March 19 2025 Tyrants Attack In Campaign Of Genocide: Netanyahu Bombs Civilian Aid Corridor In Gaza To Divide It Into Bantustans As Trump Bombs Yemen To Break Our Counter Blockade of the Israeli Blockade of Humanitarian Aid

    In a fiendish and horrific atrocity and war crime, Netanyahu and Trump coordinate a dual-front bombing campaign of genocide against the Palestinians; Netanyahu bombs a civilian aide corridor to divide Gaza into Bantustans as Trump bombs Yemen to break our counter blockade of the Israeli blockade of humanitarian aid.

     Genocide, ethnic cleansing, and slavery, designed famine and war crimes against children and other civilians; this is the state of Israel in all her horror and terror, and now of Vichy America under the Trump regime and his Theatre of Cruelty.

     Israel and America together are Atrocity Regimes of no laws but authoritarian rule by force and fear, no morality but hate, no grand dreams of our humanity and citizenship as equals but nightmares of fascist race, faith, and national identity.  

      Herein we witness again a great and terrible truth; no matter where you begin with ideas of kinds of people, with hierarchies and taxonomies of belonging and exclusionary otherness, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     How did we come to this pass, bombing the people we should be allied with in liberation struggle?

      As I wrote in my post of January 12 2024, Victorious Red Sea Campaign Globalizes the Gaza War; A victorious Red Sea Campaign and counter-blockade of Israel by allies of Palestinian liberation struggle, the Houthi of Yemen, long an arm of the Iranian Dominion in protracted conflict with the Arab-American Alliance in sectarian civil war become a Great Powers proxy war, has with genius and daring in commerce raiding isolated Israel from material support for her war of terror and ethnic cleansing, and globalized the conflict.

     America and Britain have attacked Houthi targets in Yemen in reply, as South Africa brings charges against Israel for genocide and crimes against humanity.

     The counter blockade has been victorious in isolating Israel from support in balance to their war crime of blocking humanitarian aid to Gaza. Now as Israel’s co conspirators in ethnic cleansing America and Britain viciously murder the champions of humanity in Yemen, we must bring the war home and demonstrate that no one may dehumanize another from any safe haven anywhere on earth. And should any such regime of state terror send arms to Israel, those ships must be sunk at sea or destroyed in port throughout the world. 

     Israel has made a killing jar of Gaza, but a bigger one can be placed around it by giving terror no safe haven anywhere. Our amoral and tyrannical President Biden has failed to use the best means of pressure to win an end to Israels campaign of genocide in BDS; by his complicity we are left with only direct action and war to the knife in Resistance.

       What is War to the Knife? A phrase and idea of conflict and struggle which come to us unchanged from Old Norse in the time of the Vikings; Krieg Pa Kniven, fitting for a unifying principle of action of a global pirate brotherhood of liberation struggle such as that of the Free Port of Hodeidah from which I now write.

     All Resistance is war to the knife, for who respects no laws and no limits may hide behind none.

      Who are the Houthis and how did the US and UK strikes on Yemen come about? As written by Archie Bland and Bethan McKernan in The Guardian, in an article of the same title; “The US and UK have launched airstrikes on more than a dozen sites used by the Iranian-backed Houthis in Yemen, according to US officials.

     The strikes are the most significant military response to the Houthis’ persistent campaign of drone and missile attacks on commercial ships in the Red Sea, which began after Israel’s war in Gaza broke out. Here’s how we got here:

     Who are the Houthis?

     The Houthis are a Yemeni militia group named after their founder, Hussein Badreddin al-Houthi, and representing the Zaidi branch of Shia Islam. They emerged in the 1980s in opposition to Saudi Arabia’s religious influence in Yemen. The group, which has an estimated 20,000 fighters and whose official name is Ansar Allah, runs most of the west of the country and is in charge of its Red Sea coastline.

      What is the group’s relationship with Iran and the war in Gaza?

     The Houthis are backed by Iran as part of its longstanding hostility with Saudi Arabia and are supporting Hamas in the war in Gaza. Soon after the Hamas massacre on 7 October, the Houthi leader Abdul Malik Al-Houthi said his forces were “ready to move in the hundreds of thousands to join the Palestinian people and confront the enemy”.

     What has been happening in the Red Sea?

     The Red Sea, one of the world’s most densely packed shipping channels, lies south of the Suez canal, the most significant waterway connecting Europe to Asia and east Africa. Yemen is situated along the sea’s south-east coast, where it meets the Gulf of Aden.

     Shortly after the start of the Gaza war the Houthis began launching missile and drone attacks at vessels in the Red Sea, most of which were intercepted by US and Israeli countermeasures.

     The situation escalated on 19 November, when militants used a helicopter to seize a car carrier chartered by a Japanese company and linked to an Israeli businessman, abducted the crew. The Houthis said all vessels they perceived as linked to Israel or its allies would “become a legitimate target for armed forces”.

     Multiple attacks on vessels followed, mostly without success, but many shipping companies nevertheless decided to bypass the Red Sea route and divert around South Africa’s Cape of Good Hope, significantly adding to journey times and cost.

     How has the US responded?

     On 18 December the US announced the formation of Operation Prosperity Guardian in response to the Houthi attacks.

     The US refrained from direct confrontation until 31 December, when US Navy helicopters fired on a group of small boats attempting to board a container ship that had requested their protection. The deaths of 10 militants marked a new phase in the crisis.

     On 9 January US and British warships shot down 21 drones and missiles fired by the Houthis, in what London called the largest such attack in the area. On 10 January, Antony Blinken, the US secretary of state, said further attacks could prompt a western military response.

     What was happening in Yemen before the Gaza war?

     The Houthis had been gaining support around the turn of the century from Shia Yemenis fed up with the corruption and cruelty of the longtime authoritarian president and Saudi ally, Ali Abdullah Saleh, particularly during the aftermath of 9/11 and the US invasion of Iraq. Popular protests and several assassination attempts forced Saleh to resign in 2012.

    In 2014 the Houthis allied with their former enemy Saleh to seize the capital, Sana’a, and overthrew the new western-backed president, Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi, a year later. After Hadi was forced to flee, the exiled Yemeni government asked its allies in Saudi Arabia and the UAE to launch a military campaign, also backed by the west, to drive out the Houthis.

     A catastrophic civil war ensued that the UN estimated led to 377,000 deaths and displaced 4 million people by the end of 2021.

     The Houthis in effect won the war. An April 2022 ceasefire prompted a significant decline in violence, and fighting has largely remained in abeyance despite the official expiry of the truce in October.

     How were the attacks by the Houthis seen in Yemen and Saudi Arabia?

      Some Yemenis see the Houthi operations as a legitimate means of exerting pressure on Israel and its allies in defence of Palestinian civilians, and analysts say the Houthis’ intervention has helped shore up their domestic support. The militants also believe attacks in the Red Sea can make them a more significant global player, synonymous with Yemen as a whole despite the presence of an internationally recognised government in the south of the country.

    Meanwhile, the Saudis are attempting to normalise relations with Iran, and finalise a peace deal that could recognise Houthi control of the north of Yemen. They have been anxious about any response from the US that could complicate its effort to withdraw from the country.

     What does this mean for the future of humankind? As written in an editorial in the World Socialist Web Site, in an article entitled The US/UK attack on Yemen and the global eruption of imperialist war; “The World Socialist Web Site unequivocally condemns Thursday’s attack by the United States and United Kingdom against Yemen. With no popular mandate, with no congressional or parliamentary authorization, without even an attempt at a serious explanation, the Biden administration in the US and the Sunak government in the UK have carried out an illegal act of war against an impoverished nation.

     The attack on Yemen is a major escalation of the developing war in the Middle East. Since the beginning of Israel’s genocide in Gaza, the US and its imperialist allies in NATO have overseen a massive militarization of the region, directly targeting Iran. This is itself part of an expanding global war, including the US-NATO war against Russia and the developing economic and military conflict against China.

     US President Joe Biden did not even see fit to go on national television to explain the launching of a new war, under conditions in which there is overwhelming popular opposition to the expansion of war in the Middle East. As the Pentagon was planning to attack Yemen, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin was admitted to the intensive care unit of Walter Reed Hospital, with the knowledge of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff but unbeknownst to the president. This bizarre episode underscored the reality that US war-making is operating on autopilot, increasingly outside the pretense of civilian oversight.

     As always, the rationale provided to justify the war is a pack of lies. Biden declared that the missile strikes were “defensive” and “a direct response to unprecedented Houthi attacks.” The American media, with the same breathless reporting that has accompanied every US military operation, proclaims that a country with a gross domestic product 700 times smaller than the United States is carrying out “intolerable” actions, against which the American military is “forced” to defend itself. Overnight, Yemen’s Houthis have been turned into a new bogeyman, requiring urgent military action without any discussion or explanation.

     In coordination with the Israeli genocide in Gaza, the United States has dispatched to the Middle East a massive military armada, consisting of two aircraft carrier battle groups, multiple guided missile destroyers, an unknown number of submarines and dozens of warplanes. These forces have provided logistics, reconnaissance, and target selection to Israel, in a deliberate effort to provoke retaliation from Iran and its allied forces such as the Houthis.                                                                                                                                                                                                                              

     Yet, supposedly it is Yemen that is the “aggressor,” carrying out “unprecedented attacks” on US military forces deployed in the Red Sea, thousands of miles from the US border. American imperialism, which has a military larger than that of the next 10 countries combined, claims to be waging a “defensive” war on the other side of the world against a small, oppressed and impoverished country.”

     How will this unfold over time?

     As written by Patrick Wintour, Diplomatic editor in The Guardian, in an article entitled Houthis show resolve that western strikes will be hard pushed to shake; “The near-official slogan of the Houthi movement is: “God is the Greatest / Death to America / Death to Israel / A curse upon the Jews.” Crowds of supporters in the group’s northern Yemen strongholds have been chanting it for more than 20 years, ever since the phrase was brought back from Tehran at the turn of the century, when it was first directed at the then Yemeni president, Ali Abdullah Saleh.

     So those who claim the Houthis are not serious in attempting to block Israeli-linked trade in the Red Sea underplay the extent to which the defence of Palestine is a foundational principle of the Houthi movement, and highly popular among Yemeni people. The rebel stance over the past two months has afforded this relatively obscure Shia group a status in recent weeks that even Hezbollah in Lebanon cannot claim. They are deeply authoritarian, but skilled mobilisers of popular opinion.

     And as far back as 2014, Houthi leaders discussed with clerics in Tehran how “the road to Jerusalem” lay through the Red Sea.

     The narrowness of the Bab el-Mandab strait is a gift from geography. In August 2018, the Houthis attacked two Saudi oil tankers to challenge Riyadh. Knowing that a third of Israel’s trade was with the far east, the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, responded by warning Iran and the Houthis not to block the waterways.

     Houthi attacks since then have been marked by elements of bravado – but also sophisticated improvisation.

     Starting in October and early November, Houthi forces launched missile and drone barrages targeting the Israeli port town of Eilat – even downing a US-made MQ-9 drone in the Red Sea region on 9 November. However, as the month progressed, the targets increasingly reverted to international shipping.

     On 14 November, the Houthi military spokesperson, Yahya Sarea, announced that the group would “not hesitate” to target Israeli ships. Five days later, on 19 November, Sarea expanded the threat to any ships in the Red Sea flying the Israeli flag or operated or owned by Israeli companies. He also called on other Red Sea countries to assist in identifying Israeli-affiliated ships, which often sail without flags.

    Within hours, Houthi forces pulled off a PR coup by hijacking the Galaxy Leader, a Japanese-operated cargo ship with links to the Israeli billionaire Abraham Ungar. The group released footage of the assault, in which masked men leapt from helicopters on to the ship and held the crew at gunpoint. The Houthis still have the ship, and their social media influencers suggest it could be a destination for tourists or even wedding parties.

     By 9 December, with weekly big demonstrations stoked in the Yemeni capital, Sana’a, the Houthi leadership announced it would target all ships sailing to Israel regardless of ownership. It has been proud to publish pictures of the joint operations room in Hodeidah, a port that the west now regrets deciding not to try to recapture in 2019.

     The Houthis were also willing to tweak the noses of the Gulf monarchies. As a neo-state actor – unlike Iran-backed militias in Iraq – the Houthis have also been keen to denounce them, especially their enemy Saudi Arabia, for failing to match its solidarity with Palestine.

     For instance, the Houthi leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, in a speech on 14 November said: “The scene in Saudi Arabia, while Gazans are murdered, is a form of moral and humanitarian apostasy and contrary even to tribal customs.” He denounced the series of international business conferences and cultural events in the kingdom as “the season of dancing and depravity”.

     This also puts the Houthis’ many internal enemies potentially at a disadvantage, unsure whether to condemn Houthi adventurism or risk the appearance of abandoning the cause of Gaza.

     For the most part, the Houthis’ domestic opponents, such as the increasingly influential president of the Southern Transitional Council, Aidarous al-Zubaidi, have not held back from criticising the group. On 18 December, Zubaidi visited the Bab el-Mandab strait area saying he was “leading defence efforts against Iranian-backed Houthi hostilities” challenging strategic trade routes. Tareq Saleh, a member of the anti-Houthi Presidential Leadership Council, also promised to protect the Bab el-Mandab strait.

     Even after Thursday’s attacks, the deputy head of the department for media at the Yemeni General People’s Congress, Abdel Hafeez al-Nahari, blamed the reckless and adventurous actions of the Houthis.

     One possibility is that the UAE and Saudi Arabia will decide to increase the price the Houthis pay by increasing their support to the forces in the south of Yemen, arguing that advances by land, and not missiles launched from offshore fleets, will eventually dislodge the Houthis.

     At some point, the Houthis may fear they are throwing away too much to help Gaza. The faction is almost entirely reliant on imported foodstuffs and nearing bankruptcy, so throwing away the financial benefits of the potential peace deal with the Saudis – including the payment of outstanding civil service wages – would be a big sacrifice.

     Ultimately, it may be the spoils of peace – rather than the threat of western war – that will persuade the Houthis to hold back.”

   On what stage of history is this morality play performed?

    As I wrote in my post of August 17 2020, Divide and Conquer; A Program For Audiences of the Tragedy of Yemen; Plutocratic oligarchy, water scarcity, diminishment of oil wealth, the disruption and impoverishment of a labor shift due to Western policies and traditional kleptocracy which transformed masses of agricultural workers into an urban precariat with few and uncertain jobs and no social safety net, unwinnable sectarian wars and the legacy of a thousand years of rule by Shia imams which the Houthis were founded to restore; the origins of conflict in Yemen are complex but triggered by a struggle to control dwindling resources between elites and those who do the hard and dirty work for them.

     Ecological disaster and economic collapse, results of our civilization’s dependence on oil and its status as a strategic resource, have in Yemen demonstrated the fate which awaits us all if we cannot abandon fossil fuels. Yemen will be without water in a generation if nothing changes; the wells which sustained agriculture are running out, and with them the food supply. Villages have become ghost towns, cities shantytowns, and the people vulnerable, and that was before the war. Those not waiting to die became angry, and acted to seize their nation and their survival from those who had stolen it.

     Yemen exploded in Revolution during the Arab Spring; the metropolis of Sana’a was in continual social transformation and struggle from 2011 through 2013. The call for democracy and an end to the Saleh regime, corruption, nepotism, plunder by the wealthy which had leveled the labor and middle classes, and the abolishment of sectarian divisions were common throughout the Arab world, and resonate today with the global Reckoning which began in April of 2019 in Sudan.

     In Yemen the Arab Spring lasted years because the military split into factions; Ali Abdullah Saleh’s rival Ali Mohsen al Ahmar joined the Islah quasi-Islamist opposition party as protector of the protestors, at the head of his army. Revolution became a civil war.

     Collapse of a transitional government brokered by America over the terms of its proposed Constitution triggered a realignment in 2014, the Houthis who had fought Saleh, whose government had been overthrown in 2011, for years joining with his supporters. With the Houthi seizure of Sana’a and the north and their army about to capture the transitional government in Aden, its President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi fled to Saudi Arabia and asked for intervention.  A Civil War became a Great Powers Proxy War.

      So began the current war in March of 2015, with the bombing and invasion of Yemen by the Coalition of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Sudan, and Senegal, with America providing thousands of air strikes, special operations and other direct military support, weapons, diplomatic cover, and underwriting the cost. The UAE and much of the Coalition sees Islah as an arm of the Muslim Brotherhood; Islah sees them as puppets of American imperialism.

     The UAE counters the Houthi regime in the north by using Salafi militias to control the South, including the Southern Transitional Council which seized Aden in 2019 and in April of this year has declared its independence from the UN and Coalition backed government; Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula has long been a powerful member of the Southern alliance, and held the large port city of Mukalla for a year from 2015 to April 2016. ISIL has declared the South a caliphate, and all three of these groups fight each other and the Coalition government in exile in Saudi Arabia as well as the Houthis and Iran.

      Ali Abdullah Saleh, who had ruled Yemen from Unification in 1990 til 2012 and north Yemen since 1978,, broke with the Houthis in 2017; he was killed and his army defeated in two days of street fighting in Sana’a, leaving a Houthi pro-Iranian faction in sole control of the North. You may have noticed that I capitalize the terms North and South here; they were two very different nations until unification in 1990, the North a traditional Shia society, the South a Socialist state forged by its liberation struggle from the British Empire, which had been the Crown Colony of Aden from 1839 to 1967, Sunni by faith and ethnically and culturally Arabian rather than Persian. 

     As al-Jazeera observes, “Commentators in the Arab Gulf States often claim that Iran now controls four Arab capitals: Baghdad, Damascus, Beirut and Sana’a.” I regard this as a fact beyond dispute; two Great Powers conflicts of dominion are playing out in the Middle East concurrently, one between Turkey and Russia, the other between Iran and the Arab-American alliance.

     Nor can the costs of this conflict in Yemen be disputed; fifteen thousand civilians killed, eight million hungry from famine, one million cholera victims, twenty two million in need of assistance. In a devastating sectarian war which has totalized the destruction of infrastructure and social institutions, the Sunni Arab Coalition has blockaded Yemen to cut off the Shia Houthi Islah from support by Iran.

     It was not always thus, this litany of woes, this broken mirror of our flaws and image of the failure of our systems, wherein ecological catastrophe has brought economic and political ruin and the horrors of war. Once Yemen was beautiful and wealthy, smelled of frankincense and myrrh, and was a crossroads of global trade. It can be so again.

     Here is a Rashomon Gate dilemma of civilizational scale; from the Arab viewpoint they are engaged in a war of survival against the conquest of the Arabian Peninsula by Iran in a pincer movement from its southern tip in Yemen and from the north in Syria and Lebanon, and from Iran’s viewpoint they are defending a traditional and isolated ally against a merciless Arab conquest aimed directly at their faith and a rapacious American imperialism whose objective is assimilation of their people and exploitation of their resources.

     Yemen is a humanitarian disaster, and it is an American humanitarian failure. Our fingerprints are all over this crime scene. We must reclaim our heart and return to the vision of our founders as guarantors of democracy and the rights of autonomous individuals to freedom of religion, and abandon and foreswear all use of force in matters of conscience and faith. We must stop fueling this destructive war, and let people believe as they choose.

     Who stands between each of us and the Infinite serves neither.

     Of course there is nothing unique in Trump bombing Yemen; in January 2024 Biden became the second American President to try to kill me personally, the first being then-Governor Ronald Reagan in 1969. And he has merely stood aside while others did the bombing, as he was put in power to do by his agent handler and puppetmaster Vladimir Putin; I first realized Trump is a Russian agent when he was taking the Oath of Office after the Stolen Election of 2016, with Russian bombs falling on American service men he had abandoned in Syria.

     We began this year by bringing a Reckoning for Syria with her liberation from  Russia’s puppet Assad regime, proving that Russia is not invincible and can be beaten; with luck we may do the same here in America with the Trump regime.

       And in the balance of history between liberty and tyranny is not only the fate of democracy in America, but also the survival of the Palestinians and the Ukrainians, and so much more besides; our humanity and the possibilities of becoming human.

      As I wrote in my post of March 19 2024, Israel Unleashes the Third Horseman: Famine in Gaza; Netanyahu now rides upon his black horse of famine, bringing his mad dream of the Final Solution of the Palestinian Problem with all of its attendant shadows lingering from the Holocaust.

    As the passage in Ezekiel 14:21 warns us when the Infinite unleashes the “Four disastrous acts of judgement” to bring a Reckoning against the Elders of Israel for crimes of idolatry, the use of social force obeys Newton’s Third Law of Motion and creates its own Resistance.

    Israelis and Palestinians are one people divided by history, divisions shaped in service to power by those who would enslave us.

    Perhaps Aynn Rand saw truly in this one prediction of the collapse of our civilization from the mechanical failures of its internal contradictions, as she is often paraphrased from her novel The Fountainhead; “The question isn’t who is going to let me; it’s who is going to stop me.”

    If we wish to preserve our humanity, our reply must always be “All of us, in solidarity as guarantors of each other’s universal human rights and an emerging United Humankind.”

     The Gaza War has as its major theme the question of human rights, and if such an idea will have a place in whatever future we may choose. Here then is a retrospective of my witness of history of this conflict, and of its consequences for human being, meaning, and value, and of the choices we make about how to become human together.

     As I wrote in my post of January 25 2024, O Israel, Ask Not For Whom the Bell Tolls; We celebrate this glorious victory of solidarity over division in the Trial of Israel, with joy and dancing in the streets.

       O Israel, ask not for whom the bell tolls.

      Though for now it stops short of a call for ceasefire and a ruling of Israeli guilt in genocide, this judgement is a stunning and swift victory for the liberation of Palestine which finds Israel guilty of genocidal intent, war crimes, and other crimes against humanity in a way which delegitimates the state of Israel itself as a regime of tyranny and state terror and an outlaw nation of imperial dominion and colonial enslavement and theft, as well as the brutal Netanyahu settler regime which has made of the Holy Land a vast Auschwitz.

     And all of this plays out on the stage of the world as exposure and truthtelling of atrocities and calculated state terror perpetrated not against criminals who committed atrocities on October 7, but against civilian populations who had nothing to do with it; seventy percent of the victims of Israeli terror are women and children. How does a child being Palestinian hurt you?

    But of course to the fascists of the Netanyahu regime, only people like themselves are truly human, and this mass death and terror is what happens when you begin with such ideas of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, identitarian politics, nationalism, theocratic tyranny, and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil. No matter where you begin along this spectrum of fear and hate, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     While South Africa leads the championing of our humanity, and has ignited a global anticolonial rebellion against the dominion of Europe and America, two parallel and interdependent storylines trace across the Trial of Israel like leprosy; the attack on the hospital at Khan Younis, and the complicity of Biden the Baby Killer and America along with the UK in Israeli ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.

     In balance against such forces of darkness we now have two historic victories; the success of the Red Sea Campaign in counter-blockading the Israeli blockade of humanitarian aid to Gaza, and the international solidarity of liberated colonies in calling out an emperor who has no clothes in the Trial of Israel.

     As I wrote in my post of November 29 2023, International Day of Solidarity With Palestine; On this International Day of Solidarity with Palestine, I write to apply the Occam’s Razor of simplification to the complex and emotionally charged issue of Palestinian-Israeli relations and the problem of the double minority by asking a question; what best serves the joy of humankind?

      So many other ways to construct such a question, especially as principles of becoming human through revolutionary struggle and seizures of power under imposed conditions of struggle which include falsification, commodification, and dehumanization as systems of oppression; of death, learned helplessness, abjection, horror, and divisions of authorized identities?

     How best to create a free society of equals as a United Humankind through secular democracy and universal human rights?

     How to balance our uniqueness as individuals within a diverse and inclusive society?

      How to level all hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness and annihilate all systems of unequal power?

      How to bring the Chaos, disruption, fracture, change, and democratization of elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, and escape the legacies of our history and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil?

      How to reimagine and transform the limitless possibilities of human being, meaning, and value?

      How to free ourselves and each other under imposed conditions of struggle which require violence and the use of social force in seizures of power, without becoming the authority we struggle against and using force and violence to enforce our own ideas of virtue?

      Israeli atrocities and war crimes in the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians has confronted us all with our complicity in evil, and the world is whiplashed in horror and abjection as our leaders betray us and abandon the principle of universal human rights by which our civilization is sustained, a civilization now in processes of collapse and subversion by fascism at the dawn of the Age of Tyrants. But this also means everything is in question, power can be seized, and new futures chosen, if we act in solidarity in times of chaos as a space of free creative play.

     As Guillermo del Toro teaches us in Carnival Row; “Chaos is the great hope of the powerless.”

     Clearly we must have true equality if our rights and liberties are to remain universal in the shadow of state force and control. So also are freedom and equality possible only when we are free of authorized divisions of exclusionary otherness and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.

     What prevents us, here in America and throughout the world, from seeing this humanitarian disaster as it is? First are elite interests of wealth and power, which have created an American colony and imperialist military giant for the purposes of dominance of the Middle East and control of the strategic asset of oil, of which Traitor Trump’s diplomatic campaign on behalf of recognition of the state of Israel by her neighbors is among the most recent forms of the historic and perfidious Arab-American Alliance, another is Biden the Baby Killer’s hugging the war criminal Netanyahu and sending a Navy ship to help terrorize civilians rather than break the Israeli blockade of humanitarian aid and silence the bombs of ethnic cleansing.

     That we have used the threat of Iranian influence and the ancient Sunni-Shia vendetta to divide and conquer the region, legitimize the conflicts in Yemen and Gaza as test cases of our hegemony, and destabilize democracy movements in Lebanon, Iraq, and Iran as well as perpetuate the disenfranchisement and ethnic cleansing of the people of Palestine by Israel speaks to America’s true motives; not to champion peace and freedom, but to secure wealth and power through war and tyranny.

     I believe the secondary cause of our blindness to the injustices of the Palestinian-Israeli situation is a legacy of the Holocaust and how we process historical narratives of victimization. Once anointed as a victim, and crowned with a white hat of blameless innocence, that figure in our imagination becomes incapable of wrongdoing in any other way. We think in terms of Good and Evil as a cosmic struggle of dichotomous forces, and of showdowns at high noon in the Westerns which are primary narratives of imperial colonialism and the apologetics of power, not in terms of the flaws of our humanity. Absolutes are simpler.

     Ambiguity and moral relativization disrupt authorized identities and systems of oppression; this is their great value in revolutionary stuggle.

     We are all capable of both good and evil actions, of misunderstandings, conflicted and nuanced feelings and responses, and failures of compassion. And we tend to ignore rather than confront things like moral grey areas which make us uncomfortable; this is called cognitive dissonance reduction, and it means we tend to keep doing things we know are wrong if we have a good story to justify our actions and the belief that God is on our side. The most terrible atrocities in history have been perpetrated in this way.

     Here I must say plainly that I support the creation of a secular democracy in which all human beings, Palestinian and Israeli alike, are exactly equal both in fact and under the law, that I support the Boycott, Divestiture, and Sanction of the state of Israel and the liberation of Palestine from Occupation and Blockade, and that Israel as presently constituted is a fascist tyranny of state terror which is guilty of crimes against humanity in the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people.

     A post has typified the bifurcated and dichotomous dialogs which have attached themselves to the war in Gaza; it says “If you have the power to turn off your enemy’s food, water, and energy, and attack them at your leisure, you are the bad guy.”

     To this someone relied; “If you have the power to attack, rape and kidnap over 200 hostages, and hide them in a hospital, you are the bad guy.”

     Here follows my reply, in one paragraph; Yes, we are all bad guys here. The use of social force has no justifications; but as resistance struggle against imposed conditions of unequal power, it may be necessary. The violence of the tyrant, the conqueror, the occupier, or the slave master cannot be compared to the violence used by the slave to break his chains. What has happened here is that both Hamas and the Netanyahu regime have delegitimated themselves in war crimes and unforgivable acts of terror which violate our universal rights. Both seek to subjugate the people in whose name they claim to act to make them complicit, a primary strategy of terror. And only love and solidarity of action against Hamas and the state of Israel by the people of Israel and Palestine together can overcome state tyranny and terror.

     This leaves us with the question asked by Tolstoy and Lenin in very different works, one which founded the principles of nonviolent resistance used by Gandhi and Martin Luther King, the other which began the Russian Revolution; What is to be done?

     For myself and my comrades, we have a clear and simple mandate of action in three parts; Unite the Israeli and Palestinian peoples as equal citizens in a democratic secular state wherein faith and ethnicity have no legal standing, defend all civilian noncombatants, their universal human rights, and their access to humanitarian aid, and bring a direct and personal Reckoning to all war criminals on both sides.

     As a child in 1969 at an event with my mother that began as a protest against the Occupation of Palestine and American responsibility for its injustices by investment of the University of California and other state institutions, in People’s Park Berkeley, Bloody Thursday May 15, I was in the front line when the police opened fire on the crowd; this was my first death and rebirth, by which I mean Most Sincerely Dead and without life signs for some while, when for a moment I stood outside of time and beheld the possible futures, timelines, and alternate realities which propagated from that moment, the limitless possibilities of becoming human and the terrible chance of a coming age of fascist tyranny, war, the fall of civilization, and the extinction of humankind which may yet come to pass if we cannot reimagine and transform ourselves and our society, and find healing for the flaws of our humanity, the origins of evil in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, and the brokenness of the world.

    Over fifty years later, I fought in the defense of al Aqsa and the Third Intifada; will we still be fighting for our humanity and our liberty fifty years from now, or fifty thousand?

     My hope is that our successors in future generations will have forged a free society of equals and abandoned the use of social force, will have no tyranny or state terror to resist, and can live their lives in joy and love and not in struggle as have I.  

     We must dream better dreams, and stand together in solidarity of action to make them real.

     Who do we want to become, we humans?

     Let us choose one another and not the wealth, power, and privilege of hegemonic elites, equality, diversity, and inclusion and not the divisions and hierarchies of exclusionary otherness, liberty and not the centralization of power and authority to a carceral state owned by the wealthy, democracy and not tyranny, hope and not fear, love and not hate.

     As I wrote in my post of May 10 2021, The Defense of al Aqsa: Liberty versus Tyranny in Jerusalem; We may have witnessed the advent of a Third Intifada this night, in the Defense of al Aqsa and the street fighting in Gaza which followed, ignited by the perfidy and imperial conquest of a xenophobic and fascist state of Israel which regards no one but their own tribe and faith as truly human, and which has perpetrated an unprovoked and deadly attack as an act of state terror and a crime against humanity on the peaceful worshippers at one of the most sacred mosques in the Islamic world, a demonstration of power and dominion which follows weeks of provocations, assaults, and acts of propagandistic dehumanization against the people of Palestine.

      Like the Second or al Aqsa Intifada which lasted four years from 28 September 2000 to 8 February 2005, unresolved issues of an Occupation now in its fifty fourth year since the June 7 1967 Conquest of Old Jerusalem by Israel, which the State of Israel celebrated according to the Hebrew calendar as Jerusalem Day today by attacking al Aqsa, and a Catastrophe ongoing now for seventy three years since Nakba Day May 15 1948, have coalesced around the symbolic value of al Aqsa, which has a contested dual identity as the Temple Mount in Judaism.

     Chances of de-escalation and averting a war depend now not on local factors but on the response of the international community, for history has here become a trap which collapses to ensnare us in its jaws, and outside forces must liberate us from the failures of our system’s internal contradictions.

     Will America disavow and renounce its colony of Israel, Queen of her imperial policy in the Middle East and control of the strategic resource of oil? Can international unity and the pressure of Boycott, Divestiture, and Sanction free us from the tyranny and terror of an Apartheid regime as it did in South Africa?

     Or is war the only reckoning humankind can offer, or will accept?

     As written by Ishaan Tharoor in The Washington Post; “On Monday night, militants in the Gaza Strip and the Israeli military exchanged rocket fire and airstrikes amid a deadly escalation of violence. Hamas and Islamic Jihad, armed groups based in blockaded Gaza, launched a barrage of rockets that landed near Jerusalem and in parts of southern Israel, injuring at least one person. Israeli airstrikes in retaliation killed at least 20 people in Gaza, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry, including nine children.

     Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the “terrorist groups” in Gaza had “crossed a red line” with their rocket attacks. But the latest explosion of hostilities has a long tail, following numerous aggressive actions by both Israeli security forces and far-right Jewish supremacist groups in Jerusalem. Two weeks ago, bands of Jewish extremists, including some settlers from the West Bank, marched through Palestinian-populated areas of the holy city, chanting “Death to Arabs,” attacking bystanders and damaging Palestinian property and homes. Israeli attempts to evict a number of Palestinian families in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah — a microcosm of what Palestinians view as part of a long history of dispossession and erasure at the hands of the Israeli state — had stirred Palestinian solidarity protests in various parts of the occupied territories and Israel proper.

     It also raised tensions ahead of the commemoration of Jerusalem Day on Monday, an official Israeli holiday celebrating the capture of the city during the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. A planned annual march by far-right ultranationalist Israelis was called off after authorities rerouted its path at the last minute.    Large numbers still made their way to the Western Wall and sang an extremist vengeance song against Palestinians.

     “The Hamas rocket attacks, which included the first strikes against Jerusalem in several years, came after running clashes among Israeli police, Palestinian protesters and far-right Jewish Israelis around the Old City,” my colleagues reported. “Among the hundreds injured were seven who were hospitalized in serious condition, according to the Palestinian Red Crescent. Video footage circulated on social media of Israeli police officers brutally beating a detained Palestinian man.”

