty they impugn. Their propagandists, so-called tech barons, have a reach Joseph Goebbels would envy. And just like Vladimir Putin, Russia’s dictator, JD Vance, Trump’s loudmouth hitman, fights a regressive, anti-democratic culture war for “Christian values” and a narrow, bigoted orthodoxy.

     Ukraine, despite Trump’s betrayal, remains the epitome of resistance. The Ukrainian people are fighting for freedom, sovereignty and democratic self-determination. The issue is simple. Since the US cannot any longer be relied upon, Europe’s leaders know what they must do: supply more and better weapons for Kyiv, such as Taurus missiles; provide more humanitarian aid and finance, obtained by seizing $300bn in frozen Russian funds; and collectively raise their defence spending. From leaders such as Keir Starmer and Emmanuel Macron, we need less polite subservience and more honest defiance.

     To be effective, European leaders need to put concerted pressure on the US government to provide credible, long-term security guarantees for Ukraine and a backstop for any force that the UK and Europe deploy to monitor the ceasefire. It’s reasonable to expect the US to support a European peace initiative. If it does not, an open rupture with Washington should not be dodged. Equally, they need to put more pressure on Russia, too, to halt its daily slaughter and bombing in Ukraine’s cities. Putin could stop this war today – after all, he alone started it. The fact he refuses to do so is proof, if it were needed, of Zelenskyy’s contention that he cannot be trusted in anything he says. He must be squeezed further.

     Right now, the opposite is happening. Military analysts warn that a gleeful Kremlin, encouraged by western discord, may step up its offensive in the east and try to capitalise on Ukraine’s demoralisation, perhaps even reinstating Putin’s original plan to seize the whole country. To deter such scenarios, EU leaders, meeting again in Brussels on Thursday after their London weekend talks, must finally bury their differences and draw a line.

     Starmer says that he and Macron are now developing a plan. Good. The leading European Nato powers should demand an immediate halt to all fighting in Ukraine and Kursk. They should launch a peace process inclusive of all interested parties, without preconditions or prior concessions. If Putin balks, they must withdraw their diplomats, close borders with Russia, move to interdict its exports, mobilise their armed forces – and set a deadline for providing defensive air cover for all unoccupied Ukrainian territory. Russia must be reminded that the west has teeth, too – and will, if forced, resist Putin’s unlawful aggression with everything it has got. Enough of Trump’s scaremongering nonsense about a third world war. Putin is a mass murderer, not a mad murderer. He’s also a coward.

     Given Trump’s treachery and threats to cut military aid, only a strong, united Europe stands a chance of preventing Ukraine’s defeat on the battlefield. Were Ukraine forced to capitulate to a Kremlin deal and lose its sovereignty, it would set a disastrous precedent for free people everywhere, from Taiwan and Tibet to Moldova, Estonia, Panama and Greenland.

     Marco Rubio, Trump’s obsequious secretary of state, spoke revealingly last month about his vision of a 21st-century world dominated by the US, Russia and China, and divided into 19th-century geopolitical spheres of influence. It was necessary to rebuild US relations with Moscow, Rubio argued, to maintain this imperious tripartite balance of power. This is the partitioned future that awaits if Trump’s surrender strategy prevails and he and Putin carve up Ukraine.

     Such a global catastrophe was foretold. In his novel Nineteen Eighty-Four, George Orwell describes a nightmare world divvied up between three great empires or superstates, Oceania, Eurasia and Eastasia, which deliberately stoke unceasing hostilities. Their shared characteristics: totalitarianism, mass surveillance, repression, immorality, gross inhumanity. Sound familiar? Annalena Baerbock, foreign minister of Germany, a country that knows much about fascism, past and present, recently said that a “new era of wickedness has begun”. Ukrainians, under occupation, are only too familiar with the evil that has descended upon their heads. This is the violent, lawless dystopia towards which the Americans in the Oval Office are leading us. Unless they are stopped. Unless we fight. Unless Europe resists.”

     And this is the Letter of Lech Wałęsa to Trump; “This is the text we signed:

Your Excellency Mr President,

We watched the report of your conversation with the President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenski with fear and distaste. We consider your expectations to show respect and gratitude for the material help provided by the United States fighting Russia to Ukraine insulting. Gratitude is due to the heroic Ukrainian soldiers who shed their blood in defense of the values of the free world. They have been dying on the frontline for more than 11 years in the name of these values and independence of their Homeland, which was attacked by Putin’s Russia.

