April 2 2025 Hope For Changing of the Tides: Warnock Shames Trump Regime and Wisconsin Renounces Elon Musk’s Efforts to Buy Our Elections

      We celebrate today the dual victories of democracy over fascist tyranny won for us by the American Lion Ralph Warnock in his historic speech in which he shamed the Trump regime and the Party of Treason, and the people of Wisconsin’s renouncement of Elon Musk’s efforts to buy our elections in a referendum vote on the whole bizarre and pathetic freak show of the Trump regime.

    Together our champions have won us all hope for the changing of the tides and the rebirth of our nation and our global civilization which enshrines the equality of all human beings in the institutions, values, and ideals of democracy, a fragile, ephemeral, and often illusory thing but one worth living for and can yet be realized.

    Our humanity hangs in the balance in this moment and Gordian Knot of Rashomon Gate Events, under relentless attacks by an aberrant enemy which has captured the state and experiments on us as what Artaud described as Theatre of Cruelty, for Trump is our Doctor Mengele and all America is strapped to his vivisection table as he takes us apart piece by piece.

     Yet we refuse to submit and die quietly, and claw pour way out of the ruins to make yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory or even survival, and to bring a Reckoning to forces of fascism and tyranny and to those who would enslave us.

     Mass protests seize the streets of our cities, AOC and Bernie toured the nation with historic and enormous rallies organizing resistance, Trump’s spurious and performative executive orders are defeated in court time and time again, the Republican voters are in open rebellion in town hall meetings everywhere, and endorsement by Trump and association with Musk has become toxic in our elections.

     America awakens, and I am reminded of the Edward Markham poem my father had me memorize as a child;

“The Man with the Hoe

By Edwin Markham

Written after seeing Millet’s World-Famous Painting

God made man in His own image,

in the image of God made He him. —Genesis.

Bowed by the weight of centuries he leans  

Upon his hoe and gazes on the ground,  

The emptiness of ages in his face,

And on his back the burden of the world.  

Who made him dead to rapture and despair,  

A thing that grieves not and that never hopes,

Stolid and stunned, a brother to the ox?  

Who loosened and let down this brutal jaw?

Whose was the hand that slanted back this brow?

Whose breath blew out the light within this brain?

Is this the Thing the Lord God made and gave

To have dominion over sea and land;

To trace the stars and search the heavens for power;

To feel the passion of Eternity?

Is this the Dream He dreamed who shaped the suns

And marked their ways upon the ancient deep?

Down all the stretch of Hell to its last gulf  

There is no shape more terrible than this—

More tongued with censure of the world’s blind greed—

More filled with signs and portents for the soul—

More fraught with danger to the universe.

What gulfs between him and the seraphim!  

Slave of the wheel of labor, what to him  

Are Plato and the swing of Pleiades?

What the long reaches of the peaks of song,  

The rift of dawn, the reddening of the rose?

Through this dread shape the suffering ages look;

Time’s tragedy is in that aching stoop;  

Through this dread shape humanity betrayed,  

Plundered, profaned and disinherited,  

Cries protest to the Judges of the World,  

A protest that is also prophecy.

O masters, lords and rulers in all lands,  

is this the handiwork you give to God,

This monstrous thing distorted and soul-quenched ?

How will you ever straighten up this shape;  

Touch it again with immortality;

Give back the upward looking and the light;  

Rebuild in it the music and the dream;  

Make right the immemorial infamies,

Perfidious wrongs, immedicable woes?

O masters, lords and rulers in all lands,

How will the Future reckon with this Man?  

How answer his brute question in that hour   

When whirlwinds of rebellion shake the world?

How will it be with kingdoms and with kings—

With those who shaped him to the thing he is—

When this dumb Terror shall reply to God  

After the silence of the centuries?”

     As written by David Smith in The Guardian, in an article entitled Booker makes a stand against Trump – and doesn’t stop for 25 hours: Democrats have appeared lame and leaderless for 72 days, but then Cory Booker stood up and did something; ““Would the senator yield for a question?” asked Democratic leader Chuck Schumer.

     Senator Cory Booker, who on a long day’s journey into night had turned himself into the fighter that many Democrats were yearning for, replied with a wry smile: “Chuck Schumer, it’s the only time in my life I can tell you no.”

     But Schumer wasn’t taking no for an answer. “I just wanted to tell you, a question, do you know you have just broken the record? Do you know how proud this caucus is of you? Do you know how proud America is of you?”

    New Jersey’s first Black senator had just shattered the record for the longest speech in Senate history, delivered by South Carolina’s Strom Thurmond, an arch segregationist who filibustered for 24 hours and 18 minutes against the Civil Rights Act of 1957.

     In the normally sombre Senate chamber, around 40 Democrats rose to their feet in effusive applause. A few hundred people in the public gallery, where the busts of 20 former vice-presidents gazed down from marble plinths, erupted in clapping and cheering and whooping. The senator took a tissue and mopped perspiration from his forehead.

     Since Booker’s obstruction did not occur during voting on any bill it was not technically a filibuster. But it marked the first time during Donald Trump’s second term that Democrats have deliberately clogged up Senate business.

     Indeed, after 72 days in which Democrats have appeared lame and leaderless, Booker stood up and did something. He said his constituents had challenged him to think differently and take risks and so he did. In an attention economy so often dominated by the forces of Maga, his all-nighter offered a ray of hope in the darkness.

     Some Democrats have desperately tried to be authentic with cringeworthy TikTok videos such as a “Choose Your Fighter” parody. Booker, by contrast, went old school: one man standing and talking for hour after hour on the Senate floor in a display of endurance reminiscent of a famous scene in the 1939 film Mr Smith Goes to Washington starring Jimmy Stewart.

     It had all begun at 7pm on Monday when, wearing a US flag pin on a dark suit, white shirt and black tie as if dressed for the funeral of the republic, Booker vowed: “I rise tonight with the intention of getting in some good trouble. I rise with the intention of disrupting the normal business of the United States Senate for as long as I am physically able.

     “I rise tonight because I believe sincerely that our country is in crisis … These are not normal times in America and they should not be treated as such in the United States Senate. The threats to the American people and American democracy are grave and urgent, and we all must do more to stand against them.”

     What followed was a tour de force of physical stamina. The 55-year-old, who played tight end for Stanford University’s American football team, asked a Senate page to take away his chair so he was not tempted to sit down, which is barred by the Senate rules. The chair could be seen pushed back against a wall.

     Above Booker the words “Novus Ordo Seclorum” – a Latin phrase meaning “a new order of the ages” or “a new order of the centuries” – were inscribed in the Senate chamber above a relief depicting a bare chested hero wrestling a snake.

     Booker leaned on his desk and sipped from a glass of water. He shifted from foot to foot or paced to keep the blood circulating in his legs. He wiped away sweat with a white handkerchief. He plucked a tissue from a blue-grey tissue box, blew his nose and dropped it into a bin. He persisted.

     Alexandra De Luca, vice president of communications at the liberal group American Bridge, tweeted: “I worked for Cory Booker on the campaign trail and (and I say this with love) that man drinks enough caffeine on a normal day to stay up 72 hours. This could go a while.”

      Booker may also be a great advert for veganism. He could be jocular, bantering with old friends in the Senate about sport and state rivalries. He could be emotional, his voice cracking and his eyes on the verge of tears, especially when a letter from the family of a person with Parkinson’s disease reminded him of his late father.

     He could also be angry, channeling the fury of those who feel their beloved country slipping away. Yet to the end his mind was clear and his voice was strong. This was also a masterclass in political rhetoric, which Schumer rightly praised for its “crystalline brilliance”.

     There were recurring themes: Trump’s economic chaos and rising prices; billionaires exerting ever greater influence; Elon Musk, the world’s richest man, slashing entire government programmes without consent from Congress and inflicting pain on children, military veterans and other vulnerable groups.

      Booker read dozens and dozens of letters from what he called “terrified people” with “heartbreaking” stories. As the day wore on, he quoted from a fired USAid employee who told a devastating story of broken dreams and warned: “The beacon of our democracy grows dim across the globe.”

     The senator also warned of tyranny: Trump disappearing people from the streets without due process; bullying the media and trying to create press corps like Vladimir Putin or Recep Tayyip Erdoğan; seizing more executive power and putting democracy itself in grave peril.

     A few times he inverted former president John F Kennedy’s famous phrase to warn that today it’s no longer “ask not what your country can do for you. It’s what you can do for Donald Trump.”

     He acknowledged that the public want Democrats to do more. But he insisted that can only go so far and, as during the civil rights movement, the American people must rise up. He frequently referred to a “moral moment” and invoked the late congressman John Lewis, famed for causing “good trouble”.

     “This is not who we are or how we do things in America,” Booker said. “How much more can we endure before we, as a collective voice, say enough is enough? Enough is enough. You’re not going to get away with this.”

     The Senate chamber contains 100 wooden desks and brown leather chairs on a tiered semicircular platform. For most of the marathon nearly all the seats were empty and only a handful of reporters were in the press gallery.

     But Democrat Chris Murphy accompanied Booker throughout his speech. “We’ve passed the 15-hour mark,” Booker observed. “I want to thank Senator Murphy because he’s been here at my side the entire time.”

     Other Democrats took turns to show up in solidarity, asking if Booker would accept a question. He agreed, reading from a note to ensure he got the wording right: “I yield for a question while retaining the floor.”

     Occasionally he would quip: “I have the floor. So much power, it’s going to my head!”

     Just after 10.30am Schumer, the minority leader, told Booker: “Your strength, your fortitude, your clarity has just been nothing short of amazing and all of America is paying attention to what you’re saying. All of America needs to know there’s so many problems, the disastrous actions of this administration.”

     They discussed Medicaid cuts before Booker responded: “You heaped so many kind things on me. But never before in the history of America has a man from Brooklyn said so many complimentary things about a man in Newark.”

      Angela Alsobrooks, the first Black senator from Maryland, entered the chamber, caught Booker’s eye and raised a clenched fist in a shared act of resistance.

     As Booker approached the 24-hour mark, most Senate Democrats took their seats and Democrats from the House of Representatives, including minority leader Hakeem Jeffries, sat or stood in the chamber. The public and press galleries swelled.

     Booker once again channelled Lewis, the civil rights hero. “I don’t know what John Lewis would say, but John Lewis would do something. He would say something. What we will have to repent for is not the words and violent actions for bad people, but the appalling silence and inaction of good people. This is our moral moment.”

     As Booker closed in on Thurmond’s record, Murphy noted that this speech was very different. “Today you are standing not in the way of progress but of retreat,” he told his friend.

     Booker commented: “I could break this record of the man who tried to stop the rights upon which I stand. I’m not here, though, because of his speech; I’m here despite his speech. I’m here because as powerful as he was, the people were more powerful.”

     Even when the record was beaten he carried on. “I want to go a little bit past this and then I’m going to deal with some of the biological urgencies I’m feeling,” he said.

     Finally, after 25 hours and four minutes, Booker declared: “This is a moral moment. It’s not left or right. It’s right or wrong. Madam President, I yield the floor.”

     Again the chamber erupted in cheers and Democrats mobbed their new unofficial leader. No one who was there will ever forget it. Booker had delivered a vivid portrait of a great nation breaking promises to its people, betraying overseas allies and sliding off a cliff towards authoritarianism. He had also made a persuasive case that an inability to do everything should not undermine an attempt to do something.

     His was a primal scream of resistance.”

     As written by Emma Brockes in The Guardian, in an article entitled After months of surrender, the Democrats have finally stood up to Trump – thank you, Cory Booker: Watching the New Jersey senator hold court for 25 hours felt radical and cathartic; “One of the problems beleaguering political opponents of Donald Trump has been finding a form of protest that, given the scale of his outrages, doesn’t seem entirely futile. You can parade outside a Tesla showroom. You can hold up dumb little signs during Trump’s address to Congress inscribed with slogans such as “This is not normal” and “Musk steals”. You can, as Democrats appear to have been doing since the election, play dead.

     Alternatively, you can go for the ostentatious, performative gesture. On Monday evening, Cory Booker, the Democratic senator for New Jersey who carries himself like someone who’d have been happier in an era when men wore capes, started speaking on the floor of the Senate and carried on for 25 hours and five minutes, breaking the chamber’s record by almost 50 minutes and delivering – finally – a solid, usable symbol of rebellion.

      This wasn’t a filibuster per se; no legislation was being passed. Booker decided to speak for “as long as I am physically able”, he said, in general protest against Trump and in what he described as a “moral moment” – a claim that, when he ended his speech on Tuesday evening, hoarse of voice and teary-eyed, didn’t seem to me an exaggeration.

     The power of the filibuster is vested in the iron-man stamina required to perform it: in Booker’s case, standing for longer than a direct flight between Washington DC and Sydney, without food, rest or toilet breaks. It puts him in a category of protest that floats somewhere between a sit-in and a hunger strike, a measure of commitment that demands a kind of default respect, as does the technical challenge of filling the airtime. A few hours into his speech, Booker asked a Senate page to remove his chair and with it the temptation to sit down. Democratic senators were permitted to ask him questions or make short remarks to give him brief respite from speaking. Mostly, however, it was on Booker to keep talking and talking, which he did – it should be noted, quite easily – by enumerating all the terrible things Trump has done in his first three months in office.

      There was something immensely satisfying – cathartic, even – in watching Booker protest against Trump via a form of dissent that, while radical and pushed to its absolute limit, still fell within congressional norms. Part of the fallout from Trump and his cohorts’ behaviour has been the shocking realisation that you can ditch standards and protocols, ignore judges and bin entire social and scientific programmes created by Congress, and, at least in the immediate term, nothing will happen. (In the medium to long term, of course, people will die.)

     It could be argued that Trump’s extraordinary, norm-busting behaviour requires protest that meets it in the extra-political realm. Democrats aren’t going to storm the Capitol, but I have friends who have talked about withholding their federal taxes this tax season. Teslas aren’t only being boycotted but set on fire. Beyond the US, Europe is targeting Republican states in particular with reciprocal tariffs – Alabama beef and soybeans from Louisiana – to inflict personal economic pain on Trump and his supporters.

     Still, it is the direct political victories that matter the most. In a ringing blow to Trump this week, the election of judge Susan Crawford over her Musk-backed rival for the Wisconsin supreme court – in a race that garnered a huge turnout from voters – highlights the power of boring, process-observant political pushback over more flamboyant gestures. This race was critical in determining the state’s congressional lines, gerrymandered by the Republican-controlled state Senate to favour Republican outcomes. But it also sent a more broadly cheering message: that the involvement of Elon Musk – who, along with affiliated groups, ploughed more than $20m into trying to get Brad Schimel elected – ended up motivating the Democratic vote more emphatically than the Republican.

     Meanwhile, Booker kept talking. It was telling that, during and after his marathon speech, neither Musk nor Trump acknowledged him on their various social media platforms, although a White House spokesman did derisively refer to Booker’s performance as a “Spartacus” moment. Over the course of the 25 hours, people drifted in and out to watch his feat of endurance, while his staff kept his face wipes replenished and placed folders of material before him to read from. To date, the art of the political spectacle has been almost exclusively Trump’s for the taking. It was a relief, finally, to see a Democrat seize and hang on to the mic.”  

      In balance with the Lion’s glorious speech is the victory of Susan Crawford in the Wisconsin judicial election that Elon Musk tried to buy with million dollar cheques handed out to voters.

     As written by Sam Levine and Lauren Gambino in The Guardian, in an article entitled Wisconsin supreme court race: liberal Susan Crawford beats Musk-backed candidate: Liberal judge says victory is against ‘unprecedented attack on our democracy’; “Susan Crawford won the race for a seat on the Wisconsin supreme court on Tuesday, scoring a major victory for Democrats who had framed the race as a referendum on Elon Musk and Donald Trump’s popularity.

     Crawford, a liberal judge from Dane county, defeated Brad Schimel, a former Republican attorney general and conservative judge from Waukesha county, after Musk and groups associated with the tech billionaire spent millions to boost his candidacy in what became the most expensive judicial contest in American history.                                                                                                                 

     “Today Wisconsinites fended off an unprecedented attack on our democracy,” Crawford said in a speech at her victory night event in Madison. “Wisconsin stood up and said loudly that justice does not have a price. Our courts are not for sale.”

     With more than 84% of the vote tallied, Crawford led Schimel by nearly 10 percentage points.

     In remarks on Tuesday night, Schimel said he and his team “didn’t leave anything on the field” and announced that he had conceded the race in a call to his opponent before taking the stage. When his supporters began to boo, Schimel stopped them. “No, you gotta accept the results,” he said, adding: “The numbers aren’t gonna turn around. They’re too bad, and we’re not gonna pull this off.”

     Musk said hours after the result that “the long con of the left is corruption of the judiciary” and that the most important thing was that a vote on the addition of voter ID requirements passed.

     Tim Walz, the governor of Minnesota and Kamala Harris’s running mate for the Democrats in the 2024 presidential election, was succinct on Musk’s social media platform X, formerly Twitter.

     “Wisconsin beat the billionaire,” he posted.

     The result means that liberals will keep a 4-3 ideological majority on the state supreme court. That majority is hugely significant because the court will hear major cases on abortion and collective bargaining rights. The court could also potentially consider cases that could cause the state to redraw its eight congressional districts, which are currently drawn to advantage Republicans.

     Crawford speaks to supporters at her election night headquarters in Madison, Wisconsin. Photograph: Vincent Alban/Reuters

Milwaukee, Wisconsin’s largest city, reported “historic turnout” for a spring election, with election officials saying in a statement on Tuesday evening that due to the “unprecedented high turnout”, seven polling places ran out of ballots. The city’s elections commission said it was working to replenish resources to voters during the evening rush.

    Combined, more than $80m was spent on the race, topping the previous record of about $51m that was spent in the 2023 Wisconsin state supreme court race. Elon Musk and affiliated groups spent more than $20m alone. Musk reprised some of the tactics that he used last fall to help Trump win, including offering $100 to people who signed a petition opposing “activist judges” and offering $1 million checks to voters.

     Pointing to the potential to redraw House districts, Musk had said the race “might decide the future of America and western civilization”.

     Democrats seized on Musk’s involvement in the race to energize voters who were upset about the wrecking ball he and his unofficial “department of government efficiency”, or Doge, have taken to federal agencies. They raised the stakes of an already high-stakes contest by holding out Wisconsin as a test case for Musk, saying that if he succeeded, he would take his model across the country.

     “Growing up in Chippewa Falls, Wisconsin, I never thought I would be taking on the richest man in the world for justice,” Crawford said on Tuesday night. “And we won.”

     After Musk’s involvement became public, Democrats saw an explosion in grassroots donations and people “coming out of the woodwork” to get involved in the race, Ben Wikler, the state’s Democratic party chair, said last month. When the party tested its messaging, Wikler said, messages that highlighted Musk’s involvement in the race motivated voters who were otherwise disengaged from politics.

     Elizabeth Warren, Democratic senator for Massachusetts and a former presidential candidate, posted on X: “Wisconsin cannot be bought. Our democracy is not for sale. And when we fight, we win.”

     The Democratic party’s official X feed was unabashed in its snarkiness. It posted simply: “loser”.

     The post accompanied a large picture of Musk at a rally in Green Bay last weekend wearing the kind of humorous “cheese head” hats that Wisconsinites, celebrating the state’s dairy industry, like to wear to sporting events.

     On Tuesday night Crawford won Brown county, where Green Bay is and where Trump won by eight points in last November’s election, Politico said.

     Jeannine Ramsey, 65, voted in Madison on Tuesday for Crawford because she said the “Elon Musk-supported Brad Schimel” wouldn’t rule fairly on the issues most important to her.

     “I think it’s shameful that Elon Musk can come here and spend millions of dollars and try to bribe the citizens,” Ramsey said. “I don’t think it should be allowed. He doesn’t live in our state, and I don’t think he should be able to buy this election. It makes me angry.”

     Trump won Wisconsin in the presidential election in November by less than one percentage point – the closest margin of any battleground state.

     Because turnout in a state supreme court election is lower than that of a typical election and those who vote tend to be highly engaged, experts have cautioned against trying to read too much into the election results for national political sentiment. Still, there were encouraging signs for Democrats.

   “The hard work of reaching the voters who pay the least attention to politics is going to take years for Democrats to build that kind of communications strength that can puncture the Republican propaganda bubble,” Wikler said in March. “But for laying the groundwork for flipping the House and the Senate in 2026 and winning governorships and state legislative majorities, the supreme court race can really point the way.”

     Ken Martin, the chair of the Democratic National Committee, also celebrated the result.

     “Tonight, the people of Wisconsin squarely rejected the influence of Elon Musk, Donald Trump and billionaire special interests. And their message? Stay out of our elections and stay away from our courts,” he said in a statement.

     In Madison, Crawford said she was ready to turn from the campaign trail, which she described as a “life-altering experience”, to the bench, where she promised to “deliver fair and impartial decisions”. Concluding her remarks, Crawford wished her mother, watching from home, a happy birthday and quipped: “I know how glad you are to see the TV ads end.”

Booker makes a stand against Trump – and doesn’t stop for 25 hours

Democrats have appeared lame and leaderless for 72 days, but then Cory Booker stood up and did something

After months of surrender, the Democrats have finally stood up to Trump – thank you, Cory Booker

 Wisconsin supreme court race: liberal Susan Crawford beats Musk-backed candidate

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/apr/02/wisconsin-supreme-court-election-result-race

‘Loser’: Musk endures wave of gloating on X after liberal judge wins Wisconsin race: Democrats seize on result as a referendum on Musk and an emphatic repudiation of Trump’s richest supporter and ally

April 1 2025 Let Us Enact Reversals of Order and Bring the Chaos: April Fool’s Day

      A joke on April Fools Day, because no one would ever do to police terrorists what they do to us all the time.  

     How to deal with ICE, in a Bizarro World where everything we know is reversed and there is justice for all:

    Never let them abduct anyone.

     Say nothing to the enemy, and hear nothing they say, because everything the enemy says is a lie.

     Never obey, for we are not their property.

     Flood them with false leads, fragment their efforts, send up general alarms regarding their movements and actions, set them against each other, rescue and escort their targets to safety, and render them useless and harnless.

     Flash mob and capture them. Send them to Russia.

     Follow them home and publish their names and addresses.

     If they come for us, we come for them.

      This ends the prank part of this communication, which does not authorize direct action in resistance and liberation struggle like Nelson Mandela did against the Apartheid regime on December 16 1977 by underlining a passage of the play Julius Caesar in the Robben Island Bible, a copy of Shakespeare passed among the prisoners;

     “Cowards die many times before their deaths.

The valiant never taste of death but once.

Of all the wonders that I yet have heard,

It seems to me most strange that men should fear,

Seeing that death, a necessary end,

Will come when it will come.”

     Sic Semper Tyrannis, friends.

     On this April Fool’s Day, let us enact reversals of order, play tricks which open the gates of our prisons to paths of transformational change, pursue the sacred calling of the truth teller, perform the Four Primary Duties of a Citizen; question authority, expose authority, mock authority, and challenge authority, and let us bring the Chaos.

     Live with grandeur; so Jean Genet teaches us, and prescribes the embrace of our own darkness as a path of liberation in the discovery and performance of our true and best selves.

     We all of us who in refusal to submit to Authority become Unconquered and bring the chaos as Living Autonomous Zones must question everything, ourselves most of all, if we are to dream new possibilities of becoming human.

     A maker of mischief, I; who sabotages authority and systems of unequal power in any ways I can imagine and whenever possible as part of a sacred calling in pursuit of truth.

    Once as a prank while teaching American History in high school I switched the textbook, a compendium of national memory, identity, and authorized truth, with the alternative American history trilogy by William S. Burroughs; 

Cities of the Red Night, The Place of Dead Roads, and The Western Lands.  I was hoping someone would call me on it, but no one ever did, so I went right on teaching the whole semester how insectoid aliens from Venus secretly rule earth through the Algebra of Need and our addiction to wealth and power. I think we had more fun in American History class that year than is usual.

    If games of transgression, unauthorized identities, and transformation you would play, I invite you to play a game of chance with me. Write down six characters you would like to play, traditionally in chaos magic this would be three male and three female characters though clearly here as in life all rules are arbitrary and I encourage you to create your own and change them at random, and throw a six sided dice to choose who you will be today. No matter who you live as today, you will have five other possible selves in reserve, and tomorrow is another day and another throw of the dice. All identity is theatrical performance.

     In accord with Virginia Woolf’s principle that if we cannot tell the truth  about ourselves we cannot tell the truth about others, here are some of the voices I hear in my thoughts as my own internal dialogue and character roles on which I have modeled myself in various contexts as performance of identity; Patrick Stewart’s Captain Picard when I must lead and command, Benedict Cumberbatch’s Sherlock Holmes when I need to find hidden connections to assemble meaning, be hyper aware and vigilant in complex, obscured, and time compressed situations, or profile and assess character and motives, and as a teenager working through the trauma of my near execution in 1974 Brazil by police my role model was Leonard Nimoy’s self-disciplined Spock, surviving at the edge of an Abyss by ruthless control.

    Celebrate with me April Fool’s Day as a liminal and transformative time of exploring unknowns beyond the boundaries of the Forbidden, the defiance of authority, the sabotage of elite hierarchies of wealth, power, and privilege, seizures of power from systems of oppression and carceral states of force and control, the violation of norms, and liberation from other people’s ideas of virtue. 

     By such acts we do give answer to the terror of our nothingness with the joy of total freedom.

      Let us run amok and be ungovernable.

     As I wrote in my post of November 25 2020, Using Chaos and Transgression as Revolutionary Acts to Transform Law and Order Into Liberty and Equality; I am against law and order because law serves power, order appropriates and divides us into hierarchies of elite belonging and categories of exclusionary otherness, whereas Chaos autonomizes and transgression empowers liberation struggle, delegitimation of authority, and seizures of power.