      How can America support the state of Israel in tyranny and terror, conquest and plunder? It’s a question asked in tones of outrage, sorrow, and bafflement since the advent of the Nakba on May 15 1948, the Day of Catastrophe which began the Occupation of Palestine and the systematic enslavement and genocide of its people in the wake of the Israeli conquest of Jerusalem. How is this legitimized?

      A friend has recently reframed this question for me; “I loved and embraced the Jewish tradition, joining a synagogue and working alongside its Rabbi. When I witness the treatment of Palestinians by the Jewish government of Israel, I am overwhelmed by feelings of confusion and anger. Unable to reconcile this immorality, I question the very foundation of my faith. Where is the good and moral uprising of international Jewish voices condemning the government’s path? I’ve lost faith in being Jewish.”

     What is clear to me is that this crisis of faith is also an existential crisis of identity, a situation of utmost gravity and danger which also holds the potential for reimagination and transformative rebirth, a personal echo of a parallel civilizational crisis from which humankind and the global community of nations must find a way to emerge and free ourselves of the legacies of our history. Here is my reply:

     The state of Israel is not identical with the Jewish faith, though the fascist-imperialist faction which Netanyahu represents would like everyone to think so. 

    A nation based on the assignment of its citizens to a tribal identity, the sectarian weaponization of faith in service to power and an authorized national identity, a military society with universal compulsory service, and a reconstructed Hebrew language of national unity has used identity politics to subjugate its citizens to the centralized power of tyranny; Israel is a fascist state of blood, faith, and soil no less than that of the Nazis.

     Add to this toxic mix a kleptocratic regime which has propagandized narratives of historical victimization to legitimize massive theft and imperial conquest of other people’s nations and one thing is clear; Israel has learned the wrong lessons from the Nazis.

     You may know from my many references to the incident in my writing that I am an antifascist, sworn to the Oath of the Resistance by Jean Genet in 1982 in Beirut, during our fight against the Israeli invasion and siege. In the forty years after, I have been a hunter of fascists and a revolutionary engaged in struggle for the liberation of humankind against fascisms of blood, faith, and soil and against tyranny and authoritarian regimes of force and control, for democracy and its ideals of freedom, equality, truth, and justice, and for our universal human rights. In this cause I place my life in the balance with all those whom Frantz Fanon called the Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased.

      A Palestinian homeland, and justice for its people, has been among my goals since that summer so long ago. Like the goal of liberation of Ireland from British colonial rule, it remains to be achieved. In question is the idea of freedom and citizenship as the sovereignty and independence of peoples from foreign colonialism and authoritarian tyranny, and the primacy of a nonsectarian state free from divisions and hierarchies of faith, for who stands between each of us and the Infinite serves neither.

     I also support the idea of an Israeli homeland, and see no reason these two states, Palestine and Israeli, should be mutually exclusive or antagonistic. Why must citizenship be bound by the limits of geography, or states by borders?

     Why must one people’s Return mean another’s Exile?

     To be clear, I am on the side of anyone threatened with hate crime regardless of any other factors; in riot and war my test for the use of force is simple; who holds power?

     I am on the side of all those whom Frantz Fanon named The Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased. This applies equally to Jews and Muslims, Israel and Palestine, and any other human beings regardless of who they are, and especially without any moral burden of merit as Shaw teaches us with the character of Alfred P. Doolittle in My Fair Lady.

     Let us send no armies to enforce virtue.

     Some Israelis who would disagree with me on the question of Palestine and militarism in imperial conquest and regional dominion have been allies in the cause of hunting Nazis, but are blind to their own complicity in this evil due to seeing themselves as victims and defenders of victims rather than perpetrators of crimes against humanity.

     This is about fear, and the destructive cycle of abuse and violence. Not membership in any group or authorized identities of belonging, hierarchies of the elite and the elect, and divisions of exclusionary otherness. The origins of violence and the social use of force are universal, historical, and systemic, and absolutely not in any mythical evil impulse, original sin, or inherent depravity of man.

     The Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force belongs to no one, but to apersonal systems of unequal power. I understand all too well how power makes us feel safe, the seductive beauty of weapons which make us arbiters of virtue, and how elite membership confers entitlement; this works the same for nations as for individuals, in the playground, prison yard, and contested public spaces like the Temple Mount which is also al Aqsa. 

     When faith is appropriated by authority for legitimation in identity politics, identity itself becomes confused and ambiguous. To become free, we must seize ownership of ourselves as self-created and autonomous beings.

     This is why the primary duties of a citizen are to question authority, expose authority, mock authority, and challenge authority.

     Always there remains the struggle between the masks others make for us and those we make for ourselves; this is the first revolution in which we all must fight.

     I think of the problem of human evil and its cycle of fear, power, and force in the case of states which become the tyrannies they fought to liberate themselves from, and this is true of anticolonial revolutionary states generally because of the historical legacies of victimization and the imposed conditions of struggle, in this way; victims often become abusers because their identity is organized around power as the only means of escape and survival in a world wherein no one can be trusted.

     When trust has been abrogated and proven empty and without meaning, when the capacity to bond with and feel the pain of others in empathy has been broken and one is without pity or remorse, when fear is overwhelming and generalized and has been shaped by authority to the service of power, victims learn that only power has meaning and is real. We must not allow our abusers to become our teachers.

     While every such issue has its own unique origins and history, the problem itself is universal, and relates to what one fears, and how that fear is shaped by authority as identity. From our perspective as Americans interpreting events in the classic problem of the double minority typified by Israel and Palestine, how we perceive issues has much to do with how they are framed by our informing and motivating sources.

      In the end we are defined by what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.

      The first question to ask of any story, and the most important, is simple; whose story is this?

      We are lost in a wilderness of mirrors, of lies and illusions, falsifications of ourselves, distorted images and reflections, echoes and authorized identities which disfigure, disempower, and steal our souls.

      How shall we answer those who would enslave us? Our authenticity and autonomy is realized through seizure of power, and the reimagination and transformation of ourselves and humankind as a free society of equals.

      We Americans tend to see things in terms of white hats and black hats, as in the Western films which serve as origin myths and archetypes of our national character. Once victim status has been conferred, such groups and persons become white hats and good guys, incapable of evil and diametrically opposed to whomever must then be black hats. It’s a terrible way of choosing national policy.

     Sadly, we humans can be good and evil at once, the flaws of our humanity echo and reflect the brokenness of the world. It is a truth proven once again tonight in al Quds or Jerusalem depending on to whom one is speaking and in what language, as Gaza burns from the onslaught of an Israeli Defense Forces run amok much the same as the night almost four decades ago in Beirut when they tried to burn Genet and I alive in our café, as a dozen human beings from whom everything but hope has been stolen swear vows to each other to hold a position covering the escape of the women and children trapped by the Israeli attack until all are safe, in a final defense not of al Aqsa Mosque, magnificent and beautiful and filled with significance, monument to the human impulse to reach beyond ourselves and to the limitless possibilities of becoming human, a stage fit for the glorious deaths of heroes, but of the disembodied screams of strangers among the nameless warrens of a derelict antiquity.

     Against the chasms of emptiness and nihilistic barbarism of a world of darkness and fire, of fear and force, I have only words to offer, and I write to you what I have said to my comrades who have chosen to stand with me; I’ve lost count of Last Stands, but I’ve risked everything against impossible odds and survived more times than I can remember, and all that matters is that we abandon neither ourselves nor one another, that we refuse to submit, for this is the moment of our freedom, and it can never be taken from us.

      From this night, Palestine is free, for we can be killed, but we cannot be conquered.         

          As I wrote in my post of November 4 2023, Stand With Humankind: On Today’s Global Rally For Palestine; Since the disruption and fracture of our ideas of universal human rights in the October 7 terror attack perpetrated by the Netanyahu regime of Israel and their partners in theocratic tyranny Hamas which delegitimized both and destabilized the world order, a great struggle between democracy and  tyranny, love and hate, hope and fear has been raging in Gaza, where the fate of humankind hangs in the balance and our future possibilities of becoming human are being chosen in the great game of chance that is war.

     Here, as in far too many times and places, a few unconquerable heroes and those who stand with them in solidarity as a band of brothers against the darkness of barbarian atavisms of brute fear and force and a nihilistic regime wherein only power has meaning and fear is the only means of exchange, die in the forlorn hope of buying with their lives time for civilization to awaken to the threat of fascist tyranny and imperial conquest.

      How will we answer the test of our humanity in this moment of existential threat? Who do we want to become, we humans? A free society of equals or a world of masters and slaves?

     For these are the stakes of this game in which we now play; liberty or tyranny.

    Today the Rally For Palestine throughout the world demonstrates our solidarity as guarantors of each other’s universal human rights, a glorious defiance of fear weaponized in service to power by authority and of the fascisms of blood, faith, and soil through which they divide and subjugate us.  

     For this time of darkness and sectarian violence ends only when both Israelis and Palestinians, one people divided by history, unite to liberate each other from those who claim to rule in their name and as mouthpieces for a god of universal brotherhood and love of which they have made instead an idol of cruelty and death.

     Who stands between each of us and the Infinite serves neither.

     When those who would enslave us come for us, as they always do, let them find not a people subjugated by learned helplessness nor divided by hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness, but a United Humankind unconquerable in solidarity and refusal to submit.

     To tyranny and fascism there can be but one reply; Never Again!

     Why is it important to resist our dehumanization and those who would enslave us, and to reply to the terror of our nothingness with refusal to submit and solidarity with others, regardless of where or when such existential threats arise, who is under threat or any divisions of identitarian politics weaponized by conquerors to isolate their victims from help?

     How much of our humanity can we claw back from the darkness in refusal to submit to those who would enslave us, and in solidarity with each other?

     We must each of us face our own Gate of Fire, as did the Spartans at Thermopylae, and choose.

    What are we worth, if we permit ruthless bandit kings to commit atrocities, genocides, plunder and enslave others?

     What is western civilization worth, if we will not live up to our fine words?   And fine words they remain, such as these written by Thomas Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence in 1776, a synthesis and revisioning of ideas from Hobbes, Locke, Montesquieu, Voltaire, and Rousseau; “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.”

     What is America, if not a guarantor of democracy and our universal human rights, and a beacon of hope to the world?

    To paraphrase America’s Pledge of Allegiance not as an oath to a nation but as the declaration of a United Humankind; We, the People of Earth, pledge ourselves to each other, as one humankind, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.

    Let us reply to tyranny and terror with the words written by J.R.R. Tolkien between 1937 and 1955 in his luminous reimagination of the Second World War and the conflict of dominion which immediately followed it between tyranny and democracy, first against fascism and then between the allies who defeated it as spheres of dominion and systems of economic and political organization but both for different dreams of a free society of equals, in the iconic speech of Aragorn at the Black Gate in The Return of the King which unites ethos, logos, pathos, and kairos; “A day may come when the courage of men fails, when we forsake our friends and break all bonds of fellowship, but it is not this day. An hour of wolves and shattered shields, when the age of men comes crashing down, but it is not this day. This day we fight.”

     War transforms the question of our authorship of ourselves with existential primacy; where do we ourselves end, and others begin? How may we negotiate this boundary of the Forbidden and interface with alien realms of human being, meaning, and value, with division and hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness or with solidarity, diversity, and inclusion, with fear or with love?

     This is a war of tyranny and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil against democracy and a free society of equals, for the idea that we all of us have meaning and value which is uniquely ours and against enslavement and the theft of our souls.

     Within the limits of our form, of the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world, we struggle to achieve the human; ours is a revolution of Tikkun Olam, a Hebrew phrase meaning repair of the world which refers to our interdependence and duty of care for each other as equals who share a common humanity.

     I’m sure all of us here know what Shlomo Bardin meant when he repurposed the phrase from the Kabbalah of Luria and the Midrash, but what do I mean by this?

     There are only two kinds of actions which we human beings are able to perform; those which affirm and exalt us, and those which degrade and dehumanize us.

     We live at a crossroads of history which may define the fate of our civilization and the future possibilities of becoming human, in the struggle between tyranny and liberty and between solidarity and division, and we must each of us choose who we wish to become, we humans; masters and slaves, or a free society of equals?

     In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.

      There are no Palestinians, no Israelis; only people like ourselves, and the choices they make about how to be human together.

     As I wrote in my post of October 24 2023, I Stand With Humankind Against Theocratic Tyranny and Terror: the Hamas-Israel War Unfolds As the Sacrifice of Innocents to Power; When Rome was once engulfed in famine riots, the Emperor was asked if the ships in Egypt should load grain to feed the people or sand for the arena to divert them. “Load sand” was the infamous reply; and it seems it is still true today.

      What can I say that has not already been said, what can I do that has not already been done, hundreds of times over across decades of Resistance to fascisms of blood, faith, and soil of every kind and description, to carceral states of force and control, to violations of our universal human rights and the idea central to democracy and our civilization that all human beings are equal and worth exactly the same, regardless of hierarchies of belonging and otherness, whether they are ours or different blood, faith, nationality?

     How can I demonstrate that it is better to be a free society of equals than a prison world of masters and slaves?

     Above the lands regarded as holy by three faiths a bone white moon like a dead fish eye regards us with implacable wrath in our horror and monstrosity, a rotten and poisonous holiness perverted by authorities who subjugate us by claiming to speak in the name of the Infinite and a ground of struggle not merely between them but also between humanity and dehumanization, barbarism, atavisms of instinct, and what madness and evil may together do as fear and faith are weaponized by those who would enslave us.

       In reference to an article entitled Biden says West Bank settlers ‘pouring gasoline on fire’ as Israel prepares for Gaza ground invasion, I wrote; Biden the Baby Killer sputters incoherent threats at people who resist their subjugation, dehumanization, brutal repression of dissent, and genocide by the Occupation. “Who are you to fight back, you slaves, you nonwhite filth”, Biden spits in fury at the glorious defiance of those who hunger to be free. American is a shameful and squalid factory of death.

     In reply to Lina Khatib’s article in The Guardian entitled Despite their rhetoric, neither Iran nor Hezbollah want an escalation of war in the Middle East. Here’s why, I wrote; I hope this has it right, but I fear our enemies wish to provoke massive death and destruction among their own peoples to forge unity and delegitimize western values. They will sacrifice anything to engineer a conflict of civilizations. And they have partners within the Israeli alt right and diaspora just as Hamas does, eager to perpetuate and secure their dominion and hegemony over their own Jewish people.

      This whole ritual breaking of taboos as war crimes by Hamas is a performance designed to provoke retaliation as war crimes by Israel, to dehumanize and criminalize Israelis caught between the lies and tyranny of the state and the fear of an enemy willing to demonize itself, fear weaponized in service to power by both Hamas and her partner in terror Israel. Yet there remains an escape clause in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force; the redemptive power of love.

      Let us unite to liberate each other, the Jews from the state of Israel and the Palestinians of Gaza from Hamas. For those who stand between each of us and the Infinite serve neither.

      And to the words of Queen Rania of Jordan as reported by Christiane Amanpour of CNN, I replied; Shocking to me as well, though sadly unsurprising. Our ideology of human rights is an apologetics of imperial and colonial power. This disruptive event of the shocking Hamas attack is designed to delegitimize Israel, America, and the whole ideology of democracy and human rights, and if we play this game by such rules of escalation and revenge the enemy wins, and our civilization falls.

     Why bomb Gaza, except to kill the children of others in trade for your own killed children? I very much doubt that the leaders of Hamas have trapped themselves in the killing box of Gaza, nor that if I were to say to Israel; I will bring you the heads of your enemies, in trade for the lives of the people of Palestine who have nothing to do with the criminals who abducted and murdered the children of Israel, that this offer would be accepted.

     For the Final Solution to the Palestinian Problem so long dreamed of by Netanyahu and his settler-thief regime of theocratic imperialists reveals the true intention of the regime as genocide, and I suspect the attack was planned jointly by Hamas and Israel or by an unknown third force whose interests are opaque but clearly inimical to the peace and democracy process that was thriving across sectarian lines before the attack. The sabotage of the anti-Netanyahu democracy movement in Israel and of the peace and solidarity movement to unite Palestine and Israel is the true purpose and primary result of the Hamas attack.

     Whose wealth and power is founded on selling arms to Israel? Now we see why Biden is pitching a Holocaust of the Palestinians rather than liberating Gaza from Hamas as the natural consequence of this humanitarian tragedy.

     As I wrote in my post of October 17 2023, Chaos Is the Great Hope of the Powerless: Case of the Hamas-Israel War;  A wise friend has questioned my valorization of Chaos as a principle of change in the context of Black Saturday, a term which describes the Hamas attack on Israel and the immense forces of terror, death, destruction, fracture, grief, rage, and revenge it unleashed, becoming a single tide of darkness.

     Thank you once again for your kindness and your wisdom.

     In this moment of tragedy I am thinking of Chaos as a disruptive force of fracture and change which has stripped us bare of our ideologies to reveal the fragile humanity beneath, and may be leveraged for liberty or tyranny by how we respond as a species and global civilization. As Guillermo del Toro writes in Carnival Row, Chaos is the great hope of the powerless.

     What do I hope for now, for the peoples of Israel and Palestine?  That both may unite to free each other, but first we will need universal humanitarian aid to any one on either side of these lines of division, and a Reckoning for the war crimes of both Hamas and Israel. For Israel took the bait, and gave Hamas the victory; they are now equal as war criminals without legitimacy.

    Israel took the bait, and the world is calling them out for war crimes; this may be end of the Netanyahu alt right regime and the dawn of a new Middle East. I was absolutely expecting Biden and allies to enable Israels Final Solution to the Palestinian Problem; in this I rejoice to be wrong about human nature. Maybe the idea of human rights is not dead. As my mother used to sing to students who asked her to make authorizing statements about anything, artifact of a Shakespeare in Thirty Minutes theatrical show that toured nationally with some of her students in it, bouncing her open hands left and right; Maybe, maybe not, Maybe, maybe not.

     No one seems to have noticed publicly that this means Israeli intelligence has been infiltrated. It is also possible that unknown puppetmasters have infiltrated and seized control of both Hamas and Israel, for purposes which are unclear and antithetical to the interests and well being of either. We wander lost in a Wilderness of Mirrors, friends.

      What Reckoning, for crimes against humanity by an organization of terror which has long been a vanguard of anticolonial revolutionary struggle under the imposed conditions of Occupation, slavery, and a genocidal Blockade?

      Not the totalization of the general population of Palestinians in a genocidal campaign of ethnic cleansing as Netanyahu wishes and Hamas intends as a strategy of delegitimation of the Israel state in the moral equivalence of terror, for if Israel, her patron America, and the international community accept the terms of struggle offered by Hamas they too become organizations of terror, and Hamas wins.

     This is a decolonial revolution, and victory goes to the side who can establish the legitimacy and moral supremacy of their story. As my father taught me, Never play someone else’s game.

     Hamas also wishes in this provocation to weld the peoples of Gaza to them; this is a primary strategy of fascism and tyranny, to make the people in whose name you claim to act complicit in unforgiveable crimes. Always beware those who claim to speak and act in your name as a strategy of your subjugation.

     A third layer of meaning here is the ambiguity of the geopolitical and world-historical forces beyond the Holy Land; Russia, her ally Iran and the Iranian Dominion of Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen, especially the Assad regime of Syria which has sent forces into Israel as a client state of Russia and Iran, and Hezbollah, which offers many of the social services of a government and may be in the process of emergence as an independent state, or a true empire in the transnational sense like the Holy Roman Empire. The great question here is; has Russia opened a new front of her plan of global conquest and made this a theatre of World War Three?

      How does one answer all of this? How bring a Reckoning for the terror of Hamas without authorizing and becoming complicit in the greater terror of Israel’s looming genocide of the Palestinians?

       The forms that might take give me pause, for they will determine our future, and though I know what I myself must do I do not like it, and am calling out here in my journals, where I work through the consequences of my decisions before acting on them, for unknown possibilities I myself cannot envision.

     Yes, my friend, Chaos has profoundly destructive forms; death among them, ruin and civilizational collapse, the negation of all we have claimed as our identity, but all are also measures of the adaptive range of systems, and can give birth to new forms from this liberated energy. And as you point out, all forces operate in opposite directions at once, creating their own opposition. These are not moral forces in balance, but ambivalent forces which contain each other in recursion.

     So, while our nations try to shatter each other’s truths with overwhelming force and mass terror, I must find a path of least force to salvage what I can of our humanity, and I hope I will not fail as I did at Mariupol and Panjshir.

    This may be all we have as humans lost in chasms of darkness and a Wilderness of Mirrors, this refusal to abandon each other to dehumanization, but like our refusal to submit to authority it is a power which cannot be taken from us, even in imposed conditions of struggle designed to produce abjection and learned helplessness, or rage and tribalization as identity politics and the manufacture of consent to be fed into engines of death for the wealth, power, and privilege of hegemonic elites and tyrannies.

     Such ephemeral and insubstantial things, like whispered prayers to abyssal unknowns, figments of love, hope, faith, which belong to the shadows, the delusions of grandeur of beasts harnessed to systems of oppression by others who yet dream that we might become more.

    Dream with me.

     Embrace our absurdity as flawed things wrestling with immense forces of falsification, commodification, and dehumanization in a mad quest to become human, under imposed conditions of struggle typified by atrocities designed to produce abjection, learned helplessness, and despair, as we are consumed by the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force in service to elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege whose primary weapon is division and hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness as identity politics and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.

     Against all of this we have only our solidarity with each other, the redemptive power of love, our refusal to submit or to believe and trust authority which frees us as Unconquered and self created beings and Living Autonomous Zones, and our poetic vision in the reimagination and transformation of ourselves. Powers which cannot be taken from us, and which can seize the power of those who would enslave us.

     This is why I practice the art of believing impossible things, but only those I myself have chosen or created. And crucially, act to make them real. And in this case we must bring a Reckoning to the perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity regardless of who they may be or in the name of what cause they act, and silence the drums of war.

     Dream with me, but act in solidarity to make it real.

     As the Mad Hatter says to Alice; “That is an excellent practice, but right now you might want to focus on the Jabberwock.” 

    Just so.

     As I wrote in my post of October 11 2023, Palestine Versus Israel Round Ad Nauseum In An Endless Litany of Woes, Atrocities, and Horrors; Forward: to my comrades in the Palestinian Resistance:

     Hello everyone;

    I have some thoughts on the recent events in Gaza, Gaza where I have fought  and lost someone I loved, and actions by Hamas whom I have fought alongside and count as my brothers in revolutionary struggle; actions which include the taking of hostages and murder of families, war crimes which have made peace impossible in the near future and have delegitimized the cause of liberation of Palestine by making it ambiguous with dehumanization and atrocities. Such is the nature of power, and of fear weaponized in service to power.

    This now is my Resistance in the cause of the peoples of Palestine and Israel, a people divided by history and sectarian theocratic terror. I question the origins and motives of such actions, which trade a tactical goal of demonstrating that Netanyahu’s alt-right monsters cannot deliver the security by which they subjugate Israel, for a strategic one of legitimacy, and will not only weld American support to the tyrant but grant him permission and immunity for the Final Solution of the Palestinian problem he has long dreamed of.

     How can we salvage something of our humanity from this?

     Herein I invite question, and dreams of a better future than we have the past.

     Thank you for hearing me.

       Hamas has brought the Chaos to the American Empire and disrupted the legitimation of Israel by the Arab American Alliance versus the Imperial Dominion of Iran, and in reaction to the relentless genocide of the Palestinians by the state of Israel now captured by Netanyahu and his alt right band of thieves.

     Here now is the fulcrum of change and reckoning for seventy years of Israeli state terror and imperial conquest in an amoral and loathsome apartheid regime which inverts the values of its founding by becoming the death camps its citizens escaped, and betrays the hope and ideal of a refuge from hate and sectarian division as a reflection of the nazis from whom they have internalized oppression as fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.

     Hamas has shattered all of this, potentially, with the myth of state surveillance and control as useful and effective means of subjugation of the slave castes of any state, and the myth of the invincibility and supremacy of Israeli intelligence and military hegemony of which it is a figure of the might of carceral states, tyrannies, and empires, and the calculated reprisals by Israel which will follow are designed by Hamas in this provocation to delegitimize Israel and fracture the solidarity of her allies and collaborators in terror, of which America remains the principal sponsor and villain.

     So many of the reactions to this tragedy both here among my friends and in the news media seem baffled, caught in the forks of a classic dilemma in which our heroes and our villains trade places, for in this stunning slave rebellion wherein the victims of genocide and erasure have attacked their masters, the Wretched of the Earth with whom we might normally empathize have violated two of our most cherished moral values and rules of conduct; they are not defending but attacking, which makes justifications for war and the use of social force irrelevant though this ahistorical interpretation of events ignores seventy years of oppression and authorizes the conqueror by classifying the liberation struggle of their victims as terrorism, an argument we can therefore nullify as pro Israeli misdirection and the apologetics of power, and a second and far more serious point; Hamas has taken hostages and killed civilians, war crimes which violate our universal human rights and place the perpetrators beyond all laws and all limits.

     A friend has written an apology for statements born of compassion which might be confused with support of Israel as a state rather than as a people, a distinction which makes all the difference; and to this I have written the following reply:

     There are no good guys in this story, just a people divided by history brutalizing each other with a savagery that threatens our humanity itself. I have fought in Gaza and lost someone there, and from my witness of history I say there is only one kind of truth which does not become a Rashomon Gate when faith is weaponized in service to power by those who would enslave us, and this is true of both sides in this or any war; Who is bleeding? Who is suffering? Who requires acts of grace and mercy? 

     Not who merits compassion, for often there are no innocent, and as Shaw teaches us in Pygmalion with the iconic speech of Alfred Doolittle this places a moral burden on victims which is unjust; merely who is suffering and needs our help, in this moment, always the only time we have.

     Solidarity of action, resistance, and liberation struggle all come after this; Tikkun Olam, a Jewish concept of reparative justice and praxis or the action of values, which I often describe as healing the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     You have nothing to apologize for; states work very hard to confuse and conflate legitimation of the state with narratives of victimization, for who wears the white hat is a hero and beyond question. All states do this, for it is the nature of power to become centralized as force and control. Among the true horrors of identity politics is awakening to realize that one is the beneficiary of a genocide, of slavery, of patriarchy, of unequal power in any form.

     So we are lost in Atherton’s Wilderness of Mirrors; lies, illusions, rewritten histories, falsification. But it is my fate to question all things, and many of them do not bear the test of unbelief.

     Always pay attention to the man behind the curtain.

     In this case I question the origins and motives of a blitzkreig which demonstrates the vulnerability of Israel, a tactical objective, at the cost of strategic goals; the immediate results include unifying global support of Israel and dividing the crucial solidarity between the anti-Netanyahu democracy and peace movements within Israel from the liberation struggle of their slave caste, the Palestinians.

     Cui Bono? Neither Palestinians nor Israelis, though in the imperial totalitarian state of Israel and its fascisms of blood, faith, and soil they share a common enemy. Netanyahu and his regime benefit, though his promise of security for the people of Israel has been proven illusory and the feared Israeli intelligence and military a paper tiger as Hamas intended; whether this weakens or strengthens his hand is yet to be seen.

     Security is an illusion, one convenient for tyrants in the manufacture of consent to be subjugated. In this area of liberation struggle the victory of Hamas in breaching the Wall has been an unambiguous good.

     Bring down the Wall, all the walls. Not only the walls of our borders and prisons, but the walls of ideas between peoples most of all. In the long run, only this will bring us peace and a United Humankind.

     To make an idea about a kind of people is an act of violence.

     No matter where you begin with divisions of belonging and exclusionary otherness, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     Why, O Israel, reproduce the conditions of your historic trauma as the prison guards, with others cast in your former role? Why, when we could be guarantors of each other’s universal human rights in a free society of equals?

     Let us emerge from the legacies of our history, and create ourselves anew.

     What happens next?

     Disruptive and polarizing events often confront us with a choice; who is your white hat and who your black hat in this story? Whose play will you back when they enter the arena at high noon? We will begin to become human when we free ourselves of this tyranny of good and evil, so vulnerable to the lies and misdirection of those who would enslave us and who claim to speak and act in our name, especially in theocracies. For as Voltaire wrote; “Those who can make us believe absurdities can make us commit atrocities”. Gott Mitt Uns; it is the most terrible battlecry, for it authorizes anything.

       Today the empire begins to strike back, as Biden declares that America will stand with Israel, with the state and not her people mind you, in the abominable reprisals Netanyahu promises, having been handed by his enemies immunity and sanction for the Final Solution to the Palestinian Problem he has so long dreamed of. Both this immediate trigger event of total war and the conditions which created it are consequences of American complicity, for we as a nation have failed to enact the Boycott, Divest, and Sanction policies against Israeli state terror and tyranny which might have prevented it, and if we are to be liberators and not conquerors we must at minimum now pressure Israel to lift the Blockade of Gaza and recognize Hamas as its legitimate government. Let us send humanitarian aid, not armies.

      Netanyahu and Biden have declared intentions to answer force and fear with greater force and fear, as Israel accepts the offer of the moral equivalence of terror by her partner in this dance, Hamas. This will bring not lesser but greater terror, not democracy and a free society of equals but the centralization of power to totalitarian states of force and control. From the perspective of Israel and America or of any state, this is the true purpose of external threats.

     As my father once said; “Politics is the art of fear, and fear is the basis of human exchange. Fear is an untrustworthy servant and a terrible master; so, whose instrument will it be?”

     Of the recursive forces of fear, power, and force which are the true origin of evil and of its forms as violence, war, police states, I say to you this one true thing; fear and force cannot answer fear and force. Only love can do this, and the redemptive power of love can free us from the Wagnerian Ring of Power, from falsification, commodification, and dehumanization.

     Why are we each others jailors, and not each others liberators?

       Here is the memorial I wrote for my friend, assassinated in Gaza by an Israeli sniper during the fighting over two years ago; June 21 2022, We Balance the Terror of Our Nothingness With the Joy of Total Freedom, the Flaws of Our Humanity With the Redemptive Power of Love, and the Brokenness of the World With Our Absurd Hope For the Limitless Possibilities of Becoming Human;    Death is the ultimate life disruptive event, the mirror image of Chaos as creative force and the adaptive potential of a system.

     This day I have re-enacted the stages of grief process as I relive an event of a year ago, caught in the labyrinth of its story, and as always with such complexes of memory, history, and identity I emerge through its passage with changed perspective.

     Some stories can shatter our lives, but also free us from the legacies of history and the limits of our former selves.

    This is a story which has become interwoven with my annual reading of Sartre’s works in celebration of his birthday, a juxtaposition which I find wholly appropriate, illuminating, and strangely hopeful.

    Are we not the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others? 

     We choose our friends and lovers from among those reflections which embody qualities we wish to assimilate to ourselves or fully integrate into our consciousness and personality; and it is the interface between these two bounded realms, the Ideal and the Real, which I am driven to interrogate today.

     Here is where the art of questioning lives, at the intersection of Socratic method and classical rhetoric, the dialectics of history, and the problematization of our motives, feelings, and processes of ideation through the methods of psychotherapy.

      We speak of the juxtaposition of imaginal and actual realms of being as a form of Dadaist collage as pioneered by Tristan Tzara and instrumentalized as methodology by William S. Burroughs which creates the universe of our experience, of the discontiguous, relative, ambiguous, and ephemeral nature of truth described by Akutagawa in Rashomon Gate and the methods of fiction exemplified by Raymond Queneau  as applied to identity and self construal, and idealizations of masculine and feminine beauty as dyadic forces of the psyche which work themselves out through our relationships with ourselves and with others. These three parallel and interdependent processes shape who we become, and how we instrumentalize others in our self creation.

     We must first own the fact that dealing with our memories of someone is not the same as the lived experience of our history; it is all one sided and has been moved into an interior space of performance, and in which reimagination and transformation is ongoing. The map is not the territory, as Alfred Korzybski teaches us, nor is our idea of a person equal to the actual person themselves.

     What parts of myself do I embody as a figural space into which to grow in the character whom I have thought of as Cleopatra, with all of the ambivalence, power, legacies of cultural history, and liminality such an identification implies, how do I imagine her now, and what kind of story have I cast us in?

     I think of her now in terms of Rachel McAdams’ wily, sophisticated, and transgressive Irene Adler in Sherlock Holmes, as she became throughout the twelve years of our work in liberation struggle for the independence of Palestine, with elements of Millie Bobby Brown’s fearless, brilliant, and utterly without boundaries Enola Holmes as she began, bearing onward the colours of a beloved and presumed martyred family member in the course of investigating his disappearance. I am reasonably certain that this is not how she saw herself.

     For illumination as to how a Palestinian woman might imagine herself, the characters she may choose to play as role models and the stories she may embody as ritual enactments, even a highly unusual one such as she, we may look to the wonderfully rich culture of Palestine’s female film directors and authors; of auteurs Annemarie Jacir, Maysaloun Hamoud, Mai Masri, and Farah Nabulsi, and of novelists Susan Abulhawa, Liana Badr, Ghada Karmi, Sahar Khalifeh, Hala Alyan, and Sahar Mustafah.

     Bearing in mind that all such reading lists are nothing less than a set of authorized identities. As Margaret Atwood so splendidly demonstrates in her works, our intertexts are primary in the construction of our identities, including those of sex and gender, as mimesis and as dialectical processes of history.

     And this is where it never ceases to be fascinating, the study of human being, meaning, and value and the limitless possibilities of becoming human. For in the sphere of our relationships with others, parallel and interdependent with our relationships between the masculine and feminine halves of our psyche, each co-evolves with the other in recursive processes of growth and adaptation to change in the construction of identity.