We do not understand how the leader of a country that is the symbol of the free world cannot see it.

Our panic was also caused by the fact that the atmosphere in the Oval Office during this conversation reminded us of one we remember well from Security Service interrogations and from the debate rooms in Communist courts. Prosecutors and judges at the behest of the all-powerful communist political police also explained to us that they hold all the cards and we hold none. They demanded us to stop our business, arguing that thousands of innocent people suffer because of us. They deprived us of our freedoms and civil rights because we refused to cooperate with the government and our gratitude. We are shocked that Mr. President Volodymyr Zelenski treated in the same way.

The history of the 20th century shows that every time the United States wanted to keep its distance from democratic values and its European allies, it ended up being a threat to themselves. This was understood by President Woodrow Wilson, who decided to join the United States in World War I in 1917. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt understood this, deciding after the attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941 that the war for the defense of America would be fought not only in the Pacific, but also in Europe, in alliance with the countries attacked by the Third Reich.

We remember that without President Ronald Reagan and American financial commitment it would not have been possible to bring the collapse of the Soviet Union empire. President Reagan was aware that millions of enslaved people were suffering in Soviet Russia and the countries it conquered, including thousands of political prisoners who paid for their sacrifice in defense of democratic values with freedom. His greatness was m. in. on the fact that he without hesitation called the USSR the “Empire of Evil” and gave it a decisive fight. We won, and the statue of President Ronald Reagan stands today in Warsaw vis a vis of the US embassy.

Mr. President, material aid – military and financial – cannot be equivalent to the blood shed in the name of independence and freedom of Ukraine, Europe, as well as the whole free world. Human life is priceless, its value cannot be measured with money. Gratitude is due to those who make the sacrifice of blood and freedom. It is obvious for us, the people of “Solidarity”, former political prisoners of the communist regime serving Soviet Russia.

We are calling for the United States to withdraw from the guarantees it made with the Great Britain in the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, which recorded a direct obligation to defend the intact borders of Ukraine in exchange for giving up its nuclear weapons resources. These guarantees are unconditional: there is no word about treating such aid as an economic exchange.

Lech Wales, b. political prisoner, Solidarity leader, president of the Republic of Poland III

Mark Bailin, b. political prisoner, editor of independent publishing houses

Severn Blumstein, b. political prisoner, member of the Workers’ Defense Committee

Teresa Bogucka, b. a political prisoner, activist of the democratic opposition and Solidarity

Gregory Bogut, b. political prisoner, activist of democratic opposition, independent publisher

Mark Borowik, b. political prisoner, independent publisher

Bogdan Borusewicz, b. political prisoner, leader of the underground Solidarity in Gdansk

Zbigniew Bujak, b. political prisoner, leader of the underground Solidarity in Warsaw

Władysław Frasyniuk, b. political prisoner, leader of the underground Solidarity in Wrocław

Andrew Gintzburg, b. a political prisoner, activist of the underground Solidarity

Richard Grabarczyk, b. a political prisoner, Solidarity activist

Alexander Janiszewski, b. a political prisoner, Solidarity activist

Peter Kapczy .ski, b. a political prisoner, activist of the democratic opposition

Mark Kossakowski, b. political prisoner, independent publicist

Christopher the King, b. a political prisoner , independence activist

Jaroslav Kurski, b. a political prisoner, activist of the democratic opposition

Barbara Swan, b. a political prisoner, activist of the underground Solidarity

Bogdan Lis, b. political prisoner, leader of the underground Solidarity in Gdansk

Henryk Majewski, b. a political prisoner, Solidarity activist

Adam Michnik, b. political prisoner, activist of the democratic opposition, editor of independent publishing houses

Slavomir Najniger, b. a political prisoner, activist of the underground Solidarity

Peter the German , b. political prisoner, journalist, and printer of underground publishing houses,

Stefan Konstanty Niesiołowski, b. a political prisoner , independence activist

Edward Nowak, b. a political prisoner, activist of the underground Solidarity

Wojciech Onyszkiewicz, b. political prisoner, member of the Workers’ Defence Committee, Solidarity activist

Anthony Pawlak, b. a political prisoner, activist of the democratic opposition and underground Solidarity