    Order appropriates; Chaos autonomizes.

    Let us restore the balance to systems of unequal power and unjust authority; for no inequality is fair, and there is no just authority.

     Rejoice with me in this time of reversals of order through the performance of Acts of Transgression and Chaos. Let us dance our best and secret selves on the stage of the world, forge new truths, destroy and create ourselves anew in the ways we ourselves have chosen, and transform the systems and structures of oppression and tyranny, patriarchy and white supremacist terror, forces of exclusionary otherness and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, into a diverse and inclusive free society of equals.

    Dance with us in joy, revolution, and the frightening of the horses.

    As I wrote in my post of April 1 2020, There Is No Return To Normal; There is no return to normal if and when the Doom of Man pandemic ends. Normal doesn’t live here anymore.

    Once there was an illusion of mirrors, echoes, distorted surfaces without meaning, hollow and beautiful like a gossamer web of lies and irresistible as a gingerbread house.

     It calls to us, this thing of no escape, this American Dream, with promises of wealth and the power to choose the condition of our own lives. Our songs are of meritocracy, upward mobility, and an inclusive society, but concealed within are harsh realities of unequal power and opportunity limited by authorized identities and divisions of caste or class, race, gender, faith, and nationality.

     We are lured with belonging and membership, but offered only identitarian tribalization and exclusionary boundaries of otherness.

     We are seduced with the guarantee of our right to the pursuit of happiness, but our society can produce only material diversions which commodify and dehumanize us.

     We are offered security from intrusive forces at the price of our freedom and equality, and submission to authority and tyrannies of force and control. But security is an illusion, often one manufactured through fear by those who would enslave us as a pretext for the centralization of power to tyranny.

     Throughout American history since our founding we have ever been a free society of equals, co-owners of our own government, each of us a king of his own life, but only on paper. The American Revolution has yet to be achieved; it is an ongoing process in which each of us must negotiate the alignment and boundaries between freedom and authority and between the ideal and the real.

     In this struggle we are the prize; our agency or enslavement, our authenticity or the capture and limitation of the possibilities of our identity, our liberty both as individuals and as interdependent members of humankind.

     And we must act now to save ourselves and our civilization, for we are running out of time. We are in a contest of survival against plutocratic corporate greed and our extinction as a species on one hand and against fascist tyranny and the fall of democracy and global civilization on the other.

     Let us free ourselves from the illusions of our normality.  

“If we burn, you burn with us” scene from Mockingjay part 1

One of Us scene in the 1932 film Freaks

The American Trilogy, William S. Burroughs

https://www.goodreads.com/series/65214-the-red-night-trilogy

         My Possible Best Selves and Role Models of Identity Performance

Patrick Stewart as Captain Picard

Benedict Cumberbatch as Sherlock Holmes

Leonard Nimoy as Spock

    The great question of being human, as Kirk puts to alternate universe Spock;  “In every revolution, there is one man with a vision”.

              the Idea of “Let the Dice Decide”

The Dice Man, Luke Rhinehart

           Absurdist literature for inspiration: how to answer the terror of our nothingness with the joy of total freedom

April Fool’s Day, Josip Novakovich

Kangaroo Notebook, Kōbō Abe

Dead Souls, Nikolai Gogol

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/28381.Dead_Souls?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_10

March 31 2025 A Founding Mother of America: Mary Katherine Goddard

     On the final weekend of Women’s History Month, my thoughts turn to those heroes and exemplars who won for us what freedom and equality we now enjoy; and so I celebrate now the Founding Mother of America, Mary Katherine Goddard.

     Witness and reporter of the Revolutionary War and participant in the discussions which created our nation, printer of the Declaration of Independence and probably among its many authors, editors, researchers, and contributors, as well as those of The Federalist Papers, she brought the radical activist tradition of printers long established in Europe to our shores, founded the American Fourth Estate, and began our heritage of journalism as a sacred calling to reveal the truth as our first war and political correspondent.

     She originated the media as a free and independent institution of our society, and a citizen’s balance to the structural power of the three branches of our government.

     Thomas Carlyle originated the term Fourth Estate in his book of 1837, French Revolution; “A Fourth Estate, of Able Editors, springs up; increases and multiplies, irrepressible, incalculable.” He restated this in his lectures of 1840-1841 published as On Heroes and Hero Worship; “Burke said there were Three Estates in Parliament; but, in the Reporters’ Gallery yonder, there sat a Fourth Estate more important far than they all.” The other Estates under the ancient regime were clergy, aristocrats, and everyone else, and it was the free press and its radical educated guild of printers and the literate society they created that put the heads of the first two in the guillotine, and made us all equal.

      I write of her today not only because of her key role in creating America, but because she is a stunning case of the silencing of women and their erasure from history by the Patriarchy; otherwise we would all learn her name and story along with that of Jefferson and Paine. I think its time to change that.

      In this time of menacing darkness and the subversion of our democracy, as the treasonous and criminal Trump regime wages a terror campaign of thought control, repression of dissent, the abduction and imprisonment without trial of student protestors and journalists, and theft of our rights both as citizens and as human beings it is important to remember always that our nation was founded not in submission to authority but in defiance and challenge, resistance and revolutionary struggle against it and our dehumanization and enslavement.

     America was founded and remains an embodiment of our inalienable human rights and of our rights as citizens and co-owners of the state rather than subjects, and as an instrument of our guarantorship of each other’s rights, and we must never let anyone take our rights and our humanity from us.

      The Fourth Reich of the Trump regime has captured the state and we now live in Vichy America which serves not the people but Trump, his Russian puppetmaster, capitalist hegemonic elites of wealth power, and white male privilege and the forces of white supremacist terror and theocratic patriarchal sexual terror through which they subjugate their Deplorables as voters and enforcers of unequal power and systems of oppression; but we overthrew those who would enslave us at our founding, in the Civil War, in World War Two, and countless other liberation struggles throughout our history, and we can do so again now.

      If we all stand together in solidarity of action, united.

      America began as the witness of history, journalism as a sacred calling to pursue the truth, and our rights of free speech and protest, especially our right and duty to speak truth to power even at the risk of our lives.

     We can take back our power and our rights the same way.

      To Trump and his absurd clown show of freaks I say with Ahab; “To the end I shall grapple with thee.”

      Let us declare together Non Serviam and Sic Semper Tyrannis. I Do Not Serve, from the rebel angel’s line in Milton’s Paradise Lost which renounces all subjugation to authority in refusal to submit as vassal or slave and all such relationships of unequal power, and Ever Thus To Tyrants, spoken in a historical moment which parallels our own in the capture of the state by Trump and his subversion of our democracy, by the assassins of Rome’s first emperor as he overthrew the Old Republic and declared himself tyrant and god as written in Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar.

     For there are no ways back to a Restoration of America from this point; but there are ways forward to a United Humankind.

      And if we unite in solidarity of action and in Resistance and revolutionary struggle, in bringing a Reckoning and in war to the knife and make these two principles the basis of a new humankind, Non Serviam and Sic Semper Tyrannis, we can create better ways of being human together than even Thomas Jefferson dreamed when he created America with the Declaration of Independence.

     For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.

     As written in the Chicago Tribune for Independence Day; “This Fourth of July, look closely at one of those printed copies of the Declaration of Independence.

     See it? The woman’s name at the bottom?

     It’s right there. Mary Katherine Goddard.

     If you’ve never noticed it or heard of her, you aren’t alone. She’s a Founding Mother, of sorts, yet few folks know about her. And some of America’s earliest bureaucrats did their best to shut her down. Same old, same old.

     Goddard was fearless her entire career as one of America’s first female publishers, printing scoops from Revolutionary War battles from Concord to Bunker Hill and continuing to publish after her offices were twice raided and her life was repeatedly threatened by haters.

     Yup, she faced down the Twitter trolls of 1776.

     In her boldest move, Goddard put her full name at the bottom of all the copies of the Declaration that her printing presses churned out and distributed to the colonies. It was the first copy young America would see that included the original signer’s names – and Congress commissioned her for the important job.

     Her fiery editorials, had, after all, set the tone for pivotal moments in the revolution.

     “The ever memorable 19th of April gave a conclusive answer to the questions of American freedom,” she wrote in her Maryland Journal editorial after the start of the Revolutionary War. “What think ye of Congress now? That day. . . evidenced that Americans would rather die than live slaves!”

     Until Goddard got the assignment from Congress to print and distribute copies of the Declaration, it was more like an anonymous internet post than a document of record.

     Sure, there’s the famous original copy in Thomas Jefferson’s elegant penmanship.

     Beautifully written, boldly stated, it was famously signed by the Founding Fathers on July 4th. But neither Americans nor the British saw that copy.

     Instead, days and weeks later, they got a hastily-printed, mistake-laden, nearly anonymous document that was the 1776 version of the ALL CAPS EMAIL signed by PATRIOT1776. Signing your name to something like this was considered treason.

     It was done on the night of that July 4, when the founders asked Irish immigrant John Dunlap to print 200 copies. The only names on it were John Hancock and secretary Charles Thomson, who was listed as a witness. It was read to troops on the front lines and a copy was sent to England.

     But without all the names of the founders, the Declaration was less devastating.

     Goddard’s edition changed that.

     And by including her name at the bottom, “Baltimore, in Maryland: Printed by Mary Katherine Goddard,” she became a patriot worth remembering.

     Goddard wasn’t always so bold declaring her name.

     When she ran the Baltimore newspaper that her brother had abandoned, she used the gender-neutral M.K. Goddard.

     She was also quietly named the first female postmaster in the colonies in 1775, running the busy and crucial Baltimore Post Office as well as a bookstore, printshop and newspaper. At the time, Congress was meeting just down the street from her office. So she was basically the pipeline for a lot of information during our nation’s founding years – her little shop was a combination Washington Post, Snapchat, Facebook, Twitter and Instagram from 1775 to 1784. (It’s now a Rite Aid.)

     Goddard eventually lost her job as publisher after her brother married and returned to Baltimore in 1784, taking over the Maryland Journal and ousting his sister.

     But she was still the Baltimore postmaster, and ran that office with efficiency and aplomb for a total of 14 years until the newly appointed national Postmaster General moved to replace her with someone with no experience, one of his political pals.

     U.S. Postmaster Samuel Osgood said he didn’t think a woman could handle all the travel associated with the job, that she didn’t have the, ahem, stamina. Remember, it’s a job she’d successfully done – along with publishing a newspaper and printing the Declaration of Independence – for more than a decade.

     The folks who knew her were outraged and more than 200 merchants and residents in Baltimore sent the postmaster a petition asking to keep her in place. But Osgood held firm and though Goddard fought for reinstatement for years, it was to no avail.

     She continued to run her bookstore in Baltimore until her death in 1816.

     On this Independence Day, let’s also celebrate the story of a forgotten patriot who used the power of the press to help build this nation.”

     As written in the History of American Women site; “First Female Newspaper Publisher (1775).

     Mary Katherine Goddard (1738-1816) is famous for printing the first copy of the Declaration of Independence that included the names of all the signers. Like her younger brother William, Mary Katherine was educated by her mother, Sarah Updike Goddard, who taught them Latin, French and the literary classics. Mary Katherine’s father, Dr. Giles Goddard, was postmaster of New London, Connecticut, and the family was living there when Dr. Goddard died in 1757, leaving a sizable estate.

     William Goddard completed an apprenticeship in the printing trade, and when he came of age, the family moved to Providence, Rhode Island, where Sarah Goddard lent her son the money to begin a printing business – the first in that colony. Both mother and daughter also began their careers as printers there in 1762, when Mary Katherine was 24.

     Although the younger William was supposedly in charge, he traveled a great deal, and it was Sarah Goddard who was the true publisher of the Providence Gazette and Country Journal. The first issue was produced in October 1762. Mary Katherine took a great interest in the business, and gave up the usual activities for young ladies to work as a typesetter, printer and journalist.

     The mother/daughter team made their print shop a hub of activity at a time when newspapers exerted great political influence. They added a bookbindery, and in addition to the Gazette printed almanacs, pamphlets and occasionally books.

     William left for Philadelphia in 1765, where he began another print shop and began publishing the Philadelphia Chronicle and Universal Advertiser, again with financial assistance from his mother. Sarah and Mary Katherine joined him there in 1768 and helped run the newspaper.

     After Sarah Goddard’s death in 1770, Mary Katherine kept the business running, because William was frequently jailed for public outbursts and controversial articles in the newspaper.

     In May 1773, William started another newspaper in Baltimore, the Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, once again bringing a young city its first ever newspaper. The paper was extremely popular and quickly became one of the best papers in the colonies.

     Mary Katherine ran the Philadelphia business until the following February, when the Philadelphia Chronicle was discontinued. Moving to Baltimore, she once more took over her younger brother’s newspaper and ran it while William set up a colonial postal system.

     Mary Katherine Goddard finally assumed the title of publisher of the Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser. She put “Published by M.K. Goddard” on the masthead on May 10, 1775, and ran the newspaper singlehandedly from 1775 to 1785.

     The year 1775 brought a second milestone, when Mary Katherine Goddard became the first postmistress in Baltimore and in colonial America, a position she held for 14 years. Being both postmistress and a newspaper printer often enabled her to publish news more quickly than her competitors – the Journal was one of the first newspapers to report the skirmishes at Lexington and Concord that prompted the Revolutionary War.

     Newspapers were becoming essential forms of communication, and their numbers quickly doubled as colonists turned to them to spread revolutionary ideas and keep up with the quickly developing conflict. Unlike her brother, who used the paper to promote his own opinions, Mary Katherine used a more objective and professional tone.

     During the war, inflation hurt the printing business, so she ran a bookbindery to supplement her income and accepted food from those who couldn’t afford to pay their subscription to the paper.

     Not everybody appreciated the newspaper, however. In May of 1776, Mary Katherine complained to the Baltimore Committee of Safety about threats and abuse she was receiving. Troublemakers wanted to control what she was printing. A radical group called the Whig Club were constantly harassing Mary Katherine and threatening her.

     Members of this club raided her offices twice. They were threatening to run Mary Katherine out of state but she appealed to the legislators in Annapolis, who were in favor of freedom of the press. The Whig Club was censured and eventually banned by the State Assembly.

     Mary Katherine never missed an edition of the paper, while many other papers did during the American Revolution. On July 12, 1775, she printed a 3 column account of the Battle of Bunker Hill. It was less than a month after the actual battle had occurred, which was considered a scoop at that time.

     During times of confusion about whether the colonial or the revolutionary government was in control of Baltimore, she also kept the mail going by occasionally paying post riders with her own money.

     As we know, independence was declared in Philadelphia on July 4, 1776, and John Hancock led other members of the Continental Congress in signing the handwritten document. By doing so, these men were declaring treason against the established government, and they would have been executed had they been caught.

     For the next six months, printed copies of the Declaration of Independence circulated throughout the new nation without the names of the signers. In January 1777, Mary Katherine Goddard published the first copy of the Declaration with the identities of the signers revealed. It not only was a big news scoop, it also had political impact in forcing all the signers to match their words with deeds.

     While the Founding Fathers went on to the fame she had literally thrust upon them, Mary Katherine Goddard sank into obscurity. William was never able to become successful at any occupation, and was jealous of his sister’s success.

     In 1784, Mary Katherine’s name disappeared from the Journal, and William most likely forced his sister to quit, and she filed five lawsuits against him. She sold her interest in the paper in 1785, severing all ties with the newspaper she had helped found and had run solely for so many years.

     In 1789, the Postmaster General decreed that the head of the Baltimore Postal system must be a man. This news shocked more than Mary Katherine herself. The entire city was in an uproar. Two hundred Baltimore men, including the governor of Maryland, signed a petition to retain her position. They cited that her service was impeccable and appealed to the senate to reinstate her in the job.

     Mary Katherine herself also wrote an appeal to President George Washington, complaining that she had been removed from office without cause. He declined to intervene in the state’s decision and in October of 1789, she was officially relieved of duty.

     Mary Katherine stayed in Baltimore and ran the bookshop she had begun as an adjunct to the printing business. She was an energetic and popular personality in Baltimore and she maintained her bookshop there for 20 years, until 1810, when she retired, having been a trailblazer in both printing and the postal service.

     Mary Katherine Goddard died in Maryland on August 12, 1816, at the age of 78, a woman of achievement who had taken an important stand for freedom of speech and the rights of women in the young United States. She is buried in the graveyard of the historic St. Paul’s Parish.

     A copy of the Declaration of Independence that she printed is at the Maryland Hall of Records.”

     As written by Erick Trickey in Smithsonian Magazine, entitled: “Mary Katharine Goddard, the Woman who Signed the Declaration of Independence.

Likely the United States’ first woman employee, this newspaper publisher was a key figure in promoting the ideas that fomented the Revolution.

     As British forces chased George Washington’s Continental Army out of New Jersey in December 1776, a fearful Continental Congress packed the Declaration of Independence into a wagon and slipped out of Philadelphia to Baltimore. Weeks later, they learned that the Revolution had turned their way: Washington had crossed the Delaware River on Christmas Day and beaten the redcoats at Trenton and Princeton. Emboldened, the members of Congress ordered a second printing of the Declaration – and, for the first time, printed their names on it.

     For the job, Congress turned to one of the most important journalists of America’s Revolutionary era. Also Baltimore’s postmaster, she was likely the United States government’s first female employee. At the bottom of the broadside, issued in January 1777, she too signed the Declaration: “Baltimore, in Maryland: Printed by Mary Katharine Goddard.”

      For three years after taking over Baltimore’s six-month-old Maryland Journal from her vagabond, indebted brother, Goddard had advocated for the patriot cause. She’d editorialized against British brutality, reprinted Thomas Paine’s Common Sense, and published extra editions about Congress’ call to arms and the Battle of Bunker Hill. In her 23-year publishing career, Goddard earned a place in history as one of the most prominent publishers during the nation’s revolutionary era.

     “The ever memorable 19th of April gave a conclusive answer to the questions of American freedom,” Goddard wrote in the Journal after the battles of Lexington and Concord in 1775. “What think ye of Congress now? That day. . . evidenced that Americans would rather die than live slaves!”

     Born June 16, 1738, into a Connecticut family of printers and postmasters, Goddard was taught reading and math by her mother, Sarah, a well-tutored daughter of a wealthy landowner. She also studied Latin, French, and science in New London’s public school, where girls could receive hour-long lessons after the boys’ schooling was done for the day.

     In 1755, the family’s fortunes changed when Goddard’s father, postmaster Giles Goddard, became too ill to work. Sarah sent Goddard’s younger brother, 15-year-old William, to New Haven to work as a printer’s apprentice. Seven years later, after Giles’s death, the Goddards moved to Providence, and Sarah financed Rhode Island’s first newspaper, the Providence Gazette. William, then 21, was listed as publisher. “[It] carried his imprint,” wrote Sharon M. Murphy in the 1983 book Great Women of the Press, “but displayed from the start his mother’s business sense and his sister’s steadiness.”

     Over the next 15 years, William, a restless and impulsive young entrepreneur, moved from Providence to Philadelphia to Baltimore to start newspapers, always putting his mother or sister in charge of his previous businesses as he went. In 1768, William sold the Providence paper and convinced Sarah and Mary Katharine to move to Philadelphia to help run his Pennsylvania Chronicle. In 1770, Sarah died, and William, who was feuding with his financial partners, left the Chronicle in his sister’s hands.

     “She was dependable and he brilliantly erratic,” Ward L. Miner wrote in his 1962 biography, William Goddard, Newspaperman. Mary Katharine kept her brother’s businesses running while he did time in debtor’s prison in 1771 and 1775. In February 1774, William handed control of his fledgling Maryland Journal over to her. That allowed him to concentrate on building his most enduring business: a private postal service, free of British control, which later became the U.S. Post Office.

     Mary Katharine Goddard took over the Maryland Journal just as the colonists’ anger at British rule surged toward revolution. By June 1774, she was publishing reports on Britain’s blockade of Boston Harbor. In early April 1775, she endorsed the women-led homespun movement against British textiles, encouraging women to raise flax and wool and embrace frugality. She published Common Sense in two installments in the paper, and covered the Revolution’s first battles with fervor. “The British behaved with savage barbarity,” she wrote in her edition of June 7, 1775.

     That July, the Continental Congress adopted William Goddard’s postal system, then promptly appointed the more reliable Benjamin Franklin as postmaster general. Mary Katharine was named Baltimore’s postmaster that October, which likely made her the United States’ only female employee when the nation was born in July 1776. When Congress turned to her to print copies of the Declaration the following year, she recognized her role in a historical moment. Though she usually signed her newspaper “M.K. Goddard,” she printed her full name on the document.

     The war years were tough on Goddard’s businesses. Because of its meager treasury, Congress often failed to pay her, so she paid post riders herself. She published the Maryland Journal irregularly in 1776, probably because of paper shortages. In 1778, she announced her willingness to barter with subscribers, accepting payment in beeswax, flour, lard, butter, beef or pork. Yet she was able to boast, in a November 1779 issue, that the Journal had as extensive a circulation as any newspaper in the United States.

     Goddard “supported her Business with Spirit and Address, amidst a Complication of Difficulties,” wrote her brother and his new partner, Eleazer Oswald, in a 1779 advertisement. In the same broadsheet, they declared that their new paper mill would not interfere “in the smallest Degree” with Goddard’s business.

     But in January 1784, William Goddard apparently forced his sister out of the business and took her position as publisher of the Maryland Journal for himself. Later that year, the siblings published competing almanacs. William included a screed that attacked his sister as “a hypocritical character” and insulted her “double-faced Almanack,” “containing a mean, vulgar and common-place Selection of Articles.”

     There’s no evidence that Goddard and her brother ever spoke again. When William got married in Rhode Island in 1786, Mary Katharine did not attend. A mutual friend, John Carter, wrote her a letter describing the wedding and suggesting, probably in vain, that the siblings reconcile. “Dear Miss Katy,” begins the letter — a rare window into her personal relationships.

     In October 1789, she lost her job as postmaster of Baltimore. The newly appointed postmaster general, Samuel Osgood, replaced her with John White of Annapolis. John Burrell, Osgood’s assistant, justified the move on sexist grounds. Since supervision of nearby post offices was being added to the job description, Burrell said, “more travelling might be necessary than a woman could undertake.”

     Two hundred prominent Baltimore residents signed a letter demanding Goddard’s reinstatement. Goddard herself appealed to President George Washington and the U.S. Senate for her job back. Her petition echoes the disappointment she must’ve also felt when her brother pushed her out of the Journal.

     “She hath been discharged without the smallest imputation of any Fault,” Goddard wrote, in the third person, to the Senate in January 1790, when she was 51. “These are but poor rewards indeed for fourteen Years faithful Service, performed in the worst of times,” she argued. Her “little Office,” Goddard added, was “established by her own Industry in the best years of her life, & whereon depended all her future Prospects of subsistence.”

     Washington refused to intervene, and the Senate never answered Goddard’s letter. She spent the next 20 years running a bookstore in Baltimore and selling dry goods. Never married, she died in Baltimore on August 12, 1816, at age 78, leaving her property to her servant, Belinda Starling, “to recompense the faithful performance of duties to me.”

     Goddard, as a contemporary of hers declared, was “a woman of extraordinary judgment, energy, nerve, and strong good sense.” Though sex discrimination and her ne’er-do-well brother ended her career too soon, Goddard left a mark as one of the Revolutionary era’s most accomplished publishers and a female pioneer in the U.S. government. None of Goddard’s letters survive, and she revealed little about herself in her journalism. Instead, our best evidence of her personality is her work, steady yet animated by a passion for American liberty.

https://www.chicagotribune.com/nation-world/ct-woman-declaration-of-independence-20170703-story.html

https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/mary-katharine-goddard-woman-who-signed-declaration-independence-180970816/

Letter from Mary Katharine Goddard to George Washington 23 December 1789

https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-04-02-0302

March 30 2025 Eid al Fitr

ودام الفرح والسلام بينكم وبينكم

May joy and peace be with you and yours

     May you find love to balance and redeem us from fear, joy to balance the terror of our nothingness, hope to balance despair, beauty to balance the horror of war and violence, vision and illumination with which to reimagine and transform ourselves and liberate us from systems of unequal power, and the faith to use all of this to heal the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     As written by Kahlil Gibran in The Gravedigger; “Once, as I was burying one of my dead selves, the grave-digger came by and said to me, “Of all those who come here to bury, you alone I like.”

      Said I, “You please me exceedingly, but why do you like me?”

      “Because,” said he, “They come weeping and go weeping—you only come laughing and go laughing.”

      In this celebration of Eid Al Fitr, love like you have laughed in the face of your executioner, bring joy, hope, and faith in solidarity with others.

        With Ramadan ends the time of truce, and as I now contemplate the possibilities for making mischief for tyrants such as Netanyahu and his criminal regime of genocide, ethnic cleansing, kleptocracy, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, and his co conspirators in America including the criminal Trump regime, questions of justice in its myriad forms and dimensions arise yet again to shape my ideas of struggle in the liberation of Palestine.

    Nor will I forget or abandon my sacred calling to bring a Reckoning for my brothers and sisters in resistance and revolutionary struggle in Kashmir, Myanmar, and wherever men hunger to be free. 

     Herein a Gordian Knot of dilemmas and conflicting values, goals, and ideals shift and change like a mirage; bringing a Reckoning to perpetrators of violence and restoration of balance to their victims, in a world with few innocent and many who are both perpetrators and victims.

ن عادلا في الميزان كما يوجه سورة 55 الرحمن 9 من القرآن الكريم

     Be just unto the balance as Surah 55 Ar Rahman 9 of Holy Quran directs

     How may we be just unto the balance with those who do not regard us as fellow human beings, and to whom all outsiders beyond whatever boundaries of us and them are not truly human and merit no human rights?