     I say again; we interpret the actions of others and form relationships on the basis of our self-construal and ideas of ourselves, and we use our relations with real people to shape who we wish to become.

       How does this work out in real life? As a personal example of the discontiguous gaps of meaning in the interfaces between bounded realms of masculine and feminine personae, a free space of creative play, I offer the artifacts of memory of a figure which may or may not align with the martyr I know only by her Code Name: Cleopatra.

      Of the Last Stand in which we met and forged an alliance, betrayed and caught in a trap which we turned against our enemies who had trapped themselves in with us, which I think of as the final battle scene in the film  Mr & Mrs Smith, this operatic quest was set in motion by the conflict of dominion between Hamas and al Qaeda in Gaza during August of 2009, during which the forces of light prevailed over those of darkness in the victory of Hamas, with Israel playing each against the other through infiltration agents, spies, deniable assets, and use of a special Recon team masquerading as various Arab factions to commit atrocities against presumed rival Arab groups in a classic policy of divide and conquer. This space of play was complicated by clan vendettas such as hers, and the usual political and religious fragmentation, crime syndicates, mercenary forces, tribalism, corruption, and the shadow wars of foreign states.

     Our paths crossed several times over the next twelve years, always in memorable circumstances, sometimes as allies and others as rivals, often as both. Which of these is the real and true version of her, or of myself? Such iterations of our images are without number, like the captured and distorted selves in funhouse mirrors aligned to reflect into infinity.

     Wilderness of Mirrors, a phrase from T.S. Eliot’s Gerontin, is one I use to describe the pathology of falsification of ourselves through propaganda, lies and illusions, rewritten histories, state secrets, alternate realities, authoritarian faith which devours truths. This I contrast with its opposite, journalism and the witness of history as the sacred quest to pursue the truth. We are made counterfeits of ourselves by systems of elite hegemonic power such as patriarchy, and by those who would enslave us, through capture of our stories as theft of the soul.

     James Angleton, evil genius of the C.I.A.’s Counterintelligence Service on whom John Le Carre based his character of George Smiley, infamously used the phrase in this sense as well, and it has become universalized throughout the intelligence community he shaped and influenced during the Second World War and its aftermath the Cold War. Writing in reference to David Martin’s biography of himself entitled Wilderness of Mirrors, Angleton described it as a “myriad of stratagems, deceptions, artifices, and all the other devices of disinformation which the Soviet bloc and its coordinated intelligence services use to confuse and split the West … an ever fluid landscape where fact and illusion merge.” And of course, everything he ascribed to the Soviets was true of himself, his own agency, and America as well, and of all states, for all are houses of illusion.

     The Netflix telenovela Operation Mincemeat uses the phrase, in a story about the creation of a fictitious officer bearing documents designed to trick the Nazis into preparing for the invasion of Europe somewhere other than Sicily, a series I watched with rapt attention because each of us is created by our stories exactly like this false identity attached to the body of a derelict. Within each of us, a team of authors, archetypes and transpersonal figures like the anima which concerns us here, create our personae through stories, a network of memories, histories, and identity; and they do so for their own purposes, which we do not always understand.  

     As T. S. Eliot has written in Gerontin, “After such knowledge, what forgiveness? Think now

History has many cunning passages, contrived corridors

And issues, deceives with whispering ambitions,

Guides us by vanities”

      We are such stuff as dreams are made on, as Shakespeare teaches us in Act IV, Scene 1 of The Tempest, a line spoken by Ariel. For if we are ephemeral and insubstantial beings, constructions of our stories, this also means that the ontological nature of human being is a ground of struggle which can be claimed by seizures of power.

      The first question to ask of a story is, whose story is this?

      Always there remains the struggle between the stories we tell about ourselves and those told about us by others; the masks we make for ourselves and those made for us by others.

      This is the first revolution in which we all must fight, the struggle for ownership of ourselves.

      Who then shall we become? Asks our self of surfaces, images, and masks which each moment negotiates our boundaries with others. 

     To which our secret self, the self of darkness and of passion, the self that lives beyond the mirror and knows no limits, unbound by time and space and infinite in possibilities, replies; Who do you want to become? 

     As I wrote in my post of June 21 2021, The Hope of Humankind: On Becoming Autonomous Zones as Agents of Chaos and Transformative Change;      A friend has written in despair of our significance and hope for the liberation of humankind, of the impactfulness of our lives and our struggles which balance the flaws of our humanity against the monstrous and vast forces of a system of dehumanization, falsification, and commodification; for to be human is to live in a state of existential crisis and struggle for the ownership of ourselves.

     Today is the birthday of Jean Paul Sartre, and so this event finds me reading once again his magnificent reimagination of Jean Genet in Saint Genet: Actor and Martyr; Genet who set me on my life’s path with the Oath of the Resistance in Beirut during the summer of 1982.

     Israeli soldiers had set fire to the houses on my street, and called for people to come out and surrender. They were blindfolding the children of those who did and using them as human shields.

     We had no other weapon than the empty bottle of champagne we had just finished with our breakfast of strawberry crepes; I asked “Any ideas?”, at which he shrugged and said “Fix bayonets?”

     And then he gave me a principle of action by which I have lived for thirty nine years now; “When there is no hope, one is free to do impossible things, glorious things.”

     He asked me if I was going to surrender, and I said no; he smiled and replied, “Nor will I.” And so he swore me to the Oath he devised in 1940 in Paris at the beginning of the Occupation for such friends as he could gather, reworded from the oath he had taken as a Legionnaire. He said it was the finest thing he ever stole; “We swear our loyalty to each other, to resist and yield not, and abandon not our fellows.” So it was that I became the bearer of a tradition now over eighty years old and forged in the most fearsome and terrible conflict the world has ever known, shortly before I expected to be burned alive in the first of many Last Stands.

     This was the moment of my forging, this decision to choose death over subjugation, and ever since being struck by it I have been a bell, ringing. And like the Liberty Bell with its iconic crack, I am broken open to the suffering of others and the flaws of our humanity. This has been the greatest gift I have ever been given, this empathy borne of a sacred wound, and I shall never cease the call to liberty, nor hesitate to answer as I am able the call for solidarity with others.

     This morning I awoke to a call to identify the body of a friend missing and believed killed in Gaza by Israeli terrorists in the savage street fighting which followed the rocket attacks of last week, which I was unable to do; I searched for my friend in this sad and ruined form, like the skin of a wild thing which has sung itself utterly away, and could recognize nothing.

    Where is my friend, agile, lithe, mercurial, fearless, insightful and quick witted, who always had four scenarios running and three escape routes, who survived against impossible odds through improvisation and leveraging chaos, whose vision could discern true motives within the secret chambers of the human heart and play them like an instrument as songs of rapture and terror, who chameleon-like and protean could shift identities as needed and behind their masks move among her enemies unseen?

      I never knew her true name; perhaps she no longer had one, as is true for so many of us who play the Great Game of futures and the possibilities of becoming human, a term popularized by Rudyard Kipling in the novel Kim. My own names are numberless as the stars, like those of an actor who has played multitudes of roles in films and theatres of many kinds.

     She first entered my orbit during the victorious struggle of Hamas against al Qaeda for dominion of Gaza in August of 2009 in Rafah, an Egyptian Palestinian drawn into the maelstrom of war like countless others by family duty and vendetta.

    Yet she said no to authority at great peril when she could have said yes and become a slave, stood in solidarity with others when she could have run; this was a choice, one which confers agency, autonomy, and self-ownership as a seizure of power in a limited and deterministic context. Refusal to submit is the primary human act, one which cannot be taken from us, wherein we become Unconquered and free, and able to liberate others.

     So it is that we may escape the wilderness of mirrors in which we wander, a realm of lies and illusions, captured and distorted images, falsification and the theft of the soul. For the authentic self, the image which we seize and claim as our own, flies free of its mad circus of seductions and traps. Hence we achieve our true selves and form, in rapture and exaltation as beings of our own uniqueness.

    Impossible that such grandeur could be reduced to its material form, like the abandoned shell of a fantastic sea creature which has grown beyond its limits and moved on, to realms unknown.

     The lines spoken by Hamlet while holding the skull of his friend Yorick came unbidden to my thoughts; “Here hung those lips that I have kissed I know not how oft. Where be your gibes now? your gambols? your songs? your flashes of merriment, that were wont to set the table on a roar? Not one now, to mock your own grinning?”

     For twelve years you danced with death, and danced away laughing, until today.

     Farewell, my friend; I’ll see you in the eyes of the defiant ones, who bear your fire onward into the unknown, and with it I hope your laughter. Our successors will need both fire and laughter, if the future we win for them is to be equal to its price, and worth living in.

     Our lives are like the dragon’s teeth sown in the earth by the Phoenician prince Cadmus from which warriors arise; from each, multitudes. For we live on as echoes and reflections in the lives of others, in the consequences and effects of our actions, in the good we can do for others which gathers force over time, and in the meaning, value, and possibilities we create.

     How can choosing death and freedom be better than submission to authority and its weaponization of fear and force?

     My experience of accepting death in confronting force and violence finds parallels in the mock executions of Fyodor Dostoevsky and Maurice Blanchot, and I’m not done challenging state terror and tyranny and forces of repression. I’m going to stand between people with guns and their victims in future, as I have many times in past, and here I find resilience among my motivating and informing sources; Sartre’s total freedom won by refusal to submit, and Camus’ rebellion against authority which renders force meaningless when met by disobedience, give me the ability to claw my way out of the ruins and make yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory or even survival.

     And all who are mortal share these burdens with me. In this all who resist subjugation by authority are alike as Living Autonomous Zones, bearing seeds of change; we can say with the figure of Loki; “I am burdened with glorious purpose.”

     We are all Nikolai Gogol’s hero in Diary of a Madman, caught in the wheels of a great machine he services, like Charlie Chaplin in his film Modern Times. But we know that we are trapped and enslaved, and we know how and why; we know the secrets of our condition which our masters would keep silent, and in refusing to be silent we can free ourselves and our fellows. This Michel Foucault called truth telling; a poetic vision of reimagination and sacred calling to pursue the truth which bears transformative power.

     So here I offer all of you words of hope for moments of despair, the horror of meaninglessness, the grief of loss, and the guilt of survivorship.

     Your voice has defied our nothingness, and resounds throughout the chasms of a hostile and dehumanizing world; gathering force and transformative power as it finds a thousand echoes, and begins to awaken refusal to submit to authority and to heal the pathology of our falsification and disconnectedness. 

    The voice of even one human being who bears a wound of humanity which opens him to the pain of others and who places his life in the balance with those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth, the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, who in resistance to tyranny and terror, force and control, becomes unconquered and free, such a voice of liberation is unstoppable as the tides, an agent of reimagination and transformation which seizes the gates of our prisons and frees the limitless possibilities of becoming human.

    Despair not and be joyful, for we who are living Autonomous Zones help others break the chains of their enslavement simply by condition of being as well as action; for we violate norms, transgress boundaries of the Forbidden, expose the lies and illusions of authority, and render the forces of repression powerless to compel obedience.

      This is the primary revolutionary struggle which precedes and underlies all else; the seizure of ownership of ourselves from those who would enslave us.  

     Such is the hope of humankind.

Tear Down the Wall, by Pink Floyd

Netanyahu banks on political dividends as he restarts Gaza war

Israeli strikes latest bloody chapter in war of extraordinary civilian casualties

Israel launches ‘limited ground operation’ to retake Netzarim corridor in Gaza

Israeli protesters say airstrikes are ‘cover’ for Benjamin Netanyahu to keep power

Netanyahu will never accept peace. Where will his perpetual war lead next?

Simon Tisdall

Arabic

ي 19 مارس 2025، يشن الطغاة حملة إبادة جماعية: نتنياهو يقصف ممرًا للمساعدات المدنية في غزة لتقسيمه إلى بانتوستانات، بينما يقصف ترامب اليمن لكسر حصارنا المضاد للحصار الإسرائيلي للمساعدات الإنسانية.

في فظاعة وجريمة حرب وحشية ومروعة، ينسق نتنياهو وترامب حملة قصف على جبهتين للإبادة الجماعية ضد الفلسطينيين؛ نتنياهو يقصف ممرًا للمساعدات المدنية لتقسيم غزة إلى بانتوستانات، بينما يقصف ترامب اليمن لكسر حصارنا المضاد للحصار الإسرائيلي للمساعدات الإنسانية.

إبادة جماعية، وتطهير عرقي، واستعباد، ومجاعة مُصممة، وجرائم حرب ضد الأطفال وغيرهم من المدنيين؛ هذه هي دولة إسرائيل بكل رعبها وإرهابها، والآن أمريكا الفيشية في ظل نظام ترامب ومسرح وحشيته. إسرائيل وأمريكا معًا نظامان وحشيان، لا قانون لهما سوى حكم استبدادي بالقوة والخوف، لا أخلاق إلا الكراهية، لا أحلام عظيمة بإنسانيتنا ومواطنتنا المتساوية، بل كوابيس من العنصرية الفاشية والإيمان والهوية الوطنية.

هنا نشهد مجددًا حقيقةً عظيمةً ورهيبةً: أينما انطلقتَ من أفكارك عن أنواع البشر، وتسلسلاتك الهرمية وتصنيفاتك للانتماء والاختلاف الإقصائي، ستنتهي دائمًا عند أبواب أوشفيتز.

Hebrew

19 במרץ 2025 רודנים תוקפים במסע רצח עם: נתניהו מפציץ את מסדרון הסיוע האזרחי בעזה כדי לחלק אותו לבנטוסטנים בזמן שטראמפ מפציץ את תימן כדי לשבור את המצור הנגדי שלנו על המצור הישראלי לסיוע הומניטרי

 בזוועה אכזרית ונוראה ופשע מלחמה, נתניהו וטראמפ מתאמים מסע הפצצה דו-חזיתי של רצח עם נגד הפלסטינים; נתניהו מפציץ מסדרון סיוע אזרחי כדי לחלק את עזה לבנטוסטנים בזמן שטראמפ מפציץ את תימן כדי לשבור את המצור הנגדי שלנו על המצור הישראלי של סיוע הומניטרי.

 רצח עם, טיהור אתני ועבדות, תכננו רעב ופשעי מלחמה נגד ילדים ואזרחים אחרים; זו מדינת ישראל במלוא האימה והאימה שלה, ועכשיו של וישי אמריקה תחת משטר טראמפ ותיאטרון האכזריות שלו.

 ישראל ואמריקה ביחד הן משטרי זוועה ללא חוקים אלא שלטון סמכותי בכוח ופחד, ללא מוסר אלא שנאה, ללא חלומות גדולים על אנושיותנו ואזרחותנו כשווים אלא סיוטים של גזע פאשיסטי, אמונה וזהות לאומית.

 כאן אנו עדים שוב לאמת גדולה ונוראה; לא משנה היכן אתה מתחיל עם רעיונות של סוגים של אנשים, עם היררכיות וטקסונומיות של שייכות ואחרות מוציאה מהכלל, אתה תמיד מגיע בשערי אושוויץ.

March 18 2025 Anniversary of the Founding of the Paris Commune

     We celebrate today the one hundred fifty third anniversary of the founding of the Paris Commune, a glorious legacy of Resistance in which all humankind shares. It conjures for me visions of the Bacchantes, a society of women revolutionaries who printed tickets with an image of the god of ecstasy and poetic vision on one side and the address of an enemy of the people on the other, bearing the legend “good for burning”. Distribution of the lottery tickets was through street runners as if it were an illegal gambling ring, something of no real interest to the police; teams bearing axes and torches would converge on the target as a flash mob.

     An ancestor of mine was one of them, called the Red Queen in reference to the character in Alice in Wonderland due to her signature method of assassination, a friend of figures of the Commune including Karl Marx, Gustave Courbet, Arthur Rimbaud, Victor Hugo, Emile Zola, and a comrade of Louise Michel; she was among the members of the Garde Militaire of the Commune who later immigrated to San Francisco as an intact unit, with their banners and uniforms.

      The secret society of revolutionaries descended from the original Garde Militaire of the Commune throughout the world remains among the most influential of covert military organizations which are independent from and not authorized by any nation, though clearly not unique in this. I have always enjoyed the splendid irony that many of the world’s criminal syndicates originate exactly as the intelligence and special operations communities which are their counterparts and opposing forces do, as a final court of appeal of the people against tyrants and systems of oppression; crime and law enforcement, revolution and tyranny, the secret policeman and the rebel, arise together and are interdependent. As I have often written, the use of force obeys Newton’s Third Law of Motion and creates its own counterforce of resistance.

     As her descendent and successor in revolutionary struggle, the Red Queen provides me with an informing, motivating, and shaping source; among her principles of action are the following:  

     First, always go for the enemy leadership and decapitate the bosses. With an ax; then burn everything they own and everything they use to create wealth and power to the ground.

     Second, always strike without warning and anonymously with overwhelming force when and where the enemy is weakest.

      Third, never use the same trick twice; or rephrased be unpredictable to achieve surprise.

      I imagine her as a combination of Helena Bonham Carter’s Eudoria Holmes in Enola Holmes, which depicts the key figures of Suffragette history Emmeline Pankhurst and her daughter Sylvia, Rachel McAdams’ Irene Adler in Sherlock Holmes, and Michelle Pfeiffer’s Catwoman in Batman Returns.

     When you dream of ur-sources of historical identity and archetypal figures who can act as guardians and guides of the soul and provide spaces to grow into, dream big.

     Sustained and relentless waves of liberation actions and revolutionary struggle continue to hammer the world’s tyrannies of authoritarian force and control and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil with massive protests and electoral activism, and as we did in the Autonomous Zones of Seattle, Portland, and New York and hundreds more throughout the world, we will emerge victorious from the fight against unequal power and oppression because whosoever refuses to submit to force and defies authority and those who would enslave us becomes Unconquered and free. Each of us is a Living Autonomous Zone, ungovernable as the tide, uncontrollable as the wind; we are wild things, who serve no masters.

     The Black Flag flies from the barricades in al Quds-Jerusalem, Moscow, Hong Kong, Atlanta, and dozens of other cities in every continent of earth, and its primary meaning has not changed since its use by the First International and by Louise Michel, veteran of the Paris Commune entitled the Red Virgin of Montmartre, who first flew it as an anarchist banner when she led the Paris worker’s revolt of March 9 1883; freedom versus tyranny, refusal to submit to authority, the abolition of state terror, surveillance, and control, resistance to nationalisms of blood, faith, and soil, and abandonment of fear as the basis of human exchange and the social use of force as a principle of human organization.

     With this bold signal the people declare: we shall be ruled by none.

     Vive la Commune!

La Commune (Paris, 1871), Peter Watkins Auteur, 1ª parte

Eliane Annie Adalto, Pierre Barbieux,  Bernard Bombeau

La Commune 1871 (2ème partie)

Chants de la Commune

The Paris Commune: Anarchy in the French Republic

The Paris Commune by Karl Marx. Audiobook of 1871 Address to the Int’l Workingmen’s Association

Storming heaven: The Paris Commune

            Ideas of my ancestor the Red Queen

Helena Bonham Carter’s Eudoria Holmes in Enola Holmes

Rachel McAdams’ Irene Adler in Sherlock Holmes

Michelle Pfeiffer’s Catwoman in Batman Returns

            the Paris Commune, a reading list

Paris Babylon: The Story of the Paris Commune, Rupert Christiansen

Rabble! A story of the Paris Commune, Geoffrey E. Fox

Massacre: The Life and Death of the Paris Commune of 1871, John M. Merriman

Communal Luxury: The Political Imaginary of the Paris Commune, Kristin Ross

The Red Virgin: Memoirs of Louise Michel, Louise Michel, Bullitt Lowry,

Elizabeth Gunter (Editors)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/691816.The_Red_Virgin

Writings on the Paris Commune, Marx, Engels, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Lenin

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/4682739-writings-on-the-paris-commune

Surmounting the Barricades: Women in the Paris Commune, Carolyn J. Eichner

The Emergence of Social Space: Rimbaud and the Paris Commune, Kristin Ross,

Terry Eagleton (Foreword)

The Paris Commune: A Revolution in Democracy, Donny Gluckstein

https://www.versobooks.com/blogs?post_author=367506

https://www.marxists.org/history/france/paris-commune/index.htm

https://jacobinmag.com/2021/03/paris-commune-radical-change-history-revolution

https://jacobinmag.com/2015/05/kristin-ross-communal-luxury-paris-commune

http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/pariscommune/lenincommune.html

https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1871/civil-war-france/index.htm

http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bakunin/pariscommune.html

http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/kropotkin/pcommune.html

https://jacobinmag.com/2021/03/paris-commune-bolsheviks-win-a-revolution

https://jacobinmag.com/2016/04/james-connolly-paris-commune-easter-rising-tactics

https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/5027-alternative-futures-of-the-paris-commune

https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/2717-under-the-flag-of-the-universal-republic-essential-paris-commune-reading-list?fbclid=IwAR1B3c91jfM_UEbXmgmBq2fl7nhfS4rcTzhEOO36jVPcOmBdkUnzZ1CHsR0

https://www.counterfire.org/articles/history/22167-karl-marx-and-the-paris-commune

https://www.counterfire.org/articles/opinion/22168-clr-james-on-the-paris-commune-they-showed-the-way-to-labour-emancipation-anniversary-marx

https://www.counterfire.org/articles/opinion/19679-marx200-the-paris-commune-and-the-marx-family

https://www.historicalmaterialism.org/book-review/everyday-life-paris-commune

March 17 2025 A Heritage of Resistance: the Unconquered Irish, on St Patrick’s Day

      An ancient length of iron rests hidden among my tools, pitted and scarred from many battles and acts of sabotage, artifact of a heritage of resistance which reaches back into antiquity and connects us with the lives of others who refused to submit to authority; in this case the unconquered Irish.

    A workingman’s tool that can be used as a weapon, this is a traditional iron crow, a term whose first written use was in a poem in 1386 which describes the wicked triangular punch like a crow’s beak at the terminus of its curved handle, now called a crowbar, wrecking bar, or infamously as Edward Abbey did a monkeywrench, and normally now with wedged clawfoot prybars at both ends instead of just the foot, originally a pirate’s boarding weapon and breaching tool which by the early 1400’s had developed into the bec de corbin; Joan of Arc’s helmet has a strike imprint from one along the cheekplate.

    I will tell you two stories of the origins of this fragment of our history, one American and the other of the Old World. Both are true, if in different ways.

    Probably forged by my partner Theresa’s grandfather, the great socialist politician and labor organizer John F. McKay, blacksmith by trade though he published and edited several newspapers, and carried by him as a walking stick for some thirty years, this particular crowbar struck fear into company thugs and strikebreakers and brought hope to workingmen and their families.

      He began life as do many Americans, bearer of a historical legacy of survival and resistance; his father Hugh McKay had been a schoolteacher kidnapped at Inverness into service in the British Navy, who had killed or grievously wounded a British officer in a sword duel aboard ship, and was released by a sympathetic jailer before he was to be hanged. He jumped ship and swam the St Lawrence River to freedom in America.

      As an Industrial Workers of the World unionist and with his friend Eugene V. Debs, John F. McKay defied and challenged authority throughout the world to forge a better future in which no worker can be used against another. He began this life work as a Montana state senator in 1918-1922; for union organizing among the miners and loggers he was excommunicated by the Church, and defeated an assassin sent against him.

     An infamous event from this period was the Centralia Massacre of November 11 1919, in which a local Washington State headquarters of the IWW was attacked by members of the American Legion who had been called on by the town council to restore order during a strike; they surrounded and fired on the building, and a young IWW man who happened to be a World War One veteran fired back, killing several of them. The remaining strikebreakers stormed the building, killed several of the office staff, and castrated, dragged behind cars, and lynched others. Their mutilated bodies were hung about town; captured survivors were convicted on trumped up charges and given sentences of 25 years. From this abattoir emerged a champion of the people; I believe this event began John F. McKay’s shift from political to direct action. At the end of his term in the senate he became a full time IWW organizer.

     In 1930 he moved to Spokane and founded the All Worker’s Party, and with the hundreds of men he organized kept thousands of people alive during the Great Depression, by raiding trains for food to distribute while his teams turned the power and water back on for families who had no cash to pay the utilities with, among other things.

     And with this wrecking bar in his fist he fought for liberty, equality, and justice for the rest of his life.

     Before we reach back into antiquity to share a second origin story, here are my recommendations for reading into the history of Ireland; Say Nothing by Patrick Radden Keefe, Tim Pat Coogan’s 1916: One Hundred Years of Irish Independence, The Troubles: Irelands Ordeal 1966-1996, and Wherever Green is Worn: the Story of the Irish Diaspora, and Fintan O’Toole’s The Irish Times Book of the Century and The History of Ireland in 100 Objects.

     As we move further in time from our point of reference, possibilities multiply, meanings change, and futures become ambiguous; so it is with the past as well. So we turn from history to myth, and an origin story from which the Clan McKay  constructs its identity.    

     Possibly this crowbar is the haft of the ax of Sigurd the Mighty, Norse King of Orkney, who in 892 became the only man in history to have been bitten to death by a decapitated head. It happened this way; that in a great battle he struck off the head of Maelbrighte the Poisonous, Gaelic King of Moray, whose line were the last independent Irish rulers of Scotland, the original ancestor being anointed king by St Patrick himself, and a direct ancestor of all persons McKay and MacKay from Niall of the Nine Hostages, High King of Tara. Sigurd the Mighty tied the head of Maelbrighte the Poisonous to his saddle, and the head bit his leg which became infected and killed him.

      After generations of war the grandchildren of these two kings who had killed each other in battle united in marriage, becoming like many Scots a blend of Irish and Viking, figures of the origins of Scotland. The great ax was a wedding present, and a peace treaty.

     The malefic ax, consecrated to the Viking trickster god of battle, magic, and poetry, Odin, whose name means Master of Ecstasy and Fury, referring to the twin arts of poetry and war, and on the other side to the Irish Crow of Battle, death, time, magic, and transformation, the goddess Morrigan, Queen of Death and Nightmares, in equal part, as a peace offering at a wedding which unified the two peoples in the historic struggle for dominion, and signaled the birth of a new nation.

      Thus multigenerational trauma and vendetta became the forge of a new nation. Sociologists call it the Brazilian Solution; described by Ciara Nugent and Thais Regina in Time “As Brazil emerged from the slavery era in the 1900s, elites in the country promoted an idea of the country as a “racial democracy”—a supposedly harmonious mixing of Indigenous, white European, and Black African cultures. But at the same time, politicians, the media and academics also encouraged the descendants of enslaved Africans and indigenous communities to marry and have children with the descendants of white colonizers. Some conservative Brazilians still idealize their country as a racial democracy, where racial discrimination or conflict cannot exist.”

     I believe this practice began with Alexander the Great requiring his soldiers to marry Afghan women and so render everyone blood relatives rather than imperial colonists and indigenous subjects. I wonder how well it would work for Double Minority nations like Israel and Palestine or in Northern Ireland.

     Though clearly absurd for any state to enforce a policy of intermarriage en masse, and fraught with peril and vile abuses of power, one could begin by sending all the children to the same schools together as we do in America, and let nature take its course. It remains a primary goal of public education, wherein everyone begins as equals and mixes freely to level all divisions of class, race, and faith, which is why Lincoln enacted the system after the Civil War. 

      In Northern Ireland, one would of course begin with an independent and sovereign nation, committed to our universal human rights and total decolonization at all levels of society and realms of human being, meaning, and value, with a secular state where all are equal before the law and no divisions or institutions of faith are authorized.

     Thus the wrecking bar of the great John McKay and possibly a relic of the peace that united the Irish and Norse peoples of Scotland sings to me of liberty and equality, and of the redemptive power of love to free us from the legacies of our history.

     And so this battered thing of dual origins and secret history waits among the other tools of my trade, that of resistance, chaos, anarchy, transgression, revolution, and the frightening of the horses.

     Of these it whispers secrets, awakens lost histories, restores forbidden senses of awareness and vision, opens doors of possibilities, and sends beautiful, terrible dreams of things which may have been or yet may be.

     Such is the legacy of humankind, which belongs to all of us. Seize and use it without fear, and build a better humanity and a better future for us all.

     Some fun from Peio Duhalde at Pillart; I admire his vision and ability to create beauty and joy in our broken world and our flawed humanity   

film on Instagram 

image gallery on FB   

Belfast film trailer

 On the film Belfast

https://focusfeaturesguilds2021.com/belfast/conversations?fbclid=IwAR0jQ-9ULoSSk36o–8CNOvx5X7xOC4bF2MG8NEvtY1fNLyFJ3Opg-N0FRc

The Wind That Shakes the Barley film

https://archive.org/details/TheWindThatShakesTheBarleyFULLMOVIE

Crowbar of John McKay, possibly haft of the ax of Sigurd the Mighty, Norse King of Orkney. Who in 892 became the only man in history to be bitten to death by a decapitated head.

            

Ireland, a reading list

Say Nothing: A True Story of Murder and Memory in Northern Ireland,

by Patrick Radden Keefe

Sinn Féin: A Hundred Turbulent Years, Brian Feeney

The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers’ Party,

Brian Hanley, Scott Millar

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/6871859-the-lost-revolution

Out of the Ashes: An Oral History of Provisional Irish Republicanism, Robert W. White

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/35049661-out-of-the-ashes?ref=rae_2

Rebel Hearts: Journeys Within the IRA’s Soul, Kevin Toolis

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/667816.Rebel_Hearts?ref=rae_6

Bandit Country: The IRA and South Armagh, Toby Harnden

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/438231.Bandit_Country?ref=rae_3

Tim Pat Coogan’s Author page on Goodreads, with all his published works

Fintan O’Toole’s Author Page

Colm Tóibín’s Author Page

Seamus Heaney’s Author Page

Samuel Beckett’s Author Page

James Joyce’s Author Page

https://www.goodreads.com/author/show/5144.James_Joyce

Flann O’Brien’s Author Page

https://www.goodreads.com/author/show/15248.Flann_O_Brien

Oscar Wilde’s Author Page

W.B. Yeats’ Author Page

Thomas Kinsella’s Author Page

https://www.goodreads.com/author/show/42958.Thomas_Kinsella

The Books That Define Ireland, Bryan Fanning, Tom Garvin

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/20795033-the-books-that-define-ireland

Reading in the Dark,  Seamus Deane

TransAtlantic, Colum McCann

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/16085517-transatlantic?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_29

Breakfast on Pluto, Patrick McCabe

      The question remains of how to Resist; how to make of our lives, whole and entire, a glorious and heroic performance of Resistance and defiance of Authority and its systems of oppression, force, and control?

     Herein I look to the iconic figure of a Joan of Arc of our time; as I wrote in her eulogy.

July 26 2023 Sinead O’Connor’s Glorious Legacy of Resistance; “Fight the Real Enemy”

    We have lost a Pythian seer who revealed truths we did not wish to see, one too beautiful for this world, for these truths.

     But the legacy of glorious Resistance she left for us all endures, freed now from the limits of its form in one tiny and delicate woman who would not stay down, who at terrible costs rose again and again to fight on in solidarity with those whose voices have been stolen, and sing liberty for them against the vast unanswerable forces of our oppression.

     As written by Sylvia Patterson in The Guardian, in an article entitled Nothing compares: how Sinéad O’Connor’s fearless activism helped change the world; “They tried to bury me,” she says. “They didn’t realise I was a seed.”

      Let us live as did she; as Dragon’s Teeth, our lives sown in the design of time and our human nature as seeds of change, transformation, and rebirth.

     Sinead O’Connor was broken and driven mad by the forces of systemic oppression with which she wrestled, especially those of theocratic tyranny and sexual terror embodied in the Church and its authorized identities of patriarchal subjugation and dehumanization of women, though such are sadly universal to our historical civilization and not limited to any organization of faith or other determination by context, yet she refused to abandon her sacred mission to pursue the truth nor wavered in her lifelong cause as an artist to bring healing to the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world through her transcendent songs of ourselves.

     Though reviled, mocked, and made outcast like Don Quixote she never hesitated to tilt at the windmills that might be giants. She held her demons close, in a titanic struggle her form could neither contain nor withstand, and like Ahab hurled defiance into the endless chasms of nothingness which surround us and our fragile and ephemeral islands of light as human being, meaning, and value; “To the end, I shall grapple with thee.”

     No more magnificent life is possible than this, and no greater glory; as written on the tomb of Nikos Kazantzakis, “I believe nothing, I hope for nothing; I am free.”

     This is her monument; the songs she gave us all in hope that one day we may all become free, and the actions we her successors may perform to make the dream real.

     This night, listening to her ethereal voice wailing in lamentation for the injustices of our history, I have wept, I have raged, I have been seized with her visions of our possible futures and shaken in the fist of her voice, and I have found new purpose and illumination. As the leader of the Matadors said when they rescued me from the police death squad the summer of my fourteenth year; “We can’t save everyone. But we can avenge.”

    For the dead we can do nothing; it is the living who must be avenged, and the future which must be redeemed.

     We may say of Sinead O’Connor what is said of Vincent Van Gogh in Doctor Who; “She transformed the pain of her tormented life into ecstatic beauty. Pain is easy to portray, but to use your passion and pain to portray the ecstasy and joy and magnificence of the world; no one had ever done it before, perhaps no one will ever do it again. To my mind, that strange, wild woman was not only among the world’s greatest artists, but also one of the greatest human beings who ever lived.”