Sylwia Poleska-Peryt, b. a political prisoner, activist of the democratic opposition

Christopher Push, b. a political prisoner, activist of the underground Solidarity

Richard Push, b. a political prisoner, activist of the underground Solidarity,

Jacek Rakowiecki, b. a political prisoner, activist of the underground Solidarity

Andrew Severn, b. political prisoner, actor, director of the Polish Theater in Warsaw

Witold Sielewicz, b. political prisoner, printer of independent publishing houses

Henryk Sikora, b. a political prisoner, Solidarity activist

Christopher Siemien Krski, b. political prisoner, journalist, and printer of underground publishing houses

Gra ,yna Staniszewska, b. a political prisoner, leaders of Solidarity of the Beskids region

George Degrees, b. a political prisoner, activist of the democratic opposition

Joanna Happy, b. political prisoner, editor of Solidarity underground press

Ludwik Turko, b. a political prisoner, activist of the underground Solidarity

Matthew Wierzbicki, b. political prisoner, printer and publicist of independent publishing houses”

       Here I wish to signpost for the historical record that the Resistance to Putin’s regime and the invasion of Ukraine is based in Warsaw because Poland is among the most committed Antifascist nations of Europe, and remembers well her history when menaced with invasion by Russia and Nazi Revivalist forces which have a launchpad for the reconquest of Europe in Orban’s Hungary and Meloni’s Italy. Poland not only hosts a community of Ukrainian war refugees and fighters, but also Russian citizens working with their Ukrainian and European counterparts to bring regime change to Russia and end the invasion of Ukraine and the threat of invasion of Europe.

     This is not a speculative threat, but one with several active plans now in motion; Russia intends to seize the Ukrainian port of Odesa as they did Mariupol, then the Romanian port of Constantia from which the whole of the Danube Basin can be invaded. This in concert with the invasion of Europe from Moldava and Poland with the recapture of Berlin the prize and also from the Baltic Sea and North Atlantic with the conquest of Britain the final goal.

     Vichy America under Putin’s star agent Trump of course is already a Russian client state. Putin may or may not in time send an Russian Army of Occupation to rule us directly, but for the moment all he needs to do is monkeywrench democracy and its institutions and destroy our economy so that we cannot resist either the conquest of Europe or our own; and Trump is doing this for him now. A “useful fool”, Trump, as the KGB term describes such agents.

     Putin has intended to launch the Baltic War this spring, just a few weeks from today. If get wins international recognition of his captured territories in Ukraine, he will be free to do so, for NATO and the international order born of the Second World War will have abandoned its mission to resist the acquisition of “Living Room” as Hitler termed it by war.

      As written by Bret Stephens in The New York Times in an article entitled A Day of American Infamy; “In August 1941, about four months before the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Franklin Roosevelt met with Winston Churchill aboard warships in Newfoundland’s Placentia Bay and agreed to the Atlantic Charter, a joint declaration by the world’s leading democratic powers on “common principles” for a postwar world.

     Among its key points: “no aggrandizement, territorial or other”; “sovereign rights and self-government restored to those who have been forcibly deprived of them”; “freedom from fear and want”; freedom of the seas; “access, on equal terms, to the trade and to the raw materials of the world which are needed for their economic prosperity.”

     The charter, and the alliance that came of it, is a high point of American statesmanship. On Friday in the Oval Office, the world witnessed the opposite. Volodymyr Zelensky, Ukraine’s embattled democratic leader, came to Washington prepared to sign away anything he could offer President Trump except his nation’s freedom, security and common sense. For that, he was rewarded with a lecture on manners from the most mendacious vulgarian and ungracious host ever to inhabit the White House.

     If Roosevelt had told Churchill to sue for peace on any terms with Adolf Hitler and to fork over Britain’s coal reserves to the United States in exchange for no American security guarantees, it might have approximated what Trump did to Zelensky. Whatever one might say about how Zelensky played his cards poorly — either by failing to behave with the degree of all-fours sycophancy that Trump demands or to maintain his composure in the face of JD Vance’s disingenuous provocations — this was a day of American infamy.

     Where do we go from here?