     Where does the balance of justice and of our humanity lay?

     When confronted by Rashomon Gate Events wherein we choose our fates and the sets of possibilities of becoming human within which we will live, how may we disambiguate that which exalts us from that which degrades and dehumanizes?

     Always we are captives of the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, from which only love has the power to redeem us and return to us our souls.

     In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.   

Sheikh AbdurRahman Sudais-Surah Ar-Rahman w/ English Trans

The Madman: His Parables and Poems, Kahlil Gibran

Arabic

٠ مارس ٢٠٢٥ عيد الفطر

ودام الفرح والسلام بينكم وبينكم

ليحل عليكم وعلى أحبائكم الفرح والسلام.

أتمنى أن تجدوا الحب الذي يُوازننا ويُخلصنا من الخوف، والفرح الذي يُوازن رعب العدم، والأمل الذي يُوازن اليأس، والجمال الذي يُوازن رعب الحرب والعنف، والرؤية والنور الذي نُعيد بهما تصور أنفسنا ونُغيرها ونُحررها من أنظمة القوة غير المتكافئة، والإيمان الذي يُمكّننا من استخدام كل هذا لشفاء عيوب إنسانيتنا وكسر العالم.

كما كتب خليل جبران في “حفار القبور”: “ذات مرة، بينما كنت أدفن أحد موتاي، مر بي حفار القبور وقال لي: من بين جميع الذين يأتون إلى هنا للدفن، أنتَ وحدك من يُعجبني.”

قلتُ: “أنت تُرضيني كثيرًا، ولكن لماذا تُحبني؟”

“لأنهم”، كما قال، “يأتون باكين ويذهبون باكين، وأنت تأتي ضاحكًا وتذهب ضاحكًا فقط.” في هذا الاحتفال بعيد الفطر، أحبّوا كما ضحكتم في وجه جلادكم، وانشروا الفرح والأمل والإيمان تضامنًا مع الآخرين.

مع حلول رمضان، ينتهي زمن الهدنة، وبينما أتأمل الآن في إمكانيات إلحاق الأذى بالطغاة مثل نتنياهو ونظامه الإجرامي القائم على الإبادة الجماعية والتطهير العرقي والفساد وجرائم الحرب والجرائم ضد الإنسانية، وشركائه في أمريكا، بمن فيهم نظام ترامب المجرم، تتجدد أسئلة العدالة بأشكالها وأبعادها المتعددة لتشكل أفكاري عن النضال من أجل تحرير فلسطين.

هنا، تتشابك المعضلات والقيم والأهداف والمُثُل المتضاربة وتتغير كالسراب؛ محاسبة مرتكبي العنف وإعادة التوازن لضحاياهم، في عالم قليل الأبرياء وكثير من الجناة والضحايا.

ولن أنسى أو أتخلى عن دعوتي المقدسة لمحاسبة إخوتي وأخواتي في المقاومة والنضال الثوري في كشمير وميانمار، وفي كل مكان يتوق فيه الرجال إلى الحرية.

ن عدلا في الميزان كما يُوجَّه سورة الرحمن 55 من القرآن الكريم

اعدلوا في الميزان كما يُوجَّه سورة الرحمن 55 يوجهنا القرآن الكريم في الآية التاسعة:

كيف نُنصف في الميزان مع من لا يعتبروننا بشرًا، والذين لا يُعتبرون جميع الغرباء، مهما كانت حدودنا، بشرًا حقيقيين، ولا يستحقون أي حقوق إنسانية؟

أين يكمن ميزان العدل وإنسانيتنا؟

عندما نواجه أحداث بوابة راشومون التي نختار فيها مصائرنا ومجموعات الاحتمالات لنصبح بشرًا ونعيش في ظلها، كيف نُميز بين ما يُعلينا وما يُهيننا ويُجرّدنا من إنسانيتنا؟

دائمًا ما نكون أسرى لخاتم فاغنر من الخوف والقوة والجبروت، الذي وحده الحب قادر على تخليصنا منه وإعادة أرواحنا إلينا.

في النهاية، كل ما يهم هو ما نفعله بخوفنا، وكيف نستخدم قوتنا

March 29 2025 A Two Front War Against Democracy In Palestine and America: the Case of Rumeysa Ozturk

     On the American front of a two front war of tyranny versus liberty, wherein would-be tyrants Netanyahu and Trump seek to centralize all power to their regimes and to carceral states of force and control in the subversion of democracy and the transformation of two of the world’s guarantor states of our universal human rights and rights as citizens into prison states of theocratic and racial elite hegemony and ethnic cleansing, the regime of Traitor Trump is now abducting, torturing, and disappearing without trial dissidents who speak out against our complicity in the genocide of the Palestinians as our tax dollars buy the deaths of children.

     This is among the horrors of tyranny and state terror America was founded to escape and prevent, and if we the people do nothing in reply, even fight a second American Revolution if necessary, our citizenship and our humanity will be lost.  

       To make an idea about a kind of people is an act of violence, and no matter where you begin with divisions and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

      To this and to all fascist tyrants let us say; Never Again!

       Let us unite in solidarity and reclaim our rights as citizens and not subjects, and as human beings and not masters and slaves.

      Here we stand at the Rashomon Gate of our possible futures, and we must choose.

      In one future lies a free society of equals who are guarantors of each other’s rights; in another an Age of Tyrants and centuries of wars ending in human extinction. May we choose life and not death, democracy and not tyranny, equality and not hierarchies and divisions of belonging and otherness, coexistence and not state terror and wars of imperial conquest and dominion, love and not hate.

     As written by Moira Donegan in The Guardian, in an article entitled The US government is effectively kidnapping people for opposing genocide: Rumeysa Ozturk, a visa holder, was snatched off the streets by Ice agents and sent to a detention center 1,000 miles away for opposing war crimes in Gaza; “The abductors wore masks because they do not want their identities known. On Tuesday evening, Rumeysa Ozturk exited her apartment building and walked on to the street in Somerville, Massachusetts – a city outside Boston – into the fading daylight. Ozturk, a Turkish-born PhD student at Tufts University who studies children’s media and childhood development, was on her way to an iftar dinner with friends, planning to break her Ramadan fast.

     In a video taken from a surveillance camera, she wears a pink hijab and a long white puffer coat against the New England cold. The first man, not uniformed but wearing plain clothes, as all the agents are, approaches her as if asking for directions. But he quickly closes in and grabs her by the wrists she has raised defensively toward her face.

     She screams as another man appears behind her, pulling a badge out from under his shirt and snatching away her phone. Soon six people are around her in a tight circle; she has no way to escape. They handcuff her and hustle her into an unmarked van. Attorneys for Ozturk did not know where Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice), the US homeland security department that has become Trump’s anti-immigrant secret police, had taken the 30-year-old woman for almost 24 hours.

     In that time, a judge ordered Ice to keep Ozturk, who is on an F-1 academic visa, in Massachusetts. But eventually, her lawyers learned that their client had been moved, as many Ice hostages are, to a detention camp in southern Louisiana, more than 1,000 miles (1,600km) from where she was abducted.

     In the video, before she is forced into the van, Ozturk looks terrified, confused. She may well have thought she was being robbed by street thugs; she did not seem to understand, at first, that she was being kidnapped by the state. She tries to plead with her attackers. “Can I just call the cops?” she asks. “We are the police,” one of the men responds. Ozturk remains imprisoned; she has been charged with no crime. In the video of her arrest, a neighbor can be heard nearby, asking: “Is this a kidnapping?”

     The answer is yes. Ozturk is one of a growing number university students who have been targeted, issued arrest warrants, or summarily kidnapped off the streets by Ice agents. She joins the ranks of include Mahmoud Khalil, the Syrian-born Palestinian former graduate student and green card holder from Columbia University; Alireza Doroudi, an Iranian-born mechanical engineering doctoral student at the University of Alabama; Yunseo Chung, a 21-year-old Columbia undergraduate who was born in South Korea but has long been a green card holder after immigrating to the United States with her parents at the age of seven; and Momodou Taal, a dual British and Gambian citizen who is studying for a graduate degree at Cornell University and has gone into hiding after receiving a summons from Ice to turn himself in for deportation proceedings.

     Many of these students had some connection – however tenuous – to anti-genocide protests on campuses over the past year and a half. Taal and Khalil, in different capacities, were leaders of protests for Palestinian rights at their respective universities. Chung attended one or two demonstrations at Columbia. Ozturk co-authored an op-ed in the Tufts student newspaper that cited credible allegations that Israel was violating international human rights law in Gaza and called on the university president to take a stronger stance against the genocide. In a statement regarding her arrest, a DHS spokesperson said: “Investigations found Ozturk engaged in activities in support of Hamas.” They meant the op-ed.

     The state department claims that some of these students have had their visas or permanent resident status rescinded – in a video of the arrest of Mahmoud Khalil, taken by his pregnant wife, agents proclaim that his student visa has been revoked, but when they are informed that he has a green card, they say: “We’re revoking that too.” This unilateral revocation of green card protections, without notice or due process, is illegal. But that is not the point – the Trump administration clearly thinks of immigrants as a population with no rights that they need respect.

    Rather, the point is that Trump administration’s promise to crack down on student protests against Israel’s genocide in Gaza has the effect of articulating a new speech code for immigrants: no one who is not a United States citizen is entitled to the first amendment right to say that Israel is committing a genocide in Gaza, or that the lives of Palestinians are not disposable by virtue of their race.

     It is up to those us who do have citizenship to speak the truth that the Trump administration is willing to kidnap people for saying: genocide is wrong, Israel is committing it against Palestinians in Gaza, and Palestinians, like all people, deserve not only the food and medicine that Israel is withholding from them, and not only an end to Israel’s relentless and largely indiscriminate bombing, but they deserve freedom, dignity and self-determination. This has become an unspeakable truth in Trump’s America. Soon, there will be other things we are not allowed to say, either. We owe it to one another to speak these urgent truths plainly, loudly and often – while we still can.

     Here is another truth: that the US’s treatment of these immigrants should shame us. It was once a cliche to say that the US was a nation of immigrants, that they represented the best of our country. It is not a cliche anymore. For most of my life as an American, it has been a singular source of pride and gratitude that mine was a country that so many people wanted to come to – that people traveled from all over the world to pursue their talent, their ambition and their hopefulness here, and that this was the place that nurtured and rewarded them.

     It may sound vulgar to speak of this lost pride after Ozturk’s kidnapping – all that sentimentality did nothing, after all, to protect her, and may in the end have always been self-serving and false. But as we grapple with what America is becoming – or revealing itself to be – under Donald Trump, I think we can mourn not only the lost delusions of the past but the lost potential of the future.

     Ozturk – a student of early childhood education, and someone brave enough to take a great personal risk in standing up for what she thought was right – seems like a person the US would be lucky to have. Instead we are punishing her, terrorizing her, kidnapping her and throwing her away. She deserves better, and so do all of our immigrants – hopeful, struggling people who mistook this for a place where they could thrive. Who, in the future, will continue to think of the US as a place where immigrants can make a difference, can prosper? Who will share their gifts with us now?”

     As written by Kenan Malik in The Guardian, in an article entitled Just like McCarthy, Trump spreads fear everywhere before picking off his targets: Arrests, blacklists and deportations are chilling reminders of the red scare that transformed America; “‘Gold, mister, is worth what it is because of the human labor that goes into the finding and getting of it.” It’s a line spoken by Walter Huston in the 1948 film The Treasure of the Sierra Madre, a story about greed and moral corruption directed by his son, John Huston. That line was to have appeared on screen at the beginning of the film. It didn’t, on orders from the studio, Warner Bros. “It was all on account of the word ‘labor’,” John Huston later reflected. “That word looks dangerous in print, I guess.”

     It was a relatively insignificant moment in the drama of America’s postwar red scare. McCarthyism proper had still to take flight. Yet, so deep ran the fear already that a single, everyday word could create consternation in Hollywood.

     McCarthyism, the historian Ellen Schrecker has observed, “was a peculiarly American style of repression – nonviolent and consensual. Only two people were killed; only a few hundred went to jail.” Yet it constituted “one of the most severe episodes of political repression the United States ever experienced”.

     Sackings and legal sanctions created such fear that, in the words of the political philosopher Corey Robin, society was put “on lockdown”, with people so “petrified of being punished for their political beliefs” that “they drew in their political limbs”.

     It was not just communists who were silenced. “If someone insists that there is discrimination against Negroes in this country, or that there is an inequality of wealth,” claimed the chair of one state committee on un-American activities, “there is every reason to believe that person is a communist.” This at a time when Jim Crow still held the south in its grip. The red scare paused the civil rights movement for more than a decade and drew the teeth of union radicalism.

     Fear has always been a means of enforcing social order, most obviously in authoritarian states, from China to Saudi Arabia, Turkey to Russia, where repression becomes the foundation of political rule. In liberal democracies, order rests more on consensus than overt brutality. But here, too, fear plays its role. The worker’s fear of being sacked, the claimant’s of being sanctioned, the renter’s of being made homeless, the fear of the working-class mother facing a social worker or of the black teenager walking past a policeman – relations of power are also relations of fear, but fears usually so sublimated that we simply accept that that’s the way the system works.

     It is when consensus ruptures, when social conflict erupts, or when the authorities need to assert their power, that liberal democracies begin wielding fear more overtly as a political tool to quieten dissent or impose authority. Think of how the British state treated Irish people in the 1970s and 1980s, or miners during the great strike of 1984/85.

     Seventy years on from McCarthyism, America seems to be entering such a moment. Over the past month, we have seen the mass deportation to a notorious foreign jail of hundreds of people declared to be illegal immigrants and gang members, without evidence or due process; the arrest, detention and threatened deportation of foreign students, including Mahmoud Khalil, Rumeysa Ozturk, Momodou Taal and Yunseo Chung, for protesting about the war in Gaza; the blacklisting of law firms representing clients of whom Donald Trump does not approve; the mass sackings of federal workers.

     Fear works here in two ways. The targets of repression are groups about whom it is easier to create fear, and so easier to deprive of rights and due process. Doing so then creates a wider climate of fear in which people become less willing to speak out, and not just about Palestine. Already, “whole segments of American society [are] running scared”, as one observer put it.

     Institutions such as universities, Schrecker concluded about the 1950s, “did not fight McCarthyism” but “contributed to it”, not only through dismissals and blacklists but also through accepting “the legitimacy of what the congressional committees and other official investigators were doing”, thereby conferring “respectability upon the most repressive elements” of the process.

     It’s a process repeating itself today. Earlier this month, after cancelling $400m (£310m) in federal grants and contracts, Trump made a series of demands of Columbia University, including that it change its disciplinary rules, place the Middle Eastern, South Asian and African Studies department under “academic receivership” and adopt the contested International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition of antisemitism that its own lead drafter, Kenneth Stern, condemns as having been “weaponised” into “a blunt instrument to label anyone an antisemite” and to “go after pro-Palestinian speech”. Last week, Columbia capitulated.

    Michael Roth, the president of Wesleyan University, one of the few academic leaders willing to speak out, decries “the greatest pressure put on intellectual life since the McCarthy era”, describing “anticipatory obedience” as “a form of cowardice”. Cowardice, though, has become the defining trait, most university leaders “just happy that Columbia is the whipping boy”. Columbia may be the first university in Trump’s crosshairs, but it won’t be the last. Keeping silent won’t save them.

     In his incendiary speech in Munich in February, the US vice-president, JD Vance, harangued European leaders to worry less about Russia than “the threat from within, the retreat of Europe from some of its most fundamental values”, especially free speech. The same, it would seem, applies to America, too. Many of those who previously so vigorously upheld the importance of free speech have suddenly lost their voice or now believe that speech should be free only for those with the right kinds of views. The brazen hypocrisy of Vance, and of the fair-weather supporters of free speech, should nevertheless not lead us to ignore the fact that, from more intrusive policing of social media to greater restrictions on our ability to protest to the disciplining, even sacking, of workers holding “gender-critical views”, these are issues to which we urgently need to attend.

     “I live in an age of fear,” lamented the essayist and author EB White in 1947, after the New York Herald had suggested that all employees be forced to declare their political beliefs to retain their jobs. He was, he insisted, less worried “that there were communists in Hollywood” than to “read your editorial in praise of loyalty testing and thought control”. It is a perspective as vital now as it was then, and as necessary on this side of the Atlantic as in America.”

The Crucible trailer

The US government is effectively kidnapping people for opposing genocide

Moira Donegan

Just like McCarthy, Trump spreads fear everywhere before picking off his targets, Kenan Malik

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/mar/30/just-like-mccarthy-trump-spreads-fear-everywhere-before-picking-off-his-targets

From campus to police state: a new documentary goes inside the Columbia university protests

https://www.theguardian.com/film/2025/mar/29/the-encampments-film-columbia-university-student-protests

‘Canary in the coalmine of totalitarianism’: how Columbia went from a home for Edward Said to a punching bag for Trump

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/mar/29/columbia-middle-east-department-trump-edward-said

A warning for students of color’: Ice agents are targeting certain protesters, say experts

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/mar/26/us-universities-students-israel-palestine-protests

March 28 2025 Witness of the Martyr Hossam Shabat, and His Eulogy By Sharif Abdel Kouddous

      I have no words to offer in this time of darkness, as Israel unleashes the Nothing and erases the witnesses of her brutal campaign of dehumanization, ethnic cleansing, and genocide, in the amoral conquest and dominion of Palestine, other than this; remember, and bring a Reckoning.

     This refusal to submit, this witness of history, this solidarity of action embodied in the life of our fallen comrade; this, this, this.

      As written by Sharif Abdel Kouddous in Dropbox; “{Hossam Shabat is dead. I am beyond rage and despair as I write these words. The Israeli military bombed his car this morning as he was traveling in Beit Lahia. Videos fill my screen of his body lying on the street, carried to the hospital, grieved by his colleagues and loved ones. These are the kinds of tragic scenes Hossam himself would so often document for the world. He was an exemplary journalist: brave, tireless, and dedicated to telling the story of Palestinians in Gaza.

     Hossam was one of a handful of reporters who remained in northern Gaza through Israel’s genocidal war. His ability to cover one of the most brutal military campaigns in recent history was almost beyond comprehension. He bore witness to untold death and suffering on an almost daily basis for seventeen months. He was displaced over twenty times. He was often hungry. He buried many of his journalist colleagues. In November, he was wounded in an Israeli airstrike. I still can’t believe I am referring to him in the past tense. Israel obliterates the present.

     When I contacted Hossam in November to ask him to write for Drop Site News, he was enthusiastic. “Greetings habibi. May God keep you. I am very happy to have this opportunity,” he wrote. “There are so many ideas, scenes, stories.”

     His first dispatch for Drop Site was a searing account of a vicious mass expulsion campaign by the Israeli military in Beit Lahia that forced thousands of Palestinian families to flee one of the last remaining shelters in the besieged town:

     Some of the wounded fell on the road with no hope of getting treatment. “I was walking with my sister in the street,” said Rahaf, 16. She and her sister were the sole survivors in their family of an earlier airstrike that killed 70 people. “Suddenly my sister fell due to the bombing. I saw blood pouring from her, but I couldn’t do anything. I left her in the street, and no one pulled her out. I was screaming, but no one heard me.”

     His writing was lyrical and arresting. I struggled to translate and edit his pieces—to do them justice, to convey his emotive use of Arabic into something relatable in English. In the typical editorial see-saw back and forth of finalizing a piece, I would often return to him with clarifications and questions, asking him for additional details and direct quotes. He was always quick to respond despite his extraordinary circumstances.

     In January, Hossam filed a piece about the three days between when the “ceasefire” deal was announced and when it was scheduled to be implemented, a period when Israel escalated its bombing campaign across Gaza:

     They targeted the al-Falah school; they bombed an entire residential block in Jabaliya; they killed families, like the Alloush family, whose bodies have not yet been recovered and still lie under and over the rubble. The children I saw that night appeared happy but they were no longer living, their faces frozen in a mix of smiles and blood.

     In early December, when writing a preamble to one of his articles, I asked him to confirm his age. “Hahaha. I’m young. 24,” he wrote. Then moments later he clarified: “Actually, I haven’t turned 24 yet. I’m 23.” I told him he was young in age only, but in experience he was old (it sounds better in Arabic). “I’m really tired,” he responded. “I swear I have no strength left. I can’t find a place to sleep. I’ve been displaced 20 times.” He continued: “Did you know that I am the only one in my family who lives alone in the north?” Last month, during the “ceasefire,” he was reunited with his mother for the first time in 492 days.

     In October, the Israeli military placed Hossam and five other Palestinian journalists on a hit list. At the time, he said it felt like he was “hunted.” He called on people to speak out using the hashtag #ProtectTheJournalists: “I plead everyone to share the reality about Journalists in order to spread awareness about the real plans of the Israeli occupation to target journalists in order to impose a media blackout. Spread the hashtag and talk about us!”

     In December, after the Israeli military killed five journalists in an airstrike on their vehicle, I messaged to check in on him.

    “Our job is only to die,” he responded. “I hate the whole world. No one is doing anything. I swear I’ve come to hate this job.” About his surviving colleagues he wrote, “We’ve started saying to each other: “Ok, whose turn is it?…Our families consider us already martyred.”

     When Israel resumed its scorched earth bombing last week, I messaged again to check in on him. He responded with one word: “Death.”

     Throughout it all, Hossam would message with ideas for stories, or just to relay what was happening in the north. In his messages and voice notes, he often somehow still managed to be warm and funny—a kind of rebellion against the death all around him.

     After the “ceasefire” went into effect, he returned to his hometown of Beit Hanoun on the northeastern edge of Gaza. Hardly a structure was left standing, but he was determined to stay and document the destruction.

     He messaged me late Sunday night, just hours before he was killed. He had been forced to leave his hometown of Beit Hanoun on the day of Israel’s renewed assault last week and was forcibly displaced yet again—this time to Jabaliya. We had agreed on him writing a piece about the attack last week and what he had witnessed.

     “Habibi,” he wrote. “I miss you.” I asked him what the situation was like in Jabaliya. “Difficult,” he said.

     He sent his piece, and I read through it, sent my follow-up questions. He only answered one before going offline. I messaged him again as soon as I woke up this morning. I didn’t yet know that he had been killed.

     What you are about to read is Hossam’s last article. I translated it through tears.”

—Sharif Abdel Kouddous

Report from the Frontline of Israel’s War of Annihilation

Story by Hossam Shabat

BEIT HANOUN, GAZA—The night was dark and cautiously quiet. Everyone fell into an anxious sleep. But the tranquility was quickly shattered by deafening screams. As the bombs rained down, the wails of neighbors announced the first moments of the resumption of Israel’s military campaign. Beit Hanoun was plunged into panic and terror. Cries of distress rose amid the screech of the shells in a scene that reflected the magnitude of the disaster engulfing the city. This was only the beginning. The massacre of entire families quickly followed. Columns of smoke rose everywhere. The bombing did not cease for a moment, drowning everything in a relentless hail of fire and suffering.

     The Israeli attack is continuing. The occupation is practicing its brutality with unprecedented bombardment leaving behind horrific scenes of destruction and bloodshed. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the number of martyrs over the past six days has topped 700, reflecting the degree of such immense human suffering. OCHA also reports how Gaza is suffering from a severe shortage of medicines and medical aid, exacerbating an already dire situation.

     In the first six days of this renewed military operation, northern Gaza witnessed four bloody massacres. The most notable was the Mubarak family massacre, which took place as the family was gathering in mourning to offer their condolences to Dr. Salim Mubarak. In an instant, their collective grieving was turned into a sea of blood and body parts. The entire family was killed: Dr. Salim, his wife, his children, his parents. No one survived. One eyewitness summed it up plainly: “They were all killed.” The victims were not on a battlefield but in a house of mourning. It was a crime in every sense of the word.

     This massacre was not the only one—it was followed by successive attacks on other families, including the Abu Nasr family, then the Abu Halim family—bringing to mind the vicious bombardment in the very beginning of the war after October 7. The aggression is ongoing, relentless, targeting innocent civilians indiscriminately, leaving behind only destruction and death.

     When I arrived on the scene, I wasn’t ready for the horror before my eyes. The streets were filled with the dead. Under every stone lay a martyr. Dozens were crying for help from underneath the rubble of their homes but there was no one to respond. Screams filled the air while everyone stood helpless. My tears didn’t stop. The scenes were more than any human being could bear. The ambulances were filled with corpses, their bodies and limbs piled on top and intertwined with one another. We could no longer distinguish between children and men, between the injured and the dead.

     At Al-Andalus hospital the scene was even more painful. The hospital was filled with martyrs. Mothers bid silent farewells to their children. Medical staff worked in horrific conditions, trying to treat the injured with only the most basic means available. It was an impossible situation with massive numbers of dead and wounded being brought in at a terrifying rate.

     Israel’s aggression continues. Massacre after massacre, leaving only the screams of mothers in its wake and the dreams of children that have turned to ash. There is no justification for this. Everything is being crushed: the lives of innocent people, their dignity, and their hopes for a better future.

* Translation by Sharif Abdel Kouddous

Statement from Drop Site News on Israel’s Murder of Our Colleague Hossam Shabat: We Hold Both Israel and the U.S. Government Responsible

     Today, March 24, 2025, Israel killed journalist Hossam Shabat, a reporter for Al Jazeera Mubasher and a contributing reporter to Drop Site News, in what witnesses described as a targeted strike. Hossam was a tremendous young journalist who exhibited remarkable courage and tenacity as he documented the U.S.-facilitated genocide against the Palestinians of Gaza. One of the few journalists who didn’t leave the northern Gaza Strip, Hossam was murdered in Beit Lahia, the site of some of the most intense Israeli bombing and mass killing operations.