Nothing Compares (2022) Official Trailer | Documentary

Rememberings, Sinead O’Connor

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/53968505-rememberings

War, Bob Marley’s Song, cover by Sinead O’Connor

The Foggy Dew – Sinéad O’Connor & The Chieftains

Sinéad O’Connor – Nothing Compares 2 U

Sinead O’Connor sings Roger Waters Mother The Wall Live at Berlin

Sinead O’Connor – You Made Me The Thief Of Your Heart

Sinead O’Connor – Thank You For Hearing Me

Sinead O’Connor Youtube channel

https://music.youtube.com/channel/UC3N6q2-7iltxJ2kQFJPEJWA

Nothing compares: how Sinéad O’Connor’s fearless activism helped change the world/ The Guardian

Controversy never drowned out the astonishing songcraft of Sinéad O’Connor

https://www.theguardian.com/music/2023/jul/26/controversy-never-drowned-out-the-astonishing-songcraft-of-sinead-oconnor?CMP=share_btn_link

Sinead O’Connor: the angelic skinhead for whom love, intelligence and madness were inseparable | Simon Hattenstone

https://www.theguardian.com/music/2023/jul/27/sinead-oconnor-mental-health-struggles-parental-abuse?CMP=share_btn_link

Sinéad O’Connor: ‘I’ll always be a bit crazy, but that’s OK

https://www.theguardian.com/music/2021/may/29/sinead-oconnor-ill-always-be-a-bit-crazy-but-thats-ok-rememberings?CMP=share_btn_link

Nothing Compares/ Journal of the Plague Years

‘She trembled with the truths she had to tell’: Sinéad O’Connor by friends, fans and collaborators

https://www.theguardian.com/music/2023/jul/27/sinead-oconnor-tribute-by-friends-fans-and-collaborators?CMP=share_btn_link

Dr Who: Vincent Van Gogh Visits the Gallery

March 16 2025 Serbia Resists Capture of the State by Putin’s Puppet Tyrant; Why Can’t We Here In America?

      In the mass action of protest Serbia resists capture of the state by Putin’s puppet tyrant Vucic; why can’t we here in America do the same and purge Traitor Trump and his criminal regime from among us?

      When elections fail from internal rot and contradictions combined with external intrusive forces of fascist ideologies and subversion of our democratic institutions by Russian propaganda warfare and dark money, we must recognize that the puppet regimes of foreign masters have no legitimacy and must be met by means beyond those of electoral politics.

     Vichy America is a kind of shell corporation of Russia and of the Fourth Reich, as is Serbia; and we must not give the enemy time to dismantle our institutions and render of ideals and values meaningless.

     Yes, wage lawfare, electoral, legislative, information, and political war and liberation struggle to seize power and restore a free society of equals and the action of our values of a secular state, liberty, equality, testable truth and fair and equal justice for all; all of this is Resistance along with bringing a Reckoning to those who would enslave us, but we must also wage Revolution against unequal power and systems of oppression which create and enforce elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, identitarian fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, and the amoral and antihuman tyranny of theocracy as submission to a tyrant authorized by God.

     My field of study, chosen while working through the consequences of trauma and near-death experiences while a senior in high school, is the origin of evil and its implications and causal relations, and I have long believed that evil is a term for unequal power which arises from recursive forces of fear, power, and force, a Wagnerian Ring of Power, and as Wagner teaches us only love can redeem us from our addiction to power.

     In the context of Resistance and Revolutionary struggle, I regard the praxis of love as solidarity of action, allyship, and stewardship or our duty of care for each other.

      In the end, all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power; do something beautiful with yours.

     We are all reeling from the shared public trauma of the Trump regime or that of any tyrant in any nation or time; for tyranny is a Theatre of Cruelty as Artaud described it and this is its design, to drive us into submission by terror. And this we must Resist, and we must do so in organized solidarity of action with as many allies and from as many angles of attack as possible. So, join everything which can open a space of play for our liberty and do anything you are able to do to delegitimize authority and take their power.

      When they come for us, as those who would enslave us always have and will, let them find not subjects conquered by learned helplessness, despair, and abjection, but citizens united as guarantors of each other’s universal human rights and our parallel and interdependent rights as citizens who are co-owners of the state in a free society of equals.

     Many of us living in the shadow of brutal tyrants and their thugs and minions who do not regard us as fellow human beings, often under imposed conditions of struggle which include, or in America soon will, universal surveillance, pervasive propaganda, censorship, and thought control, the silencing of dissent and erasure by police enforcers who can abduct us at will without reason into black site prisons as they did Mahmoud Khalil or assassinate us as they did our Antifa comrade Michael Reinoehl, are now suffering the effects of induced anxiety and traumatic stress.  

     What can we do with our pain? What can we do when we feel overwhelmed by the immense forces of our oppression, by the abysmal violations and horrors perpetrated by our oppressors, and in the face of impossible odds? How can we find the will to claw our way out of the ruins of our nation and our civilization, and make yet another Last Stand, after all is lost, beyond hope of victory or even survival?

      This I have done more times than I can number, and gladly. Here is my prescription for confronting evil one more time, from a life lived beyond all laws and all limits among the unknowns marked Here Be Dragons on our maps of becoming human; embrace your trauma, pain, and fear and let it become your armor and weapons.

      If we do not shape and use our darkness to create beauty and seize power, it will seize us and alienate us from our truths.

      This is how I described Resistance to my partner Theresa, for whom the news threatens her wellbeing with blood pressure spikes, disturbed sleep, and the frustration of outrage which has no constructive use and turns inward to torment us instead. “I write to process my feelings, question the meaning and implications of events, witness and speak truth to power, and strategize future actions. Your art is music, and you are a master of it. Play in joy, play in rage, play it out. This is my advice to you”.

     Serbia offers us an example, sadly far from unique, of what happens when we cannot transform our darkness into beauty and joy.

      As I wrote in my post of September 16 2022, The Limits of the Human: the Case of Serbia; The mad dreams of a tyrant become the delusions of grandeur and jealous obsessions of a reviled former lover on a national scale; Putin and the Russian quest for imperial dominion and the legitimation of a criminal regime in its death throes reach out to engulf Serbia and her neighbors much as they did thirty years ago.

     I speak here as a witness of history, having survived the sieges of both Sarajevo and Mariupol, which are parallels of the depravity, psychopathy, nihilism, and dehumanization of war; the origins of evil lie in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, in the weaponization of identities of faith, race and ethnicity, sex and gender, and nation in service to power and the centralization of authority to elite hegemonies and to the carceral and military state, and it is in submission to authority that we reach the limits of the human and become what T.S. Eliot called Hollow Men, degraded to atavisms of instinct as brutes like Circe’s Swine and dehumanized.

      What awaits us beyond the boundaries of the Forbidden and the limits of the human? Herein I look to Rudolf Otto in The Idea of the Holy, who described immersion in the Infinite much the same way Thomas Mann described the consequences of beholding the Impossible in Death In Venice, as fascinans et tremendum, wonder and terror.

     Come with me beyond all boundaries and all limits into the unknown places marked Here Be Dragons, wherein the limitless possibilities of human being, meaning, and value are created and destroyed as we so choose, and I’ll show wonderful things, terrible things. But remember always the warning of Nietzsche in Beyond Good and Evil; “He who fights monsters should be careful lest he thereby become a monster. And if thou gaze long into an abyss, the abyss gazes back into thee.”

     As I wrote in my post of July 12 2024, Anniversary of the Srebrenica Massacre; On this the anniversary of one of history’s most terrible examples of man’s inhumanity to man, state terror and racial violence, genocide and ethnic cleansing, and of the massive scale of hate crime when enacted by a government as an authorized policy of fascisms of blood, faith, and soil so very like those recently employed by America against our own Black and other nonwhite citizens and in concentration camps for Latin migrants at our border, let us consider the nature of the path we are on and where it might lead.

     There is nothing more dangerous than a man who believes God is on his side, for this belief justifies all evils. He who has granted himself absolution from any crimes committed in the pursuit of a sanctified goal, like the Pope once granted beforehand to all Crusaders for any sins committed during conversion by the sword, has opened the door to a bottomless well of depravity, perversion, brutality, and atavisms of barbarian darkness.

    The Srebrenica Massacre stands out from the background of war crimes and atrocities in a chiaroscuro of wickedness and of terrors; the three legged race to the dehumanization of peoples and the degradation of values between the Bosnian Orthodox Serbs, their victims the Muslims of Bosnia who were abandoned in place by the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and the Catholic Croatians likewise set adrift by the defeat of the Austrian Empire in the wake of World War One having recurred like Nietzsche’s Eternal Return to echo the collapse of civilization in a whirlpool of destruction. The Siege of Sarajevo alone lasted three times longer than the Battle of Stalingrad, to which it compares unfavorably in other respects as well.

     Of Sarajevo I shall speak here not of the monstrous acts of those who would be conquerors, nor of the courageous resistance of their intended victims who held true to their faith and to each other in the face of death and torture, nor even of the valor and compassion of the volunteers of the International Brigade who placed themselves between hammer and anvil, but of a small horror which has come to symbolize for me the unimaginable horrors of war; the Jar of Eyes.

      On the desk of a commander of death squads sat a jar full of eyes, and beside it an ice cream scoop which he would toy with, stroking its stainless smoothness with an absentminded and sensual languor while interrogating prisoners.

    This he did in imitation of the Roman Emperor Basil the Second the Bulgar Slayer, who after the battle of Kleidion in 1014 Christianized Bulgaria by blinding the army he had defeated, and leaving one man in one hundred with a single eye to guide the others home and terrify the nation into submission. 

    How do I know this, and what were we to each other, this monster and I? Herein I recall and speak as a witness of history a Defining Moment in which we played a game of chess with the life of a prisoner of his as the prize.

    Having materialized at his gate and asking to see the commander, itself unusual and a curious thing to a man with his fearsome reputation, I came bearing the gift of a recording of an opera I knew he loved and could not attend due to his duties and price on his head as a war criminal, Leoš Janáček’s House of the Dead set in a Serbian prison and based on the Dostoevsky novel, with the promise of more music in trade for a prisoner he held and did not know the value of. He agreed to the bargain, but with one condition; we would play three games of chess after dinner in the following days, and I must win or force a draw once.

      We had three meetings over three days of an hour each, over dinner and  chess, during which we conversed of the historical civilization he was fighting to defend, a fight which had made him a monster; music, philosophy, art, literature. Once a prisoner was brought in, seated and held fast by guards like a third companion at dinner whom he tortured while we sipped tea and spoke of the scene between Christ and the Grand Inquisitor in Dostoevsky‘s The Brothers Karamazov. I think he was lonely.

     Within the jar the eyes would float randomly, hypnotic, reflective, capturing ones will to resist with a Medusa-like gaze of objectification and dehumanization appropriated from their tormentors, a talisman of transference of power. A jar of silent screams, erased lives, and the lost witness of history; how can we accuse our destroyers when we have no mouths?

     Here among the dragons, where the rule of law cannot reach and our maps of meaning and value have given way to tantalizing empty spaces which beckon with the siren call of the Forbidden, where the only currency is fear and the only relationships those of power and dominion, we challenge and define by their absence and contrary the limits of what is human.

     For we are all trapped in the Jar of Eyes, and if we are to reawaken and assume our true forms we must find a means of escape.

                  References

John Gielgud as The Grand Inquisitor /BBC 1977 film

The House of the Dead, (opera set in a Serbian prison, based on Dostoevsky’s novel)   

Leoš Janáček The House Of The Dead,  recording led by Sir Charles Mackerras, courtesy of Operawire

QUO VADIS, AIDA? | Official UK Trailer

 The Idea of the Holy, Rudolf Otto

Beyond Good and Evil, Friedrich Nietzsche

Oxford Studies in Byzantium

Basil II and the Governance of Empire (976-1025), Catherine Holmes

                     State of the Revolution In Serbia Now

Serbians stage huge protest in Belgrade against their president

https://www.theguardian.com/global/2025/mar/15/serbians-stage-huge-protest-in-belgrade-against-their-president

Protesters march in Belgrade at huge rally against Serbian president

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/mar/15/tensions-mount-in-serbia-as-protesters-converge-on-belgrade

‘We are done with corruption’: how the students of Serbia rose up against the system

The Investigator review – harrowing documentary details search for justice after Balkan wars

The Investigation: Official Trailer | HBO

Monumenta by Lara Haworth review – Serbian house of horrors

This article is more than 8 months old

A deeply political debut novel, fizzing with ideas, examines the difficulties of memorialising the past in a region riven by conflict

Monumenta by Lara Haworth

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/204374196-monumenta?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_25

                   The Brothers Karamazov, a reading list

The Brothers Karamazov: Translated by Richard Pevear & Larissa Volokhonsky, Fyodor Dostoevsky 

Dostoevsky’s The Brothers Karamazov, by Julian W. Connolly provides the definitive reader’s guide to the novel by a professor who taught it for over twenty years.

A Karamazov Companion: Commentary on the Genesis, Language, and Style of Dostoevsky’s Novel, Victor Terras

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/197091.A_Karamazov_Companion

Multi-Mediated Dostoevsky: Transposing Novels into Opera, Film, and Drama,

by Alexander Burry explores the interpretation of his works in Sergei Prokofiev’s opera The Gambler, Leos Janacek’s opera From the Dead House, Akira Kurosawa’s film The Idiot, and Adrzej Wajda’s drama The Devils.

Dostoevsky: A Writer in His Time, by Joseph Frank

(sets his works in their historical and cultural context and functions as a history of Russia in his time)

               Srebrenica, a reading list

Srebrenica Massacre archive 1995 The Guardian

https://www.theguardian.com/world/from-the-archive-blog/2020/jul/01/the-srebrenica-massacre-archive-july-1995

Endgame: The Betrayal And Fall Of Srebrenica, Europe’s Worst Massacre Since World War II, David Rohde

The Last Refuge: A True Story of War, Survival and Life Under Siege in Srebrenica, Hasan Nuhanović

Blood and Vengeance: One Family’s Story of the War in Bosnia, Chuck Sudetic

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/132782.Blood_and_Vengeance

Voices from Srebrenica: Survivor Narratives of the Bosnian Genocide, Ann Petrila, Hasan Hasanović

             Sarajevo, a reading list

Hearts Grown Brutal: Sagas of Sarajevo, by Roger Cohen

Logavina Street: Life and Death in a Sarajevo Neighborhood, by Barbara Demick

Sarajevo: A War Journal, by Zlatko Dizdarević

Waiting For Godot In Sarajevo: Theological Reflections On Nihilsim, Tragedy, And Apocalypse, by David Toole

The siege of Sarajevo – archive, 1993

https://www.theguardian.com/world/from-the-archive-blog/2018/jul/13/siege-of-sarajevo-ian-traynor-maggie-okane-1993

               the Bosnian War, a reading list

Balkan Ghosts: A Journey Through History, Robert D. Kaplan

The Balkan Wars, André Gerolymatos

Seasons in Hell: Understanding Bosnia’s War, Ed Vulliamy

A Witness to Genocide: The 1993 Pulitzer Prize-winning Dispatches on the Ethnic Cleansing of Bosnia, Roy Gutman

The Tenth Circle of Hell: A Memoir of Life in the Death Camps of Bosnia,

Rezak Hukanović

Torture, Humiliate, Kill: Inside the Bosnian Serb Camp System, Hikmet Karčić

When History Is a Nightmare: Lives & Memories of Ethnic Cleansing in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Stevan M. Weine

Flag on the Mountain: A Political Anthropology of War in Croatia and Bosnia,

Ivo Žanić

March 15 2025 Women’s History Month: Feminism as Revolutionary Struggle and a Reimagination of Humankind and our Historical Civilization

     As we celebrate Women’s History Month, I am struck once more with the vast and awesome task which the ancestresses and warrior matriarchs of our modern world set for themselves under the banner of Feminism; no less than the total reimagination of humankind and our historical civilization.

     Patriarchy as a system of oppression has dominated our civilization at minimum from the Hanging of the Maids scene Homer’s Odyssey, 22.446-73, composed two thousand seven hundred years ago;

“So he spoke and all the women came in close together,

Wailing terribly, shedding growing tears.

First, they were carrying out the corpses of the dead men,

and they put them out under the portico of the walled courtyard

stacking them against one another. Odysseus himself commanded

as he oversaw them—they carried out the bodies under force too.

Then, they cleaned off the chairs and the preciously beautiful trays

With water and much-worn sponges.

Meanwhile Telemachus, the cowherd and the swineherd

were scraping up the close-fit floors of the home

with hoes—the maids were carrying the remnants to the ground outside.

Then, when they had restored the whole house to order,

They led the women out of the well-roofed hall,

Halfway between the roof and the courtyard’s perfect wall,

Closing them in a narrow space were there was no escape.

Among them, learned Telemachus began to speak.

“May I not rip the life away from these women with a clean death,

These women who poured insults on my head and my mother

These women who were stretching out next to the suitors”

So he spoke. After attaching a ship’s cable to a pillar he bound it around

The dome of the house and stretched it up high

so that no one could be able to touch the ground with feet.

Just as when either thin-winged thrushes or doves

step into a snare which has been set in a thicket,

as they look for a resting plate, a hateful bed receives them—

Just so the women held their heads in a line, and nooses

fell around every neck so that they would die most pitiably.

They were gasping, struggling with their feet a little bit, but not for very long.”

ὣς ἔφαθ’, αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες ἀολλέες ἦλθον ἅπασαι,

αἴν’ ὀλοφυρόμεναι, θαλερὸν κατὰ δάκρυ χέουσαι.

πρῶτα μὲν οὖν νέκυας φόρεον κατατεθνηῶτας,

κὰδ δ’ ἄρ’ ὑπ’ αἰθούσῃ τίθεσαν εὐερκέος αὐλῆς,

ἀλλήλοισιν ἐρείδουσαι· σήμαινε δ’ ᾿Οδυσσεὺς

αὐτὸς ἐπισπέρχων· ταὶ δ’ ἐκφόρεον καὶ ἀνάγκῃ.

αὐτὰρ ἔπειτα θρόνους περικαλλέας ἠδὲ τραπέζας

ὕδατι καὶ σπόγγοισι πολυτρήτοισι κάθαιρον.

αὐτὰρ Τηλέμαχος καὶ βουκόλος ἠδὲ συβώτης

λίστροισιν δάπεδον πύκα ποιητοῖο δόμοιο

ξῦον· ταὶ δ’ ἐφόρεον δμῳαί, τίθεσαν δὲ θύραζε.

αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ δὴ πᾶν μέγαρον διεκοσμήσαντο,

δμῳὰς ἐξαγαγόντες ἐϋσταθέος μεγάροιο,

μεσσηγύς τε θόλου καὶ ἀμύμονος ἕρκεος αὐλῆς,

εἴλεον ἐν στείνει, ὅθεν οὔ πως ἦεν ἀλύξαι.

τοῖσι δὲ Τηλέμαχος πεπνυμένος ἦρχ’ ἀγορεύειν·

“μὴ μὲν δὴ καθαρῷ θανάτῳ ἀπὸ θυμὸν ἑλοίμην

τάων, αἳ δὴ ἐμῇ κεφαλῇ κατ’ ὀνείδεα χεῦαν

μητέρι θ’ ἡμετέρῃ, παρά τε μνηστῆρσιν ἴαυον.”

ὣς ἄρ’ ἔφη, καὶ πεῖσμα νεὸς κυανοπρῴροιο

κίονος ἐξάψας μεγάλης περίβαλλε θόλοιο,

ὑψόσ’ ἐπεντανύσας, μή τις ποσὶν οὖδας ἵκοιτο.

ὡς δ’ ὅτ’ ἂν ἢ κίχλαι τανυσίπτεροι ἠὲ πέλειαι

ἕρκει ἐνιπλήξωσι, τό θ’ ἑστήκῃ ἐνὶ θάμνῳ,

αὖλιν ἐσιέμεναι, στυγερὸς δ’ ὑπεδέξατο κοῖτος,

ὣς αἵ γ’ ἑξείης κεφαλὰς ἔχον, ἀμφὶ δὲ πάσαις

δειρῇσι βρόχοι ἦσαν, ὅπως οἴκτιστα θάνοιεν.

ἤσπαιρον δὲ πόδεσσι μίνυνθά περ, οὔ τι μάλα δήν.”

      This was the crucial scene which inspired Margaret Atwood to write The Penelopiad, and it remains a balance point on which equal or unequal power depends. There are Democratic Party analysts who are utterly baffled as to why Kamal lost the election to Trump, clearly the most important election of American history as it marks the second capture of the state by a fascist tyrant and his regime of theocratic patriarchal sexual terror, but the reason is simple and clear, though compounded by the Party’s, and Kamala personally, refusal to champion our universal human rights and end our complicity in the genocide of the Palestinians; she and the campaign attempted to reverse a system of oppression as old as our civilization and pervasive throughout our society rather than simply challenge Trump on his criminal and treasonous record. The Democrats did not lose the election; the Revolution did.

     Of course the Patriarchy arises with mass agriculture and city-states ruled by priest kings who interpreted the will of the Infinite as their own laws to keep the slaves in the fields, so the disease is far older than Homer and the birth of Greece, as old as written human memory and the Pyramids.

     What is Feminism? It is an ideology of revolution which directly interrogates and challenges Patriarchy as a system of oppression.

     This subsumes cultural and ideological fields of Philosophy and its subset Political Science, of Sociology, Anthropology, Psychology, Literary Theory, and Alternate Histories of patriarchal sexual terror, enslavement, dehumanization, commodification, falsification, and of resistance and liberation, as revolutionary struggle.

     Here are some reading recommendations on the subject of Feminist thought and Women’s History: 

     Feminism is for Everybody: Passionate Politics, by bell hooks is wonderful and engaging, and the first book I would recommend to a high school student or anyone new to the subject. Thereafter read her other works; Ain’t I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism, Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center, Black Looks: Race and Representation, Yearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural Politics, Outlaw Culture: Resisting Representation

     For the best general America history of the movement, read The World Split Open: How the Modern Women’s Movement Changed America by Ruth Rosen.

     Sex and Subterfuge: women writers to 1850, by Eva Figes is an excellent critical history of literature.

     Rebecca Solnit’s brilliant, erudite, and savagely satirical trilogy is by turns delightful and disturbingly horrific, and a must-read for everyone; Men Explain Things to Me (No! Make it stop!), The Mother of All Questions, and Whose Story Is This? Old Conflicts, New Chapters.

      Women & Power: A Manifesto, by Mary Beard has the finest writing on the subject of power and gender relations ever, by anyone.

     Camille Paglia’s notorious and incendiary Sexual Personae: Art and Decadence from Nefertiti to Emily Dickinson remains a glorious and strange theoretical work on the origins of culture in gender inequalities, authorized identities of sex and gender, interrogations of ontological gendered being in literature, and idealizations of masculine and feminine beauty as a negotiated ground of struggle.

     From the Beast to the Blonde: On Fairy Tales and Their Tellers, and No Go the Bogeyman: Scaring, Lulling, and Making Mock by Marina Warner together comprise a riveting and brilliant interrogation of the iconography of femininity and masculinity in our civilization.

     Women, Race & Class, by Angela Y. Davis is an excellent guide to the idea of intersectionality by an iconic figure of revolutionary struggle.

     Of course everyone should read the work that originated Feminism as a Humanist philosophy and a development of Existentialism in the new translation, The Second Sex by Simone de Beauvoir, H.M. Parshley (Translator & Editor), Deirdre Bair (Introduction).

     The Deepening Darkness: Loss, Patriarchy, and Democracy’s Future, and its sequel Darkness Now Visible: Patriarchy’s Resurgence and Feminist Resistance

by Carol Gilligan, David A.J. Richards, together comprise the most relevant ideological framework for understanding and resisting patriarchal oppression yet written.

      I enjoyed Imagining Characters: Six Conversations About Women Writers: Jane Austen, Charlotte Bronte, George Eliot, Willa Cather, Iris Murdoch, and Toni Morrison, by A.S. Byatt, Ignes Sodre.

     We may discover and explore the diverse literature and developmental and Hegelian epochs of Feminism through the great books which were its fulcrums of change; Outrageous Acts and Everyday Rebellions by Gloria Steinem, The Feminine Mystique by Betty Friedan, The Female Eunuch by Germaine Greer,      Sexual Politics by Kate Millett, and The Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Feminist Revolution by Shulamith Firestone.

     And then we have my two favorite authors on the subject, Judith Butler and Anne Fausto-Sterling.

     Sexing the Body: Gender Politics and the Construction of Sexuality, and Myths Of Gender: Biological Theories About Women And Men, Anne Fausto-Sterling

     Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of “Sex”, Undoing Gender, Senses of the Subject, Notes Toward a Performative Theory of Assembly, Antigone’s Claim: Kinship Between Life and Death, The Psychic Life of Power: Theories in Subjection, Precarious Life, Frames of War: When Is Life Grievable?, The Force of Nonviolence: The Ethical in the Political, Judith Butler

     Beyond the subjects of Feminism as a philosophy, ideology, and alternate history, there is the subject of Women’s Literature in all its luminous and transformational diversity. As written by Judith Butler, “We lose ourselves in what we read, only to return to ourselves, transformed and part of a more expansive world.”

     Here is a short reading list of indisputable classics and masterpieces of world literature, and some newer discoveries:

      Orlando, To the Lighthouse, Virginia Woolf

     The Bell Jar, Ariel, Sylvia Plath

      The Complete Poems of Emily Dickinson, edited by Thomas H. Johnson

     Tender Buttons, The Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas, Paris France, Picasso, How to Write, Gertrude Stein

     Collages, Henry and June, D. H. Lawrence: An Unprofessional Study, Anais Nin

     La Bâtarde, Mad in Pursuit, The Lady and the Little Fox Fur, Violette Leduc

     Cat’s Eye, Life Before Man, Interlunar, The Edible Woman, The Handmaid’s Tale, Margaret Atwood

     Beloved, Song of Solomon, The Bluest Eye, Toni Morrison

     The House of the Spirits, Of Love and Shadows, Eva Luna, Stories of Eva Luna, Isabel Allende

     The Infernal Desire Machines of Doctor Hoffman, Nights At The Circus, The Magic Toyshop, Wise Children, The Sadeian Woman, Angela Carter

     Sexing the Cherry, Art & Lies, The Passion, Written on the Body, The Poetics of Sex, Why Be Happy When You Could Be Normal?, Gut Symmetries, Jeanette Winterson    

    Wise Blood, The Violent Bear It Away, Flannery O’Connor

     Blood and Guts in High School, In Memoriam to Identity, Great Expectations,  Empire of the Senseless, Don Quixote, Body of Work, Kathy Acker

     Against Interpretation, Styles of Radical Will, Under the Sign of Saturn, Where The Stress Falls, On Photography, Susan Sontag

     The Faraway Nearby, A Field Guide to Getting Lost, Call Them By Their True Names, Recollections of My Nonexistence, Rebeca Solnit

     Collected Stories of Collette

     The Age of Innocence, Edith Wharton

     Wuthering Heights, Emily Bronte

     Frankenstein, Mary Shelly

     Nightwood, Djuna Barnes

     Rebecca, My Cousin Rachel, Daphne du Maurier

     Little Women, Louisa May Alcott

     The Black Prince, The Sacred and Profane Love Machine, A Word Child, The Sea, the Sea, Nuns and Soldiers, The Philosopher’s Pupil, The Good Apprentice, The Green Knight, Metaphysics as a Guide to Morals, The Sovereignty of Good, Iris Mudoch

     Possession, Babel Tower, Angels and Insects, The Children’s Book, On Histories and Stories: Selected Essays, A.S. Byatt

     Light, Nelly’s Version, Eva Figues

     Geek Love, Katherine Dunn

     The Gray House, Mariam Petrosyan

     Drive Your Plow Over the Bones of the Dead, Olga Tokarczuk

     The Complete Stories of Leonora Carrington, Leonora Carrington

     The Hélène Cixous Reader, Cixous, Sellers ed, foreword Jacques Derrida

     You Don’t Love Yourself, Portrait of a Man Unknown, The Planetarium, The Golden Fruits, Here, Use of Speech, Nathalie Sarraute

     Memiors of Hadrian, The Abyss, Fires, That Mighty Sculptor Time, The Dark Brain of Piranesi and Other Essays, Dreams and Destinies, Marguerite Yourcenar

      The Fountains of Neptune, The Monstrous and the Marvelous, The Deep Zoo, The Cult of Seizure, Phosphor in Dreamland, Gazelle, The One Marvelous Thing, Netsuke, The Fan-Maker’s Inquisition : A Novel of the Marquis de Sade, Brightfellow, Rikki Ducornet

    The Malady of Death, The War, The North China Lover, Marguerite Duras

     Serowe, Maru, A Question of Power, Bessie Head

     Dust, The Dragonfly Sea, Yvonne Adhiambo Owuor

     The Memory of Love, Ancestor Stones, Aminatta Forna

     Half of a Yellow Sun, Purple Hibiscus, We Should All Be Feminists, Dear      Ijeawele, or A Feminist Manifesto in Fifteen Suggestions, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie

     Nervous Conditions, The Book of Not, This Mournable Body, Tsitsi Dangarembga

     Pet, Freshwater, The Death of Vivek Oji, Dear Senthuran, Akwaeke Emezi 

     The Secret River, Kate Grenville

     The Multiple Effects of Rainshadow, Drylands, Thea Astley

     The Octopus and I, Erin Hortle

     Prizes: the Selected Stories, Owls Do Cry, Faces in the Water, The Edge of the Alphabet, Scented Gardens for the Blind, Intensive Care, Daughter Buffalo, The Carpathians, Janet Frame

      The Piano, Jane Campion

     Selected Stories, Katherine Mansfield

     Te Kaihau: the Windeater, The Bone People, Stonefish, Keri Hulme

     Monkey Beach, Son of a Trickster, Trickster Drift, Eden Robinson

      The Smaller Infinity, Patricia Monk

      Autobiography of Red, Eros the Bittersweet, The Beauty of the Husband: A Fictional Essay in 29 Tangos, Glass Irony and God, Antigonick, An Oresteia, Grief Lessons: Four Plays by Euripides, Iphigenia among the Taurians, Plainwater: Essays and Poetry, Men in the Off Hours, Decreation, Float, Elliott Hundley: The Bacchae (contributor), Anne Carson

     Malina, Darkness Spoken: collected poems of Ingeborg Bachman

     The Piano Teacher, Wonderful Wonderful Times, Elfriede Jelinek

     Visitation, The End of Days, Jenny Erpenbeck

     Cassandra: A Novel and Four Essays, Medea, The Quest for Christa T., Accident: A Day’s News, Christa Wolf

    Conjurations: poems of Sarah Kirsch

    Empress and the Cake, Linda Stift

     Pride and Prejudice, Sense and Sensibility, Emma, Persuasion, Jane Austen

     Autumn, Winter, Spring, Summer, Ali Smith

      Piranesi, Susanna Clarke   

     The Liar’s Dictionary, Eley Williams 

     Bina, Anakana Schofield  

     The Mercies, Kiran Millwood Hargrave    

      Hamnet, Maggie O’Farrell

     The Mermaids in the Basement, The Leto Bundle, Indigo, Murderers I have Known and other short stories, Fly Away Home, Marina Warner

     Dreaming in Cuban, The Lady Matador’s Hotel, King of Cuba, Christina Garcia

     Wide Sargasso Sea, Jean Rhys

     Love Anger Madness: a Haitian Trilogy, Marie Vieux-Chauvet

     The Autobiography of My Mother, Jamaica Kincaid

      Crossing the Mangrove, Windward Heights, Celine, Segu, Children of Segu, Tree of Life, The Last of the African Kings, What is Africa to Me?, Maryse Conde

     Prospero’s Daughter, Even in Paradise, Bruised Hibiscus, Elizabeth Nunez

     The Joy Luck Club, Hundred Secret Senses, Amy Tan

     The Woman Warrior, China Men, Tripmaster Monkey: His Fake Book, Maxine Hong Kingston

     Legacies: a Chinese Mosaic, The Middle Heart, Bette Bao Lord

      The Island of Sea Women, The Tea Girl of Hummingbird Lane, China Dolls, Peony in Love, Shanghai Girls, Dreams of Joy, Lisa See

     Red Azalea, Pearl of China, Becoming Madame Mao, Anchee Min

     Love in a Fallen CIty, Lust Caution: the story, the screenplay, and the making of the film, The Rouge of the North, The Book of Change, Eileen Chang

     Three Souls, Dragon Springs Road, The Library of Legends, Janie Chang

     The Night Tiger, The Ghost Bride, Yangsze Choo

     The God of Small Things, The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, My Seditious Heart: Collected Nonfiction, The Shape of the Beast: Conversations with Arundhati Roy, Things that Can and Cannot Be Said: Essays and Conversations (with John Cusack, Daniel Ellsberg, and Edward Snowden), Azadi, India: A Mosaic, Arundhati Roy

     Interpreter of Maladies, The Namesake, Jhumpa Lahiri

     Jasmine, The Holder of the Word, The Tree Bride, Desireable Daughters, Miss New India, Darkness, Bharati Mukherjee

     The Mistress of Spices, The Palace of Illusions, Chitra Banerjee Divakaruni

     The Widows of Malabar Hill, The Sleeping Dictionary, Sujata Massey

      Fatma: a novel of Arabia, The Doves Necklace, Raja Alem

     The Fall of the Imam, God Dies By The Nile and other stories, The Innocence of the Devil, Walking Through Fire, Nawal El Saadawi