     If there’s one silver lining to this fiasco, it’s that Zelensky did not sign the agreement on Ukrainian minerals that was forced on him this month by Scott Bessent, the Treasury secretary who’s the Tom Hagen character in this protection-racket administration. The United States is entitled to some kind of reward for helping Ukraine defend itself — and Ukraine’s destruction of much of Russia’s military might should top the list, followed by the innovation Ukraine demonstrated in pioneering revolutionary forms of low-cost drone warfare, which the Pentagon will be keen to emulate.

     But if it’s a financial payback that the Trump administration seeks, the best place to get it is to seize, in collaboration with our European partners, Russia’s frozen assets and put them into an account by which Ukraine could pay for American-made arms. If the United States won’t do this, the Europeans should: Let the Ukrainians rely for their arms on Dassault, Saab, Rheinmetall, BAE Systems and other European defense contractors and see how that goes over with the “America First”-ers. Hopefully that could serve as another spur to Europeans to invest, as quickly and heavily as they can, in their depleted militaries, not simply to strengthen NATO but also to hedge against its end.

     There is a second opportunity: While Trump’s abuse of Zelensky might delight the MAGA crowd, it isn’t likely to play well with most voters, including the almost 30 percent of Republicans who, even now, believe it’s in our interest to stand with Ukraine. And while most Americans may want to see the war in Ukraine end, they almost surely don’t want to see it end on Vladimir Putin’s terms.

     Nor should the Trump administration. A Russian victory in Ukraine, including a cease-fire that allows Moscow to consolidate its gains and recoup its strength before the next assault, will have precisely the same effect as the Taliban’s victory in Afghanistan: emboldening American enemies to behave more aggressively. Notice that, as Trump has ratcheted up pressure on Ukraine in recent weeks, Taiwan reported a surge in Chinese military drills around the island, while Chinese warships held live-fire exercises off the coast of Vietnam and came within 150 nautical miles of Sydney.

     Those are points honorable conservatives should press: Can Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky and Representative Don Bacon of Nebraska — two Republicans who haven’t sold their souls on Ukraine — lead a delegation of like-minded conservatives to Kyiv?

     More so, this should be an opportunity for Democrats. Joe Biden was right when he called this a “decisive decade” for the future of the free world; he just happened to be too feeble and cautious a messenger.

     But there are tough-minded Democrats with military and security backgrounds — Representative Jason Crow of Colorado, Representative Seth Moulton of Massachusetts and Senator Elissa Slotkin of Michigan come to mind — who can restore the spirit of Harry Truman and John F. Kennedy to the Democratic Party. It’s a message of toughness and freedom they might also be able to sell to at least some Trump voters, who cast their ballots in November for the sake of a better America, not a greater Russia.

     Still, there’s no getting around the fact that Friday was a dreadful day — dreadful for Ukraine, for the free world, for the legacy of an America that once stood for the principles of the Atlantic Charter.

     Roosevelt and Reagan must be spinning in their graves, as are Churchill and Thatcher. It’s up to the rest of us to reclaim America’s honor from the gangsters who besmirched it in the White House.”

The perfidious crimes of an Absurd Clown, Russian agent, Nazi Revivalist, lunatic, idiot, and saboteur of democracy, our universal human rights and rights as citizens and co owners of the state, of our historic role as a guarantor of democracy globally and of American power, legitimacy, and hegemony.

Trump’s style of petty domination was in full display with Zelenskyy

Moira Donegan

Trump has utterly changed the rules of engagement. World leaders must learn this – and quickly, Simon Tisdall

The Observer view on the Trump-Zelenskyy clash: a moment of dark reckoning

A Day of American Infamy, New York TImes

Pro-Ukraine protests erupt across US after Trump and Vance ‘ambush’ Zelenskyy

‘Bewildering’: US media and politicians react to Trump’s televised attack on Zelenskyy

‘A bigger victory for Putin than any military battle’: Russia gleeful after Trump-Zelenskyy clash

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/mar/01/russia-trump-zelenskyy-ukraine-leader-oval-office-putin?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR0_TQrMeGFX0khn2tekwo4w9zbmyDX0fCcRnFpYglkzpHLmndHU1ibkmhQ_aem_u6ImTYu6kW-DLwDgg6IDxw

Trump said Zelenskyy ‘does not have the cards’. But how well is he playing his own hand? Olga Chyzh

As the postwar liberal order unravels, new arrangements will be necessary

Moustafa Bayoumi

Where does the phrase ‘coalition of the willing’ come from?, Peter Walker

Can Europe secure peace in Ukraine without the US?

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