     Drop Site News holds Israel and the U.S. responsible for killing Hossam. The journalist Mohammad Mansour, a correspondent for Palestine Today, was also killed Monday in an Israeli attack on a house in Khan Younis in southern Gaza. More than 200 of our Palestinian media colleagues have been killed by Israel—supplied with weapons and given blanket impunity by most Western governments—over the past seventeen months.

     “If you’re reading this, it means I have been killed—most likely targeted—by the Israeli occupation forces,” Hossam wrote in a statement posted posthumously by his friends on his social media accounts. “For [the] past 18 months, I have dedicated every moment of my life to my people. I documented the horrors in northern Gaza minute by minute, determined to show the world the truth they tried to bury. I slept on pavements, in schools, in tents—anywhere I could. Each day was a battle for survival. I endured hunger for months, yet I never left my people’s side.”

     Hossam, who was just 23, filed poetic and painful dispatches from Gaza. He never separated himself from the people whose lives and deaths he documented. “Time now is measured not in minutes, but in lifetimes of pain and tears” as people in Gaza waited for the implementation of the ceasefire, Hossam wrote in an article for Drop Site in January. “With every passing moment the anxiety and tension of the people here grows, as they wonder whether they will stay alive long enough for the fire to cease.”

     As Palestinian journalists in Gaza continue to document the genocide against their families and their people, most of the world encounters their work only through their video reports on social media. They are so much more than those videos. Hossam was born into a period of escalating Israeli annexation, siege, and genocide. Unflagging in the face of constant deprivation and violence, Hossam once summarized his life’s dedication in an interview: “I say to the world, I am continuing. I am covering the events with an empty stomach, steadfast and persevering. I am Hossam Shabat, from the resilient northern Gaza Strip.”

     Hours before he was killed, Hossam filed a story for Drop Site about Israel’s resumption of its scorched earth bombing of Gaza last week that killed over 400 people, including nearly 200 children in a matter of hours. He was eager to publish. “I want to share the text urgently,” he wrote in Arabic. He always wanted to get the story out—to report what was happening on the ground. About a year ago, Hossam wrote, “Before this genocide started, I was a young college student studying journalism. Little did I know I would be given one of the hardest jobs in the world: to cover the genocide of my own people.”

     In October 2024, the Israeli military placed Hossam and five other Palestinian journalists on a hit list. Hossam regularly received death threats by call and text. What we have witnessed for nearly a year and a half is the Israeli military engaging in a systematic campaign to kill Palestinian journalists, as well as members of their families. Hossam leaves behind his beloved mother and his people, whose lives he tirelessly worked to represent and protect.

     During this unprecedented killing campaign against journalists, the silence of so many of our colleagues in the Western media is a stain on the profession. The International Federation of Journalists has put out a list, by name, of many of the journalists and media workers who have been killed or injured in Gaza. In a just world, those who helped to kill Hossam—and all of our Palestinian colleagues—would be brought to justice and tried for their crimes. We call on all journalists to raise their voices to demand an end to the killing of our Palestinian colleagues who have risked, and often given, their lives so that the truth itself can live.

     Hossam’s last message was: “I ask you now: do not stop speaking about Gaza. Do not let the world look away. Keep fighting, keep telling our stories—until Palestine is free.”https://www.dropsitenews.com/p/statement-israel-killing-hossam-shabat-journalist-gaza?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email

March 27 2025 Laylat al-Qadr Mubarak: A Joyful Night of Poetic Vision and the Reimagination and Transformation of Our Infinite Possibilities of Becoming Human

This night the gates of infinity are opened, letting angelic figures of our true selves and possibilities of becoming human through; wishes may come true, visions be realized, the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world find healing in our defining and inherent human powers of faith, hope, and love.          

     On this night over one thousand four hundred years ago a man looked into the future and made it real, to use the phrase from the film The Great and Powerful Oz, or believed an impossible thing and set it free to become so in Lewis Carroll’s terms and the famous line in Tim Burton’s film Alice in Wonderland. Both reference moments of exaltation and vision such as the event celebrated tonight throughout the Islamic world as a tidal change and Defining Moment of humankind, which finds echo in ibn Arabi’s idea of the alam al mythal, the Logos in the Biblical book of John the Evangelist, the Bardo in Tibetan Buddhism’s Book of the Dead, Coleridge’s Primary Imagination, and Jung’s Collective Unconscious. In such ideologies we are negative spaces, shadows, dreams, echoes and reflections of ideal forms within the unknowable Infinite, ourselves and our reality transforms of messages and a field of being as abstract information which unfold into actualities; as in Yoda’s line which paraphrases Einstein; “Luminous beings are we, not this crude matter.”

     If true, we can know nothing directly about the Reality which creates and interpenetrates us, for we are its shadows, or so Plato describes in the Allegory of the Cave; yet poetic vision and metaphorical truth allow us to escape the limits of our form. Holy Quran is a record of one such journey, a reimagination of Abrahamic faith which unfolded for the Prophet Mohammed, Peace Be Upon Him, over twenty three years of conversations with the being of illumination which manifested to him as Jibril.

     Any origin story which founds a new religion defines its meaning and is also a negotiated truth and a ground of struggle for those who claim it and each other as their own, and the story of the Message is no exception, having been argued and fought over ever since and sciences of abrogation and hermeneutics evolved  from the same text, but for myself what is most important is the Message as an event and a thing in itself and not its claims and interpretations; the emergence of transpersonal consciousness as transcendence, vision, and its transformational effects as Awakening.

    Herein the Infinite seizes and shakes us in its jaws like a lion, and all is forever changed.

    For with poetic vision we may win freedom from the limits of our form, escape the legacies of our history, birth new futures and ways of being human together, and create and define ourselves anew.

     Go up into the gaps and embrace the dreams of the Infinite.

Surat Al-Qadr (The Power) | Mishary Rashid Alafasy | مشاري بن راشد العفاسي | سورة القد

The Study Quran: A New Translation and Commentary, by Seyyed Hossein Nasr

In the Footsteps of the Prophet: Lessons from the Life of Muhammad,

Tariq Ramadan

The Shambhala Guide to Sufism, Carl W. Ernst

The Essential Rumi – New Expanded Edition 2020: Translations By Coleman Barks with John Moyne, Jalal Al-Din Rumi

The Triumphal Sun: A Study of the Works of Jalāloddin Rumi, Annemarie Schimmel

The Hand of Poetry: Five Mystic Poets of Persia: Translations from the Poems of Sanai, Attar, Rumi, Saadi and Hafiz

by Coleman Barks (Translation), Sanai, Rumi, Saadi, Attar of Nishapur,

  Hazrat Inayat Khan (Commentaries by)

Mansur Hallaj: Selected Poems, Mansur al-Hallaj, Paul Smith

 (Translation)

Hallaj: Mystic and Martyr – Abridged Edition, by Louis Massignon, Herbert Mason (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/165115.Hallaj

Divan of Hafez Shirazi, Hafez, Paul Smith  (Translation)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/26769075-divan-of-hafez-shirazi

The Illuminated Hafiz: Love Poems for the Journey to Light

by Hafez, Michael Green (Illustrator), Saliha Green (Illustrator), Nancy Barton (Editor), Omid Safi (Foreword), Coleman Barks (Translator), Robert Bly (Translator), Peter Booth (Translator), Meher Baba (Translator)

The Niche of Lights, Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, David Buchman trans

Annotated Translation of the Bezels of Wisdom, by Binyamin Abrahamov

The Sufi Path of Knowledge: Ibn Al-Arabi’s Metaphysics of Imagination,

William C. Chittick

The Meccan Revelations, by Ibn Arabi

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/739695.The_Meccan_Revelations

The Meccan Revelations, Volume II, by Ibn Arabi, Michel Chodkiewicz

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/193635.The_Meccan_Revelations_Volume_II

The Book of Ibn al-Farid, by Ibn Al-Farid, Paul Smith (Translator)

The Conference of the Birds, by Attar of Nishapur, Sholeh Wolpe (Translation)

Suhrawardi: The Shape of Light, by Shahab al-Din Suhrawardi, Tosun Bayrak (Preface), Shaykh Muhammad Sadiq Naqshbandi Erzinjani (Afterword), Hadrat Abdul-Qadir al-Jilani (Foreword)

Fakhruddin Iraqi: Divine Flashes, by Fakhruddin Iraqi, William C. Chittick (Translator), Peter Wilson (Goodreads Author) (Translator), Seyyed Hossein Nasr (Foreword)

The Four Last Great Sufi Master Poets: Selected Poems, by Paul Smith (Translator), Shah Latif, Nazir Akbarabadi, Mirza Asadullah Khan Ghalib, Muhammad Iqbal

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/24468396-the-four-last-great-sufi-master-poets

Khidr in Sufi Poetry: A Selection, by Paul Smith

Sufism and the Perfect Human: From Ibn ‘Arabī To Al-Jīlī, by Fitzroy Morrissey, Ibn Battuta (Contributor), Abd Al-Karaim Ibn Jailai (Contributor)

Wine of the Mystic: The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam: A Spiritual Interpretation,

Omar Khayyám, Paramahansa Yogananda

Arabic

27 مارس 2025 ليلة القدر المباركة: ليلة بهيجة من الرؤية الشعرية وإعادة تصور وتحويل إمكانياتنا اللانهائية في أن نصبح بشرًا

     في هذه الليلة ، تفتح أبواب اللانهاية ، مما يسمح لأشكال ملائكية وشيطانية من ذواتنا الحقيقية وإمكانيات أن نصبح بشرًا ؛ قد تتحقق الأمنيات ، وتتحقق الرؤى ، وتجد عيوب إنسانيتنا وانكسار العالم الشفاء في قوتنا المميزة للإيمان والرجاء والمحبة.

      في هذه الليلة منذ أكثر من ألف وأربعمائة عام ، نظر رجل إلى المستقبل وجعله حقيقيًا ، باستخدام العبارة المأخوذة من فيلم أوز العظيم والقوي ، أو صدق شيئًا مستحيلًا وحرره ليصبح كذلك وفقًا لشروط لويس كارول. والخط الشهير في فيلم تيم بيرتون أليس في بلاد العجائب. يشير كلاهما إلى الحدث الذي تم الاحتفال به الليلة في جميع أنحاء العالم الإسلامي باعتباره تغييرًا مدًا للجزر وتحديد اللحظة للبشرية ، والتي تجد صدى في فكرة علم الميثال ، والشعارات في الكتاب المقدس ، وباردو في البوذية التبتية ، ومخيلة كوليردج الأولية ، وفكرة يونغ. اللاوعي الجماعي. في مثل هذه الأيديولوجيات نحن فضاءات سلبية لأشكال مثالية داخل الغيب ، يحولنا نحن وواقعنا الرسائل التي تتكشف إلى حقائق ؛ كما في سطر يودا الذي يعيد صياغة آينشتاين ؛ “كائنات مضيئة هي نحن، وليس هذا الأمر الخام.”

      إذا كان هذا صحيحًا ، فلا يمكننا معرفة أي شيء بشكل مباشر عن الواقع الذي يخلقنا ويخترقنا ، لأننا ظلاله ، أو هكذا وصف أفلاطون في قصة الكهف ؛ ومع ذلك ، فإن الرؤية الشعرية والحقيقة المجازية تسمح لنا بالتهرب من حدود شكلنا. القرآن الكريم هو سجل لواحدة من هذه الرحلات ، إعادة تصور للإيمان الإبراهيمي الذي انكشف للنبي محمد صلى الله عليه وسلم ، على مدى ثلاث وعشرين عامًا من الأحاديث مع كينونة النور التي تجلت له على أنها جبريل.

      أي قصة أصل تؤسس دينًا جديدًا تحدد معناها وهي أيضًا حقيقة متفاوض عليها وأرضًا للنضال لمن يدعيها ويطالب كل منهم الآخر بكونه ملكًا له ، وقصة الرسالة ليست استثناءً ، حيث تم الجدل والنزاع حولها. منذ ذلك الحين ، ولكن الأمر الأكثر أهمية بالنسبة لي هو الرسالة كحدث وشيء في حد ذاته وليس ادعاءاتها وتفسيراتها ؛ ظهور الوعي العابر للشخص باعتباره السمو والصحوة.

هنا يمسكنا اللانهائي ويهزنا بين فكيه مثل الأسد، ويتغير كل شيء إلى الأبد.

     لأنه من خلال الرؤية الشعرية قد نربح الحرية من حدود شكلنا ، ونولد مستقبلًا جديدًا وطرقًا لكوننا بشرًا معًا ، ونخلق ونعرف أنفسنا من جديد.

اصعد إلى الفجوات واحتضن أحلام اللانهائي.

     كما كتبت في رسالتي بتاريخ 21 مارس 2023 ، حول الرؤية الشعرية كإعادة تخيل وتحويل لإمكانياتنا في أن نصبح بشرًا ؛ هنا في خمسة أعمال كما في أداء مسرحي لنفسي ، أقدم أفكاري في يوم الشعر.

       فعل واحد

      تعريف للمصطلحات أو ما هو الشعر؟

       أولا وقبل كل شيء يجب أن تكون الأسماء الحقيقية للأشياء.

       الكلمات مهمة. يمكنهم تقسيمنا ، ويمكنهم توحيدنا. يمكن للكلمات أن تمجد وتدنس. يمكنهم تشكيل صورنا وإمكانياتنا في أن نصبح بشرًا وإنشاء عوالم نطمح إليها أو تقييدها ، ويمكنهم استبدال الحجارة التي نرميها على بعضنا البعض وعلاج أمراض انفصالنا.

      كنز الكلمات دائمًا ، لأنها تمثل أنواع الأفكار التي يمكننا امتلاكها وإيواء قوة إبداعية خيالية. نتحملها إلى الأمام كذكريات وتواريخ وهويات ، مثل أصداف مخلوقات بحرية رائعة ؛ الأصوات التي هي تشبيه بالشكل أو ما أسماه غاستون باشيلارد coquilles au parole.

      هكذا هم أيضًا يدفعوننا إلى الأمام ، وينتظرون لحظة يقظتهم كبذور للصيرورة.

      الفصل الثاني

      كونه اعتذارًا عن استطرادي ars poetica ؛ أسلوبي في الكتابة خاص وغريب ، لكن أنا كذلك.

       بمجرد أن أبحرت في بحيرة الأحلام ، استغلت بيوتي لكن فيجن تطالب بها ؛ وفي مثل هذه الرؤى سقطت في بحر من الكلمات والصور والأغاني والتاريخ ، متعدد الطبقات ومتشابك مع بعضها البعض مثل شبكة من الانعكاسات وأصداء الأصوات المفقودة في الوقت المناسب ، برية من المرايا التي تلتقط أنفسنا وتشوهنا وتوسعنا إلى ما لا نهاية. في جميع الاتجاهات.

      إليكم ظل ذاتي لتاريخنا نتجول فيه وراء أنفسنا مثل حكاية ذيل الزواحف غير المرئية ، والموروثات التي يجب أن نخرج منها لنخلق أنفسنا من جديد وتلك التي لا يمكننا التخلي عنها دون أن نفقد من نحن.

      هنا تظهر نصوصي البينية ، تشدني وتهزني بأصوات صاخبة وأغراض غير جديرة بالثقة ، إلى أين ينتهي تاريخنا ونبدأ؟

      لا يمكننا الهروب من بعضنا البعض ، أنا وظلي.

      الفصل الثالث

       عرض ، سريع الزوال كذكريات يحملها العطر ومتصاعدًا في الريح ، يصل إلى فجوات الواقع عبر بوابات أحلامنا ، إلى اللانهائي ، الخالي من أعلام بشرتنا ، التي لم يبق منها سوى أصداء وانعكاسات محفورة عليها تاريخنا من خلال برق التنوير لتحقيق التوازن ضد رعب العدم لدينا.

      اصوات وصدى

      ذات مرة كان هناك صوت

بدون قذيفة لترددها

      لا الهدير الهائل والرعد

التابع

وموجات المد والجزر لها

الفوضى وولادة الأكوان

      متموجة بروعة الحياة

في كل ما لدينا من آلاف الملايين

      احتمالات لا حدود لها في أن تصبح

الرقص مع المستحيل في نشوة الطرب والرعب

     الأمل واليأس ، الإيمان ببعضنا البعض كتضامن للعمل

مقابل علم أمراض انفصالنا

      والبرق يحطمنا بالكسر والاضطراب ،

يسمو فجوات الظلام التي ضلنا فيها

      نفي وهو أيضًا عطية

فتح مساحات للعب الإبداعي الحر

      هذا هو اعتناق الموت كتحرير

من حدود شكلنا ،

     عيوب إنسانيتنا ،

وانكسار العالم.

      نهرب من حلزونات قوقعتنا

حلق بين الأجرام السماوية

      تعظموا ودنسوا

حرة ومجهولة مثل الأشياء البرية

      أنا سليم وصدى

تركت القشرة التي غنيت نفسي منها

      اين انا الأن؟

      الفصل الرابع

      بيان العمل ؛ الشعر كنضال ثوري.

      كما كتبت في مقالتي في 14 أكتوبر 2021 ، حول الفن كرؤية شعرية ، والتعدي ، والاستيلاء على السلطة ، وإعادة التخيل ، والتحول: بيان ؛ لماذا أكتب؟

     أقدم هنا بيانًا للفن كرؤية شعرية ، وإعادة تخيل وتحويل في سياقات أداء الهويات وفي مسرح حرب العصابات للعمل السياسي والنضال الثوري.

      يعتبر الفن عدوانيًا عندما يتحدى وينتهك أفكارنا عن الحياة الطبيعية واستبداد أفكار الآخرين عن الفضيلة ، إنه استيلاء على السلطة ورفض الخضوع للهويات المرخصة التي تمنح الحرية والاستقلالية من خلال أن تصبح ذاتية الإنشاء ومملوكة للذات ، لا يُقهر ويتجاوز القهر بالقوة والسيطرة ، وهو رؤية شعرية كإعادة تخيل وتغيير سريالي عندما يصور ويوجه مرورنا عبر متاهة الزمن والتاريخ والذاكرة وتزوير صورنا الملتقطة والمشوهة في برية المرايا والأكاذيب والأوهام ، لتفعيل نشوة الاختطاف والتمجيد ، وتجاوزنا في عوالم الحلم والرؤية حيث لا تنطبق القواعد ، وعندما تصطادنا بالحقائق الجوهرية في الطبيعة والمكتوبة في جسدنا.

      كل الفن الحقيقي ينجس ويمجد ، يسلّخنا بالنشوة والرعب أمام الحقائق اللامحدودة والسرية لأنفسنا.

       يهدف الفن إلى التشكيك في قواعد وجوهر الإنسان ومعناه وقيمته وتغييرها ؛ لاكتشاف داخل الحدود والواجهات ، أماكن التغيير الصامتة والفارغة وإمكانات التكيف اللامحدودة للأنظمة ، والمجهول ، والانفصال ، والتجاور المنحرف وزوايا الرؤية الغريبة ، وإمكانيات جديدة للتحول إلى إنسان.

       كما نتعلم من جون كيج في الموسيقى ، وهارولد بينتر في المسرح ، وبيت موندريان في الفن ، فإن المساحات الفارغة هي التي تحدد المعنى وترتبها ؛ وفي التاريخ ، يجب أن نستمع إلى الأصوات التي تم إسكاتها ومحوها بعناية ، لأن الفراغ هنا يتحدث إلينا عن القوة السرية والوظائف والعلاقات الرئيسية التي يجب أن تخفيها السلطة للحفاظ على هيمنتها علينا.

      مساحة اللعب الحرة هذه ، للمجهول على أنها مساحة غير مُطالب بها وإمكانات تكيفية لنظام ، حدوده مثل الشواطئ المعروفة على خرائطنا في أن تصبح إنسانًا تشكل إطارًا لمجموعة الخيارات وتعمل كهويات مصرح بها وحدود جوهرية للحرية كمستقبل الاحتمالات ، تظل خارج وخارج كل حدود وأنظمة المعرفة ، مثل نظرية جوديل ؛ بغض النظر عن مقدار ما تعلمناه ونغير حدود الكون المعروف ، فإن اللانهائي يظل شاسعًا كما كان من قبل ، مما يحافظ على الجهل.

      إذا كان الأمر كذلك ، فإن مهمة أن تصبح إنسانًا تتضمن جلب الفوضى ؛ إعادة التخيل والتحول ، وانتهاك الأمور الطبيعية وتجاوز حدود المحظور لتحريرنا من استبداد أفكار الآخرين حول الفضيلة والهويات المرخصة ، وخلق إمكانيات لا حدود لها لتصبح بشرًا مثل الاستيلاء على السلطة.

      ترتيب يخصص ؛ الفوضى تستقل.

      نحن ما أسماه غاستون باشيلارد أصداف الكلام ، وحمل المشروط ، وحاملي القصص كذاكرة ، وتاريخ ، وهوية ، شكلنا بمرور الوقت وترابطنا مع بعضنا البعض على شكل استباقيات أو تواريخ يتم التعبير عنها في أشكالنا عن كيفية حلنا. مشاكل التكيف والتغيير.

       ألسنا القصص التي نرويها عن أنفسنا وعن أنفسنا وعن بعضنا البعض؟

      لا يمكننا بعد ذلك تغيير وتحويل أنفسنا بقصصنا من خلال إعادة تخيل ورؤية شعرية ، كأشياء جديدة وجميلة تحررت من تراث تاريخنا وحدود أفكار الآخرين عن الفضيلة والجمال والحقيقة؟

       دعونا نغتنم القصص التي صنعناها ، ونصبح مجيدًا.

      كما كتبت في رسالتي بتاريخ 24 أغسطس 2020 ، القوة التحويلية للفن: بيان ؛ القوة التحويلية للفن ، وقدرته على إعادة صياغة أفكارنا عن الذات والآخر ، لتغيير الحدود ، وإعادة تعيين القيم ، واستعادة التاريخ والهوية من الصمت ، والمحو ، والتهميش ، وإجازة عدم المساواة

أفعال القوة وتقسيمات الآخر الإقصائي ؛ هذه من بين الوظائف الحيوية التي تجعل الفن نشاطًا إنسانيًا واجتماعيًا أساسيًا.

      الفن كرؤية شعرية يسبق السياسة ويوازيها كوسيلة لتغيير حضارتنا وإمكانيات الإنسان والمعنى والقيمة ؛ إنه يمثل سلطة يمتلكها أفراد ومجتمعات مستقلة ضد استبداد قوة الدولة وسيطرتها. السياسة هي فن اجتماعي أساسي لطبيعتنا البشرية المترابطة وعمليات التحول إلى إنسان. من خلال كلماتنا وصورنا وأدائنا يمكننا التشكيك في السلطة والاستهزاء بها وفضحها وتحديها والتحريض على الآخرين وإثارتهم وإزعاجهم في إحداث تغيير تحويلي في الأنظمة والهياكل التي نترسخ فيها ، وآمل أن نحررنا منها.

      الفن هو الحياة ، لأنه يشركنا بشكل شخصي ومباشر في عمليات النمو التكيفي وفي إعادة التفاوض بشأن عقودنا الاجتماعية وعلاقاتنا مع الآخرين ، على الصعيدين الشخصي والسياسي ، ويعلمنا ويحفز أداء هوياتنا.

      إذا وقعنا في لعبة مزورة ، يجب علينا تغيير قواعد وشروط النضال. “تم وضع القواعد ليتم كسرها” لإعادة صياغة الجنرال ماك آرثر ؛ زعزعة استقرار النظام ، ونزع شرعية السلطة ، واستجواب الأنظمة والهياكل التقليدية ، وتجاوز الحدود ، ومقاومة القوة والسيطرة والتخلي عنها ، وتزوير الحقائق الجديدة ، واكتشاف احتمالات التحول إلى إنسان.

       يجب علينا أن نشكك في السلطة ونكشفها ونهزأ بها ونخربها ونتجاوزها ونتحدىها عندما يتعلق الأمر بمطالبتنا. لأنه لا توجد سلطة عادلة.

      دعونا نتحكم في سردنا وتمثيلنا وذاكرتنا وتاريخنا وهويتنا.

      دعونا نكون غير مهزومين ، بلا إتقان ، وأحرار.

      دعونا نكون قادرين على الفوضى والفرح والتحول والثورة.

      كما كتبت في رسالتي بتاريخ 30 كانون الأول (ديسمبر) 2021 ، The Year in Review ؛ أكتب هنا كدعوة مقدسة للسعي وراء الحقيقة ، وفي الدور الذي وصفه فوكو بأنه راوي الحقيقة في إشارة إلى الحس والواجبات الأساسية الأربعة للمواطن ؛ للتشكيك في السلطة ، وكشف السلطة ، والتحايل على السلطة ، وتحدي السلطة.

      خلال سنوات عملي كمدرس للطب الشرعي ومدرب للمناظرات ، بدأت في اليوم الأول من كل عام جديد بإظهار الهدف. على مكتبي كنت أضع قاعدة صلبة بالكلمات ؛ “هذه نقطة ارتكاز”. عبرها كنت أضع ترنحًا يتأرجح قائلاً ؛ “إنه يوازن بين رافعة.” وأخيراً “عندما يسألك والداك عما تتعلمه في الطب الشرعي ، أخبرهم أنك تتعلم أن تصبح نقطة ارتكاز وتغيير ميزان القوى في العالم.” هذا هو أملي الآن لنا جميعًا.

     إن قول الحقيقة كقصة شعرية تدور حول القوة التجديدية والتحويلية للحقيقة بالمعنى الذي استخدمه كيتس عندما تحدث عن الجمال ، “أنا متأكد من قداسة عواطف القلب وحقيقة الخيال – ما هو الخيال يعتبر أن الجمال يجب أن يكون حقًا – سواء كان موجودًا من قبل أم لا – لأن لدي نفس فكرة كل عواطفنا كما في الحب ، فكلها في سامية ، وخلاقة في جمالها الأساسي. ” أو كما يعلمنا الرومي. “دع الجمال الذي تحبه يكون ما تفعله.”