     The Moor’s Account, Laila Lalami

     Here There Was Once A Country, Venus Khoury-Gata

    Aria, Nazanine Hozar  

     The Iraqi Nights, Dunya Mikhail

     Scheherazade Goes West, Harem Within, Fatema Mernissi

     Equal of the Sun, The Blood of Flowers, Anita Amirrezvani

     Reading Lolita in Tehran: A Memoir in Books, Things I’ve Been Silent About, The Republic of Imagination, Azar Nafisi

     The Pillow Book of Sei Shonagon

     Kitchen, Banana Yoshimoto

     Kabuki Dancer, The River Ki, Sawako Arioshi

     Masks, Fumiko Enchi

     The Adventures Of Sumiyakist Q, The Woman with the Flying Head and Other Stories, Yumiko Kurahashi

     Where the Wild Ladies Are, Matsuda Aoko

     Killing Kanoko, Wild Grass on the Riverbank, Itō Hiromi

     The Memory Police, Yōko Ogawa

      The Origins of Totalitarianism, The Human Condition, Between Past and Future, The Life of the Mind, Hannah Arendt 

     36 Arguments for the Existence of God: A Work of Fiction, Properties of Light: A Novel of Love, Betrayal, and Quantum Physics, The Dark Sister, Strange Attractors: Stories, Rebecca Goldstein

     Hovering at a Low Altitude: The Collected Poetry of Dahlia Ravikovitch

     City of Many Days, The Vocabulary of Peace: Life, Culture, and Politics in the Middle East, Shulamith Hareven

     The Complete Stories, Near to the Wild Heart, The Apple in the Dark, The Passion According to G.H., The Hour of the Star, Clarice Lispector

     Hurricane Season, Fernanda Melchor  

     Texas: The Great Theft, Carmen Boullosa

     Leopoldina’s Dream, Thus Were Their Faces, The Promise, Silvina Ocampo

     Infinity in the Palm of Her Hand: A Novel of Adam and Eve, Gioconda Belli

     Clara: Thirteen Short Stories and a Novel, The Lizard’s Tail, He Who Searches, The Censors: A Bilingual Selection of Stories, Symmetries, Bedside Manners, Luisa Valenzuela

     Things We Lost in the Fire, Mariana Enríquez

     The Dark Bride, Laura Restrepo

     Mouthful of Birds, Fever Dream, Samanta Schweblin

    The Obscene Madame D, Letters From a Seducer, With my Dog Eyes, Hilda Hist

     Gods of Jade and Shadow, Silvia Moreno-Garcia

     Tender Is the Flesh, Agustina Bazterrica

     Extracting the Stone of Madness: Poems 1962 – 1972, Alejandra Pizarnik 

     The Storm, The Virtuoso, The Kreutzer Sonata, Margriet de Moor

     Threshold of Fire, In the Dark Wood Wandering, The Scarlet City, The Tea Lords, Hella S. Haase

     Sleepwalker in a Fog, Tatyana Tolstaya

     Girls Against God, Jenny Hval

     Complete Poems, Kallocain, Karin Boye

     Krane’s Cafe: An Interior With Figures, The Leech, Cora Sandel

     Kristin Lavransdatter, Sigrid Undset

     The Lowenskold Ring, Charlotte Lowenskold, Anna Svard, Selma Lagerlof

     The Third Hotel, Laura van den Berg

     The Left Hand of Darkness, The Lathe of Heaven, The Dispossessed, Ursula K. LeGuin

     Gibbon’s Decline and Fall, The Fresco, The Visitor, The Companions, The Margarets, Sherri S. Tepper

     Oblique Prayers, Denise Levertov

     The Dead and the Living, Arias, Sharon Olds

     Collected Poems: 1950-2012, Adrienne Rich

     Fried Green Tomatoes, Fannie Flagg

     Collected Stories of Eudora Welty

     Ballad of the Sad Cafe and other stories, Carson McCullers

     I Love Myself When I Am Laughing, and Then Again: a Zora Neal Hurston Reader, Alice Walker ed, Their Eyes Were Watching God, Dust Tracks On A Road, Collected Plays, Zora Neal Hurston

     The Women of Brewster Place, Gloria Naylor

     Kindred, Parable of the Sower, Parable of the Talents, Bloodchild and Other Stories, Octavia E. Butler

      I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings, Wouldn’t Take Nothing for My Journey Now, Complete Stories, Maya Angelou

     The Color Purple, Living by the Word, The Temple of My Familiar, We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Inner Light in a Time of Darkness, Hard Times Require Furious Dancing: New Poems, The World Will Follow Joy: Turning Madness into Flowers, The Way Forward Is with a Broken Heart, Alice Walker

     Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches, The Collected Poems, The Collected Plays, Audre Lorde

     Homegoing, Yaa Gyasi

     Don’t Let Me Be Lonely: an American Lyric, Citizen: an American Lyric, Just Us, Claudia Rankine

     Night Flying Woman, Ignatia Broker

     Ceremony, Almanac of the Dead, Storyteller, Turquoise Ledger, Leslie Silko

     Firesticks, Primer of the Obsolete, Stone Heart: A Novel of Sacajawea, The Reason for Crows: A Story of Kateri Tekakwitha, Uprising of Goats, Designs of the Night Sky, The Mask Maker, Stories of the Driven World, American Gypsy: Six Native American Plays, The Dance Partner, The Dream of a Broken Field, Diane Glancy

     Two Old Women, Bird Girl & the Man Who Followed the Sun, Velma Wallis

     Postcolonial Love Poem, Natalie Diaz

      How the Garcia Girls Lost Their Accents, Yo!, In the Time of the Butterflies, In the Name of Salome, The Woman I Kept to Myself, Once Upon a Quinceanera: Coming of Age in the USA, Something to Declare, Julia Alvarez

     The Moths and other stories, Under the Feet of Jesus, Their Dogs Came with Them, Helena Viramontes

     So Far From God, Peel My Love Like an Onion, The Guardians, Massacre of the Dreamers: Essays on Xicanisma, Watercolor Women / Opaque Men: A Novel in Verse, Black Dove: Mamá, Mi’jo, and Me, I Ask the Impossible, Ana Castillo

      The House on Mango Street, Woman Hollaring Creek and other stories, Caramelo, My Wicked Wicked Ways: Poems, A House of My Own: Stories from My Life, Sandra Cisneros

     Dreaming in Cuban, The Lady Matador’s Hotel, King of Cuba, Christina Garcia

     I Hotel, Tropic of Orange, Through the Ark of the Rain Forest, Karen Yamashita

     Mona in the Promised Land, The Love Wife, Tiger Writing , The Girl at the Baggage Claim: Explaining the East-West Culture Gap, Gish Jen

     Divakaruni :  The Mistress of Spices, The Palace of Illusions, Chitra Banerjee

     The Ghost Bride, Yangsze Choo

     Miracle Fruit, At the Drive In Volcano, Lucky Fish, Oceanic, Aimee Nezhukumatathil

      Dance Dance Revolution: Poems, Cathy Park Hong

     Everything I Never Told You, Celeste Ng

     Inferno, Catherine Cho  

     The Awakening and Selected Stories, Kate Chopin

     Man Walks into a Room, The History of Love, Great House, Forest Dark, Nicole Krauss

     Pilgrim at Tinker Creek, Annie Dillard

     The Historian, Elizabeth Kostova

     Averno, The Triumph of Achilles, Faithful and Virtuous Night, Proofs and Theories, American Originality, Louise Gluck                             

    The Hill We Climb and Other Poems, Amanda Gorman

March 14 2025 On This Night of the Worm Moon, Let Us Transcend the Flags of Our Skins In the Festival of Holi As Love and Transgression

     Joy explodes in puffs of colored powder and the exaltation of rainbow delights, masses of human bodies dance and writhe like a vast colony organism or the murmuration of birds ascending to the heavens, as the Festival of Holi unfolds across the Hindu diaspora in psychedelic surrealism and ecstatic trance.

     Herein a festival of love and ecstasy emerges from a more ancient one of spring and fertility, embedded in a historical psychodrama and mythic narrative of Krishna and Radha, who share the same blue skin through exaltation and the magic of his marking her with colored powder, a ritual of transformation enacted during this wild street party of colors cast upon the winds.

    In this wild and magic time, let us all be one color and many in our uniqueness, with no boundaries between us. Let us transcend the flags of our skins through love and transgression.

    Wary as I am of institutions of faith as enforcers of authorized truths, especially those which field armies, Krishna is just love without boundaries, and explicitly transgressive love as the gods are blind to whatever we do during this liminal amok time. In a society bound with laws still rooted in divisions of caste and hierarchies of virtue as karmic action, Holi is the free pass festival, wherein Nothing Is Forbidden.

    Let us embrace those truths written in our flesh and love which liberates us from the limits of our form.     

     As I wrote in my post of March 19 2022, On the Conjunction of the Hindu Festival of Triumph Over Evil Holi and the Islamic Festival of Atonement and Liberation From Sin Shab-e-Barat; Tonight a strange conjunction of the heavens unites Islamic and Hindu peoples, and in this we rejoice for it is a sign of hope for our common future.

   Shab-e-Barat, which means “night of innocence” though shab also means luck, and signposts the belief that on this night the Infinite decides the life, death, wealth, health, and future for the coming year of our lives, a liminal time of absolution and atonement, deliverance and salvation in the liberation from sin.

   Holi, a celebration of the triumph over evil through the sacrifice of oneself, and also a festival of the divine madness of love.

   Both are spring festivals; which begin as the first crocuses bloom here at Dollhouse Park, and the unfolding of the earth’s renewal begins again; soon tulips will follow, the cherry trees will blossom, and the rose gardens emerge from winter.

    This on the first day of the end of the mask mandate, with the stores full of people again; as the world’s first state Quarantine imposed by the Republic of Venice lasted from 1423 to 1797 when Napoleon conquered it, we have been lucky. But also as the world slides with glacial slowness and inevitability into a Third World War which will bring either the nuclear extinction of humankind or centuries of war and an Age of Tyrants in which all books now written, all music composed, all films created, all that our civilization has achieved and all that we have dreamed and done, all human meaning and value we now possess, will become ashes and be lost. 

    From this fate we have created and damned ourselves to I can see no possible escape; but none of us can contain all possibilities of becoming human, nor comprehend the Infinite. Here is my first principle of epistemology, the Conservation of Ignorance, a primary insight of my time as a graduate student historically developed from the thought experiment of the Spear of Archytus, who asked the question; “What happens to a spear when it is hurled across the outer boundary of the universe? Does the spear rebound, or vanish from this world?”, then by Nicholas of Cusa, and finally by Kurt Godel whose work is brilliantly interrogated in Rudy Rucker’s book Infinity and the Mind: The Science and Philosophy of the Infinite.

    And yet our calendrical reckoning of our place in the universe has aligned these two festivals of hope and renewal by happy chance, and reminds us that to live as a human being is to practice the art of the impossible.

     So to you all I say Shab-e-Barat Mubarak, and Holi ki shubhkamnayein; as a reminder to us all of the power of poetic vision in the reimagination and transformation of ourselves and of the redemptive power of love. As Jean Genet taught me during our Last Stand while we were about to be burned alive; “When there is no hope, we are free to do impossible things, glorious things.”

     Let us practice the art of the impossible, wherever we may be, as Living Autonomous Zones.

     As I wrote in my post of January 28 2022, I Sing of Madness, Vision, and Love: Lewis Carroll, on his birthday January 27, which I celebrate on the 28th because the 27th is also Holocaust Remembrance Day and the Liberation of Auschwitz, and the 26th is Australia’s Indigenous Mourning Day, and I need something wonderful to balance the darkness; I practice the art of believing “six impossible things before breakfast”; this is possibly a confession of faith, though if asked directly I normally quote either Keats; “I am certain of nothing but of the holiness of the Heart’s affections and the truth of Imagination—What the imagination seizes as Beauty must be truth—whether it existed before or not—for I have the same Idea of all our Passions as of Love they are all in their sublime, creative of essential Beauty”, or Rumi; “Let the beauty you love be what you do”, depending on who is asking, and in what language and nation.

    Without question and absolutely it is a declaration of allegiance to poetic vision and to poetic and metaphorical truth, as identity and the terms of struggle for its ownership; for after language itself the ideas by which we organize ourselves are our most fundamental ground of being.

     Are we not the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others? Always there remains the struggle between the masks we make for ourselves and those made for us by others; this is the first revolution in which we all must fight, the struggle for the ownership of ourselves.

     Poetic vision and truth allow us to escape the limits of our form and the flags of our skin; to create ourselves anew as a primary human act and the reimagination and transformation of our possibilities of becoming human.

    To Lewis Carroll, Surrealist and philosopher of poetic vision, we are indebted for his primary insight which reconciles the transcendent truth of Keats and Romantic Idealism as developments of the western mystery tradition from Plato with the immanent truths written in our flesh.

    His great book Alice in Wonderland, like Mozart’s Magic Flute, encodes this mystery tradition, for which his primary sources are Plato, the Biblical Book of John the Evangelist which forges a faith of the Logos, and Coleridge’s Primary Imagination; but he also attempted to write a Summa Theologiae which can unfold itself within the mind of its readers as transformation and transcendence.

     Dense with word games of the Italo Calvino-Georges Perec variety and mathematical-philosophical puzzles which are satirical metacommentary on the great thinkers of his time and which lampoon his fellow university professors, Alice in Wonderland is intended to transmit the whole of a classical education, but is also a Socratic dialog which questions the premises of our civilization. Few such total reimaginations have ever been attempted.

    I discovered Wonderland through the brilliant work of the mathematician Martin Gardner, which has been updated as The Annotated Alice: The Definitive Edition, when as a sophomore in high school I joined a reading group at the local university, carried along in the wake of my best friend, four years older than myself and a former Forensics student of my father, Doc (given name Brad) Hannink.

     This occurred during my teenage James Joyce-Ludwig Wittgenstein fandom and immersion in medieval magic, both related to a love of languages, logic, and math as hidden systems of meaning. These enthusiasms of my youth foundered before my senior year of high school on my failure to learn Kabbalah, the only thing I ever gave up on, as I discovered it is written not in Hebrew which I was attempting to teach myself but in a coded medieval scholar’s Aramaic and Andalusi Romance which preceded modern Spanish.

      But as a fifteen year old steeped in the iconography of Surrealist film and the esotericism of Finnegan’s Wake and the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, I loved that Alice always questioned authority and regarded her as an anarchist hero and a figure of Socrates, and this remains the primary meaning of the work for me. Alice enacts parrhesia, what Foucault called truth telling, and I saw in her someone I wished to become.

      As I wrote in my post of January 8 2022, Let Us Bring A Reckoning; Politics is the art of fear as the basis of exchange and the origin of authority and unequal power as systemic evil in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, as balanced with the desire to belong, but it is also about poetic vision as reimagination and transformation; to dream an impossible thing and make it real, as Washington did in crossing the Delaware to create America and as Alice teaches us when recounting the Six Impossible Things in her battle with the Jabberwocky.

      On the way to fight a dragon, and seeing it for the first terrible time, Alice remarks to the Mad Hatter in Tim Burton’s beautiful film; “That’s impossible.”

    To which the Hatter says, “Only if you believe it is.”

    “Sometimes, I believe in six impossible things before breakfast.”

     “That is an excellent practice, but just now, you really might want to focus on the Jabberwocky.”

     Just so.

      Here follows some things I have written for Mad Hatter Day, which I celebrate as a three day Orphic vision quest which begins the month of Halloween.

     As I wrote in my post of October 7 2021, Love as a Divine Madness: a Celebration of Mad Hatter Day;  We celebrate the beginning of the Halloween season, wherein we let our demons out to play, a time of masquerades, the performance of secret identities, violations of normality and transgressions of the boundaries of the Forbidden, reversals of order, the embrace of our monstrosity, of the reimagination and transformation of ourselves, and the pursuit of new truths through ecstatic trance and poetic vision, with our new national holiday of amok time, Mad Hatter Day.

     The Mad Hatter acts as a psychopomp or guide of the soul in Alice in Wonderland, and Alice is a Holy Fool like Parsifal, but he and Alice are also figures of a single whole person and the story one of hierosgamos or heavenly marriage; like Catherine and Heathcliff in Wuthering Heights, a myth into which Sylvia Plath and Ted Hughes cast themselves so disastrously.

     Jean Cocteau’s Beauty and the Beast interrogates this myth of idealizations of authorized masculinity and femininity as Freudian horror and Sadeian transgression. But it is also a primary myth of reimagination and transformation which signposts the inherent fluidity of identities of sex and gender.

     What does love do? Love sublimes us into a unitary being, erases our limits as individuals defined by our form and liberates us from the event horizon of our flesh.

     Love also reveals to us our true selves; a lover has the power to see the truth of others, and to reveal to others their true selves, and models thereby an ideal of human relationships. We choose partners who can help us become the person we want to be, and who embody qualities we wish to assimilate to ourselves; a healthy relationship returns to us and helps us discover our true and best selves. To love is to transform others by the power of our vision to see who they truly are and set them free.

     A lover is both a Pythian seer of truths who like Michelangelo can free us as images captive within the stone of our bodies and our material and social context, who in naming us like Adam naming the beasts defines our truth, and an inverted figure of Medusa, goddess and monster, a victim cursed for the crimes of her abuser like Hester Prynne in The Scarlet Letter, and whose power to turn men to stone appropriates the dehumanizing and objectifying power of the Male Gaze and transforms it into the power to see others true selves and release them to be free, and to mutually assimilate the qualities of the other and transform them both.

     Love is a divine madness which defiles and exalts, reveals truths and confers authenticity, and the redemptive power of love can make glorious and beautiful the flaws of our humanity and bring healing to the brokenness of the world and the pathology of our disconnectedness.

What is to be done? Alice Slays the Jabberwocky:

Jefferson Airplane – Go ask Alice

The Annotated Alice: The Definitive Edition

(Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland #1-2), by Lewis Carroll, Martin Gardner (Introduction and notes), John Tenniel (Illustrator)

Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland Decoded: The Full Text of Lewis Carroll’s Novel with its Many Hidden Meanings Revealed, by David Day

The Making of Lewis Carroll’s Alice and the Invention of Wonderland,

by Peter Hunt

           Sources of Holi festival myth and ritual

Gitagovinda of Jayadeva: Love Song of the Dark Lord, Jayadeva Goswami, Barbara Stoler Miller (Translator)

Krishna: The Beautiful Legend of God: Srimad Bhagavata Purana, Edwin F. Bryant  (contributor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/60421703-krishna

Bhakti Yoga: Tales and Teachings from the Bhagavata Purana, Edwin F. Bryant

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/31450741-bhakti-yoga

Krishna: A Sourcebook, Edwin F. Bryant

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/2557841.Krishna

Hymns Of The Atharva Veda, Maurice Bloomfield

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/4522359-hymns-of-the-atharva-veda

Hala’s Sattasai (Gatha Saptasati in Prakrit): Poems of Life and Love in Ancient India, Peter Khoroche, Herman Tieken

Kamasutra, Mallanaga Vātsyāyana, Wendy Doniger, Sudhir Kakar  (Translators)

https://goodreads.com/book/show/6457220.Kamasutra

Redeeming the Kamasutra, Wendy Doniger

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/27845372-redeeming-the-kamasutra

                    The Ramayana, a reading list

Arrow of the Blue-Skinned God, Jonah Blank

The Ramayana: A Modern Retelling of the Great Indian Epic, Vālmīki, Ramesh Menon

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/141153.The_Ramayana?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_57

The Ramayana: A Shortened Modern Prose Version of the Indian Epic, R.K. Narayan (Translator), Pankaj Mishra (Introduction)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/129876.The_Ramayana?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_65

March 14 2025 On Purim: What Do We Mean When We Use the Phrase; “Never Again!”

     On this holiday of Purim which began at sunset yesterday and ends with the fall of night today, the Jewish peoples of the world celebrate their salvation from genocide in 5th century Persia as written in the Book of Esther, and all of humankind may celebrate the triumph of love over hate, solidarity over division, and resistance over tyranny which it commemorates.

     As we are confronted in the news with images of terrible violence and crimes against humanity in two wars which challenge our world order; the Israeli invasion of Gaza which has made America complicit in genocide and calls into question the idea of human rights, and the Russian invasion of Ukraine, a war of total destruction unlike anything Europe has seen since the Second World War which echoes its atrocities and uses thermobaric weapons as mobile crematoriums against civilians, I think of these things today in terms of the historical legacies of resistance to tyranny, slavery, wars of imperial conquest and dominion, and genocide.  

      How shall we defend the peoples of Palestine and Ukraine from the horrific war crimes of Netanyahu’s theocratic fascism of blood, faith, and soil and from Putin’s mad imperial conquest, without ourselves becoming an empire?

     The seduction of power begins with fear, especially overwhelming and generalized fear given forms of Otherness by authority in service to power; to find safety and security in becoming the arbiter of virtue. This too we must resist.

     Moreover such strategies of force and control must always fail and come to ruin, for security is an illusion, and the use of social force creates its own resistance.

      Never Again! is a phrase I have used often as a reply to tyranny and fascism, both in my writing and to my comrades personally as a call to total resistance without limits, and herein I wish to interrogate its meaning and consequences.

      How can we use Never Again! as a principle of direct action which preserves and empowers the wellbeing and autonomy of others, without such action becoming a point of moral fracture, subversion of ideals, and the cascade failure of unequal power?

      For myself the history of its use is connected to a category of my Defining Moments which I call Last Stands, the stories of which I have told many times. These include only moments in which I chose solidarity and refusal to submit over personal survival; refusing to step aside from the child behind me when ordered to surrender by the police bounty hunters in Brazil 1974, when soldiers set fire to the house Jean Genet and I were in, surrounded and unarmed, in Beirut 1982 when he swore me to the Oath of the Resistance, a forlorn hope at the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale in Angola 1988 for the liberation from Apartheid, and numberless others beyond my accounting.

      Last Stands are choices of refusal to surrender our humanity and universal human rights, our duty of care and stewardship of one another, regardless of the consequences as lines we cannot cross without becoming something less than human.

    In the ongoing Gaza War and genocide of the Palestinians, this is also a refusal to abandon the cause of “freedom of faith for all humankind” as the legend on the monument of Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden’s 1631 victory at the Battle of Breitenfeld which secured this right declares, the principle of a nonsectarian state on which America is founded and of the inherent right of independence and sovereign self-determination of all peoples, and solidarity with all those whom Frantz Fanon called the Wretched of the Earth against  force and control, state terror and tyranny, war and imperial conquest.

      Among my personal role models in antifascism and revolution is the fictional character of Harry Tuttle played by Robert de Niro in the film Brazil, whose line “we’re all in this together,” echoes through forty some years of my life and adventures.

     Let me place this in context; Brazil was my first solo foreign travel experience, flying to Sao Paulo when I was fourteen, in the summer of 1974, to train with some fellow fencers for the Pan American Games which were planned to be held there, though later the venue was moved to Mexico. I had some newly learned conversational Portuguese, an invitation to stay at the home of a boy my age I knew from the fencing tournament circuit with whom I could discover the local mischief, and visions of beach parties.

     So it was that I entered a world of courtly manners and white-gloved servants, gracious and brilliant hosts who were local luminaries and threw a magnificent formal ball to introduce me, and a friend with whom I shared a mad passion for martial and equestrian sports, but also a world of high walls and armed guards.

     My first view beyond this illusion came with the sounds of rifle fire from the guards; when I looked from my balcony to see who was attacking the front gate I discovered the guards were firing into a crowd of beggars, mostly children, who had mobbed a truck carrying the weekly food supplies. That day I made my first secret excursion beyond the walls, from which I have never truly returned.

     What truths are hidden by the walls of our palaces, beyond which it is Forbidden to look? It is easy to believe the lies of authority when one is a member of the elite in whose interest they claim to wield power, and to fail to question one’s own motives and position of privilege. Terrifyingly easy to believe lies when we are the beneficiaries of hierarchies of exclusionary otherness, of wealth and power disparity and inequalities systemically manufactured and weaponized in service to power, and of white and patriarchal privilege, genocide, slavery, conquest, and imperialism. 

     Always pay attention to the man behind the curtain. For there is no just authority, and as Dorothy says in the Wizard of Oz, he’s “just an old humbug”, and his lies and illusions, force and control, serve no interests but his own.

     Being a naïve American boy, I felt it was my duty to report the incident; but at the police station I had difficulty making myself understood, not because of language but of implicit systems of oppression. They thought I was there to place a bet on my guard in an ongoing monthly contest for which police officer bagged the most street children; there was a chalkboard on the station wall for this, and a jar of tagged ears to prove the count. This was how the elites of Brazil had chosen to solve the problem of abandoned street children, fully ten per cent of the national population. Another betting game called “the Big One”, was for which policeman kicked the most pregnant girls in the stomach and ranked among the top ten causes of death in Brazil for teenage girls, invariably living within slum zones containing the most impoverished and most Black of citizens; this in a city founded by escaped African slaves as a free republic.

     I learned much in the weeks that followed; above all I learned who is responsible for these inequalities; we are, if we do not challenge and defy tyranny and unjust systems.

     During the nights of my adventures beyond the walls and actions to help the bands of child beggars and to obstruct the police bounty hunts I had a traumatic near death experience, similar to the mock executions of Maurice Blanchot by the Nazis in 1944 as written in The Instant of My Death and  of Fyodor Dostoevsky by the Czar’s secret police in 1849 as written in The Idiot; fleeing pursuit through a warren of tunnels with an injured child among others and trapped in the open by two police riflemen who took flanking positions and aimed at us while the leader called for surrender beyond the curve of a tunnel. I stood in front of a boy with a twisted leg who could not run while the others scattered and escaped or found hiding places, and refused to stand aside when ordered to do so. This was reflexive and a decision of instinct beneath the level of conscious thought or volition, where the truths of ourselves written in our flesh are forged and revealed. Asked to let someone die to save myself, I simply said no. When thought returned to me from this moment of panic or transcendence of myself, I asked how much to let us walk away, whereupon he ordered his men to fire. But there was only one shot instead of a demonstration of crossfire, and that a wide miss; he had time to ask “What?” before falling to the ground.

       And then our rescuers revealed themselves, having crept up on the police from behind; the Matadors, who might be described as vigilantes, a criminal gang, a revolutionary group, or all three, founded by Brazil’s notorious vigilante and criminal Pedro Rodrigues Filho, infamous for avenging his mother’s savage murder by killing his father and eating his heart, who had been arrested the previous year after a spectacular series of one hundred or more revenge killings of the most fiendish and monstrous of criminals, powerful men beyond the reach of the law or who were the law and who had perpetrated atrocities on women and children. Into this fearsome brotherhood I was welcomed, with the words; “You are one of us, come with us” and in the streets of Sao Paulo that summer I never again stood alone.

    “We can’t save everyone, but we can avenge”; so they described themselves to me, and this definition of solidarity as praxis or the action of values remains with me and shadows my use of the battle cry Never Again! As Shakespeare wrote in The Merchant of Venice, Act III, scene I; “If you wrong us, shall we not avenge?”

     From the moment I saw the guards of the aristocratic family with whom I was a guest firing on the crowd of homeless children and beggars swarming the food supply truck at the manor gate, naked and skeletal in starvation, scarred and crippled and misshapen with diseases unknown to any people for whom healthcare and basic nutrition are free and guaranteed preconditions of the universal right to life, desperate for a handful of food which could mean one more day of survival; in that moment I chose my side, and my people are the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased; all those whom Frantz Fanon called the Wretched of the Earth.   

    Second is the day when Jean Genet set me on my life’s path with the Oath of the Resistance in Beirut during the summer of 1982.

     Israeli soldiers had set fire to the houses on my street, and called for people to come out and surrender. They were blindfolding the children of those who did and using them as human shields.

     We had no other weapon than the empty bottle of champagne we had just finished with our breakfast of strawberry crepes; I asked “Any ideas?”, at which he shrugged and said “Fix bayonets?”

     And then he gave me a principle of action by which I have lived for forty two years now; “When there is no hope, one is free to do impossible things, glorious things.”

     He asked me if I was going to surrender, and I said no; he smiled and replied, “Nor will I.” And so he swore me to the Oath he devised in 1940 in Paris at the beginning of the Occupation for such friends as he could gather, reworded from the oath he had taken as a Legionnaire in 1929. He said it was the finest thing he ever stole; “We swear our loyalty to each other, to resist and yield not, and abandon not our fellows.”

     So it was that I became the bearer of a tradition now over eighty years old and forged in the most fearsome and terrible conflict the world has ever known, shortly before I expected to be burned alive in the second of many Last Stands.

     This was the moment of my forging, this decision to choose death over subjugation, and ever since being struck by it I have been a bell, ringing. And like the Liberty Bell, I am broken open to the suffering of others and the flaws of our humanity. This has been the greatest gift I have ever been given, this empathy borne of a sacred wound, and I shall never cease the call to liberty, nor hesitate to answer as I am able the call for solidarity with others.

     Of the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale, the largest battle ever fought in Africa, even more vast than El Alamein; this was where the system of Apartheid was broken. In a massive campaign involving over 300,000 Cuban volunteer soldiers between December 1987 and March 1988, in coordination with Angolan and other indigenous forces, international volunteers, and with Soviet aid and advisors, defeated the far larger and technologically superior South Africa and their UNITA and American allies and mercenaries in the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale, an Angolan military base which South Africa had failed to capture with five waves of assaults.

     While the spectacle of this grand final battle in a decades long liberation struggle was unfolding, I was making mischief behind enemy lines in the bush. Here I discovered a lost unit, mainly Zulu, which was encircled by Apartheid forces. After reporting what I knew of the area to the command group and a brief conference in several languages, an old fellow who had heretofore been silent stood up from the shadows of the tent, whose shirtless form displayed a fearsome and magnificent scar from a lion’s claws, and said; “We are surrounded and outnumbered with no ammunition and worse, no water, and no one is coming to help us. We must attack.”

    The sergeant smiled at this as if he had been given a marvelous gift, strode outside, and gave the order which if you are lucky you will never hear; “Fix bayonets!”

     And the men about to die erupted in song. “Usuthu! Umkhonto wami womile!” The first is a universal Zulu battle cry, which asks the spirits of ones ancestors to awake and bear witness to the glorious acts of heroism one is about to perform. “My spear is thirsty”, that last.

   And we were victorious, though the cost was terrible. No such costs are too great to bear compared to the costs of submission to slavery, commodification, falsification, and dehumanization; for in refusal to submit we become Unconquered and free, and this power of self-ownership as victory in the struggle for our humanity cannot be taken from us. As Max Stirner wrote; “Freedom cannot be granted; it must be seized.”

    Long ago I lost count of Last Stands; these have become truths written in my flesh, and I bear such marks without number. As doubtless will those who now stand with Palestine, Ukraine, or any people under threat of  genocide and annihilation.

     In all of this what matters is that in refusal to submit to authority and to force we become Unconquered and free; this is victory as a condition of being which cannot be taken from us, much like the heroic Ukrainian soldier guarding a desolate island who refused to surrender to a Russian warship with the words; “Russian warship, go fuck yourself.” Such a man cannot be conquered, and his immortal words speak for his whole nation.

     The secret of force, power, and authority is that these things are hollow and fragile, and fail when met with disobedience and the simple refusal to believe and to submit.

     How do we find the will to do these things, to claw our way out of the ruins and make yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory or even survival?

     The truth is we need nothing beyond ourselves and our moment of decision to do such things; no great universal principles, not even the negative space of a heroic figure to inhabit and perform before the stage of the world. All we need is this; that others who rely on us will die if we do not.

     This is what makes us human, and its something we must continue to affirm no matter what the cost.

     There may be one more thing that can help us in such moments of decision; if we remember who we are, and not how others imagine us.

     Are we not the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others?

      History, memory, identity; we are a prochronism, a history expressed in our form of how we have solved problems of adaptation across vast gulfs of time, like the shell of a fantastic sea creature.

     Always there remains the struggle between the masks that others make for us, and those we make for ourselves. This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the struggle for ownership of ourselves.

      We have begun to remember who we are, we Americans, after the long spell of falsification cast by Traitor Trump and his Fourth Reich propagandists; we have now called for a ceasefire in Gaza, after half a year of secretly arming Israel’s Gaza War at the orders of Genocide Joe. Europe too is reawakening as NATO coheres its resistance to the imperial conquest of Ukraine and to the threat of a Russian conquest of Europe. As yet America has done nothing to bring regime change to either outlaw nation, nor silenced the bombs, nor liberated Ukraine or Palestine, nor opened the Israeli blockade of humanitarian aid; but all of this remains possible, if we all help as we can.

     At moments of doubt such as this I read again Camus’ The Myth of Sisyphus, Hemingway’s The Old Man and the Sea, Henley’s Invictus, I.F. Stone’s The Trial of Socrates; myths, stories, poetry, and history of the grandeur of resistance which confers freedom.

      Here too, in a moment which parallels that of Spain in 1936 and Poland in 1939, we must say Never Again!

      As I defined the phrase in my post of March 6 2022, How if Vladimir Putin Should Be Assassinated? An Interrogation of the Origins of Evil and the Social Use of Force, and of the State as Embodied Psychopathy and Violence; “I cannot be complicit in silence with these crimes against humanity, to which as with fascism there can be but one reply: Never Again! A rallying cry complicated by its popularization in the title of founder of the Jewish Defense League Meir Kahane’s book “Never Again!: A Program for Survival, its origin is in Isaac Lambdan’s 1926 poem Masada; “Never shall Masada fall again”; it first appeared  in its current form on signs written by the prisoners of Buchenwald after its liberation.