     لكن قول الحقيقة يتعلق أيضًا بالرؤية الشعرية باعتبارها إعادة تخيل وتحويل ؛ أن نحلم بشيء مستحيل ونجعله حقيقيًا ، كما تعلمنا أليس عند سرد الأشياء الستة المستحيلة في معركتها مع Jabberwocky. في طريقها لمحاربة تنين ، ورؤيته لأول مرة مروعة ، تشير أليس إلى ماد هاتر في فيلم تيم بيرتون الجميل ؛ “هذا مستحيل.”

     الذي يقول له حتر ، “فقط إذا كنت تؤمن بذلك”.

     “في بعض الأحيان ، أؤمن بستة أشياء مستحيلة قبل الإفطار.”

      “هذه ممارسة ممتازة ، ولكن الآن فقط ، قد ترغب حقًا في التركيز على Jabberwocky.”

      هكذا فقط.

       الفصل الرابع

       دعاء

       أتمنى أن تكون أيامك أيام مجد وحرية ، وتجاوزات مضيئة ، وتمجيد للروح البشرية التي لا تُقهر ، وقول الحقيقة والوحي ، وأداء هويات غير مصرح بها كمسرح حرب العصابات والاحتفالات الجماعية بتنوعنا والإمكانيات اللامحدودة للإنسان معنى وقيمة نشوة النشوة ورؤية العيش خارج كل الحدود ، حيث لا شيء ممنوع.

      في النهاية كل ما يهم هو ما نفعله بخوفنا وكيف نستخدم قوتنا ؛ افعل شيئًا جميلًا معك.

      قانون خمسة

      كودا على شكل قائمة قراءة ؛ الإسلام والشعر الصوفي

March 26 2025 Resistance Day in Myanmar

     Tomorrow we commemorate the resistance of the peoples of Myanmar to the Japanese Occupation during World War Two, while the military junta which has seized the nation as a vassal state of the Chinese Communist Party, much like that of Pol Pot and other tyrants of genocide and war crimes, instrumentalizes the occasion to glorify itself while changing its meaning in service to its own authority as a carceral state of force and control, the peoples it has enslaved rise up in resistance and reclaim its original meaning.

    The world’s tenth largest military has failed utterly to consolidate power and repress dissent, despite massive brutal and genocidal war crimes. In the fighting before the annual Resistance Day, renamed by the regime as Armed Forces Day, the actual Resistance emerged victorious in battles across the nation.

     There is a calculus of fear by which tyrannies seize power or fall; while a little may enforce order and obedience for a time, fear beyond hope of survival and horror beyond the limits of the human creates resistance. Those who would enslave us should have learned the hollowness of power and the Newtonian recursion of the use of force from the example of Nanking.

     Politics is about fear as the basis of human exchange, as my father once told me, as a ten year old boy who in reaction to the insult of someone putting a piece of bubble gum on my chair at school mixed up everything with a skull and crossbones on the bottle from my chemistry set during recess and poured it down the spigot of the classroom drinking faucet in revenge. When several boys ran outside to throw up, I was horrified because I realized I could have killed everyone, and I told my father the story that night. He said; “You have discovered politics. Politics is the art of fear. Fear is a terrible master and a dangerous and untrustworthy servant; the question is, whose servant will it be?”

     As the principle by which I have lived since it was given to me by the great Jean Genet in Beirut 1982 goes; “When there is no hope, we are free to do impossible things, glorious things.”

     So may we find the will to claw our way out of the ruins and make yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory or even survival. In Burma, to use her pre-regime name, a whole nation has found such a will, a nation forged under the terrible hammer of tyranny and state terror, but one which begins to emerge from the legacies of its history as a free society of equals united in diversity and solidarity.

     May we dream better futures than we have the past.

      Where do we stand today?

     As written by Moe Sett Nyein Chan in The Irrawaddy, in an article entitled Mapping the Myanmar Junta’s Gains, Losses, and Stalemates Since Operation 1027; “Myanmar’s civil war has intensified since the launch of Operation 1027 in 2023, forcing the junta into a defensive stance as it lost dozens of towns and hundreds of bases.

     However, in 2024, regime forces switched to a more dynamic strategy, employing mobile defensive tactics and launching counteroffensives across the country. The following is a breakdown of battlefield situations across the country.

     Kachin State

     Key battles are ongoing in Bhamo and Mansi. The regime withdrew three battalions from Mansi to bolster its defense of Bhamo, a district-level town. Junta defensive operations in Bhamo are being coordinated by the 21st Military Operations Command (MOC). They are relying heavily on warplanes and drones to recapture lost bases wherever possible. This marks a strategic shift from static defense to a more mobile and proactive defensive approach.

     As a result, the KIA and its allies are being forced to attack junta bases repeatedly, delaying their offensive.

     Elsewhere in Kachin, small columns of junta troops are counterattacking in Mohnyin, Hopin, Hpakant, Waingmaw, Myitone and Tanai, but have failed to achieve significant gains.

     Sagaing Region

     Last year, the regime regained control of Kawlin but again lost control of Pinlebu Township. Resistance forces have also secured most of Inndaw town, where junta troops have retreated to an old underground hospital dug into a hillside. Despite efforts, resistance forces have yet to penetrate the position.

     In Tigyaing, fighting has subsided after resistance forces paused their offensive.

     However, clashes have erupted in northern Tamu, southern Kale, and Paungbyin near the Indian border, with resistance groups targeting junta bases.

     Guerrilla-style assaults on junta troops, including mine attacks, have become commonplace in Sagaing. The military usually responds with single-column operations, often employing scorched-earth tactics against villages believed to support resistance forces. Despite these raids, the regime has been forced to abandon smaller outposts across the region.

    Caution defines the regime’s movements due to resistance ambushes in Budalin, Depayin, Wetlet, and Chaung-U townships. Counterattacking the highly mobile resistance forces has proven increasingly challenging for the regime.

     Mandalay Region

In northern Mandalay, resistance forces captured northern Madaya, Singu, Thabeikkyin, Tagaung, Mabein, Mogok, and Mongmit in 2024. However, three major military bases and a hospital remained under military control in Thabeikkyin Township. Troops from these bases recently recaptured an area close to Mogok, known as Myanmar’s “Ruby Land”, after being bolstered by airdrops of weapons and ammunition. No fighting in Mogok has been reported so far.

    Fierce daily clashes are reported in western and northeastern Madaya, as regime troops seek to reclaim the areas from Mandalay PDFs.

    Further south, resistance forces successfully ambushed a junta column in Myingyan Township earlier this month.

    Northern Shan State

     The regime reclaimed artillery battalions in Taunghkam, Nawnghkio Township from the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) late last month. Taunghkam is a two-hour drive from Pyin Oo Lwin, which is home to the regime’s elite military academies.

     However, TNLA forces remain near Taunghkam, where they are launching guerilla-style attacks.

     The junta’s recapture of Taunghkam means TNLA forces are now at risk of being encircled in the area.

     Southern Shan State

     Supported by the local Pa-O National Organization (PNO) militia, the regime is conducting a counteroffensive in Moebye on the Shan-Karenni border.

    Regime troops have forced the anti-regime Pa-O National Liberation Army out of Hsihseng and are chasing them to their base in Mawkmai. From Hsihseng, the regime is transporting supplies by road to Loikaw, the capital of Karenni State. The regime’s assault in southern Shan is thus supporting its counteroffensive in Karenni.

     Magwe Region

After seizing Ann town in Rakhine State, the Arakan Army and its allies are advancing into neighboring Magwe Region. Numerous junta troops fleeing from Ann, and also Natyaykan on the Bago side of the border, have been killed by local resistance ambushes.

     Incapable of repulsing the AA’s advance, the junta has responded by raiding resistance bases in Pakokku, Minbu and Thayet districts to prevent potential attacks on its ordnance factories in the area. However, the raids have had minimal impact on local resistance forces, as they rely on guerilla-style operations.

     Chin State

     The majority of Chin State remains under resistance control. The regime maintains a foothold in Hakah, Thantlang, and Tedim. Chin resistance forces continue to attack Falam, where junta forces have been reduced to just one major battalion headquarters. In Thantlang, the regime’s counterattack has resulted in a back-and-forth battle with no decisive gains.

    Rakhine State

    The Arakan Army (AA) controls most of Rakhine State, except for the capital Sittwe, Kyaukphyu, and Manaung. The AA recently launched offensives in Sittwe and Kyaukphyu, home to a Chinese-backed Special Economic Zone and port project, forcing the regime into a defensive posture in those towns.

     The AA and its allies are also advancing over the border from Rakhine into Magwe, Bago and Ayeyarwady regions. The regime has been unable to repulse the advancing AA troops.

     Karenni State

    The regime recaptured most of Loikaw Township last year after Karenni resistance forces withdrew, apparently due to ammunition shortages.

     Fighting has been raging for months in Pekon Township’s Moebye, on the Shan-Karenni border, with both sides suffering heavy casualties. Karenni forces have so far held their ground.

    In Hpruso, Bawlake, Hpasawng, and Demoso, the regime has primarily resorted to defensive positions.

    Karen State

     The junta’s Operation Aung Zeya, launched in April last year, has failed to achieve its objectives. The large-scale counteroffensive, involving more than 1,000 troops from the 55th Light Infantry Division, aims to recapture the main trade route between Kawkareik and Myawaddy on the Thai border.

     As the offensive nears its one-year mark, junta troops remain stuck in the Dawna Hills, suffering heavy casualties. Despite these setbacks, the regime continues to reinforce its troops and press on with the offensive.

     Bago and Tanintharyi

     Resistance forces continue to wage guerilla warfare in Bago and Tanintharyi regions, where regular junta military operations have failed to curb armed revolt.

     This pattern extends to Sagaing, Magwe, and Mandalay regions, where the regime has been unable to conduct large-scale offensives or achieve decisive victories. Instead, their strategy relies heavily on air support and single-column ground operations. However, rather than directly attacking guerrilla forces, the regime appears to be mainly targeting civilians suspected of supporting the resistance movement.

    Since last year, the regime has employed a combination of strategies to counter resistance offensives, utilizing static defensive positions, mobile defensive maneuvers, and counteroffensives. Despite these efforts, its achievements on the national scale remain limited. To date, the military has managed to reclaim only a handful of areas, including Kawlin, Hsihseng, Twin Nge (near Mogok), and Taunghkam.

     Despite heavy junta propaganda promoting these territorial gains, the reclaimed areas collectively account for less than 1% of territory, towns, and camps previously seized by resistance forces. Additionally, the reclaimed areas remain under constant threat, encircled by resistance forces, which continue to undermine the regime’s control.

     However, in northern Mandalay, weak coordination between various resistance factions – including PDFs allied with the KIA, the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF), and TNLA-allied PDFs – presents a major challenge. Further caution is needed to prevent tensions between the TNLA and KIA from destabilizing broader resistance efforts in the region.

    Territories reclaimed by the junta include Twin Nge and Taunghkam, which were TNLA-controlled zones. The junta’s ongoing pressure on other TNLA strongholds signals a persistent threat to resistance control.

     In Loikaw, although the regime has regained control, it continues to face strong resistance from highly organized Karenni forces. Meanwhile, in southern Shan State’s Hsihseng Township, the junta appears to have gained the upper hand, leveraging support from PNO militias.

     Since 2024, the regime has increasingly relied on mobile defensive strategies and counteroffensives to confront resistance forces. However, these tactics have yet to produce meaningful or decisive victories on a wider scale.

     Nevertheless, resistance forces must stay vigilant against the junta’s advanced weaponry, including drones and paragliders, while adapting strategies to combat these threats in specific conflict zones. Developing robust, region-specific solutions to counter the military’s evolving tactics will be crucial for maintaining momentum against the regime.”

       As I wrote in my post of March 28 2022, Tyranny Throws Itself a Party, But No One Comes To the Ball: Burma/Myanmar; Tyranny throws itself a party in Burma, but no one comes to the ball. Nor am I surprised, for the fascist military junta that has imprisoned a nation, plunders the public wealth in partnership with criminal syndicates protected under the patronage of the Chinese Communist Party, and attempts to annihilate all differences of ethnicity and faith in campaigns of genocide against tribal peoples; the apex predators of Myanmar and I know each other well.

     Over thirty years ago now we first met in battle, the circumstances of which I shall once again recount here; I have been thinking of this today, as I go about my work making mischief for tyrants and those who would enslave us in the tunnels beneath Mariupol. If I must be a tunnel rat, I remain a rat who comes back no matter how many times you try to flush him.

     The Mayor of Mariupol has today ordered the total evacuation of the city, as it is in enemy hands; I however am in no one’s chain of command, recognize no authority, and obey no orders as things beneath my contempt. I shall fight on, when and where and in the manner I choose, and I will bet my refusal to submit against any force of subjugation.

     It’s always worked for me before; thank you for that Jean Genet, who set me on my life’s path in 1982 Beirut, with the Oath of the Resistance; “We swear our loyalty to each other, to resist and yield not, and abandon not our fellows”, and the strategic principle by which I have lived for nearly forty years; “When there is no hope, we are free to do impossible things, glorious things.”

     As my intermittent and questionable satellite link permits, news of the junta’s celebration and of Min Aung Hlaing’s declaration of his regime’s intent to “annihilate them to (the) end” regarding his brutal repression of the tribal peoples and the democracy movement now united in the liberation of Burma, has captivated my attention because the moment the world now faces in Ukraine parallels that of Burma. Sadly, there is nothing unique in this.

      The ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya is portrayed to the world as an anomaly, a vast crime against humanity of racist and sectarian hate which happened in 2017 and is unrelated to Myanmar’s current apartheid ethnic and religious policies. But this is a lie.

     Here is how I came by accident to be fighting with indigenous peoples in the Shan States of northern Burma against a campaign of slave raiding and genocide by the Burmese government; I awoke on the veranda of my stilt house one morning to what was later tallied as eight hundred rounds of one hundred millimeter Russian mortar fire, and mounted my elephant to escape, who panicked and went the wrong way, uphill to the enemy positions on the reverse side of the ridge. I was yelling “Run away!” when one of the Karen tribesmen handed me a spear as I rode past and shouted in S’gaw; “The American is charging the enemy! Take the mortars! Charge!” and we became more than a dozen elephants leading a human wave assault.

     After participating in a cavalry charge on the back of an elephant carrying a spear and our capture of the mortars, I discovered we were behind the lines of the advancing Myanmar Army in one of their annual campaigns of slave raiding and ethnic cleansing against the indigenous tribes including those with whom I had been living; exactly where I belong and prefer to be if there is no escape from conflict, and ideally positioned to disrupt their advance. To run amok and make mischief in the enemy’s rear area of operations is a special joy, and an opportunity not to be wasted. 

     The policy of genocide and its periodic campaigns of death and fear have been part of the fascist tyranny of the Burmese state since the liberation from Japan, one designed to provide a pretext for military rule through the creation of a national identity of religious and racial purity. The junta’s partner in this is the same Buddhist nationalist organization which also co-rules Sri Lanka, and this wedding of military and theocratic monastic rule in the cause of nationalism and ethnic purity is crucial to the strategy of power of modern fascism as it now encircles the globe. In the case of the Karen, a Christian ethnic minority and former British allies, as with the Islamic Rohingya who immigrated from India, all three fascist boxes of exclusionary otherness are checked; blood, faith, and nationality.

     Its possible this bears the force and authority of tradition, and has for centuries been a key strategy of state power in Burma as it has to a degree in virtually all human civilizations. As George Washington once said; “Government is about force; only force.”

     Fear, power, force; it is a universal circle of dehumanization and subjugation by authoritarian elites. So pervasive and endemic is the Ring of Power that it seems a human constant.   

     But it need not be so. From all that I have seen and all that I have learned, from all that I am and for all that we may become, I tell you this one true thing; our addiction to and captivity by the Ring of Power is not a flaw of our natural condition or of an evil impulse, but a sum of our history and of choices we have made over time about how to be human together.

    As Wagner illustrates with his great theme of renunciation of wealth and power and abandonment of force in Der Ring des Nibelungen, only those who foreswear love can seize dominion over others. This principle has a negative space which is also true; love can liberate us from systems of oppression and redeem the flaws of our humanity, beauty can balance the brokenness of the world, hope can empower us to emerge victorious against overwhelming force, and faith can answer the terror of our nothingness.

     I hope that one day humankind will discover that such things as love, compassion, mercy, loyalty, trust, and faith in one another are not weaknesses but strengths, and awaken to the beauty of our diversity and the necessity of our interdependence.

     As I wrote in my post of February 1 2022, Anniversary of the Military Coup in Myanmar; A Day of Silence and national strike made silent the cities of Burma today, in the face of threats of death and arrest by the regime of tyranny and state terror which has captured the state for a year now, after a morning of mass protests and defiant marches, and while these performances of liberty and guerrilla  street theatre valorized resistance and democracy and unified the peoples of Burma in solidarity against those who would enslave them, liberation forces took the fight to the enemy in direct actions against police and military targets as demonstrations of the powerlessness of carceral states of force and control against a people not divided by sectarian and ethnic hierarchies of otherness and belonging or driven in to submission by learned helplessness and brutal repression, but united in the cause of liberty and refusal to submit.

    Last night the enforcers of elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege and the beneficiaries of fascisms of blood, faith, and soil could sleep secure from the will of the people and the reckoning of their victims, confronted by a protest movement of limited political goals and no true threats to the cabal of  monarchists, oligarchs, and militarists which have ruled Burma since the fall of the colonial empire of Britain in 1948; today they awake to a new day in which all of this has changed forever, for the Revolution has come to Burma.

    Democracy fell one year ago in Myanmar to a military coup by tyrants of brutal repression and theft of citizenship and perpetrators of genocide and ethnic cleansing in an ongoing campaign against ethnic and religious minorities, often tribal peoples living in areas the junta wishes to plunder of natural resources.

    Here is a litany of woes repeated endlessly throughout history and the world, of the conquest of indigenous peoples and the inquisitions and holocausts of those whom divisions of exclusionary otherness and hierarchies of elite belonging dehumanize as monsters to be cast out.

     Gathering forces of change have swept the nation this last year, mobilizing not only tribal armies of the Chin, Karen, Shan, Arakan, and other peoples but also mass protests in every major city organized by the Civil Disobedience Movement, national strikes- especially that of hospitals and doctors, a boycott of the military, the emergence of a National Unity Government, pressure from both Catholic and Buddhist organizations, actions of international solidarity by President Biden and Pope Francis, and the resurgence of the Communist Party of Burma’s People’s Liberation Army after thirty years.

    This in resistance to state terror and tyranny, in which about 12,000 democracy activists have been arrested and about 1400 killed by the military and police since the coup, and a campaign of ethnic cleansing which in 2021 alone created 400,000 refugees and killed several thousand. We have seen death and state terror on this scale in Burma during the Rohingya Genocide in 2017, which in a few months killed 25,000 and drove a million refugees to Bangladesh and another million to North Africa.

     But the use of social force obeys the Third Law of Motion, and for every act of oppression there are equal and opposite forces of resistance.

    A regional democracy movement, the Milk Tea Alliance, has emerged to unify action in Hong Kong, Taiwan, Thailand, and Burma, and has now become a global liberation movement in the Philippine Islands, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia, with important networks and organizations in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, and allied movements in Belarus, Russia, Ukraine, and Iran.

     The three finger salute from The Hunger Games adopted by the Thai democracy revolution in 2014 was embraced a year ago in Burma, and one week after the coup was seen among the mass protests in Yangon.  As the Thai democracy leader Sirawith Seritiwat described it in The Guardian; “We knew that it would be easily understood to represent concepts of freedom, equality, solidarity.”

      This is what we must offer the peoples of Burma now, and wherever men hunger to be free, all those throughout the world whom Frantz Fanon called the Wretched of the Earth, the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, and to whom our Statue of Liberty offers a beacon of hope to the world with the words of a poem written by a Jewish girl, Emma Lazarus, in reference to the Colossus of Rhodes;

“Not like the brazen giant of Greek fame,

With conquering limbs astride from land to land;

Here at our sea-washed, sunset gates shall stand

A mighty woman with a torch, whose flame

Is the imprisoned lightning, and her name

Mother of Exiles. From her beacon-hand

Glows world-wide welcome; her mild eyes command

The air-bridged harbor that twin cities frame.

“Keep, ancient lands, your storied pomp!” cries she

With silent lips. “Give me your tired, your poor,

Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,

The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.

Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me,

I lift my lamp beside the golden door!”

     Freedom, Equality, Solidarity; let us reclaim America as a guarantor of liberty and redeem our promise to the world and to the future of humankind.

The Hunger Games Salute of the Revolution

Arakan Army holds the key to breaking Myanmar’s junta

Rebel outfit closing in on total Rakhine state control while threatening to shock military forces in nearby crucial central heartland

Mapping the Myanmar Junta’s Gains, Losses, and Stalemates Since Operation 1027

To ASEAN and Myanmar’s Neighbors: The Time for Action Is Now

Myanmar Civil War: What Will Be Left When The War Is Over? | Insight | Full Episode” on YouTube

‘Fighting spirit’: How Myanmar’s armed resistance is taking new ground | Conflict News | Al Jazeera

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/longform/2024/3/26/fighting-spirit-how-myanmars-armed-resistance-is-taking-new-ground

Myanmar Military Loses More Bases, Troops in Four Days of Resistance Attacks

Myanmar’s military makes its annual parade of strength despite unprecedented battlefield losses | AP News

https://apnews.com/article/myanmar-armed-forces-day-speech-da3b7d83e06d50a5197f5ebb8376b699

Spring Revolution May Be Last Chance for Myanmar Democracy

https://www.cnn.com/2023/03/27/asia/myanmar-armed-forces-day-us-sanctions-intl-hnk/index.html

https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Asia-Insight/Myanmar-military-s-might-fails-to-crush-decades-old-resistance

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-65084202

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/mar/28/myanmars-military-ruler-vows-to-annihilate-resistance-group

https://www.state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-at-the-united-states-holocaust-memorial-museum/

https://www.state.gov/burma-genocide/

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/feb/06/yangon-myanmar-silenced-streets-how-a-hotbed-of-anti-coupresistance-was-extinguished

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/mar/16/widespread-abuses-since-myanmar-coup-may-amount-to-war-crimes-says-un-report

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/feb/01/teachers-on-the-run-striking-public-sector-workers-hunted-by-myanmar-military

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/feb/01/photojournalist-myanmar-military-attacks-protesters-mandalay-funerals

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/feb/01/myanmar-coup-a-year-under-military-rule-in-numbers

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/feb/09/hungry-for-war-my-journey-from-peaceful-poet-to-revolutionary-soldier-myanmar

https://www.ushmm.org/genocide-prevention/countries/burma

https://www.usip.org/publications/2022/02/myanmar-study-group-final-report

https://www.usip.org/publications/2022/03/myanmar-armys-criminal-alliance

March 25 2025 An Outrageous and Pathetic Clown Show: Case of the Trump Regime War Secrets Shared With The Atlantic On the Eve of Battle

     Absurd clown show of Trumpian idiots and lunatics conspire in secret cabal to inflict war crimes on the people of Yemen, and share their conversations online with The Atlantic; truth is stranger than fiction in Vichy America held captive by the fascist Trump regime of treasonous and dishonorable freaks.

     With their mission of the fracture, destabilization, and subversion of democracy, Trump’s minions need understand nothing about the areas of government they are in charge of, but only be loosed upon our institutions to sabotage and destroy us.

     So rare it is that the monsters who hunt us are also utterly incompetent buffoons who sabotage themselves and derail their own maleficent plans.

     Confusion to the enemy.

     As written by Andrew Roth in The Guardian, in an article entitled Stunning Signal leak reveals depths of Trump administration’s loathing of Europe: Messages inadvertently shared with Atlantic journalist lay bare the unvarnished truth about how Vance and Hegseth feel about European allies; “If Europe wasn’t already on notice, the extraordinary leak of deliberations by JD Vance and other top-level Trump administration officials over a strike against the Houthis in Yemen was another sign that it has a target on its back.

     The administration officials gave Jeffrey Goldberg of the Atlantic a front-row seat to the planning for the strike against the Houthis – a stunning intelligence leak that has caused anger against Republicans who called for criminal investigations against Hillary Clinton and others for playing fast and loose with sensitive information.

     On the face of it, the strike against the Houthis had far more to do with the administration’s policies on protecting maritime trade and containing Iran than its concerns about Europe freeloading on US defense spending and military prowess.

     But Vance appears determined to push that angle as a reason to postpone the strike.

     “I think we are making a mistake,” wrote Vance, adding that while only 3% of US trade goes through the Suez canal, 40% of European trade does. “There is a real risk that the public doesn’t understand this or why it’s necessary,” he added. “The strongest reason to do this is, as [Trump] said, to send a message.”

     Vance was contending that once again the United States is doing what Europe should be. It is consistent with his past arguments that the US is overpaying for European security and the derision he displayed toward European allies (almost certainly the UK and France) when he described them as “some random country that hasn’t fought a war in 30 or 40 years”. (Both fought in Afghanistan and the UK fought alongside the US in Iraq).

     It was during this policy discussion, Goldberg wrote, that he was convinced that he was reading remarks by the real Vance, as well as defense secretary Pete Hegseth, national security advisor Michael Waltz, and senior Trump advisor Stephen Miller.

     Then Vance went a step further. He tacitly admitted a difference between his foreign policy and Trump’s saying that the strike would undermine the president’s Europe policy – one that has been led by Vance in his divisive speech at the Munich Security Conference where he accused European leaders of running from their own electorates and of his Eurosceptic comments on Fox News.

     “I am not sure the president is aware how inconsistent this is with his message on Europe right now,” Vance wrote. “There’s a further risk that we see a moderate to severe spike in oil prices. I am willing to support the consensus of the team and keep these concerns to myself. But there is a strong argument for delaying this a month, doing the messaging work on why this matters, seeing where the economy is, etc.”

     Those designated on the call also reflect the vice-president’s growing clout in foreign policymaking circles. Vance named Andy Baker, his national security advisor who helped lead the transition team at the Pentagon, as his representative. Hegseth named Dan Caldwell, a leading proponent of “restraint” in the exercise of US foreign power abroad to protect Europe and counter rivals like Russia, indicating the Vance team’s presence at high levels of the Pentagon as well.

     At heart, the disagreement indicated that Vance’s views of foreign policy are not quite aligned with Trump. Trump broadly sees the world as transactional and optimists in Europe have claimed he could force a positive outcome by forcing those nations to spend more on defense budgets. But Vance appears far more confrontational and principled in his antipathy toward the transatlantic alliance, and has attacked European leaders for backing values that he says are not aligned with the US.

     That makes Vance even more of a concern for Europe. Kaja Kallas, the European foreign policy chief, accused Vance of “trying to pick a fight” with European allies. Another European diplomat said: “He is very dangerous for Europe … maybe the most [dangerous] in the administration.” Another said he was “obsessed” with driving a wedge between Europe and the US.

     Back on the chat some sought – carefully – to talk Vance down. Hegseth said the strike would promote “core” American values including freedom of navigation and pre-establish deterrence. But he said the strikes could wait, if desired. Waltz, a foreign policy traditionalist, said: “It will have to be the United States that reopens these shipping lanes.” But he agreed that the administration sought to “compile the cost associated and levy them on the Europeans”.

     “If you think we should do it let’s go. I just hate bailing Europe out again,” Vance replied. Hegseth agreed that “I fully share your loathing of European free-loading. It’s PATHETIC.” But, he added, “we are the only ones on the planet (on our side of the ledger) who can do this.”

     Miller, the Trump confidant, effectively ended the conversation by saying that the president had been clear. “Green light, but we soon make clear to Egypt and Europe what we expect in return.”

     Broadly, the administration’s policies on Europe are coming into focus. And there are few stepping up to voice backing for Nato or for Europe writ large. On a podcast interview this weekend, the senior Trump envoy Steve Witkoff mused about the potential for the Gulf economies to replace those of Europe. “It could be much bigger than Europe. Europe is dysfunctional today,” he said.

     Tucker Carlson, the host and another Trump confidant, agreed. “It would be good for the world because Europe is dying,” he said.”

     As written by Peter Beaumont in The Guardian, in an article entitled White House security leak: who’s who in the Signal group chat;

     “Pete Hegseth, US defense secretary

     The appointment of the Fox News host to head the Pentagon was highly controversial. A former Army National Guard officer, Pete Hegseth, 44, has faced allegations of sexual misconduct, financial mismanagement and alcohol abuse.

     His contributions to the group chat include suggesting that because Americans were unfamiliar with the Houthi armed group in Yemen that messaging could instead focus on the alleged failures of the former US president Joe Biden

     He also appeared to be one of the most gung-ho participants, warning: “Waiting a few weeks or a month does not fundamentally change the calculus. 2 immediate risks on waiting: 1) this leaks, and we look indecisive; 2) Israel takes an action first – or Gaza ceasefire falls apart – and we don’t get to start this on our own terms.” Hegseth also makes references to enforcing “100%” operational security in the event the action was paused, despite the fact it was already compromised by a journalist’s presence in the group.

     Most alarming, however, was Hegseth’s sharing of a “TEAM UPDATE” the Atlantic decided not to publish because of the risk it said that it posed to US servicemen and operations in the Middle East.

     JD Vance, US vice-president

     The 40-year-old served as a press officer in Iraq for six months in a non-combat role before studying law at Yale and beginning his political career after the success of his memoir, Hillbilly Elegy.

     In the chat, Vance, who has often appeared as Trump’s tag team partner, not least in the Oval Office pile-on of Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, displays more independence of thought in the conversation.

     “I am not sure the president is aware how inconsistent this is with his message on Europe right now. There’s a further risk that we see a moderate-to-severe spike in oil prices. I am willing to support the consensus of the team and keep these concerns to myself. But there is a strong argument for delaying this a month, doing the messaging work on why this matters, seeing where the economy is, etc.”

     Later in the chat he reinforces his animus towards Europe, previously seen at the Munich Security Conference, in a message responding to Hegseth: “If you think we should do it let’s go. I just hate bailing Europe out again.”

     Stephen Miller, Senior Trump adviser

     Miller, 39, a longtime bete noire for liberals due to his incendiary views on immigration and other issues, was also seen as an intellectual architect of efforts to block the election of Joe Biden in 2020, suggesting publicly that slates of “alternate” electors be sent to Congress.

    Identified by the Atlantic as SM in the conversation, he intervenes to insist that the president has already been clear about the decision to attack Yemen, suggesting that he speaks for Trump and with his authority.

     “As I heard it, the president was clear: green light, but we soon make clear to Egypt and Europe what we expect in return. We also need to figure out how to enforce such a requirement. Eg, if Europe doesn’t remunerate, then what? If the US successfully restores freedom of navigation at great cost there needs to be some further economic gain extracted in return.”

     Michael Waltz, National security adviser

     A former Republican member of Congress and special forces soldier who served overseas, Waltz, like other former military personnel in the chat, including Vance, Hegseth, and the director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard, should have been aware of the breach of operational security involved in the chat.

     It was Waltz, the Atlantic suggests, who erroneously invited Jeffrey Goldberg on Signal to take part in the war planning group.

      Steve Witkoff, the US special envoy to the Middle East, is also involved in negotiations with Russia’s president, Vladimir Putin, over a Ukraine ceasefire plan. Witkoff contributes congratulatory emojis after the Yemen attack. Marco Rubio, the US secretary of state, reported contribution amounts largely to offering congratulations on the operation, and Susie Wiles, the White House chief of staff, offers “kudos”.

     As written in The Guardian editorial entitled The Guardian view on the Signal war plans leak: a US security breach speaks volumes; “It is jaw-dropping that senior Trump administration figures would accidentally leak war plans to a journalist. But the fundamental issue is that 18 high-ranking individuals were happy discussing extremely sensitive material on a private messaging app, highlighting the administration’s extraordinary amateurishness, recklessness and unaccountability.

     The visceral hostility to Europe spelt out again by the vice-president, JD Vance, was glaring. So was the indifference to the potential civilian cost of the strikes on Houthi targets in Yemen, designed to curb attacks on Red Sea shipping. The Houthi-run health ministry said that 53 people including five children and two women were killed. The response by the national security adviser, Michael Waltz, to the attacks was to post emojis: a fist, an American flag and fire. The lack of contrition for this security breach is also telling. Individually and together, these are far more than a “glitch”, in Donald Trump’s words. They are features of his administration.

     Mr Waltz appears to have organised the Signal chat and inadvertently added Jeffrey Goldberg, editor in chief of the Atlantic. The magazine says that the secretary of defence, Pete Hegseth, posted details of the timing and sequencing of attacks, specific targets and weapons systems used, though the administration denies that classified information was shared. Other members included Mr Vance; the director of national intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard; the CIA director, John Ratcliffe; Steve Witkoff, special envoy to the Middle East; and “MAR”, the initials of the secretary of state, Marco Rubio.

     These conversations would normally take place under conditions of high security. While Signal is encrypted, devices could be compromised. Foreign intelligence agencies will be delighted. Legal experts say using Signal may have breached the Espionage Act.

     The hypocrisy is glaring. Mr Trump’s first presidential campaign – and several members of this Signal group – lambasted Hillary Clinton for using a private email server to receive official messages that included some classified information of a far less sensitive nature, and for the autodeletion of messages. These Signal messages too were set to disappear, though federal records laws mandate the preservation of such data.

     In many regards, this leak hammers home what US allies already knew, including this administration’s contempt for Europe, which the chat suggests will be expected to pay for the US attacks. The vice-president characterised an operation carried out to safeguard maritime trade and contain Iran as “bailing Europe out again”. Mr Hegseth responded that he “fully share[d] your loathing of European free-loading”. Concerns about information security are familiar territory too. In his first term, the president reportedly shared highly classified information from an ally with Russia’s foreign minister, and after leaving office he faced dozens of charges over the alleged mishandling of classified material, before a judge he had appointed threw out the case against him.

     The UK and others cannot simply walk away when they are so heavily dependent on and intermeshed with US intelligence capabilities. Their task now is to manage risk and prepare for worse to come. It may be that this breach is not chiefly distinguished by its severity, but by the fact that we have learned about it.”

Portraits of the Trump Regime: a gallery

(American Horror Story: Freak Show Season 4 Trailers)

Stunning Signal leak reveals depths of Trump administration’s loathing of Europe

White House security leak: who’s who in the Signal group chat

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/mar/25/white-house-security-leak-who-signal-group-chat

The Guardian view on the Signal war plans leak: a US security breach speaks volumes

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/mar/25/the-guardian-view-on-the-signal-war-plans-leak-a-us-security-breach-speaks-volumes

The Trump Administration Accidentally Texted Me Its War Plans

U.S. national-security leaders included me in a group chat about upcoming military strikes in Yemen. I didn’t think it could be real. Then the bombs started falling.

By Jeffrey Goldberg

https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2025/03/trump-administration-accidentally-texted-me-its-war-plans/682151/

March 24 2025 Argentina’s Day of Remembrance for Truth and Justice and the Falsification of History

Argentina’s new President Javier Milei has begun the rewriting of history, the whitewashing of the crimes against humanity of his brutal and depraved role model during the 1976-1983 dictatorship, and the erasure of its victims.

     Like all fascist tyrants, Milei attempts to capture us in a killing jar of echoes and reflections, lies and illusions, rewritten histories, authorized identities, and alternate realities; the Wilderness of Mirrors, to use former CIA Chief of Counter Intelligence Angleton’s iconic metaphor of falsification through propaganda and thought control.

      Wilderness of Mirrors, a phrase from T.S. Eliot’s Gerontin, is one I use to describe the pathology of falsification of ourselves through propaganda which devours truths. This I disambiguate in comparison with its opposite, journalism and the witness of history as the sacred calling to pursue the truth. We are made counterfeits of ourselves by systems of elite hegemonic power such as patriarchy, racism, and capitalism, and by those who would enslave us, through capture of our stories as theft of the soul.

     James Angleton, on whom John Le Carre based his character of George Smiley, infamously used the phrase in this sense as well, and it has become universalized throughout the intelligence community he shaped and influenced during the Second World War and its aftermath the Cold War. Writing in reference to David Martin’s biography of himself entitled Wilderness of Mirrors, Angleton described it as a “myriad of stratagems, deceptions, artifices, and all the other devices of disinformation which the Soviet bloc and its coordinated intelligence services use to confuse and split the West … an ever fluid landscape where fact and illusion merge.” And of course, everything he ascribed to the Soviets was also true of himself, his own agency, and America as well, and of all states, for all are houses of illusion.

    The Netflix telenovela Operation Mincemeat uses the phrase, in a story about the creation of a fictitious officer bearing documents designed to trick the Nazis into preparing for the invasion of Europe somewhere other than Sicily, a series I watched with rapt attention because each of us is created by our stories exactly like this false identity attached to the body of a derelict. Within each of us, a team of authors create our personae through stories, a network of memories, histories, and identity; and as systems in which we are embedded they do so for their own purposes, which we do not always understand and is  not always iun our best interests.  

     As T. S. Eliot has written in Gerontin, “After such knowledge, what forgiveness? Think now

History has many cunning passages, contrived corridors

And issues, deceives with whispering ambitions,

Guides us by vanities”

      We are such stuff as dreams are made on, as Shakespeare teaches us in Act IV, Scene 1 of The Tempest, a line spoken by Ariel. For if we are ephemeral and insubstantial beings, constructions of our stories, this also means that the ontological nature of human being is a ground of struggle which can be claimed by seizures of power.

      The first question to ask of a story is, whose story is this?

      Always there remains the struggle between the stories we tell about ourselves and those told about us by others; the masks we make for ourselves and those made for us by others.

      This is the first revolution in which we all must fight, the struggle for ownership of ourselves.

      Who then shall we become? Asks our self of surfaces, images, and masks which each moment negotiates our boundaries with others.

     To which our secret self, the self of darkness and of passion, the self that lives beyond the mirror and knows no limits, unbound by time and space and infinite in possibilities, replies; Who do you want to become?

     Our goal in revolutionary struggle is to seize the legitimacy and authority of the enemy, to take their power, by claiming the moral high ground, shaping opinion through control of the narratives and building solidarity by championing the people against those who would enslave us.

     For who stands alone, dies alone; and who stands in solidarity and abandons not his fellows becomes unstoppable as the tides.

     When tyrants come to steal our souls with their web of lies, let them find a humankind not divided by fear or abject in despair and learned helplessness, but united in our solidarity and guarantorship of each other’s universal human rights and Unconquered in refusal to submit.

     As written by Facundo Iglesia in The Guardian, in an article entitled  ‘Justification of dictatorship’: outcry as Milei rewrites Argentina’s history; “Human rights groups in Argentina have raised the alarm over President Javier Milei’s attempts to rewrite history on the eve of the annual day of remembrance for the thousands of victims of the country’s brutal 1976-1983 dictatorship.

     Thousands of protesters will take to the streets on Sunday to mark the Day of Remembrance for Truth and Justice in Argentina, a holiday commemorating the 30,000 victims of the dictatorship, called “desaparecidos”. The date usually sees Argentina’s largest demonstrations of the year, with millions of citizens flooding the country’s streets to declare: “Nunca más” (never again).

     However, this 24 March will be different as it will be the first under Milei, a far-right libertarian who has consistently denied Argentinians’ long-standing consensus over the dictatorship’s crimes.

     “There were no 30,000,” Milei said provocatively during a presidential debate ahead of his election triumph last November. “For us, during the 70s, there was a war where excesses were committed.”

     Numerous Argentinian media outlets have reported that the government plans to release a video with its “official version” of what happened during the dictatorship before the 24 March mobilizations. The video will allegedly include an interview with Luis Labraña, a former member of the Montoneros Peronist organization, who has claimed he “made up” the 30,000 number. Some journalists have also claimed that the government plans to pardon incarcerated regime officials, although both Milei and his vice-president, Victoria Villarruel, have denied this.

     Lucía García Itzigsohn, the daughter of two desaparecidos, said: “We are very worried. Beyond our political positioning and the fact that history crosses us personally, this implies breaking the democratic pact.”

     “President Javier Milei and the highest authorities of the country repeat forms of denialism and relativism of state terrorism,” the Center of Legal and Social Studies (CELS), a human rights organization founded in 1979, said in a statement.

     Villarruel has been even more outspoken in her defense of Argentina’s former military rulers. She is the niece of Ernesto Guillermo Villarruel, who was in charge of the Vesubio clandestine detention center during the dictatorship. Like Milei, she has said that the dictatorship was “a war” between “terrorists” and the armed forces.

     Ezequiel Adamovsky said such ideas were fringe in the 1990s, when only small  far-right groups put the crimes of the guerrillas on the same level as those committed by the military regime, but became somewhat normalized under president Mauricio Macri. But he warned that the Argentinian right wing has further radicalized its discourse regarding the dictatorship. “What we are talking about now is no longer denialism, it is directly a justification of the dictatorship,” Adamovsky said.

     Analysts and human rights groups warn that this discourse has consequences: CELS said tributes were now being paid in military barracks to regime officials convicted of crimes against humanity with the endorsement of the political authorities.

     On Wednesday, the organization Hijos – which was founded by the children of desaparecidos – reported that one of its activists had been tied, beaten and sexually assaulted in her home, in what they called a “politically motivated attack”.

     The attackers painted “VLLC” on one of the walls, the acronym for Milei’s catchphrase “Viva la libertad, carajo” (“Long live freedom, dammit”). “We are here to kill you,” they reportedly told her.

     “Hate speech is the breeding ground for violent actions and crimes,” tweeted the campaign group Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo, which was created in 1977 by grandmothers seeking their grandchildren, born in captivity and kidnapped by the dictatorship, and often raised within military families.

      García Itzigsohn, a member of Hijos, said Milei had not called the victim or the organization to condemn the attack. Nor has he done so publicly.

     Moreover, Milei’s head digital strategist during his presidential campaign, Fernando Cerimedo, claimed on X that the attack was a fabrication. “People want the truth,” Cerimedo said in an interview. “And [the fact that there were] 30,000 is a lie.”

     Adamovsky said questioning the number was “an act of bad faith”. “The number is an estimation that was made with the very little information available at that moment,” he said, adding that military documents that were declassified in 2006 revealed that the military had disappeared or killed close to 22,000 people between 1975 and 1978, a whole five years before the end of the dictatorship.

     Due to the illegal nature of the repression and the fact that there was a pact of silence in the military, the exact number cannot be attained, Adamovsky said. “The right wing exploits the seeming gap between the reported cases and the symbolic number to imply human rights groups are lying,” he added.

     This week Milei’s defense minister, Luis Petri, appeared in a photograph with the wives of imprisoned dictatorship officials, who are demanding their husbands be freed. Argentina held its first trial against such criminals in 1985, and they are still taking place to this day. A spokesperson for the minister claimed Petri appeared in the picture “by chance” and had spoken with them for “less than two seconds”.

     García Itzigsohn said that Argentinians would not back down despite the government’s provocations. “There are 40 years of democratic tradition in our country that cannot be thrown away only because these people have a provocative style,” she said. “There are regulations, there are laws, and there will also be a people marching on 24 March who will make it very clear to them.”

        As I wrote in my post of November 27 2023, A Fascist Shadow Captures Argentina: Javier Milei; Tyranny now speaks to us through a new mask, as El Loco takes center stage in Argentina. The maelstrom of fear, power, and force which creates tyrannies of force and control, births wars of imperial conquest and dominion, and finds its final form in genocides and dehumanization are universal systems of oppression, legacies of our history from which we must emerge.

     Evil originates in fear, often overwhelming and generalized fear given form and a target by authorities in service to power. The centralization of power to carceral states is inherent in human societies because its causes are; hence the elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege which rely on hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness and the subjugation of slave castes.

     To make an idea about a kind of people is an act of violence.

      Politics is the Art of Fear, as my father taught me, and in Argentina our fear speaks to us as an echo and reflection of our own, and reveals the parasitism of America’s relationships with the world throughout our history.

      Herein I speak of the Red Scare, the Hollywood Blacklist, and other nationalist forms of social force which used fear to manufacture consent, centralize power, and legitimize authority in the wake of the Second World War.

    This was our Second Imperial Period, from the end of World War Two to the Fall of the Soviet Union, influenced by our assimilation of the Nazi elite into our intelligence and special forces communities at their founding, as the OSS became the CIA and the Jedburg teams became the Green Berets.

     The First American Empire being the Conquest and policies of Manifest Destiny which began with the genocide of the Native Americans, become global with the war against the Barbary Pirates of North Africa which founded the Marines, reached apogee in our 1898 conquest of the Spanish Empire which gave us The Philippine Islands, Cuba, and Guam while we stole the Hawaiian Islands because we could, and ended with the fall of civilization in The War to End All Wars.

     The Third Empire or Imperial Period of American history begins with Nine Eleven and the antidemocratic Patriot Act, and possibly ends with our abandonment of Afghanistan; this remains unwritten, and rests now in our hands.

     How has the anticommunist hysteria of the post World War Two era, which I call the Second Empire, reshaped America and the world? 

     First a cultural total war waged by the state against its own citizens which gave us reversals of our values like In God We Trust on our money which asks us not to believe in the Infinite but in the authority of the state to speak in His name, the Pledge of Allegiance which substitutes the state for ourselves as its co-owners as the source of authority in a free society of equals and for our loyalty to one another as solidarity and a band of brothers, sisters, and others.

     Second a war of imperial dominion which enforces elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege throughout the world, sometimes focused on seizures of oil as a strategic resource but also simply occupying spaces as in a game of go. Examples of America’s global campaign of terror and tyranny through proxy states proliferates quickly from the codification of the Jakarta Method by the CIA in 1965 versus Sukarno, and become an endless litany of woes, atrocities, depravities, genocides and slave labor; the Mayan Genocide in Guatemala and the covert Central American wars which resulted in the Iran-Contra Scandal, America’s ferocious and depraved alliance with the Apartheid regime of South Africa, the Thousand Day War in Vietnam, a whole Gordian Knot of nastiness and interventions including our mad assassination attempts against Fidel Castro, Patrice Lumumba, and other heroes of liberation struggle whom an America true to our founding ideals would have hailed as brothers in anticolonial revolution and stood with rather than against.

     In Argentina, the echoes and reflections of our history confront us with the consequences of failure of empathy as the subversion of democracy, and we should all pay attention to the man behind the curtain as the lights of liberty wink out and fall into darkness one by one across the world.

     For as George Santayana teaches us in The Life of Reason; “Those who forget their history are doomed to repeat it.”

     As written by Tom Phillips in The Guardian, in an article entitled Who is Javier Milei? Argentina’s new far-right president ‘El Loco’ takes the stage

Likened to Wolverine and Trump and nicknamed ‘the madman’, the former TV pundit is known for his prolific swearing and pledge to take a chainsaw to the machinery of state; “Friends and foes of Argentina’s next president compare him to his fellow right-wing populists Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro. Others have called the wild-haired economist a mix of Boris Johnson and the killer doll Chucky.

     But when Javier Milei’s image consultant conceived his unorthodox hairdo, she had two different men in mind: Elvis Presley and Wolverine.

     “He looks like Wolverine. He acts like Wolverine. He’s like an anti-hero,” Lilia Lemoine, a professional cosplayer turned congresswoman-elect, said of her anti-establishment ally during a recent interview in Buenos Aires.

      Lemoine, whose stage name is Lady Lemon, said she saw striking similarities between Argentina’s president-elect and the volatile Marvel character.

     “[Wolverine] is very loyal and brave … He can get really mad and be aggressive with his enemies – but only when he’s attacked. He will never ever kill someone or attack someone for no reason,” the 43-year-old said, insisting Milei also had a softer side.

     “He’s adorable,” Lemoine claimed in a pre-election interview, calling the far-right libertarian “the most wanted man in Argentina right now”.

     That has not always been the case. An unauthorised biography of Milei – who on Sunday trounced his Peronist rival in Argentina’s most important election in decades – paints him as a mercurial loner who suffered a childhood of parental abuse and schoolyard bullying during the 1980s and was given the nickname El Loco (The Madman). “More than Milei’s ideas, what worries me is his state of mind and emotional stability,” said the book’s author, Juan Luis González.

     A music-lover, Milei was the lead singer of a Rolling Stones cover band called Everest and, according to Lemoine, also enjoys Bob Marley and Verdi. “He loves opera. He sings opera. He’s not very good – but don’t say I said that,” she confided.

     Milei was more successful as a media personality, finding fame as an economic pundit on Argentinian TV shows where he would pontificate about both the misery of inflation and the joy of tantric sex. “Each man has his own dynamic. In my particular case, I ejaculate every three months,” Milei once boasted on air.

     Such titillating declarations – and Milei’s propensity for attention-grabbing foul-mouthed outbursts – made him a household name and helped him kickstart a career in politics around five years ago. The libertarian economist was elected to congress in 2021 for his party Libertad Avanza (Freedom Advances) party and was swept into the presidency this week by an tsunami of voter fury at the corruption and mismanagement that millions of voters blame for Argentina’s worst economic crisis in two decades.

     “The vote represents a desperate attempt at something new, come what may,” said Benjamin Gedan, an Argentina specialist from the Wilson Centre. “The option [voters had] was more of the same in catastrophic economic conditions or a radical gamble on a potentially bright future with a lot of downside risk.”

     Gedan believed there would be “a lot of buyer’s remorse in Argentina” if Milei pursued even a small fraction of his ideas. Those ideas include legalising the sale of human organs, dramatically slashing social spending, downplaying the crimes of Argentina’s 1976-83 dictatorship, and cutting ties with Argentina’s two most important trade partners, Brazil and China. On the campaign trail, Milei vowed to abolish Argentina’s central bank and dollarise the economy, and brandished a chainsaw intended to symbolise ferocious cuts he believes will help stabilise the economy and “exterminate” rampant inflation.

     Milei’s biography suggests some of those ideas may have come from his five cloned mastiff dogs who are named after economists including Murray Rothbard and Robert Lucas. “They are like two metres tall, they weigh like 100kg … He calls them his four-legged children,” said Lemoine, laughing off claims that Argentina’s future leader takes political advice from those animals.

     Many experts believe Milei will be forced to moderate after taking power next month and will struggle to implement his more controversial proposals. Milei’s party controls just 38 of 257 seats in Argentina’s lower house and eight of 72 in the senate.

     But on Sunday night Milei showed little sign of diluting his vision for South America’s second largest economy. “The changes this country needs are drastic,” he declared, announcing Trumpian plans to make Argentina great again.

     Even before Milei’s victory was complete, Lemoine said she was certain her friend – and his sideburns – would prevail.

     “I’m just happy because I saw it from the beginning. It’s nice to know that you were right even when nobody believed in it,” she said.”

      What is the meaning of this disruptive event? As written by Tom Phillips, Josefina Salomón, and Facundo Iglesia in The Guardian, in an article entitled Argentina presidential election: far-right libertarian Javier Milei wins after rival concedes: Victory for TV celebrity turned politician catapults South America’s second-largest economy into an unpredictable future; “Javier Milei, a volatile far-right libertarian who has vowed to “exterminate” inflation and take a chainsaw to the state, has been elected president of Argentina, catapulting South America’s second largest economy into an unpredictable and potentially turbulent future.