     Elie Wiesel defines the phrase in his novel Hostage; “Never again” becomes more than a slogan: It’s a prayer, a promise, a vow. There will never again be hatred, people say. Never again jail and torture. Never again the suffering of innocent people, or the shooting of starving, frightened, terrified children. And never again the glorification of base, ugly, dark violence. It’s a prayer.”

    As written in the article The Persistence of Genocide at the Hoover Institution of Stanford University: “According to the great historian of the Holocaust, Raul Hilberg, the phrase “Never Again” first appeared on handmade signs put up by inmates at Buchenwald in April, 1945, shortly after the camp had been liberated by U.S. forces.”

     As written by Emily Burack in the Jerusalem Post; “After a gunman took the lives of 17 students and staff at their high school in Parkland, Florida, students there launched a national campaign to promote gun control. They called for a major protest in Washington, DC, on March 24, and are encouraging similar protests and student walkouts across the country.

     And they took a name for their campaign, #NeverAgain, that has long been linked to Holocaust commemoration.

     Parkland junior Cameron Kasky is credited with coining the hashtag. A Twitter account for the movement, NeverAgainMSD, is described as “For survivors of the Stoneman Douglas Shooting, by survivors of the Stoneman Douglas Shooting.”

     Some supporters of the students’ efforts are put off by their use of Never Again. Lily Herman, writing in Refinery29, said “it’s very uncomfortable to watch a term you’ve used to talk about your family and people’s own heritage and history be taken away overnight.”

     Malka Goldberg, a digital communications specialist in Maryland, tweeted, “When I saw they’re using #NeverAgain for the campaign it bothered me, b/c many Jews strongly [associate] that phrase w/ the Holocaust specifically. For a second it felt like cultural appropriation, but I doubt the kids knew this or did it intentionally.”

     Hasia Diner, a professor of American Jewish history at New York University, is unfazed by the students’ use of the phrase. While some may object to the phrase Never Again being reappropriated for gun control, it “does not mean that reaction is appropriate or reasonable,” she told JTA.

     While some have traced the phrase to the Hebrew poet Isaac Lambdan’s 1926 poem “Masada” (“Never shall Masada fall again!”), its current use is more directly tied to the aftermath of the Holocaust. The first usage of Never Again is murky, but most likely began in postwar Israel. The phrase was used in secular kibbutzim there in the late 1940s; it was used in a Swedish documentary on the Holocaust in 1961.

     But the phrase gained currency in English thanks in large part to Meir Kahane, the militant rabbi who popularized it in America when he created the Jewish Defense League in 1968 and used it as a title of a 1972 book-length manifesto. As the president of the American Jewish Committee, Sholom Comay, said after Kahane’s assassination in November 1990, “Despite our considerable differences, Meir Kahane must always be remembered for the slogan Never Again, which for so many became the battle cry of post-Holocaust Jewry.”

     For Kahane, Never Again was an implicitly violent call to arms and a rebuke of passivity and inactivity. The shame surrounding the alleged passivity of the Jews in the face of their destruction became a cornerstone of the JDL. As Kahane said, “the motto Never Again does not mean that ‘it’ [a holocaust] will never happen again. That would be nonsense. It means that if it happens again, it won’t happen in the same way. Last time, the Jews behaved like sheep.”

     Kahane used Never Again to justify acts of terror in the name of fighting antisemitism. In the anthem of the Jewish Defense League, members recited, “To our slaughtered brethren and lonely widows: Never again will our people’s blood be shed by water, Never again will such things be heard in Judea.”

     Later, however, Kahane’s violent call for action was adapted by American Jewish establishment groups and Holocaust commemoration institutions as a call for peace, tolerance and heeding the warning signs of genocide.

     These days, when the phrase is used to invoke the Holocaust, it can be either particular or universal. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu tends toward the particular when he uses it to speak about the need for a strong Jewish state in the wake of the Holocaust.

     “I promise, as head of the Jewish state, that never again will we allow the hand of evil to sever the life of our people and our state,” he said in a speech at the site of the former Auschwitz-Birkenau death camp marking International Holocaust Memorial Day in 2010.

     But Netanyahu has also used the phrase in its universal sense of preventing all genocides. After visiting a memorial to the victims of the Rwanda genocide in 2010, Netanyahu and his wife, Sara, wrote in the guestbook, “We are deeply moved by the memorial to the victims of one history’s greatest crimes — and reminded of the haunting similarities to the genocide of our own people. Never again.”

     Then-President Barack Obama also used the phrase in its universal sense in marking International Holocaust Remembrance Day in 2011. “We are reminded to remain ever-vigilant against the possibility of genocide, and to ensure that Never Again is not just a phrase but a principled cause,” he said in a statement. “And we resolve to stand up against prejudice, stereotyping, and violence – including the scourge of anti-Semitism – around the globe.”

     That’s similar to how the US Holocaust Memorial Museum uses the phrase. In choosing the name Never Again as the theme of its 2013 Days of Remembrance, its used the term as a call to study the genocide of the Jews in order to respond to the “warning signs” of genocides happening anywhere.

     And Elie Wiesel, the Holocaust survivor and author who came to be associated with the phrase, also used it in the universal sense. ”Never again’ becomes more than a slogan: It’s a prayer, a promise, a vow …  never again the glorification of base, ugly, dark violence,” the Nobel  laureate wrote in 2012.

     Never Again is a phrase that keeps on evolving. It was used in protests against the Muslim ban and in support of refugees, in remembrance of Japanese internment during World War II and recalling the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. And now the phrase is taking on yet another life: in the fight for gun control in America.

     Shaul Magid, a professor of Jewish studies at Indiana University who is presently a visiting scholar at the Center for Jewish History in New York, told JTA, “For [Kahane], Never Again was not ‘this will not happen again because we will have a country’ but ‘we Jews will never be complacent like we were during the war.’ That is, for Kahane, Never Again was a call to militancy as the only act of prevention. In Parkland it is a call for gun control. In a way, a call for anti-militancy.”

     So the dialectical forces of history have unfolded Never Again!  like an origami Moebius Loop toward Infinity, from the defense of victims as our duty of care for others to general principles of action. I am uncomfortable with such abstractions; for they begin again a recapitulation of the cycle of centralization of authority and the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force which makes genocides possible. Gott Mitt Uns; it is an ancient evil.

     As Voltaire has written; “Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities.”

     Let us send no armies to enforce virtue. To protect and defend others from harm, our universal human rights, and democracy as a free society of equals, yes. Resistance and solidarity in the struggle against tyranny and fascism, always, and by any means necessary.

     But we must never legitimize the use of social force because some of us are less human than others. No matter where you begin in authorizing identities, normalities, or the tyranny of imposed ideas of virtue, with elite hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness, with fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     And now I will ask the same questions as in the beginning of my dialog herein, but I will reverse the order of the questions.

     So, how can we use Never Again! as a principle of direct action which preserves and empowers the wellbeing and autonomy of others, without such action becoming a point of moral fracture and unequal power?

     How shall we defend the peoples of Palestine and Ukraine from the horrific war crimes of Israeli and Russian imperial conquest and genocide, without ourselves becoming an empire?

         As written by David Rieff in The Persistence of Genocide; “According to the great historian of the Holocaust, Raul Hilberg, the phrase “Never Again” first appeared on handmade signs put up by inmates at Buchenwald in April, 1945, shortly after the camp had been liberated by U.S. forces. “I think it was really the Communists who were behind it, but I am not sure,” Hilberg said in one of the last interviews he gave before his death in the summer of 2007. Since then, “Never Again” has become kind of shorthand for the remembrance of the Shoah. 

     At Buchenwald, the handmade signs were long ago replaced by a stone monument onto which the words are embossed in metal letters. And as a usage, it has come to seem like a final word not just on the murder of the Jews of Europe, but on any great crime against humanity that could not be prevented. “Never Again” has appeared on monuments and memorials from Paine, Chile, the town with proportionately more victims of the Pinochet dictatorship than any other place in the country, to the Genocide Museum in Kigali, Rwanda. The report of conadep, the Argentine truth commission set up in 1984 after the fall of the Galtieri dictatorship, was titled “Nunca Mas” — “Never Again” in Spanish. And there is now at least one online Holocaust memorial called “Never Again.”

     Since 1945, “never again” has meant, essentially, “Never again will Germans kill Jews in Europe in the 1940s.”

     There is nothing wrong with this. But there is also nothing all that right with it either. Bluntly put, an undeniable gulf exists between the frequency with which the phrase is used — above all on days of remembrance most commonly marking the Shoah, but now, increasingly, other great crimes against humanity — and the reality, which is that 65 years after the liberation of the Nazi concentration camps, “never again” has proved to be nothing more than a promise on which no state has ever been willing to deliver. When, last May, the writer Elie Wiesel, himself a former prisoner in Buchenwald, accompanied President Barack Obama and Chancellor Angela Merkel to the site of the camp, he said that he had always imagined that he would return some day and tell his father’s ghost that the world had learned from the Holocaust and that it had become a “sacred duty” for people everywhere to prevent it from recurring. But, Wiesel continued, had the world actually learned anything, “there would be no Cambodia, and no Rwanda and no Darfur and no Bosnia.”

     Wiesel was right: The world has learned very little. But this has not stopped it from pontificating much. The Obama administration’s National Security Strategy Paper, issued in May 2010, exemplifies this tendency. It asserts confidently that “The United States is committed to working with our allies, and to strengthening our own internal capabilities, in order to ensure that the United States and the international community are proactively engaged in a strategic effort to prevent mass atrocities and genocide.” And yet again, we are treated to the promise, “never again.” “In the event that prevention fails,” the report states, “the United States will work both multilaterally and bilaterally to mobilize diplomatic, humanitarian, financial, and — in certain instances — military means to prevent and respond to genocide and mass atrocities.”

     Of course, this is not strategy, but a promise that, decade in and decade out, has proved to be empty. For if one were to evaluate these commitments by the results they have produced so far, one would have to say that all this “proactive engagement” and “diplomatic, financial, and humanitarian mobilization” has not accomplished very much. No one should be surprised by this. The U.S. is fighting two wars and still coping (though it has fallen from the headlines) with the floods in Pakistan, whose effects will be felt for many years in a country where America’s security interests and humanitarian relief efforts are inseparable. At the same time, the crisis over Iran’s imminent acquisition of nuclear weapons capability is approaching its culmination. Add to this the fact that the American economy is in shambles, and you do not exactly have a recipe for engagement. The stark fact is that “never again” has never been a political priority for either the United States or the so-called international community (itself a self-flattering idea with no more reality than a unicorn). Nor, despite all the bluff talk about moral imperatives backed by international resolve, is there any evidence that it is becoming one.

     And yet, however at variance they are with both geopolitical and geoeconomic realities, the arguments exemplified by this document reflect the conventional wisdom of the great and the good in America across the “mainstream” (as one is obliged to say in this, the era of the tea parties) political spectrum. Even a fairly cursory online search will reveal that there are a vast number of papers, book-length studies, think tank reports, and United Nations documents proposing programs for preventing or at least halting genocides. For once, the metaphor “cottage industry” truly is appropriate. And what unites almost all of them is that they start from the premise that prevention is possible, if only the “international community” would live up to the commitments it made in the Genocide Convention of 1948, and in subsequent international covenants, treaties, and un declarations. If, the argument goes, the world’s great powers, first and foremost of course the United States, in collaboration with the UN system and with global civil society, would act decisively and in a timely way, we could actually enforce the moral standards supposedly agreed upon in the aftermath of the Holocaust. If they do not, of course, then “never again” will never mean much more than it has meant since 1945 — which, essentially, is “Never again will Germans kill Jews in Europe in the 1940s.”

     The report of the United States Institute for Peace’s task force on genocide, chaired by former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and former Secretary of Defense William Cohen, is among the best of these efforts. As the report makes clear, the task force undertook its work all too painfully aware of the gulf between the international consensus on the moral imperative of stopping genocide and the ineffectiveness to date of the actual responses. Indeed, the authors begin by stating plainly that 60 years after the United Nations adopted the Genocide Convention and twenty years after it was ratified by the U.S. Senate, “The world agrees that genocide is unacceptable and yet genocide and mass killings continue.” To find ways to match words and “stop allowing the unacceptable,” Albright and Cohen write with commendable candor, “is in fact one of most persistent puzzles of our times.”

     Whether or not one agrees with the task force about what can or cannot be done to change this, there can be no question that sorrow over the world’s collective failure to act in East Pakistan, or Cambodia, or Rwanda is the only honorable response imaginable. But the befuddlement the authors of the report confess to feeling is another matter entirely. Like most thinking influenced by the human rights movement, the task force seems imbued with the famous Kantian mot d’ordre: “Ought implies can.” But to put the matter bluntly, there is no historical basis to believe anything of the sort, and a great deal of evidence to suggest a diametrically opposing conclusion. Of course, history is not a straitjacket, and the authors of the report, again echoing much thinking within the human rights movement, particularly Michael Ignatieff’s work in the 1990s, do make the argument that since 1945 there has been what Ignatieff calls “A revolution of global concern” and they call a “revolution in conscience.” In fairness, if in fact they are basing their optimism on this chiliastic idea, then one better understands the degree to which the members of the task force came to believe that genocide, far from being “A Problem From Hell,” as Samantha Power titled her influential book on the subject, in reality is a problem if not easily solved then at least susceptible to solution — though, again, only if all the international actors, by whom the authors mean the great powers, the un system, countries in a region where there is a risk of a genocide occurring, and what they rather uncritically call civil society, make it a priority.

     Since it starts from this presupposition, it is hardly surprising that the report is upbeat about the prospects for finally reversing course. “Preventing genocide,” the authors insist, “is a goal that can be achieved with the right institutional structures, strategies, and partnerships — in short, with the right blueprint.” To accomplish this, the task force emphasizes the need for strengthening international cooperation both in terms of identifying places where there is a danger of a genocide being carried out and coordinated action to head it off or at least halt it. Four specific responses are recommended, one predominantly informational (early warning) and three operational (early prevention, preventive diplomacy, and, finally, military intervention when all else has failed). None of this is exactly new, and most of it is commonsensical from a conceptual standpoint. But one of the great strengths of the report, as befits the work of a task force chaired by two former cabinet secretaries, is this practical bent — that is to say, its emphasis on creating or strengthening institutional structures within the U.S. government and the un system and showing how such reforms will enable policymakers to respond effectively to genocide.

     However, this same presupposition leads the authors of the report to write as if there were little need for them to elaborate the political and ideological bases for the “can do” approach they recommend. Francis Fukuyama’s controversial theory of the “End of History” goes unmentioned, but there is more than a little of Fukuyama in their assumptions about a “final” international consensus having been established with regard to the norms that have come into force protecting populations from genocide or mass atrocity crimes. It is true that there is a body of such norms: the Genocide Convention, the un’s so-called Responsibility to Protect doctrine, adopted by the World Summit (with the strong support of the Bush administration) in 2005, and various international instruments limiting impunity, above all the Rome Statute that created the International Criminal Court. And, presumably, it is with these in mind that the report’s authors can assert so confidently that the focus in genocide prevention can now be on “implement[ing] and operationalizing the commitments [these instruments] contain.”

     It is here that doubt will begin to assail more skeptical readers. Almost since its inception, the human rights movement has been a movement of lawyers. And for lawyers, the establishment of black-letter international law is indeed the “end of the story” from a normative point of view — an internationalized version of stare decisis, but extended to the nth degree. On this account such a norm, once firmly established (which, activists readily admit, may take time; they are not naifs), can within a fairly short period thereafter be understood as an ineradicable and unchallengeable part of the basic user’s manual for international relations. This is what has allowed the human rights movement (and, at least with regard to the question of genocide, the members of the task force in the main seem to have been of a similar cast of mind) to hew to what is essentially a positivist progress narrative. However, the human rights movement’s certitude on the matter derives less from its historical experience than it does from its ideological presuppositions. In this sense, human rights truly is a secular religion, as its critics but even some of its supporters have long claimed.

     Of course, strategically (in both polemical and institutional terms) the genius of this approach is of a piece with liberalism generally, of which, in any case, “human rights-ism” is the offspring. Liberalism is the only modern ideology that will not admit it is an ideology. “We are just demanding that nations live up to the international covenants they have signed and the relevant national and international statutes,” the human rights activist replies indignantly when taxed with actually supporting, and, indeed, helping to midwife an ideological system. It may be tedious to have to point out in 2010 that law and morality are not the same thing, but, well, law and morality are not the same thing. The problem is that much of the task force report reads as if they were.

     An end to genocide: It is an attractive prospect, not to mention a morally unimpeachable goal in which Kantian moral absolutism meets American can do-ism, where the post-ideological methodologies (which are anything but post-ideological, of course) of international lawyers meet the American elite’s faith, which goes back at least to Woodrow Wilson if not much earlier in the history of the republic, that we really can right any wrong if only we commit ourselves sufficiently to doing so. Unfortunately, far too much is assumed (or stipulated, as the lawyers say) by the report’s authors. More dismayingly still, far too many of the concrete examples either of what could have been done but wasn’t are presented so simplistically as to make the solutions offered appear hollow, since the challenge as described bears little or no resemblance to the complexities that actually exist.

     The calls for an intervention in Darfur reached their height after the moral imperative for intervention had started to dissipate.

     Darfur is a good example of this. The report mentions Darfur frequently, both in the context of a nuts and bolts consideration of the strengths and weaknesses of various states and institutions such as the UN and the African Union, which have intervened, however unsatisfactorily, over the course of the crisis, and as an example of how the mobilization of civil society can influence policy. “In today’s age of electronic media communication,” the report states, “Americans are increasingly confronted in their living rooms — and even on their cell phones — with information about and images of death and destruction virtually anywhere they occur. . . . The Internet has proven to be a powerful tool for organizing broad-based responses to genocide and mass atrocities, as we have seen in response to the crisis in Darfur.”

     The problem is not so much that this statement is false but rather that it begs more questions than it answers, and, more tellingly still, that the report’s authors seem to have no idea of this. There is no question that the rise in 2005 and 2006 of a mass movement calling for an end to mass killing in Darfur (neither the United Nations nor the most important relief groups present on the ground in Darfur agree with the characterization of what took place there as a genocide) was an extraordinarily successful mobilization — perhaps the most successful since the anti-Apartheid movement of the 1970s and 1980s. Beginning with the activism of a small group of college students who in June 2004 had attended a Darfur Emergency Summit organized by the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum and addressed by Elie Wiesel, and shortly afterwards founded an organization called Save Darfur, the movement rapidly expanded and, at its height, included the U.S. Congressional Black Caucus, right-wing evangelicals, left-leaning campuses activists, mainline human rights activists, and American neoconservatives. But nowhere does the task force report examine whether the policy recommendations of this movement were wise, or, indeed, whether the effect that they had on the U.S. debate was positive or negative. Instead, the report proceeds as if any upsurge in grassroots interest and activism galvanized by catastrophes like Darfur is by definition a positive development.

     In reality, the task force’s assumption that any mass movement that supports “more assertive government action in response to genocide and mass atrocities” is to be encouraged is a strangely content-less claim. Surely, before welcoming the rise of a Save Darfur (or its very influential European cousin, sos Darfour), it is important to think clearly not just about what they are against but what they are for. And here, the example of Save Darfur is as much a cautionary tale as an inspiring one. The report somewhat shortchanges historical analysis, with what little history that does make it in painted with a disturbingly broad brush. Obviously, the task force was well aware of this, which I presume is why its report insists, unwisely in my view, that it was far more important to focus on the present and the future more than on the past. But understanding the history is not marginal, it is central. Put the case that one believes in military intervention in extremis to halt genocide. In that case, intervening in late- 2003 and early-2004, when the killing was at its height, would have been the right thing to do. But Save Darfur really only came into its own in late 2005, that is, well after the bulk of the killing had ended. In other words, the calls for an intervention reached their height after the moral imperative for such an intervention had started to dissipate. An analogy can be made with the human rights justification for the U.S. overthrow of Saddam Hussein. As Kenneth Roth, the head of Human Rights Watch, has pointed out, had this happened during Baghdad’s murderous Anfal campaign against the Kurds in 1988, there would have been a solid justification for military intervention, whether or not Human Rights Watch would have agreed with it. But to intervene fifteen years later because of the massacre was indefensible on human rights grounds (though, obviously, there were other rationales for the war that would not have been affected by such reasoning).

     If you want to be a prophet, you have to get it right. And if Save Darfur was wrong in its analysis of the facts relevant to their call for an international military intervention to stop genocide, either because there had in reality been no genocide (as, again, the un and many mainstream ngos on the ground insisted) or because the genocide had ended before they began to campaign for intervention, then Save Darfur’s activism can just as reasonably be described in negative terms as in the positive ones of the task force report. Yes, Save Darfur had (and has) good intentions and the attacks on them from de facto apologists for the government of Sudan like Mahmood Mamdani are not worth taking seriously. But good intentions should never be enough.

     In fairness, had the task force decided to provide the history of the Darfur, or Bosnia, or Rwanda, in all their frustrating complexity, they would have produced a report that, precisely because of all the nuance, the ambiguity, the need for “qualifiers,” doubtless would have been of less use to policymakers, whose professional orientation is of necessity toward actionable policies. But when what is being suggested is a readiness for U.S. soldiers (to be sure, preferably in a multilateral context) in extreme cases to kill and die to prevent genocide or mass atrocity crimes, then, to turn human rights Kantianism against them for a change, it is nuance that is the moral imperative. Again, good intentions alone will not do. Qui veut faire l’ange, fait la bete, Pascal said. Who wishes to act the angel, acts the beast.

     History, in all its unsentimentality, is almost always the best antidote to such simplicities. And yet, if anything, the task force’s report is a textbook case of ahistorical thinking and its perils. The authors emphasize that, “This task force is not a historical commission; its focus is on the future and on prevention.” The problem is that unless the past is looked at in detail, not just conjured up by way of illustrations of the West’s failures to intervene that the task force hopes to remedy, then what is being argued for, in effect, are, if necessary, endless wars of altruism. To put it charitably, in arguing for that, I do not think the authors have exactly established their claim to occupying the moral high ground. If they had spent half the time thinking about history in as serious a way as they did about how to construct the optimal bureaucratic architecture within the U.S. government, then what the task force finally produced would have been a document that was pathbreaking. Instead, they took the conventional route, and, in my view, will simply add their well-reasoned policy recommendations to the large number that came before and, indeed, as in the case of the recent initiative of the Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies on the so-called Will to Intervene, have already begun to come after.

      With the best will in the world, what is one to make of arguments made at the level of generalization of the following?

     Grievances over inequitable distribution of power and resources appear to be a fundamental motivating factor in the commission of mass violence against ethnic, sectarian, or political groups. That same inequality may also provide the means for atrocities to be committed. For example, control of a highly centralized state apparatus and the access to economic and military power that comes with it makes competition for power an all-or-nothing proposition and creates incentives to eliminate competitors. This dynamic was evident in Rwanda and Burundi and is serious cause for concern in Burma today.

The fact is that, vile as they are, there is actually very little likelihood of the butchers in Rangoon committing genocide — their crimes have other characteristics. It is disheartening that the members of the task force would allow the fact that they, like most sensible people, believe that Burma is one of the worst dictatorships in the world, to justify their distorting reality in this way, when they almost certainly know better. And since they do precisely that, it is hard not to at least entertain the suspicion — whose implications extend rather further than that and beg the question of what kind of world order follows from the task force’s recommendations — that consciously or (and this is worse, in a way) unconsciously they reasoned that if they could identify the Rangoon regime as genocidal, this would make an international intervention to overthrow it far more defensible. If this is right, then, if implemented, the report (again, intentionally or inadvertently) would have the effect of helping nudge us back toward a world where the prevention of genocide becomes a moral warrant for other policy agendas (as was surely the case with Saddam Hussein in 2003, and was the case with General Bashir in Khartoum until the arrival of the Obama administration).

     I write this in large measure because the task force’s description of why mass violence and genocide occur could be a description of practically the entire developing world. Analysis at that level of generalization is not just useless, it is actually a prophylactic against thought.

     It gets worse. The authors write:

     “It is equally important to focus on the motivations of specific leaders and the tools at their disposal. There is no genocidal destiny. Many countries with ethnic or religious discrimination, armed conflicts, autocratic governments, or crushing poverty have not experienced genocide while others have. The difference comes down to leadership. Mass atrocities are organized by powerful elites who believe they stand to gain from these crimes and who have the necessary resources at their disposal. The heinous crimes committed in Nazi-occupied Europe, Cambodia, and Rwanda, for example, were all perpetrated with significant planning, organization, and access to state resources, including weapons, budgets, detention facilities, and broadcast media.

     There are also key triggers that can tip a high-risk environment into crisis. These include unstable, unfair, or unduly postponed elections; high-profile assassinations; battlefield victories; and environmental conditions (for example, drought) that may cause an eruption of violence or heighten the perception of an existential threat to a government or armed group. Sometimes potential triggers are known well in advance and preparations can be made to address the risk of mass atrocities that may follow. Poorly planned elections in deeply divided societies are a commonly cited example, but deadlines for significant policy action, legal judgments, and anniversaries of highly traumatic and disputed historical events are also potential triggers that can be foreseen.”

     I tax the reader’s patience with such a long quotation to show how expertise can produce meaninglessness. For apart from the mention of poorly planned elections — a reference to Rwanda that is perfectly correct as far as it goes — the rest of this does not advance our understanding one iota. To remedy or at least alleviate these vast social stresses, the task force recommends “effective [sic] early prevention”! The authors themselves were obliged to admit that, “Such efforts to change underlying social, economic, or political conditions are difficult and require sustained investment of resources and attention.” Really, you think? But about where these resources, as opposed to institutional arrangements, are to come from, they are largely silent, apart from emphasizing the need to target with both threats and positive inducements leaders thought likely to choose to commit such crimes. But the authors know perfectly well that, as they themselves put it, “early engagement is a speculative venture,” and that “the watch list of countries ‘at risk’ can be long, due to the difficulty of anticipating specific crises in a world generally plagued by instability.” Surely, people like Secretary Albright and Secretary Cohen know better than anyone that such ventures are never going to be of much interest to senior policymakers, just as the global Marshall Plan that would be required to effectively address the underlying causes of genocidal wars is never going to be on offer.

    To a great power, and to the citizens of great power, powerlessness is simply an unconscionable destiny. The task force report, with its strange imperviousness to viewing historical tragedy as much more than an engineering problem, is a perfect illustration of this. Unsound historically, and hubristic morally, for all its good intentions, the task force report is not a blueprint for a better future but a mystification of the choices that actually confront us and between which we are going to have to choose if we are ever to prevent or halt even some genocides. My suspicion is that the reason that the very accomplished, distinguished people who participated in the task force did not feel obliged to face up to this is because the report gives as much weight to the national interest basis for preventing or halting genocide as it does to the moral imperative of doing so. As the report puts it:

    “ First, genocide fuels instability, usually in weak, undemocratic, and corrupt states. It is in these same types of states that we find terrorist recruitment and training, human trafficking, and civil strife, all of which have damaging spillover effects for the entire world.

     Second, genocide and mass atrocities have long-lasting consequences far beyond the states in which they occur. Refugee flows start in bordering countries but often spread. Humanitarian needs grow, often exceeding the capacities and resources of a generous world. The international community, including the United States, is called on to absorb and assist displaced people, provide relief efforts, and bear high economic costs. And the longer we wait to act, the more exorbitant the price tag. For example, in Bosnia, the United States has invested nearly $ 15 billion to support peacekeeping forces in the years since we belatedly intervened to stop mass atrocities.

     Third, America’s standing in the world — and our ability to lead — is eroded when we are perceived as bystanders to genocide. We cannot be viewed as a global leader and respected as an international partner if we cannot take steps to avoid one of the greatest scourges of humankind. No matter how one calculates U.S. interests, the reality of our world today is that national borders provide little sanctuary from international problems. Left unchecked, genocide will undermine American security.

     A core challenge for American leaders is to persuade others — in the U.S. government, across the United States, and around the world — that preventing genocide is more than just a humanitarian aspiration; it is a national and global imperative.”

     Again, apologies for quoting at such length. but truthfully, is one meant to take this seriously? There is absolutely no evidence that terrorist recruiting is more promising in failed states than, say, in suburban Connecticut where the (very middle-class) Faisal Shahzad, son of a retired Pakistani Air Force vice-marshal, plotted to explode a car bomb in Times Square. Nor, in the U.S. case is there any basis for concluding that the main source of immigration is from places traumatized by war. To the contrary, most of our immigrants are the best and the brightest (in the sense not of the most educated but most enterprising) of Mexico, the Philippines, India, and China. The proportion of migrants from Sudan or Somalia is small by comparison. As for the costs of peacekeeping, are the authors of the report serious? Fifteen billion dollars? The sum barely signifies in the rubric of the military budget of the United States. And lastly, the report’s claim that the U.S. won’t be viewed as a global leader and respected as an international partner if it doesn’t take the lead to stop genocide is absurd on its face. Not respected by whom, exactly? Hu Jintao in Beijing? Merkel in Berlin? President Felipe Calderon in Mexico City? To put it charitably, the claim conjures up visions of Pinocchio, rather than Theodore Roosevelt or Woodrow Wilson.

     The report calls for courage, but courage begins at home. Pressed by Armenian activists at one of the events held to launch the report as to why they had both earlier signed a letter urging the U.S. not to bow to Armenian pressure and formally recognize the Armenian genocide, Secretary Cohen and Secretary Albright refused over and over again to characterize the Armenian genocide as, well, a genocide. It is true that the Armenian activists had come looking for a confrontation. But there can be little question that both secretaries did everything they could to avoid committing themselves one way or the other. “Terrible things happened to the Armenians,” Secretary Albright said, refusing to go any further. The letter, she explained, had been primarily about “whether this was an appropriate time to raise the issue.” For his part, Secretary Cohen, emphasized that angering the Turks while the Iraq war was raging could lead to Turkish reactions that would “put our sons and daughters in jeopardy.” And, in any case, the task force was not “a historical commission.”

     This is a perfectly defensible position from the perspective of prudential realpolitik. The problem is that what the task force report constantly calls for is political courage. And whatever else they were, Secretaries Albright and Cohen’s responses were expedient, not courageous. There will always be reasons not to intervene — compelling pressures, I mean, not trivial ones. Why should a future U.S. government be less vulnerable to them than the Bush or Obama administrations? About this, as about so many other subjects, the task force report is as evasive as Secretary Albright and Secretary Cohen were at the press conference at which the Armenian activists confronted them. Doubtless, they had to be. For the solutions they propose are not real solutions, the history they touch on is not the actual history, and the world they describe is not the real world.”

Schindler’s List: What The Girl In The Red Coat Represents, Explained

https://screenrant.com/schindlers-list-girl-red-coat-meaning-explained/#When%20The%20Girl%20in%20The%20Red%20Coat%20Is%20Seen

Blood and Soil: A World History of Genocide and Extermination from Sparta to Darfur, Ben Kiernan

https://www.jpost.com/Diaspora/Never-Again-From-a-Holocaust-phrase-to-a-universal-phrase-544666

https://www.hoover.org/research/persistence-genocide

The Idiot, by Fyodor Dostoevsky

The Instant of My Death / Demeure: Fiction and Testimony, by Maurice Blanchot, Jacques Derrida

The Wretched of the Earth, by Frantz Fanon, Jean-Paul Sartre (Preface),

Never Again! A Program for Survival, by Meir Kahane

Hostage, by Elie Wiesel

The Myth of Sisyphus, by Albert Camus

The Old Man and the Sea, by Ernest Hemingway

The Trial of Socrates, by I.F. Stone

Invictus, by William Ernest Henley

The Painted Bird, by Jerzy Kosiński

The Origins of Totalitarianism, by Hannah Arendt

Robert De Niro as Harry Tuttle in Brazil

Hebrew

14 במרץ 2025 בפורים: למה אנחנו מתכוונים כשאנחנו משתמשים בביטוי; “לעולם לא שוב!”

      בחג פורים זה שמתחיל היום בשקיעה ומסתיים עם סתיו הלילה מחר, חוגגים עמי העולם את ישועתם מרצח העם בפרס המאה ה-5 כפי שכתוב במגילת אסתר, וכל האנושות עשויה לחגוג את הניצחון. של אהבה על שנאה, סולידריות על פילוג והתנגדות על עריצות שהיא מנציחה.

      כאשר אנו מתמודדים בחדשות עם תמונות של אלימות נוראה ופשעים נגד האנושות בשתי מלחמות המאתגרות את סדר העולם שלנו; הפלישה הישראלית לעזה שהפכה את אמריקה לשותפה ברצח עם ומעמידה בספק את רעיון זכויות האדם, והפלישה הרוסית לאוקראינה, מלחמת הרס מוחלט שלא דומה לשום דבר שאירופה ראתה מאז מלחמת העולם השנייה, המהדהדת את הזוועות והשימושים שלה. נשק תרמברי כמשרפות ניידות נגד אזרחים, אני חושב על הדברים האלה היום במונחים של המורשת ההיסטורית של התנגדות לעריצות, עבדות, מלחמות כיבוש ושליטה אימפריאלית ורצח עם.

       איך נגן על עמי פלסטין ואוקראינה מפני פשעי המלחמה הנוראיים של הפשיזם התיאוקרטי של נתניהו של הדם, האמונה והאדמה והכיבוש האימפריאלי המטורף של פוטין, מבלי שעצמנו נהיה אימפריה?