     With more than 99% of votes counted, the Mick Jagger impersonating TV celebrity-turned politician, who is often compared to Donald Trump, had secured 55.69% of the vote compared with 44.3% for his rival, the centre-left finance minister Sergio Massa.

     “Today the reconstruction of Argentina begins. Today is a historic night for Argentina,” Milei told jubilant supporters at his campaign headquarters in Buenos Aires, calling his victory a “miracle”.

     Milei promised “drastic changes” to tackle Argentina’s “tragic reality” of soaring inflation and widespread poverty. He also sent a message to the international community: “Argentina will return to the place in the world which it should never have lost.”

     Earlier, Massa – who received 11.5m votes to Milei’s 14.4m – conceded defeat.

     “Argentinians have chosen another path,” said Massa, who said he had called Milei to congratulate him on his victory and hinted he would retire from frontline politics.

     “Obviously these are not the results we hoped for and I have spoken to Javier Milei to congratulate him because he’s the president that the majority of Argentines have chosen for the next four years,” added Massa, whose Peronist movement has governed for 16 of the last 20 years.

    Pro-Milei activists rejoiced at the triumph of their 53-year-old leader, whom they describe as an economic visionary poised to lead Argentina out of one of the country’s worst economic crises in decades.

   “[I’m] happy, happy, happy,” said Francisco Jiménez, a 30-year-old delivery driver and Milei activist from Villa Soldati, a working-class area outside Buenos Aires.

    As he set off to join the party at Milei’s campaign HQ, Jiménez said he knew the result was likely to send Argentina’s peso tumbling against the dollar and cause more economic pain. “But I don’t think there is another option than trusting him. Now more than ever,” he added. “The situation is dire.”

     During his campaign, Milei – who will take office on 10 December – vowed to abolish the central bank and dollarise the economy in order to overcome a financial calamity that has left 40% of Argentina’s 45 million citizens in poverty and pushed inflation to more than 140%. “I know how to exterminate the cancer of inflation,” Milei proclaimed during last Sunday’s final presidential debate which most pundits believed Massa had won.

     Milei’s victory was celebrated by other big beasts of the global far-right including Brazil’s former president Jair Bolsonaro, who had championed his campaign and has promised to attend his inauguration. “Hope is sparkling in South America once again,” Bolsonaro wrote on X, hailing what he called a victory for “honesty, progress and freedom”.

     The former US president Donald Trump wrote: “The whole world was watching! I am very proud of you. You will turn your country around and truly Make Argentina Great Again.”

     His victory was also celebrated by X’s owner Elon Musk, who posted: “Prosperity is ahead for Argentina”.

     Brazil’s leftwing president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva – who Milei has repeatedly insulted as a corrupt “communist” – recognised Milei’s victory in a tepid social media post. “Democracy is the voice of the people and must always be respected,” Lula wrote, without mentioning Milei by name. “I wish the next government good luck and success. Argentina is a great country and deserves our complete respect,” Lula added.

     Colombia’s leftwing president, Gustavo Petro, lamented: “The extreme right has won in Argentina … [It is] sad for Latin America.” “Now say it without crying,” El Salvador’s right-wing president, Nayib Bukele, posted ironically in response.

     Milei’s leftwing opponents reacted with shock and dejection to the election of a notoriously erratic figure whose radical ideas include legalising the sale of organs, cutting ties with Argentina’s two biggest trade partners, Brazil and China, and closing more than a dozen ministries.

    Milei – a climate-denying populist who is known by the nickname El Loco (the Madman) – has also enraged millions of Argentinians by questioning the four-decade consensus over the crimes of its 1976-83 dictatorship, during which an estimated 30,000 people were killed by the military regime. His vice-presidential running mate is Victoria Villarruel, an ultra-conservative congresswoman who has played down the dictatorship’s sins.

     “He is way more excessive and unstable than [Jair] Bolsonaro and Trump. So it’s highly unpredictable what this person could do [in power],” Federico Finchelstein, an Argentinian historian who studies the global far right, said on the eve of Sunday’s election.

     Benjamin Gedan, the head of the Wilson Centre’s Argentina Project, said he believed one word explained the scale of Milei’s victory: desperation.

     “This vote just reeks of desperation. A lot of Argentines voted knowingly against their economic interests because they recognise that the status quo is catastrophic. And there was no reason to believe that the current finance minister could plausibly be the answer,” Gedan said. “It’s a huge gamble but not a completely irrational one.”

     Gedan said the election of such a radical and inexperienced political outsider thrust Argentina into uncharted waters.

     “The real risk is that Argentina melts down in his attempt to radically transform the economy. That would look like massive social unrest, national strikes by unions, potential political violence and stresses against the democratic institutions. There is a pretty dark scenario if in fact he pursues aggressively his maximalist vision for Argentina.”

     After hours of tension, there was an explosion of noise on the streets of Buenos Aires as news of the result spread and citizens reacted with a mixture of joy, apprehension and anger.

     “Vamos Milei, the change is coming!” one woman could be heard shouting from a balcony in Recoleta, not far from the president-elect’s campaign HQ.

     “Never again!” a male voice bellowed, in reference to the human rights violations that took place under Argentina’s military regime. “Milei is the dictatorship”.”

     As a historical force, Milei represents anti-Peronist and anti-Catholic capitalism very like that which America exported in Operation Condor, which included the assassination of the glorious Salvador Allende, and echoes the anti Liberation Theology rhetoric and ideology once used to capture Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras as de facto colonies under the Reagan Plan.

      As written by Uki Goñi in The Guardian, in an article entitled The ‘false prophet’ v the pope: Argentina faces clash of ideologies in election; “ In one corner of the ring stands Javier Milei, 52, self-described former tantric sex coach, outsider anarcho-capitalist and frontrunner in Argentina’s upcoming presidential elections; in the other, his compatriot Pope Francis, 86, world champion of the poor, repeatedly derided by Argentina’s likely next president as “a fucking communist” and “the representative of the evil one on Earth” for promoting the doctrine of “social justice” to aid the underprivileged.

     Milei, a political unknown until 2020, has pledged to wage a “cultural battle” to transform Argentina into a libertarian paradise where capitalist efficiency replaces social assistance, taxes are reduced to a minimum and cash-strapped individuals are allowed to sell their body organs on the open market.

     From Rome, Pope Francis has expressed grave concern about the rise of such callous policies in his home country. “The extreme right always reconstructs itself, it is the triumph of selfishness over communitarianism,” he said in a television interview in March when asked about Argentina’s upcoming elections.

     In words that seemed to be referring to Milei, the only candidate in the 22 October vote with no political experience prior to 2021, the pope added: “I am terrified of saviours of the nation without a political party history.”

     The pope’s doctrine of social justice is synonymous to theft in Milei’s Liberty Advances party because it relies on tax revenues. “Jesus didn’t pay taxes,” Milei once tweeted, tagging the Pope’s official account.

     In a vein-popping victory speech after Argentina’s open primaries on 13 August, a tousle-haired Milei promised the demise of government benefits because they are “based on that atrocity that says that where there is a need, a right is born, its maximum expression being that aberration called social justice”.

     Milei has trolled Francis with repetitive toxic tweets calling him a “communist turd”, a “piece of shit” and accusing the pontiff of “preaching communism to the world”.

     Juan Grabois, a progressive Peronist with close links to the pontiff, and who lost the Peronist candidacy to current economy minister Sergio Massa, calls Milei a “false prophet” but attributes his rise to Argentina’s dire economic crisis.

     “With inflation over 115% plus a 25% drop in the purchasing power of informal workers in the last seven years, voters would have to possess impossible political maturity to vote again for those who have failed them so completely,” Grabois told the Observer.

     Voters disenchanted with both the rightwing Together for Change party, which held office up to 2019, and the incumbent Peronists have migrated in droves to newcomer Milei. “The music of the pied piper sounds sweet to those who have lost all hope. But there’s no point in blaming voters or the pied piper himself, we have to address the mistakes made by those of us who have a humanist concept of politics,” says Grabois.

     Humanist is not a term that could be applied to Milei’s economics. Apart from legalising the sale of body organs, his spiky agenda proposes “dynamiting” the Central Bank, abolishing Argentina’s tuition-free public education system and disbanding free public health services. Milei is also treading fearlessly into anti-woke territory saying he will reinstate the ban on abortion, legalised in 2020, shut down the ministry of women, gender and diversity, as well as the ministries of science – “climate change is a socialist lie” – health, education, labour and public works, and will legalise the sale of firearms.

     Despite this heady mix, Milei is broadly considered the undisputed shoo-in president appealing particularly to young underprivileged men. Milei took 30% of the vote in the open primaries earlier this month against 28% for Patricia Bullrich of United for Change and 27% for Peronist candidate Massa. Milei’s rise has been nothing short of mesmerising. A long-time economist for Argentinian billionaire Eduardo Eurnekian, he became a television star five years ago as a wild-haired economist and tantric sex coach who boasted on air about his sexual stamina and his taste for threesomes, assuring him wall-to-wall appearances on daytime talkshows.

     These televised outbursts have many wondering if Milei could become unhinged under the stress of an eventual presidency.

     “What happens if an unstable country is ruled by an unstable leader?”, asks journalist Juan González, author of a Milei biography titled El Loco (The Madman) published last month. “I’m worried he will actually try to push through his impracticable economic theories further devastating the economy and provoking violent social unrest.”

     Milei is aware of the likelihood of violent street protests. “I’m going to put the leaders of those who throw stones in jail and if they surround the Casa Rosada [the presidential palace] they’re going to have to carry me out dead,” he said recently. More pragmatically, he has announced plans to incorporate the military into battling the “new threats” of narco gangs, human traffickers and possibly internal strife.

     In a country that will celebrate four decades of uninterrupted democracy after decades of military rule when the new president takes office on 10 December 10, the prospect of the military reassuming a role in “internal conflicts” is raising alarms.

     “The remiliarisation of security and intelligence is being proposed with military commandos ready for quick strategic intervention at the national level: this idea of national security is very problematic,” said Paula Litvachky, director of the Centre for Legal and Social Studies human rights organisation.

     The pope has not said if Milei’s tirades have got under his skin. “I know they say things about me but I ignore it for my mental health,” he said in a television interview. “I will pray for them.”

     To place this disruptive event in historical context, we must see it as an echo and reflection of Operation Condor.

     As I wrote in my post of January 19 2023, Echoes and Reflections of American Imperialism and Operation Condor in South America’s Destabilized Democracies; By my writing desk hangs a reproduction of Théodore Géricault’s painting of 1818, The Raft of the Medusa, so brilliantly interrogated in Julian Barnes’ History of the World in 10 ½ Chapters, which I think marvelous and a perfect allegory of our current political, economic, and environmental dilemma as a metaphor of capitalism and fascism as forms of cannibalism of humankind and of democracy, the primary causes of the immanent collapse of our civilization, and possibly also of the extinction of our species. Just to remind myself of what is at stake in this moment of history and in revolutionary struggle, and in my writing here as a witness of history and a sacred calling in pursuit of truth.

    Monstrous evils of systemic inequality have yet again emerged from the darkness like an ambush predator to seize the nations of Central and South America in its jaws, and it is no accident but by design. Tyranny seeks the fall of democracy through the falsification, infiltration, and subversion of its institutions, in an echo and reflection of the CIA’s Operation Condor which once enacted imperial conquest and dominion of our hemisphere as Manifest Destiny.

    In the destabilization and capture of the state through economic, social, and political warfare in Peru, the ruin of Venezuela in relentless assaults which have rendered it a failed state, and in the absurd and horrific January Insurrections in Brazil and in America itself two years ago led by Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, the United States of America has acted as a proxy and sock puppet of the Fourth Reich.

     Far more than this can be laid at our door, including the collapse and ruin of Central America and the Columbia-Venezuela no man’s land of barbarism, the failed state of Mexico and the monumental challenges facing the people of Chile, all results of American intervention driven by the elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege which our nation serves.

     These are the imposed conditions of revolutionary struggle we now face throughout the Americas and the world. We are abandoned by our leaders and those who would enslave us and adrift on a tiny raft of civilization founded in the forum of Athens as a free society of equals which questions itself, as we are eating each other in learned helplessness and despair.

      To this existential crisis of faith in one another and hope for our future we may answer with the powers which yet remain to us as human beings; love, hope, faith, refusal to submit to authority, and solidarity of action in resistance.

     Here is the great test of our humanity posed by the Rashomon Gate Event of our historical moment; who do we want to become, we humans; masters and slaves doomed to failure and nothingness, or a United Humankind living now at the dawn of our glory?

         Of Operation Condor I have written in my journal of April 7 2021, How American Imperialism Created Our Humanitarian Crisis at the Border; Forty six years ago this April, America launched Operation Condor, a global campaign to destabilize and repress socialist governments and movements and defend capitalism as a hegemonic force and its elite hierarchies of wealth, power, and privilege. This remains relevant to us today because it is the origin of many of the push forces driving waves of refugees to our border, and the horrific humanitarian crisis and test of our democracy created by American imperialism.

     Migration is a word which conceals both the conditions which trigger it and our own complicity in creating them as consequences of our decades long policies of colonialism, anticommunist militarism, and economic warfare; ecological devastation with its drought and famine, poverty and social and political destabilization, an age of tyranny and state terror, genocide and ethnic cleansing, weaponized faith and its patriarchal sexual terror, and multigenerational wars.

     In terms of refugees fleeing to America for safety and survival as well as liberty and equality we are mainly speaking of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua, though the hell zone of Columbia and Venezuela now accounts for many, and with the collapse of central authority in Mexico and its degeneration into a region of warlords, oligarchs, and feudal crime syndicates we have refugees from Mexico itself as well as the traditional seasonal laborers.

     Migrant labor is slave labor; this is the great truth America has never confronted and must now answer for in the suffering masses at our border. Entire sectors of our economy run on it; agriculture in which labor becomes a strategic resource as we starve without it, but also child and elder care, hospitality, and some manufacture. America’s wealth and power is created for us by others to whom we export the real costs of production, others who must remain invisible and exploitable as unregulated illegal labor to wring every ounce of value from them for our elites. Thus we weaponize economic disparity in service to power and privilege, and create and maintain hierarchies of exclusionary otherness and white supremacy.

     Interests of elite hegemonies of wealth and power converge here with those of racial privilege and white supremacy in historic toxicity, in parallel with the rise of the carceral state as an instrument for the re-enslavement of Black citizens as prison labor and the repression of the Civil Rights Movement, and have done so from their origins. One such origin point is America’s appropriation, concealment, and instrumentalization of Nazi war criminals in the repression of dissent and the conquest of the world.

     The Fourth Reich of which Trump was a figurehead did not emerge from nothing like Athena from the head of Zeus, but was an invention of American imperialism. As such its history and character as a global threat to democracy can be studied in the crisis of refugees and migration to which it has given birth, and in the legacies of our nation’s use of fascism as an instrument of dominion in the Americas, for as we were using it to conquer others, it was using us to seize the United States of America and the world.

     As I wrote in my post of February 18 2020, Guatemala: Our Heart of Darkness;  As we abduct and lockdown refugees in concentration camps and secret prisons, and drive others back into a Mexico whose government is supine before the power of its criminal organizations, we must reflect on the causes of this historic mass migration from Central America’s Dry Corridor of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua; why is this happening, and what can be done to fix the problems which are driving it?

     Drought and famine caused by global warming and climate change are clear immediate causes and triggering stressors of the current migration, which are rooted in the history of American colonialism and capitalist economic warfare.     These conditions have worsened longstanding issues of endemic poverty and pervasive violence and criminality, legacies of historical colonialism and American imperialist and capitalist policies and interventions, which I have described in my post of September 4 2019;  There is an interesting connection between the chaos we created in Central America which is driving a mass exodus of immigration to our borders and the conspiracy theory of Islamic replacement of Europeans which inspires our greatest terrorist threat today; many of the white supremacists who ruled Algeria as a colony of France, mainly former Nazi soldiers who joined the Foreign Legion after the end of World War Two, were after its fall in 1962 hired by the government of the United States to rule El Salvador and Guatemala as puppet regimes to protect our corporate profits.

     With them came the same ideology and dream of a homeland and asylum for escaped Nazis, and a secure base of operations and launchpad for the Fourth Reich, as with those who fled the fall of the colony of Algeria as a white ethnostate to France and blamed Charles de Gaulle for its abandonment, and whose descendants now form the core of Jean-Marie Le Pen’s National Front.

     Among the direct effects of the secret partnership between America and our former Nazi adversaries include:

     The 1954 seizure of Guatemala by Eisenhower’s CI.A., which replaced a Marxist who had seized land owned by United Fruit and redistributed it to Indian peasants with a furniture salesman from Honduras, Castillo Armas. During the course of this coup America bombed Guatemala City, killed 9,000 communists, disbanded the unions, drove off the squatters, drew up a blacklist of some 70,000 leftists, built death squads and secret prisons, gave torture and brigandage free reign, created an enduring political front, the MLN, and started making a profit from our plantations. 

     The 1961 seizure of Guatemala by C.I.A. officer Willauer leading 200 men, a Harvard lawyer who had flown as Chennault’s first officer with the Flying Tigers in China. Guatemala was the staging area for the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba. One day I may explore this incident with all of you, but in this context I wish only to cite a source and witness of history; for my cousin Raymond Eigell  trained and led the force which landed in Cuba during the Bay of Pigs.

    Throughout the 1960-63 period of a civil war which continued until 1996, America crushed a pro-Castro rebellion using six C.I.A. bombers, exiled Cuban shock troops, and Green Berets who used the opportunity to test counterinsurgency theories later used in Vietnam and against American dissidents including the Black Panthers, American Indian Movement, and the Students For A Democratic Society.

     The 1974 accession of an officer of Armas named Alarcon to the Presidency of Guatemala, who institutionalized the MLN, declaring “I am a fascist, and I have tried to model my party on the Spanish Falange.”  He was, of course, a C.I.A. agent. Nixon once brought him along on his annual pilgrimage to consult with what he called his spiritual advisor, the infamous Nazi war criminal Josef Mengele.

     The 1982 seizure of power and Presidency of Rios Montt, an evangelical Sunday school teacher and personal friend of Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson, who suspended the constitution, replaced the courts with secret tribunals, escalated the scorched earth warfare, torture, and disappearances of his predecessors, and one thing more. During this the most terrible period of civil war throughout Central America, when Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras were in fact a single nation ruled by remnants of the Nazis we had transplanted from French Algeria as American puppet regimes, and with the full authority of Ronald Reagan, Rios Montt weaponized Protestantism against encroaching Catholic Liberation theology.

     During the 18 months of the Mayan Genocide, in which his death squads killed 3,000 people each month and annihilated 600 villages, he also instituted a system of forced labor in concentration camps modeled on the Apartheid system of South Africa and ruled by terror using former British police and Protestant Orange Militia units hired from Belfast, a mercenary force who had splendidly legal Hong Kong passports courtesy of the Thatcher government.

     During over 35 years of civil war in Guatemala including Rios Montt’s genocidal campaign of ethnic cleansing against the native Indians, about half a million Indians were killed, over one million conscripted into military service and used against their own people, tens of thousands driven into Mexico as refugees, and most of the rest worked to death in the concentration camps. No American Army came to liberate them; they were not white, and no one cared so long as the profits flowed. Guatemala is America’s Belgian Congo; our heart of darkness.

     I think of this every day as I eat my morning banana, for each one is the living form of a silent cry, the ghost of a tear, the memory of atrocity and horror, a thing like many others of fragile beauty and fleeting pleasure won by brutality and the theft of hope, pain and blood and death made manifest. For the dead and for wrongs past I can do nothing; it is the living who must be avenged and the future that must be redeemed.  

     The 1981 founding of ARENA in El Salvador and the 1982-3 Presidency of Roberto D’Aubuisson Arrieta, son of one of the original French Algerian OAS/Afrika Corps legionnaires and immigrants and leader of death squads since 1972, when he was trained at the US School of the Americas, often called a school for war criminals. During the peak of the civil war in 1983-84, about 8,000 people were killed every month in El Salvador. 

     The 1963-75 Honduran coup and military dictatorship of Arellano, for whose regime the term Banana Republic was coined, and of course the conduct of the Contra War beginning in 1980, which included the 1984 Honduran invasion of Nicaragua supported by 5,500 American troops.

     Together Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras were ruled for over a generation by America through our puppet tyrants and the ARENA and MLN parties we created. But there is more; much more, of which I will mention only four more brief examples here.  

     The 1964-85 rule of Brazil by the Arena Party and its legacy of torture and state terror which was ended by the total bankruptcy of the nation.

      The 1976 military coup in Argentina and the civil war which followed, during which some 20,000 persons were disappeared. Of our earlier involvements; Peron had been a protégé of Franco and Mussolini, and Evita was assassinated not by us but by Vatican Intelligence with radiation poisoning due to Peron’s campaign against the Church; very like the fate of the Hapsburg Emperor Maximilian of Mexico whose scheme to seize Church property created a mass revolt and abandonment by European allies, except for France which sent the  Foreign Legion whose atrocities delegitimized colonial rule. The Vatican also ran the Swiss escape route used by Otto Skorzeny and other SS officers at the fall of the Third Reich whom we later hired, in intact units at their former ranks, and blended with their counterparts to create the CIA and Special Forces. The most brazen flattery I have ever heard directed toward Oliver North was to compare him to Skorzeny.

     The 1973 assassination of Allende in Chile and support of the Pinochet regime which killed as many as one in every hundred of its citizens.

     Regarding Mexico, we long ago seized the southwest including Texas and California, drew a line in the sand to weaponize disparity and create a mass resource of illegal and therefore exploitable quasi slave labor, and now call aliens everyone on the wrong side of it who comes here to pick the fruit, wash the dishes, and clean the toilets that our own nephews and nieces, children and grandchildren, would laugh in your face at the suggestion they get their hands dirty doing themselves.

    Fascism is a sin of pride whose effects reverberate still, propagating outward in ever-widening circles as a force of contagion like the ripples of a stone cast into a pond. And we are all complicit in it, who call ourselves Americans.

    We must make a better future than we have the past.

Raft of the Medusa    https://torchofliberty.home.blog/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/b6dbc-gericault_medusa.jpg

1984, George Orwell, Thomas Pynchon (Foreword)

The Constitution of Knowledge: A Defense of Truth, by Jonathan Rauch

 The Decay of Lying and Other Essays, by Oscar Wilde

Wilderness of Mirrors: Intrigue, Deception, and the Secrets that Destroyed Two of the Cold War’s Most Important Agents, by David C. Martin

‘Justification of dictatorship’: outcry as Milei rewrites Argentina’s history

Blaming the victims: dictatorship denialism is on the rise in Argentina

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/aug/29/argentina-denial-dirty-war-genocide-mauricio-macri?CMP=share_btn_url

Argentina’s National Day of Remembrance for Truth and Justice – Auschwitz Institute for the Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocities

https://old.auschwitzinstitute.org/news/argentinas-national-day-remembrance-truth-justice/

Javier Milei: who is Argentina’s new president? – video profile

https://www.theguardian.com/world/video/2023/nov/20/javier-milei-who-is-argentina-new-president-video-profile

Who is Javier Milei? Argentina’s new far-right president ‘El Loco’ takes the stage

Argentina presidential election: far-right libertarian Javier Milei wins after rival concedes

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/nov/20/argentina-presidential-election-far-right-libertarian-javier-milei-wins-after-rival-concedes

El loco: La vida desconocida de Javier Milei y su irrupción en la política Argentina, Juan Luis González

Economists warn electing far-right Milei would spell ‘devastation’ for Argentina:

More than 100 economists including Thomas Piketty and Jayati Ghosh publish open letter ahead of country’s 19 November election

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/nov/08/argentina-election-javier-milei-economists-warning

‘Bad and dangerous’: Argentina’s Trump on track to become president

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/oct/22/argentina-javier-milei-presidential-election

The ‘false prophet’ v the pope: Argentina faces clash of ideologies in election:

Javier Milei, a culture war populist and sex coach who won country’s open primary, rages at ‘communist’ pontiff as he sets his sights on becoming president

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/aug/27/the-false-prophet-v-the-pope-argentina-faces-clash-of-ideologies-in-election

https://jacobinmag.com/2020/11/operation-condor-cia-latin-america-repression-torture

                       Argentina, a reading list

The Real Odessa: How Peron Brought the Nazi War Criminals to Argentina, Uki Goñi

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/759171.By_Uki_Goni_The_Real_Odessa

Guerrillas and Generals: The “Dirty War” in Argentina, by Paul H. Lewis

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/4787741-guerrillas-and-generals

A Lexicon of Terror: Argentina and the Legacies of Torture, by Marguerite Feitlowitz

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/284483.A_Lexicon_of_Terror

Imagining Argentina, by Lawrence Thornton

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/44762.Imagining_Argentina

The Ideological Origins of the Dirty War: Fascism, Populism, and Dictatorship in Twentieth Century Argentina, by Federico Finchelstein https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/18813872-the-ideological-origins-of-the-dirty-war

Spanish

24 de marzo de 2025 Día del Recuerdo de la Verdad, la Justicia y la Falsificación de la Historia en Argentina

      El nuevo presidente de Argentina, Javier Milei, ha comenzado a reescribir la historia, a blanquear los crímenes de lesa humanidad cometidos por su brutal y depravado modelo durante la dictadura de 1976-1983 y a borrar a sus víctimas.

      Como todos los tiranos fascistas, Milei intenta capturarnos en un frasco asesino de ecos y reflejos, mentiras e ilusiones, historias reescritas, identidades autorizadas y realidades alternativas; el desierto de los espejos, para utilizar la metáfora icónica de la falsificación a través de la propaganda y el control del pensamiento del ex jefe de contrainteligencia de la CIA, Angleton.

       El desierto de los espejos, una frase de T.S. El Gerontin de Eliot lo uso para describir la patología de la falsificación de nosotros mismos a través de propaganda, mentiras e ilusiones, historias reescritas, secretos de estado, realidades alternativas, fe autoritaria que devora verdades. Esto lo desambiguo en comparación con su opuesto, el periodismo y el testimonio de la historia como búsqueda sagrada de la verdad. Nos convertimos en falsificaciones de nosotros mismos por sistemas de poder hegemónico de élite como el patriarcado, el racismo y el capitalismo, y por aquellos que nos esclavizarían, mediante la captura de nuestras historias como robo del alma.

      James Angleton, en quien John Le Carré basó su personaje de George Smiley, también usó la frase en este sentido de manera infame, y se ha universalizado en toda la comunidad de inteligencia en la que moldeó e influyó durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial y sus secuelas, la Guerra Fría. En referencia a la biografía que David Martin escribió sobre sí mismo, titulada Wilderness of Mirrors, Angleton la describió como una “infinidad de estratagemas, engaños, artificios y todos los demás dispositivos de desinformación que el bloque soviético y sus servicios de inteligencia coordinados utilizan para confundir y dividir al mundo”. Oeste… un paisaje siempre fluido donde la realidad y la ilusión se fusionan”. Y, por supuesto, todo lo que atribuyó a los soviéticos también se aplicaba a él mismo, a su propia agencia y también a Estados Unidos, y a todos los estados, porque todos son casas de ilusión.

     La telenovela de Netflix Operación Carne Picada usa la frase, en una historia sobre la creación de un oficial ficticio que porta documentos diseñados para engañar a los nazis para que se preparen para la invasión de Europa en algún lugar que no sea Sicilia, una serie que vi con gran atención porque cada uno de nosotros es creado por nuestras historias exactamente como esta identidad falsa adherida al cuerpo de un abandonado. Dentro de cada uno de nosotros, un equipo de autores crea nuestras personas a través de historias, una red de recuerdos, historias e identidad; y lo hacen para sus propios fines, que no siempre entendemos.

      Como escribió T. S. Eliot en Gerontin: “Después de tal conocimiento, ¿qué perdón? Piensa ahora

La historia tiene muchos pasajes astutos, corredores artificiales

Y los problemas, engañan con ambiciones susurrantes,

Nos guía por vanidades”

       Somos la materia de la que están hechos los sueños, como nos enseña Shakespeare en el acto IV, escena 1 de La tempestad, una línea pronunciada por Ariel. Porque si somos seres efímeros e insustanciales, construcciones de nuestras historias, esto también significa que la naturaleza ontológica del ser humano es un terreno de lucha que puede ser reclamado mediante tomas de poder.

       La primera pregunta que cabe plantearse ante una historia es: ¿de quién es ésta?

       Siempre persiste la lucha entre las historias que contamos sobre nosotros mismos y las que cuentan otros sobre nosotros; las máscaras que hacemos para nosotros y las que otros hacen para nosotros.

       Esta es la primera revolución en la que todos debemos luchar, la lucha por la propiedad de nosotros mismos.

       ¿En quiénes entonces nos convertiremos? Se pregunta a nuestro yo por superficies, imágenes y máscaras que en cada momento negocian nuestros límites con los demás.

      A lo que responde nuestro yo secreto, el yo de la oscuridad y de la pasión, el yo que vive más allá del espejo y no conoce límites, libre de tiempo y espacio e infinito en posibilidades; ¿En quién quieres convertirte?

      Nuestro objetivo en la lucha revolucionaria es apoderarnos de la legitimidad y la autoridad del enemigo, tomar su poder, reclamando autoridad moral, moldeando la opinión a través del control de las narrativas y construyendo solidaridad defendiendo al pueblo contra aquellos que nos esclavizarían.

      Porque quien está solo, muere solo; y quien se solidariza y no abandona a sus semejantes se vuelve imparable como las mareas.

      Cuando los tiranos vengan a robar nuestras almas con su red de mentiras, que encuentren una humanidad no dividida por el miedo ni abyecta en la desesperación y la impotencia aprendida, sino unida en nuestra solidaridad y garantía de los derechos humanos universales de cada uno e invicta en la negativa a someterse.

27 de noviembre de 2023 Una sombra fascista captura a Argentina: Javier Milei

      La tiranía ahora nos habla a través de una nueva máscara, mientras El Loco ocupa un lugar central en Argentina. La vorágine de miedo, poder y fuerza que crea tiranías de fuerza y control, genera guerras de conquista y dominio imperial y encuentra su forma final en genocidios y deshumanización son sistemas universales de opresión, legados de nuestra historia de los cuales debemos emerger.

      El mal se origina en el miedo, miedo a menudo abrumador y generalizado al que las autoridades al servicio del poder han dado forma y objetivo. La centralización del poder en estados carcelarios es inherente a las sociedades humanas porque sus causas son; de ahí las hegemonías de riqueza, poder y privilegios de las élites que se basan en jerarquías de pertenencia y alteridad excluyente y la subyugación de las castas de esclavos.

      Hacer una idea sobre un tipo de personas es un acto de violencia.

       La política es el arte del miedo, como me enseñó mi padre, y en Argentina nuestro miedo nos habla como un eco y reflejo del nuestro, y revela el parasitismo de las relaciones de Estados Unidos con el mundo a lo largo de nuestra historia.

       Aquí hablo del Terror Rojo, la Lista Negra de Hollywood y otras formas nacionalistas de fuerza social que utilizaron el miedo para fabricar consentimiento, centralizar el poder y legitimar la autoridad después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial.

     Este fue nuestro Segundo Período Imperial, desde el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial hasta la caída de la Unión Soviética, influenciado por nuestra asimilación de la élite nazi a nuestras comunidades de inteligencia y fuerzas especiales en el momento de su fundación, cuando la OSS se convirtió en la CIA y la Jedburg. Los equipos se convirtieron en los Boinas Verdes.

      Siendo el Primer Imperio Americano la Conquista y las políticas de Destino Manifiesto que comenzaron con el genocidio de los Nativos Americanos, se globalizaron con la guerra contra los Piratas de Berbería del Norte de África que fundaron la Infantería de Marina, y alcanzaron su apogeo en nuestra conquista del Imperio Español en 1898, que nos dio las Islas Filipinas, Cuba y Guam mientras robamos las islas hawaianas porque pudimos, y terminó con la caída de la civilización en La guerra para acabar con todas las guerras.

      El Tercer Imperio o Período Imperial de la historia estadounidense comienza con Nueve Once y posiblemente termine con nuestro abandono de Afganistán; esto no está escrito y ahora está en nuestras manos.

      ¿Cómo ha remodelado Estados Unidos y el mundo la histeria anticomunista de la era posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial, que yo llamo el Segundo Imperio?

      Primero, una guerra cultural total emprendida por el estado contra sus propios ciudadanos que nos dio reversiones de nuestros valores como In God We Trust on our money, que nos pide que no creamos en el Infinito sino en la autoridad del estado para hablar en Su nombre. el Juramento a la Bandera que sustituye al Estado por nosotros mismos como sus copropietarios como fuente de autoridad en una sociedad libre de iguales y por nuestra lealtad mutua como solidaridad y un grupo de hermanos, hermanas y otros.

      En segundo lugar, una guerra de dominio imperial que impone hegemonías de riqueza, poder y privilegios por parte de las élites en todo el mundo, a veces centradas en la apropiación del petróleo como recurso estratégico, pero también simplemente en la ocupación de espacios como en un juego de go. Los ejemplos de la campaña global de terror y tiranía de Estados Unidos a través de estados proxy proliferan rápidamente a partir de la codificación del Método de Yakarta por la CIA en 1965 contra Sukarno, y se convierten en una interminable letanía de males, atrocidades, depravaciones, genocidios y trabajo esclavo; el Genocidio Maya en Guatemala y las guerras encubiertas en Centroamérica que resultaron en el Escándalo Irán-Contra, la alianza feroz y depravada de Estados Unidos con el régimen del Apartheid de Sudáfrica, la Guerra de los Mil Días en Vietnam, todo un Nudo Gordiano de maldades e intervenciones incluyendo nuestra locos intentos de asesinato contra Fidel Castro, Patrice Lumumba y otros héroes de la lucha por la liberación a quienes un Estados Unidos fiel a nuestros ideales fundacionales habría aclamado como hermanos en la revolución anticolonial y habría apoyado en lugar de estar en contra.

      En Argentina, los ecos y reflejos de nuestra historia nos confrontan con las consecuencias del fracaso de la empatía como subversión de la democracia, y todos deberíamos prestar atención al hombre detrás de la cortina mientras las luces de la libertad se apagan y caen en la oscuridad una a una. uno en todo el mundo.

      Porque como nos enseña George Santayana en La vida de la razón; “Quienes olvidan su historia están condenados a repetirla”.  

     Para ubicar este evento disruptivo en un contexto histórico, debemos verlo como un eco y reflejo de la Operación Cóndor.

      Como escribí en mi publicación del 19 de enero de 2023, Ecos y reflejos del imperialismo estadounidense y la Operación Cóndor en las democracias desestabilizadas de América del Sur; Junto a mi escritorio cuelga una reproducción del cuadro de Théodore Géricault de 1818, La balsa de la Medusa, tan brillantemente interrogado en la Historia del mundo en diez capítulos y medio de Julian Barnes, que creo que es maravilloso y una alegoría perfecta de nuestra actual situación política y económica. y el dilema ambiental como metáfora del capitalismo y el fascismo como formas de canibalismo de la humanidad y de la democracia, las causas principales del colapso inminente de nuestra civilización, y posiblemente también de la extinción de nuestra especie. Sólo para recordar lo que está en juego en este momento de la historia y en la lucha revolucionaria, y en mis escritos aquí como testigo de la historia y un llamado sagrado en la búsqueda de la verdad.

     Los monstruosos males de la desigualdad sistémica han surgido una vez más de la oscuridad como un depredador de emboscada para apoderarse de las naciones de América Central y del Sur en sus fauces, y no es casualidad sino intencionalmente. La tiranía busca la caída de la democracia a través de la falsificación, infiltración y subversión de sus instituciones, en un eco y reflejo de la Operación Cóndor de la CIA que una vez promulgó la conquista imperial y el dominio de nuestro hemisferio como Destino Manifiesto.

     En la desestabilización y captura del Estado a través de la guerra económica, social y política en Perú, la ruina de Venezuela en ataques implacables que la han convertido en un Estado fallido, y en las absurdas y horribles insurrecciones de enero en Brasil y en los propios Estados Unidos hace dos años. Liderados anteriormente por Nuestro Payaso del Terror, el Traidor Trump, los Estados Unidos de América han actuado como representantes y títeres del Cuarto Reich.

      Se nos puede achacar mucho más que esto, incluido el colapso y la ruina de Centroamérica y la tierra de nadie de barbarie entre Colombia y Venezuela, el estado fallido de México y los desafíos monumentales que enfrenta el pueblo de Chile, todos ellos resultados de la intervención estadounidense. impulsado por las hegemonías de élite de riqueza, poder y privilegios a las que sirve nuestra nación.

      Estas son las condiciones impuestas de la lucha revolucionaria que enfrentamos ahora en todo el continente americano y el mundo. Estamos abandonados por nuestros líderes y aquellos que nos esclavizarían y a la deriva en una pequeña balsa de civilización fundada en el foro de Atenas como una sociedad libre de iguales que se cuestiona a sí misma, mientras nos devoramos unos a otros en erudita impotencia y desesperación.

       A esta crisis existencial de fe mutua y de esperanza en nuestro futuro podemos responder con los poderes que aún nos quedan como seres humanos; amor, esperanza, fe, rechazo a someterse a la autoridad y solidaridad de acción en resistencia.

      Aquí está la gran prueba de nuestra humanidad planteada por el Evento de la Puerta Rashomon de nuestro momento histórico; ¿en quién queremos llegar a ser los humanos? ¿Amos y esclavos condenados al fracaso y a la nada, o una Humanidad Unida que vive ahora en los albores de nuestra gloria?

          Sobre la Operación Cóndor escribí en mi diario del 7 de abril de 2021, Cómo el imperialismo estadounidense creó nuestra crisis humanitaria en la frontera; En abril de este año hace cuarenta y seis años, Estados Unidos lanzó la Operación Cóndor, una campaña global para desestabilizar y reprimir a los gobiernos y movimientos socialistas y defender el capitalismo como fuerza hegemónica y sus jerarquías de élite de riqueza, poder y privilegios. Esto sigue siendo relevante para nosotros hoy porque es el origen de muchas de las fuerzas de empuje que impulsan oleadas de refugiados hacia nuestra frontera, y de la horrible crisis humanitaria y prueba de nuestra democracia creada por el imperialismo estadounidense.

      Migración es una palabra que oculta tanto las condiciones que la desencadenan como nuestra propia complicidad en crearlas como consecuencia de nuestras políticas de colonialismo, militarismo anticomunista y guerra económica que duran décadas; devastación ecológica con su sequía y hambruna, pobreza y desestabilización social y política, una era de tiranía y terror estatal, genocidio y limpieza étnica, fe armada y su terror sexual patriarcal, y guerras multigeneracionales.

      En términos de refugiados que huyen a Estados Unidos en busca de seguridad y supervivencia, así como de libertad e igualdad, estamos hablando principalmente de Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras y Nicaragua, aunque la zona infernal de Colombia y Venezuela ahora representa a muchos, y con el colapso de la región central autoridad en México y su degeneración en una región de señores de la guerra, oligarcas y sindicatos del crimen feudal, tenemos refugiados del propio México, así como trabajadores estacionales tradicionales.

      El trabajo migrante es trabajo esclavo; Esta es la gran verdad que Estados Unidos nunca ha enfrentado y por la que ahora debe responder ante las masas que sufren en nuestra frontera. Sectores enteros de nuestra economía funcionan con él; agricultura en la que la mano de obra se convierte en un recurso estratégico ya que pasamos hambre sin ella, pero también el cuidado de niños y ancianos, la hospitalidad y algunas manufacturas. amer La riqueza y el poder de Ica son creados para nosotros por otros a quienes exportamos los costos reales de producción, otros que deben permanecer invisibles y explotables como mano de obra ilegal no regulada para exprimirles hasta el último gramo de valor para nuestras elites. De esta manera utilizamos la disparidad económica como arma al servicio del poder y los privilegios, y creamos y mantenemos jerarquías de alteridad excluyente y supremacía blanca.

      Los intereses de las hegemonías de riqueza y poder de las élites convergen aquí con los del privilegio racial y la supremacía blanca en una toxicidad histórica, en paralelo con el surgimiento del estado carcelario como instrumento para volver a esclavizar a los ciudadanos negros como trabajo penitenciario y la represión de la Movimiento por los Derechos Civiles, y lo han hecho desde sus orígenes. Uno de esos puntos de origen es la apropiación, el ocultamiento y la instrumentalización por parte de Estados Unidos de los criminales de guerra nazis en la represión de la disidencia y la conquista del mundo.

      El Cuarto Reich del que Trump fue una figura decorativa no surgió de la nada como Atenea de la cabeza de Zeus, sino que fue una invención del imperialismo estadounidense. Como tal, su historia y su carácter como amenaza global a la democracia pueden estudiarse en la crisis de refugiados y migraciones que ha dado origen, y en los legados del uso del fascismo por parte de nuestra nación como instrumento de dominio en las Américas, durante tanto tiempo. lo usábamos para conquistar a otros, nos estaba usando a nosotros para apoderarnos de los Estados Unidos de América y del mundo.

      Como escribí en mi publicación del 18 de febrero de 2020, Guatemala: Nuestro Corazón de Tinieblas; Mientras secuestramos y encerramos a refugiados en campos de concentración y prisiones secretas, y expulsamos a otros de regreso a un México cuyo gobierno está inactivo ante el poder de sus organizaciones criminales, debemos reflexionar sobre las causas de esta histórica migración masiva desde el Corredor Seco de Guatemala en Centroamérica. , El Salvador, Honduras y Nicaragua; ¿Por qué sucede esto y qué se puede hacer para solucionar los problemas que lo provocan?

      La sequía y la hambruna causadas por el calentamiento global y el cambio climático son causas inmediatas claras y factores desencadenantes de la migración actual, que tienen sus raíces en la historia del colonialismo estadounidense y la guerra económica capitalista. Estas condiciones han empeorado problemas de larga data de pobreza endémica y violencia y criminalidad generalizadas, legados del colonialismo histórico y de las políticas e intervenciones imperialistas y capitalistas estadounidenses, que describí en mi publicación del 4 de septiembre de 2019; Existe una conexión interesante entre el caos que creamos en Centroamérica, que está provocando un éxodo masivo de inmigración a nuestras fronteras, y la teoría de la conspiración del reemplazo islámico de los europeos que inspira nuestra mayor amenaza terrorista hoy; Muchos de los supremacistas blancos que gobernaron Argelia como colonia de Francia, principalmente ex soldados nazis que se unieron a la Legión Extranjera después del final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, fueron contratados después de su caída en 1962 por el gobierno de los Estados Unidos para gobernar El Salvador y Guatemala como regímenes títeres para proteger nuestras ganancias corporativas.

      Con ellos vino la misma ideología y el mismo sueño de una patria y asilo para los nazis fugitivos, y una base de operaciones segura y plataforma de lanzamiento para el Cuarto Reich, como el de aquellos que huyeron de la caída de la colonia de Argelia como un etnoestado blanco a Francia y culparon a Charles de Gaulle por su abandono, y cuyos descendientes forman ahora el núcleo del Frente Nacional de Jean-Marie Le Pen.

      Entre los efectos directos de la asociación secreta entre Estados Unidos y nuestros antiguos adversarios nazis se incluyen:

      La toma de Guatemala en 1954 por la CIA de Eisenhower, que reemplazó a un marxista que se había apoderado de tierras propiedad de la United Fruit y las redistribuyó entre campesinos indios con un vendedor de muebles de Honduras, Castillo Armas. Durante el curso de este golpe, Estados Unidos bombardeó la ciudad de Guatemala, mató a 9.000 comunistas, disolvió los sindicatos, expulsó a los ocupantes ilegales, elaboró una lista negra de unos 70.000 izquierdistas, construyó escuadrones de la muerte y prisiones secretas, dio rienda suelta a la tortura y el bandolerismo, creó una sociedad duradera. frente político, el MLN, y empezamos a sacar provecho de nuestras plantaciones.

      La toma de Guatemala en 1961 por la C.I.A. El oficial Willauer al frente de 200 hombres, un abogado de Harvard que había volado como primer oficial de Chennault con los Flying Tigers en China. Guatemala fue el escenario de la invasión de Bahía de Cochinos a Cuba. Quizás algún día explore este incidente con todos ustedes, pero en este contexto sólo deseo citar una fuente y un testimonio de la historia; porque mi primo Raymond Eigell entrenó y dirigió la fuerza que desembarcó en Cuba durante la Bahía de Cochinos.

     A lo largo del período 1960-63 de una guerra civil que continuó hasta 1996, Estados Unidos aplastó una rebelión pro Castro utilizando seis agentes de la CIA. bombarderos, tropas de choque cubanas exiliadas y boinas verdes que aprovecharon la oportunidad para probar teorías de contrainsurgencia utilizadas más tarde en Vietnam y contra disidentes estadounidenses, incluidos los Panteras Negras, el Movimiento Indio Americano y los Estudiantes por una Sociedad Democrática.

      El ascenso en 1974 de un funcionario de Armas nombró a Alarcón para la presidencia de Guatemala, quien institucionalizó el MLN, declarando “Soy fascista y he tratado de modelar mi partido según la Falange Española”. Era, por supuesto, un agente de la CIA. agente. Nixon lo llevó una vez a su peregrinación anual para consultar con lo que llamó su consejero espiritual, el infame criminal de guerra nazi Josef Mengele.

      La toma del poder y la presidencia en 1982 de Ríos Montt, un maestro evangélico de escuela dominical y amigo personal de Jerry Falwell y Pat Robertson, quien suspendió la constitución, reemplazó las cortes por tribunales secretos, intensificó la guerra de tierra arrasada, la tortura y las desapariciones de sus predecesores y una cosa más. Durante este, el período más terrible de la guerra civil en toda Centroamérica, cuando Guatemala, El Salvador y Honduras eran de hecho una sola nación gobernada por restos de los nazis que habíamos trasplantado de la Argelia francesa como regímenes títeres estadounidenses, y con la plena autoridad de Ronald Reagan y Ríos Montt utilizaron al protestantismo como arma contra la invasión de la teología católica de la liberación.

      Durante los 18 meses del genocidio maya, en el que sus escuadrones de la muerte mataron a 3.000 personas cada mes y aniquilaron 600 aldeas, también instituyó un sistema de trabajos forzados en campos de concentración inspirados en el sistema de apartheid de Sudáfrica y gobernados por el terror utilizando a antiguos británicos. unidades de policía y de la Milicia Naranja Protestante contratadas en Belfast, una fuerza mercenaria que tenía pasaportes de Hong Kong espléndidamente legales, cortesía del gobierno de Thatcher.

      Durante más de 35 años de guerra civil en Guatemala, incluida la campaña genocida de limpieza étnica de Ríos Montt contra los indios nativos, alrededor de medio millón de indios fueron asesinados, más de un millón fueron reclutados para el servicio militar y utilizados contra su propio pueblo, y decenas de miles fueron expulsados a México. como refugiados, y la mayoría del resto trabajó hasta la muerte en los campos de concentración. Ningún ejército americano vino a liberarlos; no eran blancos y a nadie le importaba mientras las ganancias fluyeran. Guatemala es el Congo belga de Estados Unidos; nuestro corazón de oscuridad.

      Pienso en esto todos los días mientras como mi plátano matutino, porque cada uno es la forma viva de un llanto silencioso, el fantasma de una lágrima, el recuerdo de la atrocidad y el horror, algo como muchos otros de frágil belleza y fugaz placer conquistado. por la brutalidad y el robo de la esperanza, el dolor, la sangre y la muerte se manifiestan. Por los muertos y por los agravios del pasado nada puedo hacer; son los vivos quienes deben ser vengados y el futuro el que debe ser redimido.

      La fundación de ARENA en El Salvador en 1981 y la presidencia entre 1982 y 1983 de Roberto D’Aubuisson Arrieta, hijo de uno de los legionarios e inmigrantes originales del Cuerpo Africano/OEA argelino francés y líder de escuadrones de la muerte desde 1972, cuando fue entrenado en el Escuela de las Américas de Estados Unidos, a menudo llamada escuela para criminales de guerra. Durante el pico de la guerra civil en 1983-84, alrededor de 8.000 personas fueron asesinadas cada mes en El Salvador.

      El golpe de estado hondureño de 1963-75 y la dictadura militar de Arellano, para cuyo régimen se acuñó el término República Bananera, y, por supuesto, la conducción de la Guerra de la Contra a partir de 1980, que incluyó la invasión hondureña de Nicaragua en 1984, apoyada por 5.500 tropas estadounidenses.

      Juntos, Guatemala, El Salvador y Honduras fueron gobernados durante más de una generación por Estados Unidos a través de nuestros tiranos títeres y los partidos ARENA y MLN que creamos. Pero hay más; mucho más, de los cuales mencionaré aquí sólo cuatro breves ejemplos más.

      El gobierno de Brasil de 1964 a 1985 por el Partido Arena y su legado de tortura y terror de Estado que terminó con la quiebra total de la nación.

       El golpe militar de 1976 en Argentina y la guerra civil que le siguió, durante la cual desaparecieron unas 20.000 personas. De nuestras participaciones anteriores; Perón había sido un protegido de Franco y Mussolini, y Evita fue asesinada no por nosotros sino por la Inteligencia del Vaticano con envenenamiento por radiación debido a la campaña de Perón contra la Iglesia; muy parecido al destino del emperador Habsburgo Maximiliano de México, cuyo plan para apoderarse de las propiedades de la Iglesia provocó una revuelta masiva y el abandono de los aliados europeos, excepto Francia, que envió la Legión Extranjera cuyas atrocidades deslegitimaron el dominio colonial. El Vaticano también dirigió la ruta de escape suiza utilizada por Otto Skorzeny y otros oficiales de las SS durante la caída del Tercer Reich, a quienes contratamos más tarde, en unidades intactas en sus antiguas filas, y se fusionaron con sus homólogos para crear la CIA y las Fuerzas Especiales. El halago más descarado que he oído jamás dirigido a Oliver North fue compararlo con Skorzeny.

      El asesinato de Allende en Chile en 1973 y el apoyo al régimen de Pinochet que mató a uno de cada cien de sus ciudadanos.

      En cuanto a México, hace mucho tiempo nos apoderamos del suroeste, incluidos Texas y California, trazamos una línea en la arena para convertir la disparidad en un arma y crear un recurso masivo de mano de obra cuasi esclava ilegal y, por lo tanto, explotable, y ahora llamamos extranjeros a todos los que están en el mundo.

     Por otro lado, quien viene aquí a recoger la fruta, lavar los platos y limpiar los baños, nuestros propios sobrinos y sobrinas, hijos y nietos, se reirían en la cara ante la sugerencia de que se ensucien las manos ellos mismos.

     El fascismo es un pecado de orgullo cuyos efectos todavía reverberan, propagándose hacia afuera en círculos cada vez más amplios como una fuerza de contagio como las ondas de una piedra arrojada a un estanque. Y de ello somos cómplices todos los que nos llamamos americanos.

     Debemos crear un futuro mejor que el pasado.

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