      פיתוי הכוח מתחיל בפחד, במיוחד פחד מוחץ ומוכלל הנתון בצורות של אחר על ידי סמכות בשירות לכוח; למצוא ביטחון ובטחון בהפיכתו לבורר המידות. גם לזה עלינו להתנגד.

      יתרה מכך, אסטרטגיות כאלה של כוח ושליטה חייבות תמיד להיכשל ולהתקלקל, שכן ביטחון הוא אשליה, והשימוש בכוח חברתי יוצר התנגדות משלו.

       לעולם לא שוב! הוא ביטוי שהשתמשתי בו לעתים קרובות כתשובה לעריצות ולפשיזם, הן בכתיבתי והן לחבריי באופן אישי, כקריאה להתנגדות מוחלטת ללא גבולות, ובזה אני מבקש לחקור את משמעותו והשלכותיו.

       איך נוכל להשתמש ב- Never Again! כעיקרון של פעולה ישירה המשמר ומעצים את הרווחה והאוטונומיה של אחרים, מבלי שפעולה כזו תהפוך לנקודת שבר מוסרית, חתרנות לאידיאלים וכישלון מפל של כוח לא שוויוני?

       עבורי, ההיסטוריה של השימוש בו קשורה לקטגוריה של הרגעים המגדירים שלי, שאני קורא להם עמודים אחרונים, שאת סיפוריהם סיפרתי פעמים רבות. אלה כוללים רק רגעים שבהם בחרתי בסולידריות ובסירוב להיכנע על פני הישרדות אישית; מסרב לזוז הצידה מהילד שמאחורי כשציידי הראשים של המשטרה קיבלו פקודה להיכנע בברזיל 1974, כאשר חיילים הציתו את הבית בו ז’אן ז’נה ואני היינו, מוקפים ולא חמושים, בביירות 1982 כשהשביע אותי בשבועה. של ההתנגדות, תקווה עזובה בקרב Cuito Cuanavale באנגולה 1988 לשחרור מהאפרטהייד, ועוד אינספור אחרים מעבר לחשבון שלי.

       עמדות אחרונות הן בחירות של סירוב לוותר על האנושות שלנו וזכויות האדם האוניברסליות שלנו, חובת הזהירות והניהול שלנו זה בזה, ללא קשר להשלכות כקווים שאנו לא יכולים לחצות מבלי להפוך למשהו פחות אנושי.

     במלחמת עזה המתמשכת ורצח העם של הפלסטינים, זהו גם סירוב לנטוש את מטרת “חופש האמונה לכל המין האנושי” כאגדה על האנדרטה של ניצחונו של גוסטבוס אדולפוס משבדיה ב-1631 בקרב ברייטנפלד, שהבטיחה זאת. הימין מצהיר, העיקרון של מדינה לא עדתית שעליה מושתתת אמריקה ושל הזכות הטבועה לעצמאות והגדרה עצמית ריבונית של כל העמים, וסולידריות עם כל אלה שפרנץ פאנון כינה עלובי כדור הארץ נגד כוח ושליטה, מדינה טרור ועריצות, מלחמה וכיבוש אימפריאלי.

       בין המודלים האישיים שלי לחיקוי באנטי-פשיזם ובמהפכה היא דמותו הבדיונית של הארי טאטל בגילומו של רוברט דה נירו בסרט ברזיל, שהשורה שלו “כולנו בזה ביחד”, מהדהדת לאורך ארבעים שנים מהחיים וההרפתקאות שלי.

      תן לי לשים את זה בהקשר; ברזיל הייתה חווית הסולו הראשונה שלי בנסיעות חוץ, טסתי לסאו פאולו כשהייתי בן ארבע עשרה, בקיץ 1974, כדי להתאמן עם כמה סייפים אחרים לקראת המשחקים הפאן אמריקאים שתוכננו להתקיים שם, אם כי מאוחר יותר הועבר המקום ל מקסיקו. הייתה לי קצת פורטוגזית שיחה חדשה שלמדתי, הזמנה להתארח בביתו של ילד בגילי שהכרתי ממעגל טורנירי הסייף שאיתו יכולתי לגלות את השובבות המקומית, וחזיונות של מסיבות חוף.

      אז נכנסתי לעולם של נימוסים חצרניים ומשרתים עם כפפות לבנות, מארחים אדיבים ומבריקים שהיו מאורות מקומיים וזרקו כדור פורמלי מפואר כדי להציג אותי, וחבר שאיתו חלקתי תשוקה מטורפת לספורט לחימה ולספורט סוסים. , אבל גם עולם של חומות גבוהות ושומרים חמושים.

      המבט הראשון שלי מעבר לאשליה זו הגיע עם קולות של ירי רובה מהשומרים; כשהסתכלתי מהמרפסת שלי לראות מי תוקף את החזית

בשער גיליתי שהשומרים יורים לתוך קהל של קבצנים, בעיקר ילדים, שהסתערו על משאית שהובילה את אספקת המזון השבועית. באותו יום עשיתי את הטיול הסודי הראשון שלי מעבר לחומות, שממנו מעולם לא חזרתי באמת.

      אילו אמיתות מסתתרות בחומות הארמונות שלנו, שמעבר להן אסור להביט? קל להאמין לשקרי הסמכות כשאדם חבר באליטה שבאינטרס שלה הם טוענים שהוא מחזיקים בכוח, ולא להטיל ספק במניעים ובעמדת הפריבילגיה של עצמו. קל להחריד להאמין בשקרים כאשר אנו הנהנים מהיררכיות של אחרות מוציאה מהכלל, מפערי עושר וכוח ואי-שוויון המיוצרים באופן מערכתי ומיוצרים נשק בשירות לשלטון, ומפריבילגיות לבנים ופטריארכליים, רצח עם, עבדות, כיבוש ואימפריאליזם.

      תמיד שימו לב לאיש שמאחורי הווילון. כי אין סמכות צודקת, וכפי שדורותי אומרת בקוסם מארץ עוץ, הוא “רק זקן זקן”, והשקרים והאשליות שלו, הכוח והשליטה שלו, אינם משרתים אינטרסים מלבד שלו.

      בהיותי נער אמריקאי נאיבי, הרגשתי שחובתי לדווח על התקרית; אבל בתחנת המשטרה התקשיתי להפוך את עצמי למובן, לא בגלל שפה אלא בגלל מערכות דיכוי מרומזות. הם חשבו שאני שם כדי להמר על המשמר שלי בתחרות חודשית מתמשכת שעבורה השוטר הכניס הכי הרבה ילדי רחוב; היה לוח גיר על קיר התחנה בשביל זה, וצנצנת עם אוזניים מתויגות כדי להוכיח את הספירה. כך בחרו האליטות של ברזיל לפתור את בעיית ילדי הרחוב הנטושים, עשרה אחוזים מהאוכלוסייה הלאומית. משחק הימורים נוסף שנקרא “הגדול”, היה בו השוטר בעט בבטן של הנערות ההריוניות ביותר ודורג בין עשרת גורמי המוות המובילים בברזיל עבור נערות מתבגרות, המתגוררות תמיד באזורי שכונות עוני המכילים את העניים והשחורים ביותר. אזרחים; זאת בעיר שהוקמה על ידי עבדים אפריקאים שנמלטו כרפובליקה חופשית.

      למדתי הרבה בשבועות שלאחר מכן; מעל הכל למדתי מי אחראי לאי השוויון הללו; אנחנו כן, אם לא נאתגר את העריצות ומערכות לא צודקות ומתריסות אותן.

      במהלך לילות הרפתקאותיי מעבר לחומות ופעולות כדי לעזור ללהקות הילדים הקבצנים ולחסום את ציד הראשים של המשטרה חוויתי חוויה טראומטית של כמעט מוות, בדומה להוצאות להורג המדומה של מוריס בלאנשו על ידי הנאצים ב-1944 כפי שנכתב ב” מיידי מותי ופיודור דוסטויבסקי על ידי המשטרה החשאית של הצאר ב-1849 כפי שנכתב ב”אידיוט”; נמלט מרדף דרך מערך מנהרות עם ילד פצוע בין היתר ונלכד בשטח הפתוח על ידי שני רובאי משטרה שתפסו עמדות אגפים וכיוונו אלינו בעוד המנהיג קרא להיכנע מעבר לעיקול של מנהרה. עמדתי מול נער עם רגל מעוותת שלא יכול היה לרוץ בזמן שהאחרים התפזרו ונמלטו או מצאו מקומות מסתור, וסירבתי לעמוד מהצד כשהצטוו לעשות זאת. זה היה רפלקסיבי והחלטה של אינסטינקט מתחת לרמה של מחשבה או רצון מודע, שבו האמיתות של עצמנו שנכתבו על בשרנו מזויפות ומתגלות. ביקשתי לתת למישהו למות כדי להציל את עצמי, פשוט אמרתי שלא. כשחזרה אלי המחשבה מרגע זה של בהלה או התעלות של עצמי, שאלתי כמה לתת לנו להתרחק, ואז הוא הורה לאנשיו לירות. אבל הייתה רק ירייה אחת במקום הפגנה של אש צולבת, והחטאה רחבה; היה לו זמן לשאול “מה?” לפני נפילה ארצה.

        ואז גילו את עצמם המצילים שלנו, לאחר שהתגנבו למשטרה מאחור; המטאדורים, שאפשר לתאר אותם כאנשי משמר, כנופיית פושע, קבוצה מהפכנית, או שלושתם, שהוקמה על ידי הכונן והפושע הידוע לשמצה של ברזיל פדרו רודריגס פילו, הידוע לשמצה בכך שנקם את הרצח הפראי של אמו על ידי הריגת אביו ואכילת ליבו, אשר נעצר בשנה הקודמת לאחר סדרה מרהיבה של מאה רציחות נקמה או יותר של הפושעים המטומטמים והמפלצתיים ביותר, גברים חזקים מעבר להישג ידם של החוק או שהיו החוק ושעשו זוועות בנשים וילדים. לתוך האחווה האימתנית הזו התקבלתי, עם המילים; “אתה אחד מאיתנו, בואי איתנו” וברחובות סאו פאולו באותו קיץ לא עמדתי שוב לבד.

     “אנחנו לא יכולים להציל את כולם, אבל אנחנו יכולים לנקום”; אז הם תיארו לי את עצמם, וההגדרה הזו של סולידריות כפרקסיס או פעולת ערכים נשארת איתי ומצללת את השימוש שלי בזעקת הקרב לעולם לא שוב! כפי שכתב שייקספיר ב”סוחר מוונציה”, מערכה שלישית, סצנה א’; “אם אתה טועה בנו, האם לא ננקום?”

      מהרגע שראיתי את השומרים של משפחת האצולה שאיתם התארחתי יורים על קהל הילדים חסרי הבית והקבצנים רוחשים את משאית אספקת המזון בשער האחוזה, עירומים ושלדיים ברעב, מצולקים ונכים ומשובשים במחלות לא ידועות. לכל אדם שעבורם שירותי בריאות ותזונה בסיסית א

מחדש תנאים מוקדמים חופשיים ומובטחים של הזכות האוניברסלית לחיים, נואשים לקומץ מזון שיכול להיות עוד יום אחד של הישרדות; באותו רגע בחרתי בצד שלי, ועמי הם חסרי הכוח והמנושלים, המושתקים והנמחקים; כל אלה שפרנץ פאנון כינה עלובי כדור הארץ.

     השני הוא היום שבו ז’אן ז’נה הוביל אותי למסלול חיי עם שבועת ההתנגדות בביירות בקיץ 1982.

      חיילים ישראלים הציתו את הבתים ברחוב שלי וקראו לאנשים לצאת ולהיכנע. הם כיסו את עיניהם של הילדים של אלה שעשו זאת והשתמשו בהם כמגן אנושי.

      לא היה לנו נשק אחר מלבד בקבוק השמפניה הריק שסיימנו זה עתה עם ארוחת הבוקר שלנו של קרפ תותים; שאלתי “יש רעיונות?”, והוא משך בכתפיו ואמר “לתקן כידונים?”

      ואז הוא נתן לי עקרון פעולה שלפיו אני חי כבר ארבעים ושתיים שנה; “כשאין תקווה, אדם חופשי לעשות דברים בלתי אפשריים, דברים מפוארים.”

      הוא שאל אותי אם אני מתכוון להיכנע, ואמרתי שלא; הוא חייך וענה, “גם אני לא.” וכך הוא השביע אותי לשבועה שהגה ב-1940 בפריז בתחילת הכיבוש עבור חברים שהוא יכול לאסוף, מנוסח מחדש מהשבועה שנשא כלגיונר ב-1918. הוא אמר שזה הדבר הטוב ביותר שהוא אי פעם. צָעִיף; “אנו נשבעים את נאמנותנו זה לזה, להתנגד ולא להיכנע, ולא לנטוש את חברינו.”

      אז הפכתי להיות נושאת מסורת בת למעלה משמונים שנה וחיצפתי בסכסוך המפחיד והנורא ביותר שידע העולם, זמן קצר לפני שציפיתי להישרף בחיים בדוכן האחרון מבין רבים.

      זה היה רגע הזיוף שלי, ההחלטה הזו לבחור במוות על פני כפיפות, ומאז שנפגעתי ממנו אני פעמון, מצלצל. וכמו פעמון החירות, אני פתוח לסבלם של אחרים ולפגמי האנושות שלנו. זו הייתה המתנה הגדולה ביותר שניתנה לי אי פעם, האמפתיה הזו שנושאת מפצע קדוש, ולעולם לא אפסיק את הקריאה לחירות, ולא אהסס לענות כפי שאני יכול לקריאה לסולידריות עם אחרים.

      מבין קרב Cuito Cuanavale, הקרב הגדול ביותר שנלחם אי פעם באפריקה, עצום אפילו יותר מאל עלמיין; זה היה המקום שבו נשברה שיטת האפרטהייד. במערכה ענקית שכללה למעלה מ-300,000 חיילים מתנדבים קובנים בין דצמבר 1987 למרץ 1988, בתיאום עם כוחות אנגולה וילידים אחרים, מתנדבים בינלאומיים, ועם סיוע ויועצים סובייטים, הביסו את דרום אפריקה הגדולה והעדיפה בהרבה מבחינה טכנולוגית ואת UNITA והאמריקאית שלהם. בעלי ברית ושכירי חרב בקרב Cuito Cuanavale, בסיס צבאי אנגולי שדרום אפריקה לא הצליחה לכבוש בחמישה גלי תקיפות.

      בעוד המחזה של הקרב האחרון הגדול הזה במאבק שחרור ארוך של עשרות שנים התגלגל, עשיתי שובבות מאחורי קווי האויב בשיח. כאן גיליתי יחידה אבודה, בעיקר זולו, שהוקפתה על ידי כוחות האפרטהייד. לאחר דיווח על מה שידעתי על האזור לקבוצת הפיקוד וכנס קצר במספר שפות, קם בחור זקן שעד כה שתק מצללי האוהל, שצורתו ללא חולצתו הראתה צלקת אימתנית ומרהיבה מציפורני אריה. , ואמר; “אנחנו מוקפים וחסרי מספרם בלי תחמושת וגרוע מכך, בלי מים, ואף אחד לא בא לעזור לנו. אנחנו חייבים לתקוף”.

     הסמל חייך על כך כאילו ניתנה לו מתנה נפלאה, פסע החוצה ונתן את הפקודה שאם יתמזל מזלך לעולם לא תשמע; “תקן כידונים!”

      והגברים שעומדים למות התפרצו בשירה. “אוסוטו! Umkhonto wami womile!” הראשון הוא קריאת קרב זולו אוניברסלית, המבקשת מרוחות אבותיו להתעורר ולהעיד על מעשי הגבורה המפוארים שעומדים לבצע. “החנית שלי צמאה”, זה האחרון.

    וניצחנו, למרות שהמחיר היה נורא. אין עלויות כאלה גדולות מכדי לשאת בהשוואה לעלויות הכניעה לעבדות, סחורה, זיוף ודה-הומניזציה; כי בסירוב להיכנע אנו הופכים לבלתי נכבשים וחופשיים, ואי אפשר לקחת מאיתנו את הכוח הזה של בעלות עצמית כניצחון במאבק על האנושיות שלנו. כפי שכתב מקס סטירנר; “לא ניתן להעניק חופש; יש לתפוס אותו.”

     מזמן איבדתי את ספירת היציעים האחרונים; אלה הפכו לאמיתות הכתובות על בשרי, ואני נושא סימנים כאלה ללא מספר. ללא ספק יהיו אלה שעומדים כעת לצד פלסטין, אוקראינה או כל עם שנמצא בסכנת השמדה.

      בכל זה מה שחשוב הוא שבסירוב להיכנע לסמכות ולכפות אנו הופכים לבלתי נכבשים וחופשיים; זהו ניצחון כתנאי הוויה שאי אפשר לקחת מאיתנו, בדומה לחייל האוקראיני הגיבור השומר על אי שומם שסירב להיכנע לספינת מלחמה רוסית במילים; “ספינת מלחמה רוסית, לך תזדיין.” אדם כזה אי אפשר לכבוש, ודבריו האלמותיים מדברים בעד כל האומה שלו.

      ט

סוד הכוח, הכוח והסמכות הוא שהדברים האלה חלולים ושבירים, ונכשלים כשהם נתקלים בחוסר ציות ובסירוב פשוט להאמין ולהיכנע.

      איך אנחנו מוצאים את הרצון לעשות את הדברים האלה, לצאת מהחורבות ולעשות עוד עמדה אחרונה, מעבר לתקווה לניצחון או אפילו הישרדות?

      האמת היא שאנחנו לא צריכים שום דבר מעבר לעצמנו ולרגע ההחלטה שלנו לעשות דברים כאלה; אין עקרונות אוניברסליים גדולים, אפילו לא המרחב השלילי של דמות גיבורה לאכלס ולהופיע לפני בימת העולם. כל מה שאנחנו צריכים זה זה; שאחרים שסומכים עלינו ימותו אם לא.

      זה מה שהופך אותנו לאנושיים, וזה משהו שאנחנו חייבים להמשיך לאשר לא משנה מה המחיר.

      יכול להיות שיש עוד דבר אחד שיכול לעזור לנו ברגעים כאלה של החלטה; אם נזכור מי אנחנו, ולא איך אחרים מדמיינים אותנו.

      האם אנחנו לא הסיפורים שאנו מספרים על עצמנו, לעצמנו ולאחרים?

       היסטוריה, זיכרון, זהות; אנחנו פרוכרוניזם, היסטוריה המתבטאת בצורתנו של האופן שבו פתרנו בעיות של הסתגלות על פני מפרצי זמן עצומים, כמו קונכייה של יצור ימי פנטסטי.

      תמיד נשאר המאבק בין המסכות שאחרים עושים לנו, לבין אלה שאנחנו עושים לעצמנו. זו המהפכה הראשונה שבה כולנו חייבים להילחם; המאבק לבעלות על עצמנו.

       התחלנו להיזכר מי אנחנו, אנחנו האמריקאים, אחרי התקף הארוך של הזיוף שהטילו הבוגד טראמפ ותעמולי הרייך הרביעי שלו; קראנו כעת להפסקת אש בעזה, לאחר חצי שנה של חימוש חשאי במלחמת עזה של ישראל בהוראת רצח העם ג’ו. גם אירופה מתעוררת מחדש כאשר נאט”ו מאחד את התנגדותה לכיבוש האימפריאלי של אוקראינה ולאיום של כיבוש אירופה הרוסי. עד כה אמריקה לא עשתה דבר כדי להביא שינוי משטר לאומה מחוץ לחוק, לא השתיקה את הפצצות, לא שחררה את אוקראינה או פלסטין, ולא פתחה את המצור הישראלי של סיוע הומניטרי; אבל כל זה נשאר אפשרי, אם כולנו נעזור ככל שנוכל.

      ברגעים של ספק כמו זה קראתי שוב את המיתוס של סיזיפוס של קאמי, את הזקן והים של המינגווי, את Invictus של הנלי, I.F. משפט סוקרטס של סטון; מיתוסים, סיפורים, שירה והיסטוריה של הוד של ההתנגדות המקנה חופש.        גם כאן, ברגע המקביל לזה של ספרד ב-1936 ופולין ב-1939, עלינו לומר לעולם לא

March 13 2025 Night of the Worm Moon and the Blood Moon

     On this night of the Worm Moon, sacred to serpents and dragons, for myself symbols of the wisdom of our darkness and of unknowns beyond all limits and all laws respectively, especially those of water as turbulent systems of primal chaos from which all things are born and arise, we rejoice and celebrate death and chaos in their positive forms as regeneration and metamorphosis, rebirth and transformation, as the Conqueror Worm liberates us from the limits of our form.

     During a sixty five minute window tonight a Blood Moon appears, fleeting herald of a new and liminal time of change and transformation, like a gate opening in the celestial spheres, letting angels through, or devils, and I welcome them both. For as Nelson Mandela once said we are not in a position to turn down help from anyone, and as the Ides of March resurface the battle cry of Sic Semper Tyrannis against the fall of the Old Republic to tyranny in the captured state of Vichy America as in Caesar’s Rome, and under the spell of an idiot madman, Nazi revivalist, and Russian agent whose criminal regime is all about the subversion of democracy and our enslavement to elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege and the theft of our souls through falsification, commodification, and dehumanization, this I say; if our angels will not help us, perhaps our devils will.

      Let us go not quietly, for all Resistance is War to the Knife, and those who respect no limits and no laws may hide behind none.

     As written by Friedrich Nietzsche in Thus Spake Zarathustra, Prologue, part 5; “I tell you: one must still have chaos within oneself, to give birth to a dancing star..” In the original; ”Ich sage euch: man muß noch Chaos in sich haben, um einen tanzenden Stern gebären zu können”.

     Of the destabilization and destruction of order, law, and authority as revolutionary struggle and seizures of power I have written often and will again, for the songs of liberty are sung throughout all of history and the world and among all humankind; herein I wish to say to my comrades now dying in such struggles without number or simply of being human and the limits of our flesh as an imposed condition of struggle, there is nothing to fear in being destroyed and recreated, for death is nothing but freedom from the limits of our form.

     As I said to my mother when I awakened in her arms at the age of nine from being cast out of my body by the force wave of a police grenade at Bloody Thursday 1969 in People’s Park Berkeley, and a moment of awareness beyond time wherein I contained myriads of possible futures, Most Sincerely Dead and then returned to the sidereal universe for reasons I can not understand; “Don’t be afraid. Death is nothing, nothing but awakening from an illusion.”

     So many echoes and reflections of that moment of illumination and Awakening under the light of the Worm Moon now fill my thoughts, seize and shake me with wonder and terror as Rudolph Otto described immersion in the Infinite, of stories which take form in us and unfold as motivating, informing, and shaping sources; Lewis Carroll’s Jabberwocky, Beowulf, and Poe’s The Conqueror Worm, which together form a manual of Rituals of the Worm.

     This is also the night of the Hindu fire festival of dancing and ecstatic trance  which precedes Holi, Holika Dahan which like the Festival of the Worm Moon celebrates transformation and rebirth, and curiously in India also the triumph of  good over evil in the cannibalistic eating of a wicked king by a hero were-lion, which resonates with the diasporic cult of the Rakshasa demons whose role as a warrior brotherhood is to punish transgression by the mighty beyond the reach of the law, a form of revolution as justice which I call bringing a Reckoning.  

     First among my intertexts and references here is Poe’s beautiful allegory of death as liberation from a fallen world of madness, sin, and horror.  Here human history is a theatrical performance for utterly alien and cruel tyrant gods whose designs for us must be resisted, a poem which founded the Absurdist-Surrealist universe within which H.P. Lovecraft lives, and the Worm a heroic liberator.

The Conqueror Worm

by Edgar Allan Poe

Lo! ’t is a gala night

   Within the lonesome latter years!  

An angel throng, bewinged, bedight

   In veils, and drowned in tears,  

Sit in a theatre, to see

   A play of hopes and fears,

While the orchestra breathes fitfully  

   The music of the spheres.

Mimes, in the form of God on high,  

   Mutter and mumble low,

And hither and thither fly—

   Mere puppets they, who come and go  

At bidding of vast formless things

   That shift the scenery to and fro,

Flapping from out their Condor wings

   Invisible Wo!

That motley drama—oh, be sure  

   It shall not be forgot!

With its Phantom chased for evermore  

   By a crowd that seize it not,

Through a circle that ever returneth in  

   To the self-same spot,

And much of Madness, and more of Sin,  

   And Horror the soul of the plot.

But see, amid the mimic rout,

   A crawling shape intrude!

A blood-red thing that writhes from out  

   The scenic solitude!

It writhes!—it writhes!—with mortal pangs  

The mimes become its food,

And seraphs sob at vermin fangs

   In human gore imbued.

Out—out are the lights—out all!  

   And, over each quivering form,

The curtain, a funeral pall,

   Comes down with the rush of a storm,   

While the angels, all pallid and wan,  

   Uprising, unveiling, affirm

That the play is the tragedy, “Man,”  

   And its hero, the Conqueror Worm.

    Here is the Project Gutenberg archive of Beowulf. As Jean Genet said to me in a burning house, in a lost cause, in a Last Stand beyond hope of victory or survival; “When there is no hope, one may do impossible things, glorious things.”   

https://www.gutenberg.org/files/16328/16328-h/16328-h.htm

    And last of three parts of this liturgical assemblage of texts, is Carroll’s glorious Jabberwocky, in which the hero takes the place of the Conqueror Worm as a liberator in a battle with his shadow as a dragon which must be embraced and subsumed, completing the exchange of qualities and transpositions of symbols and metaphors which occur throughout Beowulf as a manual of shapechanging magic.

Jabberwocky

by Lewis Carroll

’Twas brillig, and the slithy toves

      Did gyre and gimble in the wabe:

All mimsy were the borogoves,

      And the mome raths outgrabe.

“Beware the Jabberwock, my son!

      The jaws that bite, the claws that catch!

Beware the Jubjub bird, and shun

      The frumious Bandersnatch!”

He took his vorpal sword in hand;

      Long time the manxome foe he sought—

So rested he by the Tumtum tree

      And stood awhile in thought.

And, as in uffish thought he stood,

      The Jabberwock, with eyes of flame,

Came whiffling through the tulgey wood,

      And burbled as it came!

One, two! One, two! And through and through

      The vorpal blade went snicker-snack!

He left it dead, and with its head

      He went galumphing back.

“And hast thou slain the Jabberwock?

      Come to my arms, my beamish boy!

O frabjous day! Callooh! Callay!”

      He chortled in his joy.

’Twas brillig, and the slithy toves

      Did gyre and gimble in the wabe:

All mimsy were the borogoves,

      And the mome raths outgrabe.

     On the reverse face of this time of spring and rebirth with its many rituals from the vernal equinox to the Worm Moon to Easter, I have written in my post of June 1 2021, Death is a Secret Twin; Death is a secret twin which shares our face but not our dreams which lift and exalt us beyond the limits of our flesh, so Death must steal the echoes and reflections of ours, a thing of shadows filled with secret histories, unspoken truths, unsworn oaths, thousands of myriads of loyalties to private loves and desires betrayed by our failures to make them live and become real by action.     

     Death is the terror of all that we may have been but did not become, the loss of our disconnectedness and the emptiness of meaning in a world where love cannot redeem us, the grief for beauty which loses context when it is no longer shared and is lost with the fragments of memories which like the genie of perfume escape their bottle to trigger moments out of time and then evanesce like the ghost of a beloved hand which no longer grasps ours back. 

     We are tattered and broken things, our secret shadows and ourselves, who live in the incandescent now with these repositories of our beautiful dreams and our terrible nightmares, bearing them on into eternity; for this is the great secret of being, that our best selves are formed of all we would deny and keep hidden, and which live beyond us as figures of our glorious sins.  

     Death is an ambush predator made of our histories, memories, and identities, which must steal these things to become real in the moment of our awakening into its realm of beautiful and terrible dreams, a realm of true being beyond the illusions of our lives which bears names including the Bardo in Tibetan Buddhism and the alam al mythal in Islam, called by Coleridge the Primary Imagination, the Logos in neo-Platonic philosophy and the Gospel of John, and by Jung the Collective Unconscious, and waits to seize us unawares and carry us off to eternity while it replaces us like a faery changeling with the image of our unrealized hopes and unexpressed desires.

     Death is a unique and personal demon created by our denial of ourselves, such denial acting as a parasite which destroys its host and operates through a process of falsification like the distorted and captured images in a wilderness of funhouse mirrors, but it can become instead a symbiote, a terrible and monstrous guardian spirit and a guide of the soul which speaks from within our greatest darkness with Forbidden wisdom, like a remora borne by a shark on its journeys through chasms of the unknown not as its nemesis and conqueror but as a servant which grooms from us that which we must cast down from the thrones of our hearts; we humans and our silent and unseen partners the angels of our deaths whom we must wrestle not for victory, for everything in life is more powerful than we are, but to become Unconquered in resistance and free.

     Thus may we bear without breaking the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world, become greater and more real and alive than we were born, transcend the limits of our form, and become sublimed as figures of our truths in Sartrean total freedom and authenticity as an art of life, for all true art defiles and exalts.

     Here is a faith which asks us to renounce nothing and embrace our true selves, to reimagine and transform ourselves; and offers a path of working with grief process and death transcendence not of control of our passions and dominion of nature, but as seizure of power and autonomy, of the embrace and celebration of our wildness as beings of nature and of those truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh. 

    Let us embrace our monstrosity and say of this secret twin who knows no limits and is free as Prospero says of Caliban in Act V, Scene 1 of William Shakespeare ’s The Tempest; “This thing of darkness I acknowledge mine.”

    How shall we answer death and the terror of our nothingness? Let us challenge and defy such death, and while it waits to claim us with its cold hand of entropy and unraveled time we must seize and shake our shadow and secret twin of longing to become, transgress the boundaries of the Forbidden and perform our best selves, our hopes and our desires, as a guerilla theatre of identities upon the stage of the world in fearless grandeur, and let nothing be lost or remain untested among the limitless possibilities of becoming human.

     Let us answer death as Bringers of Chaos and Transformation, and make of our world and humankind a thing of beautiful, terrible truths written in our flesh, and of our dreams and nightmares a brave new world.

     As I wrote in reflection on my mother’s death, now years ago; Who then shall we become? Asks our self of surfaces, images, and masks which each moment negotiates our boundaries with others. 

     To which our secret self, the self of darkness and of passion, the self that lives beyond the mirror and knows no limits, unbound by time and space and infinite in possibilities, replies; Who do you want to become?

    As wrote in my post of May 28 2023, The True and False Crows: a Fable; A crow confronts his image in a pool of water, and as Nietzsche warned the darkness looks back. Of this I have written a paragraph on the Nietzschean idea of the Abyss, and of tragedy as failure to embrace our monstrosity and those truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh; the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves.

      As Nietzsche’s warning in Beyond Good and Evil goes; “He who fights monsters should be careful lest he thereby become a monster. And if thou gaze long into an abyss, the abyss gazes back into thee.”

      It is also an origin of evil as the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force; written in the tyrannies and systems of unequal power which hold humankind in their iron grip of force and control as Kristevan abjection and learned helplessness, and the ecological catastrophe which threatens our species extinction as disconnection from nature, control of nature as capitalist exploitation of resources and theft of the commons, carceral states of force and control as embodied violence, and our falsification, commodification, and dehumanization through the Wilderness of Mirrors.

     All of this requires the renouncement of love, as Wagner’s figure of tyranny Alberich the Dwarf must do to seize the Ring of power and dominion, a story more familiar to us as Tolkien’s retelling of the Nibelungenlied in his trilogy of novels which recast World War Two as an allegory of the abandonment of addiction to power. This has a corollary; the redemptive power of love, like the power of poetic vision to reimagine and transform ourselves, can free us from the Ring of Power and bring healing to the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     As written by Jean Genet in Miracle of the Rose; “A man must dream a long time in order to act with grandeur, and dreaming is nursed in darkness.”

     Here follows the paragraph of my thoughts on seeing this image, which if considered as a poem I now think of as the True and False Crows: a fable.

     Who is this imposter? If he is me, where now am I? Avaunt, my nemesis, for I shall pursue retribution for this theft of myself beyond all wrath now remembered, through death and hell and the terrors of our nightmares. Come and let us grapple for the truth of ourselves in this place where angels fear, and end not in silence but in exaltation and fire, with roars of defiance hurled against the chasms of our nothingness, supernal and magnificent as the Morningstar, and illuminate for all humankind the path of escape from this prison of illusions and lies. 

     To this my sister replied, Such poetry!

    This is as direct as I can be, o my sister. Should I merit some kind of monument one day, an absurd fantasy as I mean nothing to history and will vanish from the world without a trace, and nothing to anyone beyond yourself as the remnants of family, Dolly as my partner, and those few friends and allies who know my true identity, inscribe this therein.

     I have tried to salvage something of our humanity and to become a fulcrum and change the balance of power in the world these past forty years since I was sworn to the oath of the Resistance by Jean Genet, and often failed, but this is not what is important.

     What is important is to refuse to submit.

     And one thing more; to act with solidarity in revolutionary struggle. As the Oath of the Resistance created in Paris 1940 by Jean Genet from the oath of the Foreign Legion in which he once served, and given to me in Beirut 1982 in a burning house, in a lost cause, in a Last Stand beyond hope of victory or survival, and which I offer to all of you as a tradition to bear forward into the future; “We swear ourselves to each other, to resist and cease not, and abandon not our fellows.”

     In this my chosen life mission I have held true, for if each and every one of us stands in solidarity with others regardless of how different they may be from ourselves, we will become liberators and guarantors of each other’s uniqueness, and in refusal to submit will be victorious and free.

     He said it was the finest thing he ever stole, the Oath of the Resistance, but I often think of this in terms of a definition of the beauty of human beings; to become Unconquered and free as self created beings in refusal to submit to authority and its instruments of violence, force and control, and the repression of dissent, to refuse our dehumanization and the theft of our souls and autonomy and to do all of this in solidarity and absolute loyalty to each other. 

    As he once said to me; “Is this not the beauty of men, to resist and never yield, to cede nothing to the enemy, not love nor hope, not our history nor the chance for a future of our own choosing, neither our monstrosity nor our grandeur, nothing of our humanity nor of any human being whose life is in our power to harm or help, to live beyond all limits and all laws and to risk everything to do this for each other?”

    I dream of a future something like the future envisioned by Gene Roddenberry in Star Trek. Infinite Diversity in Infinite Combinations; the idea first put forth in the episode Is There In Truth No Beauty?, described in the first issue of the fanzine Inside Star Trek as; “that beauty, growth, progress — all result from the union of the unlike. Concord, as much as discord, requires the presence of at least two different notes. The brotherhood of man is an ideal based on learning to delight in our essential differences, as well as learning to recognize our similarities.” As stated in the episode The Savage Curtain; “I am pleased to see that we have differences. May we together become greater than the sum of both of us.”

     Liberty as freedom from authorized identities and truths, and equality and its corollary solidarity; these are the personal and social preconditions of democracy as a free society of equals.

    With all of the horrors I have witnessed in a life lived in the unknown spaces of our maps of becoming human marked Here Be Dragons, beyond the limits of the human and the boundaries of the Forbidden, through wars and revolutions  as a maker of mischief for tyrants and a monster who hunts other monsters for the chance to salvage something of our humanity, though in this I often fail as I did last spring in Mariupol and in the year of the fall of Afghanistan, regardless of the brokenness of the world and the flaws of our humanity, something in us refuses to submit to the abjection and learned helplessness of authoritarian systems and reaches toward exaltation and freedom. Whether such hope is a gift or a curse remains for each of us to discover in how we live our lives.

     In this I speak to you of truths which are immanent in nature and written in our flesh; we must embrace our darkness and claim our truths, and celebrate what Walt Whitman called the songs of ourselves as victorious seizures of power, freedom, and joy.

     Love and desire are innate capacities of reimagination and transformative rebirth, which like Dorothy’s magic ruby slippers cannot be taken from us and bear the power to send us home to our heart’s desire, to restore to us the self  which is truly ours.

      My flesh is a map of private holocausts, written with silent screams, nameless loves, causes lost and won, ephemeral signs of our secret histories and the lies and illusions which capture and distort our images in a wilderness of mirrors and the pathologies of our falsification and disconnectedness.

     We have but one escape from the limits of our flesh and the flags of our skin; and this is love. In love we transcend ourselves and become exalted; through the redemptive power of love we may heal the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     Love is crucial both to poetic vision and as solidarity in action as processes of self-construal and becoming human; Siegfried walks through the fire and becomes human. There’s a good retelling of it in Buffy the Vampire Slayer’s musical episode, Once More With Feeling; plus it contains a marvelous re-enactment of the myth of Persephone.

     Let us always take the risks of our humanity, and place our lives in the balance with all those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased.

     In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.

     My friends, please feel free to perform and enact this spell with me; A Hymn to Chaos and Transgression:

     I invoke Chaos, freedom, and the limitless possibilities of becoming human against Order, Authority, and the boundaries of the Forbidden.

    I perform acts of transgression by which to break the chains of law and illusion woven by those who would enslave us, to seize our power and our autonomy from hierarchies of elite wealth, power, and privilege, from authorized identities and divisions of exclusionary otherness, to create myself in the image of my own imagination and no other, and to shape human being, meaning, and value to the forms of my desires.

     In this time of the turning of the tides I refuse and resist subjugation by force and control, I become Unconquered and free, I run amok and am ungovernable, and to Authority I reply with the Four Sacred Acts in pursuit of Liberty and Truth; Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority.

     By these invocations of Chaos and Transgression (Herein be free to make wishes, and to consecrate acts of defiance of tyranny, disruptions and subversions of good order and discipline, violations of normality, seizures of power, and celebrations of autonomy and living beyond all limits in the glorious embrace of our monstrosity, of the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves) I curse all fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, patriarchy, state terror and tyranny, elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, and inequalities of power.

     On this night of the renewal of the world in which the old order is consumed in fire and the spirit world moves among us and is unified with our own in its reimagination and transformation, I name to my brothers and sisters of Chaos these enemies of humankind as rightful prey; first, upon all tyrants and their forces of repression of dissent and enforcement of the Law, for order appropriates, law serves power, and there is no just authority; second upon Donald Trump (herein please feel free to name tyrants whom you oppose and seek to cast down from their thrones; mine include Vladimir Putin, Benjamin Netanyahu, and many others) and all who serve and support him and the cause of fascism, and all those who in voting for him in the Presidential election of November 3 2020 have signed the confession of their treason and allegiance to white supremacist terror, theocratic- patriarchal sexual terror,  and to the tyranny and terror of a police state.

     So upon Trump, his puppetmaster Vladimir Putin, and all who claim him as their own do I place my curse and invoke ruin upon their fortunes and their lives and destruction upon their cause. May they be forgotten and become nothing.

     This I balance with equal blessing, protection, and good luck upon the lives, fortunes, and causes of liberty and equality upon all who are powerless and dispossessed, marginalized by exclusionary otherness, falsified, commodified, dehumanized, silenced and erased, and those who place their lives in the balance with them in solidarity as champions and bearers of the Torch of Liberty and a free society of equals.

     Tonight our wildness will eat the moon and set it free.

                Final Thoughts

    Bury me at sea, for I belong to no nation but to the world

Send me out in flames, for this is how I have lived

Not silent but incandescent in the night

An agent of change and illumination, like fire itself    

A Crow Confronts His Image

The hatter recites the jabberwocky poem

Walk Through the Fire, song from Buffy the Vampire Slayer, episode Once More With Feeling

Worms | The Atlantic Religion

https://atlanticreligion.com/tag/worms/

From dragons to dreaming serpents: tracing the cultural history of the monstrous Lambton Worm

https://theconversation.com/from-dragons-to-dreaming-serpents-tracing-the-cultural-history-of-the-monstrous-lambton-worm-100015

Ring of Power: Symbols and Themes Love Vs. Power in Wagner’s Ring Circle and in Us: A Jungian-Feminist Perspective, Jean Shinoda Bolen

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/451808.Ring_of_Power?ref=nav_sb_ss_2_13

Siegfried & The Twilight of the Gods, Richard Wagner, Arthur Rackham (Illustrator)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/12448164-siegfried-the-twilight-of-the-gods

Miracle of the Rose, Jean Genet

Thus Spake Zarathustra A book for all and none, Friedrich Nietzsche

Beyond Good and Evil, Friedrich Nietzsche

The Tempest, William Shakespeare

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/12985.The_Tempest?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_11

Julius Caesar, William Shakespeare

     As we are now in the American Late Republic Period, some studies of the Late Republican Period of Rome:

Rome and America: The Great Republics: What the Fall of the Roman Republic Portends for the United States, Walter Signorelli

Perils of Empire: The Roman Republic and the American Republic, by Monte L. Pearson

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/5957189-perils-of-empire

The Storm Before the Storm: The Beginning of the End of the Roman Republic, by Mike Duncan

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/34184069-the-storm-before-the-storm

Rubicon: The Last Years of the Roman Republic, by Tom Holland

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/91017.Rubicon

Rome’s Last Citizen: The Life and Legacy of Cato, Mortal Enemy of Caesar, by Rob Goodman

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/13538752-rome-s-last-citizen

Cicero: The Life and Times of Rome’s Greatest Politician, by Anthony Everitt

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/84593.Cicero

Caesar Versus Pompey: Determining Rome’s Greatest General, Statesman & Nation-Builder, Stephen Dando-Collins

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/188541745-caesar-versus-pompey?ref=rae_1

Caesar: Life of a Colossus, by Adrian Goldsworthy

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/60432.Caesar

The Death of Caesar: The Story of History’s Most Famous Assassination,

Barry S. Strauss

The War That Made the Roman Empire: Antony, Cleopatra, and Octavian at Actium, Barry S. Strauss

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/55711554-the-war-that-made-the-roman-empire?ref=rae_0

The Roman Republic in Political Thought, Fergus Millarhttps://www.goodreads.com/book/show/2265411.The_Roman_Republic_in_Political_Thought?from_search=true&from_srp=true&qid=Jk1nHO9enB&rank=62

March 12 2025 The Idea of America As a Symbol of the Absurd: Edward Albee, On His Birthday   

     Here I began, at the door to the Absurd, and I look back now from the other side, after a lifetime of strangeness, among the freaks and monsters myself; America was always an illusion, a figment of lies, distorted shapes in the funhouse of our Wilderness of Mirrors, echoes and reflections which capture, possess, and falsify, but which also reveal truths and extend us into the Infinite among chasms of darkness.

     Among my Defining Moments are those I categorize as By Encounters with Possible Selves As Shaping Forces of Becoming Human, figures and images of the possibilities of our myriad future selves as reflected in the eyes of others with whom we share imaginal spaces.

     We choose as our companions through life those who represent qualities and figures of human being, meaning, and value we wish to integrate in our becoming; those who perform roles we wish to step into.

     Herein I number the conversations and personal relationships with those who shaped me and left upon me their mark of strangeness; first among them an influence of my childhood, Edward Albee, as I watched my father direct his plays and listened to their conversations.

     With a title taken from the song Who’s Afraid of the Big Bad Wolf? in the 1933 Disney short film Three Little Pigs, where two of the pigs are convinced they’re safe from the wolf in their straw and twig houses, you know that threatening truths will undo the house of illusions George and Martha, emblematic founders of America, have built around themselves.  

     In this year of the Fall of America in 2025, which begins with the capture of the state by the Fourth Reich led by Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, Rapist In Chief and Russian agent whose mission is the subversion of democracy to be replaced by a totalitarian theocracy of white supremacist terror and Gideonite patriarchal sexual terror, as we begin our pathetic and tragic national and civilizational collapse on the cusp of a second Great Depression designed to drive a vast precariat into quasi slavery and which heralds the dawn of an Age of Tyrants of eight hundred years of global wars of imperial conquest and dominion fought with weapons of unimaginable hoor ending with the extermination of humankind, we now find ourselves in the roles of George and Martha in Edward Albee’s transformative and prophetic play Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf, with the realization of the lies and fictions by which authority has falsified us and stolen our souls, leaving us less than human like fleeting shadows on the wall.

     As written by Ben Brantley in The New York Times; “Mr. Albee has unsparingly considered subjects outside the average theatergoer’s comfort zone: the capacity for sadism and violence within American society; the fluidness of human identity; the dangerous irrationality of sexual attraction and, always, the irrefutable presence of death.”

     In Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf, Edward Albee has given us the Great American Play, a mirror in which we see ourselves as we are rather than the illusions we have spun around and through ourselves as a defensive mask. It is about the historical and political consequences of a lie we told at our founding about freedom and equality in a government designed to leave structural power asymmetries of wealth, race, and gender untouched; about the human cost of dysfunctional relationships based on unequal power and falsificaltion, and about the implications for meaning and being when the personal and political realms of action collide and change each other.

      This play is a masterpiece, and I think we should all watch the film in school before we go to vote for the first time, and as an ongoing national ritual observance every four years before the polls open in our Presidential elections. It reminds us that our democracy is a performance, which deceives, commodifies, and dehumanizes us, and manufactures our consent to be enslaved.

     We could by our actions make our values and ideals real as lived truths in a free society of equals, but first we must escape and bring a Reckoning for the legacies of our history. Such a Reckoning was begun in the Black Lives Matter protests which seized over fifty American cities with mass action and solidarity for several months a few short years ago; let us now finish the work of reimagination and transformation of our nation and our civilization, and of human being, meaning, and value.

     When the enemies of democracy and of liberty, equality, truth, and justice come for us, as they always have and will, let them find not subjects defeated by learned helplessness, abjection, and despair, but citizens of a United Humankind unconquered in refusal to submit and solidarity of action and disbelief in and disobedience to authority and those who would enslave us, and loyal to each other as guarantors of our universal human rights and rights as citizens and co-owners of the state in a free society of equals.

     This, and only this, can save us from ourselves and the systems of oppression we have created and allowed to go unchanged.    

       In this context I think of America as represented in Edward Albee’s iconic play, Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf. My father directed some of his plays, and I listened intently to their conversations during rehearsals from a center front seat in the theatre, from the very young age of four, and memorizing everything as texts which overwrote my own thinking, conversations which interrogated Albee’s direct influences and references among his fellow Absurdists Samuel Beckett, Eugene Ionesco, Jean Genet, and Harold Pinter.

      The line of transmission of Absurdist elements in literature originates with Fyodor Dostoevsky, Lewis Carroll, Nikolai Gogol, and Franz Kafka, diverges from the limits of Humanism with Antonin Artaud, Eugene Ionesco, Witold Gombrowicz, Albert Camus, Albee and his ilk as previously cited, diverged from the main tradition as Nihilism in Samuel Beckett, Thomas Ligotti, and Kobo Abe, and continues today in the works of Haruki Murakami, Kurt Vonnegut, and Elif Shafak.

      Of my adventures as a theatre brat I shall recount here only one; during my father’s direction of The Sandbox my mother asked Edward Albee if she could have a picture taken with him, whereupon he pointed to the gallery along the theatre entrance and said, “Let’s take it in front of the Jackson Pollock; it looks like Martha’s mind.” For Edward Albee, whose works were among those I could recite verbatim at the age of four, literally as I used to sit in at rehearsals and give the actors their lines if someone forgot, the failure of order in both political and psychological terms was a symptom of Sartrean bad faith.

     Here also Albee leads us through a labyrinth of mirrors, a funhouse of distorted images, both comical and grotesque, images which capture and reflect, assimilating or robbing us of our uniqueness in infinite regress to steal our souls, which through his magic of seeing our true selves becomes a Hobgoblin’s Broken Mirror as in in Anderson’s The Snow Queen, fragmented images which multiply our possibilities of becoming human.

     I particularly like the following lines from Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf, laden with satire of our falsification through invented histories and authorized identities, and influential to Jean Baudrillard’s theory of simulacra;

       “Martha: Truth or illusion, George; you don’t know the difference.

George: No, but we must carry on as though we did.

Martha: Amen.”

     Do see the iconic 1966 film adaptation starring Richard Burton and Elizabeth Taylor; I used to show it to high school students on day one of American History.

           And I would say in preface to the class; Here we see images of the history from which must emerge to become human as self-created and self-owned beings; histories which we drag behind us like invisible reptilian tails, with legacies of unequal power and multigenerational epigenetic trauma.

     I want you to seize these images and reclaim them for your own. Always there remains the struggle between the masks we make for ourselves and those made for us by others. This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the struggle for ownership of ourselves.

     We are gathered here to study history and our place in it, and to interrogate our informing, motivating, and shaping sources as stories, to perform the four primary duties of a citizen; Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority, and to be what Foucault called truth tellers.

     So, I have a film for you which models how to perform these roles, and this is where we will begin our study of American History, with the Original Lie which founded our nation, for there is no equality under the law if there is no social equality in praxis, and our magnificent reinventions of our civilization and ourselves in America’s founding documents leave vast systems of unequal power unchanged; class, race, and gender among others. This is who we are, and it falls to each of us to make a better future than we have the past; to become a fulcrum, and change the balance of power in the world.

     Such was my annual speech in preface to the study of American history.

      Also informative and insightful, Stretching My Mind: The Collected Essays of Edward Albee, includes his ideas about Samuel Beckett, Eugene Ionesco, and Sam Shepherd, as well as autobiographical writings about his own life, work, and worldview.

      Finally, written four decades after Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf, there is his last and greatest work, displaying the final form of his political psychology and an evolution of all the themes that have come before in his long career as a playwright, like a summa theologica of our time; The Goat, or Who Is Sylvia?

     The Goat, or Who Is Sylvia? is a Greek tragedy in structure which employs the methods of comedy to subversive ends, referential to Shakespeare’s Midsummer Night’s Dream, about the uncontrollable, totalizing nature of love and passion as a bringer of chaos and renewer of the world, sweeping all before it like a tidal wave.

     Nowhere in his cannon of work is Edward Albee’s intention more clear; to empower and liberate us both personally and politically. As an examination of Keats’ ideal of Love it is insightful and superb; as an extension and interrogation of the themes of Thomas Mann in Death in Venice and his reinterpreter Vladimir Nabokov in Lolita it is a brilliant satire and political fable. Herein he restates his primary insight; that life is a struggle for control and ownership of identity, the persona or mask that is worn in Greek theatre, between ourselves and our society.    

     As written by the Edward Albee Society, On The Goat of Who Is Sylvia?;    “The play is about love, and loss, the limits of our tolerance and who, indeed, we really are.”  Indeed, while bestiality is one of the many topics addressed in Albee’s play, the playwright’s main objective is more aligned with imagining ourselves “subject to circumstances outside our own comfort zones.” 

     In an interview with Charlie Rose focused on The Goat’s 2002 New York premiere, Albee stated, “Imagine what you can’t imagine.  Imagine that, all of a sudden, you found yourself in love with a Martian, in love with something you can’t conceive of.  I want everybody to be able to think about what they can’t imagine and what they have buried deep as being intolerable and insufferable.  I want them to just think freshly and newly about it.”

     Even the play’s title echoes this sense of multiplicity in terms of its meaning.  Albee said in his interview with Charlie Rose, “A goat is two things.  A goat is the animal, and, also, I believe a person can be a goat, the butt of a situation.”  Florescu offers a more symbolic definition of the word goat: “Sylvia is everybody’s goat, ready to unleash our wildest desires, potentially dissolving, or, at least, diminishing the ravaging effects of our gregarious, unhealthy regimented selves.”   Zinman suggests that the use of the term “goat” could also refer to “scapegoat”: “The goat is wholly innocent, victimized by Martin’s obsessive love and Stevie’s murderous revenge.”  Yet, in an advertisement created by The Philadelphia Theatre Company for their production, a picture of a goat “with a snapshot of the play’s characters hanging out of its mouth, suggesting that a goat, who will, notoriously, eat anything, has devoured this family alive,” suggests the personification of the goat and, thus, Sylvia’s own responsibility for the events that take place.  In addition, the name Sylvia, Zinman argues, references Shakespeare’s pastoral vision in Two Gentlemen of Verona.

   As stated by Esbjornson, The Goat is ultimately meant to be a tragedy.  Even the set he and John Arnone collaborated on had columns to provide a “classical quality to it, a Greek-tragedy quality.”  Zinman states, “In ancient Greek tragedy, the hero, at the height of his happiness, often complacent in his smooth fortunate life, undergoes a sudden reversal of fortunes.”  Indeed, once Martin confesses his affair to Ross, his fate is no longer his own.  According to Aristotle, he must then “‘fall from a great height,’” which Martin does; he is reduced from an award-winning architect to a mere sexual deviant.  Whereas Martin acts more as a tragic hero, Ross, on the other hand, takes the place of the chorus “representing the vox populi and of setting the wheels of tragedy in motion.”

      Albee thinks a play can be called political only if “…it makes people think differently enough about things so that their life alters including their politics.”  In order to make a difference in a contemporary society so accustomed to debunking generally accepted restrictions, Albee had to “…go even further afield than Nabokov to find a taboo still standing.”  In Zinman’s opinion, Albee’s view is that sexuality is “…more complex, far wider, deeper, and less governable than we generally think.”  Albee’s use of bestiality is meant to parallel society’s view of homosexuality which “appear[s] normal by comparison.”  Gainor furthers her argument by stating that it is through bestiality that Martin “literalizes his extremity of alienation and longing.”  By experiencing prejudice for his own sexual proclivities, Martin must “accept his son’s desires with equanimity, applying his newly gained insights on dominant and marginal practices.”

      In this way, Martin and Billy can seek to rebuild their relationship.  Robinson writes of The Goat: “Albee’s play insists that it is about something beyond a domestic crisis that can be cordoned off and concealed from the world – though it is about that too.  We see that the personal is political, yes, but also something more: that what is private about our lives only comes to have meaning as we enter the public sphere and this public sphere enters us.”  Ultimately, as Robinson states, The Goat is meant to affect both the micro and macro levels of society in a way that encourages progressive thinking even in uncertain times. “

     And on Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf?, also from the EAS website; “George and Martha revel in the dissection of the truth and illusion that have kept them bound in their fiery marriage. The illusionary component of George and Martha’s relationship is best symbolized by their imaginary son. George, jarred by Martha’s breaking of their rule, decides to kill off or “exorcise” their son, thus explaining the significance of Act III’s title. Adler writes, “…George exorcises the child not only to kill the illusion and live in reality, but to destroy one reality—that in which he has failed to exercise the strength necessary to make the marriage creative even without children–and create a new reality to take its place. George, through mapping out for Nick and Honey the way to redirect their lives, achieves for Martha and himself a radical redirection of their own.” Unlike Martha and George who are universally acknowledged by critics as having married for love, Nick and Honey’s marriage was only initiated because of Honey’s pregnancy coupled by her father’s wealth. George tries to steer Nick and Honey away from the fate that he and Martha are currently battling: the use of illusion as a weapon against each other. Martha, too, as Hoorvash and Porgiv comment, “…senses that something is lacking, not merely in her marriage or her life, but also in the lives of everyone else.” Paolucci further asserts: “The younger couple mirror our own embarrassment and own public selves; Martha and George, our private anguish.” In an interview with Rakesh H. Solomon, Albee comments on George and Martha’s imaginary son as a metaphor for this profound discontentment: “There is a distinction between the death of a metaphor and the death of a real child. And the play for me is more touching and more chilling if it is the death of the metaphor.” George’s shattering of the illusion of his and Martha’s son is his answer to Martha’s desire for him to “…assert his strength” against her “…many masculine qualities…[which] feeds off of George’s emasculation.” The duality of George’s personality allows for a breadth of interpretations for actors. Albee comments: “‘Once you’ve played George in my play no other role with the possible exception of Hamlet will challenge you quite as much as far as magnitude of text, complexity of language and the challenge of working on many planes at the same time.’”

     George and Martha’s inability to conceive also plays into the extended metaphor of Albee’s play, suggesting that “…sterility and fertility are simply metaphors for social stagnation and progress, respectively.  George’s solution, rather, is closer to a religious one, which has always been part of the American ideology”  Albee’s inspiration for Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf? was the tumultuous state of American society during the 1960s.  Dircks writes of Albee: “Albee saw an American society as sustaining itself on national illusions of prosperity and equality; here too, the situation demanded an honest confrontation of problems and a heightened state of communication.”  Zinman, too, states, “Albee’s political and cultural agenda is woven into the characters’ preoccupations, and thus into the dialogue.”  Thus, there can be no mistaking Albee’s allusion to George and Martha Washington, the first couple of the United States.  Still, other critics attribute Albee’s inspiration to not just American politics but also to Virginia Woolf, herself, and her short story: “Lappin and Lapinova.

     Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf? remains an impactful script that speaks to universal conflicts each generation must face: Who are we? What do we represent? and What will our futures hold?”

Edward Albee’s Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf? With Elizabeth Taylor and Richard Burton

https://vimeo.com/499019198

                          Edward Albee, a reading list

Stretching My Mind: The Collected Essays of Edward Albee, Edward Albee

Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf?, Edward Albee

The Goat, or Who is Sylvia?, Edward Albee

Edward Albee: A Singular Journey, Mel Gussow

Conversations with Edward Albee, Philip C. Kolin

Irrevocably Intertwined: Analyzing the Plays of Edward Albee, Greg Carlisle

March 11 2025 Free Speech Versus State Sponsorship of Genocide and Repression of Dissent: Case of Mahmoud Khalil

      What do our rights of free speech, assembly in protest, a free press, fair and equal justice for all, and the pursuit of truth look like in Vichy America today?

      As written by Anna Betts in The Guardian, in an article entitled ‘Reeks of McCarthyism’: outrage after Ice detains Palestinian student activist: Arrest of Mahmoud Khalil a ‘targeted, retaliatory’ attack on his first amendment rights, say civil rights groups; “Free speech organizations and advocates are expressing outrage after a prominent Palestinian activist who helped lead Columbia University’s pro-Palestinian protests last year, was arrested and detained over the weekend.

     Mahmoud Khalil, a permanent US resident with a green card, was taken into custody by federal immigration authorities on Saturday night, who reportedly said that they were acting on a state department order to revoke his green card.

     His attorney, Amy Greer, said that Khalil, who grew up in a Palestinian refugee camp in Syria, was in his university-owned apartment building, just a few blocks from Columbia’s main campus in New York, when several Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) agents entered the building on Saturday night and took him into custody.

     Greer said the authorities also declined to tell his wife, who is a US citizen and eight months pregnant, why Khalil was being detained.

     “The US government has made clear that they will use immigration enforcement as a tool to suppress that speech,” Greer said, adding that a habeas corpus petition had been filed on Khalil’s behalf challenging the validity of his arrest and detention.

     The US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) confirmed the arrest of Khalil, a recent Columbia graduate who has worked for the British embassy in Beirut, and alleged that Khalil’s activism constituted “activities aligned to Hamas”.

     At first, it was reported that Khalil was taken to an immigration detention facility in New Jersey, but his wife said she could not locate him there. As of Monday morning, it appeared that he was now listed as being in Ice custody at La Salle detention facility in Louisiana.

     Khalil served as a lead negotiator for the Gaza solidarity encampment at Columbia University last year, mediating between protesters and university administrators. According to Reuters, he was not among the students who occupied a campus building.

    More recently, according to the Associated Press. Khalil was reportedly among several students under investigation by a new Columbia committee that has brought disciplinary charges against dozens of students for their pro-Palestinian activism.

     A Columbia spokesperson told the Associated Press over the weekend that law enforcement officials needed a warrant to enter university property but did not disclose whether the school had received a warrant for Khalil’s arrest.

     The university recently issued guidance on “potential visits to campus” by Ice, where it states that “exigent circumstances” may allow Ice to access “university buildings or people without a warrant”.

     Khalil’s detention has sparked outrage from civil rights groups and first amendment organizations and advocates.

     Jameel Jaffer, executive director at the Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University, said that “arresting and threatening to deport students because of their participation in political protest is the kind of action one ordinarily associates with the world’s most repressive regimes”.

     He said that universities “must recognize that these actions pose an existential threat to academic life itself” and must “make clear, through action, that they will not sit on the sidelines as the Trump administration terrorizes students and faculty alike and runs roughshod over individual rights and the rule of law”.

     Donna Lieberman, executive director of the New York Civil Liberties Union, condemned Khalil’s detention as a “targeted, retaliatory, and an extreme attack on his first amendment rights”.

     “The unlawful detention of Mr Khalil reeks of McCarthyism,” Lieberman said. “It’s clear that the Trump administration is selectively punishing Mr Khalil for expressing views that aren’t Maga-approved – which is a frightening escalation of Trump’s crackdown on pro-Palestine speech, and an aggressive abuse of immigration law.”

     Lieberman warned that “ripping a student from their home, challenging their immigration status, and detaining them solely based on political viewpoint will chill student speech and advocacy across campus” and said that “political speech should never be a basis of punishment, or lead to deportation”.

     The Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (Fire) emphasized that “anyone facing arrest and detention must be afforded due process” stating that just as students and demonstrators “are obliged to abide by lawful rules of conduct, our government must abide by the first amendment”.

     “The government must be clear and transparent about the basis for its actions to avoid chilling protected speech,” the statement added.

    The Council on American-Islamic Relations highlighted that Khalil is a lawful permanent resident with no criminal charges and called the detention “lawless” and a violation of free speech rights, immigration laws and the humanity of Palestinians.

     While the state department can rescind visas, Elora Mukherjee, director of the immigrants’ rights clinic at Columbia Law School told the New York Times that revoking a green card was relatively rare and usually only occurs after criminal convictions.

     Mukherjee said that if the government were to revoke Khalil’s green card “in retaliation for his public speech, that is prohibited by the first amendment of the US constitution”.

     Eli Northrup, a New York City public defender and policy advocate, said on social media that “no matter what your views are on Israel & Palestine, you should be terrified of a country incarcerating its residents for exercising free speech.”

     Murad Awawdeh, president of the New York Immigration Coalition, said in a statement that “Khalil and all people living in the United States are afforded due process.

     “A green card can only be revoked by an immigration judge, showing once again that the Trump administration is willing to ignore the law in order to instill fear and further its racist agenda” Awawdeh said.

     Several New York City lawmakers, leaders and advocates also criticized Khalil’s arrest and called for his release.

     Zohran Mamdani, the Queens assembly member and mayoral candidate, called the arrest “a blatant assault on the first amendment and a sign of advancing authoritarianism under Trump”.

     The New York City comptroller, Brad Lander, also running for mayor, described the arrest as unconstitutional, and argued that deporting individuals for their speech does not make any community safer.

     “Ice’s arrest of Mahmoud Khalil is an unconstitutional and egregious violation of the first amendment, and a frightening weaponization of immigration law,” Lander said. “I disagree strongly with things that were said in the protests he reportedly led. But it will not make Jews – or any of us – safer for the federal government to deport people for saying things we may find hateful.”

     The student workers union at Columbia University called on Columbia university leadership to protect their international students. “By allowing Ice on campus, Columbia is surrendering to the Trump administration’s assault on universities across the country and sacrificing international students to protect its finances,” the union said.

     The Democratic congresswoman Pramila Jayapal, who represents Washington state, also took to social media, describing the arrest as “unacceptable” and a violation of free speech rights.

    “The Trump admin is going after students who have used their first amendment, constitutional rights,” Jayapal wrote. “Deporting legal residents solely for expressing their political opinions is a violation of free speech rights. Who’s next? Citizens?”

     While first amendment groups have condemned the arrest, the Columbia Jewish Alumni Association praised the move on social media on Sunday, calling it “exactly what needs to happen to restore order to campuses like Columbia and our country”.

     The Anti-Defamation League (ADL), a group that describes its focus as fighting antisemitism and all forms of hate, also said on Sunday that they “appreciate the Trump administration’s broad, bold set of efforts to counter campus antisemitism” and said that Khalil’s arrest “further illustrates that resolve by holding alleged perpetrators responsible for their actions”.

     But the group emphasized that any deportation, revocation of a green card or visa “must be undertaken in alignment with required due process protection”.

     Khalil’s arrest comes as Donald Trump has repeatedly pledged to revoke the student visas of foreign students in the US who are involved in protests against the war in Gaza, and that he would imprison “agitators”.

     Just a few days ago, the Trump administration announced that it had canceled $400m in federal grants and contracts to Columbia University because of what it alleges is the college’s failure to address antisemitism on campus.

     Columbia was central to the campus protests that broke out last spring across the US and internationally over the war in Gaza, with students demanding an end to US support for Israel and university divestment from companies linked to Israel.

     At Columbia, these protests resulted in mass arrests, suspensions and the resignation of the university’s president.

     One of the groups that played a key role in organizing these protests was Jewish Voice for Peace, who describe themselves as the “largest progressive Jewish anti-Zionist organization in the world”.

     On Monday, Jonah Rubin, the senior manager of campus organizing for JVP said that that Khalil’s arrest was designed to instill terror “throughout immigrant communities and social justice movements on college campuses”.

     “Even as we work to free Mahmoud Khalil, Columbia and every other college and university must stop complying with the illegal and unconstitutional orders of the Trump regime, and must start taking active measures to protect their students,” Rubin said.

     Before his arrest, Khalil had told Reuters that he feared that he would be targeted by the federal government.

     “Clearly Trump is using the protesters as a scapegoat for his wider agenda fighting and attacking higher education and the Ivy League education system,” he told the outlet.

     A protest was scheduled for Monday afternoon in New York to demand Khalil’s release. A petition for his release has already garnered more than 800,000 signatures.”

     As written by Moustafa Bayoumi in The Guardian, in an article entitled Mahmoud Khalil’s treatment should not happen in a democracy: The Columbia University graduate’s arrest is an attempt to destroy free thinking while murdering due process; “Forced disappearance, kidnapping, political imprisonment – take your pick. These terms all describe what has happened with the Trump administration’s first arrest for thought crimes, something that should never happen in a democracy.

     But it has, to Mahmoud Khalil, a recently graduated master’s student from Columbia University’s school of international and public affairs. And for each minute that Khalil is held in detention, every one of us should feel like our own individual rights in this country are being shredded. The arrest of Mahmoud Khalil is a barefaced attempt by the Trump administration to destroy free thinking while murdering due process and free speech along the way. This is an ominous development.

     On the evening of Saturday 8 March, Khalil, who is a lawful permanent resident of the US (a green card holder), and his US-citizen wife, who is eight months pregnant, were returning home to their Columbia University apartment in upper Manhattan. According to reports, the couple had just unlocked the door to the building when plainclothes agents from the Department of Homeland Security pushed their way in like thugs and demanded Khalil surrender himself for arrest.

     The lead agent told Khalil’s lawyer, whom Khalil had immediately called, that his student visa was being revoked. But Khalil doesn’t have a student visa for the very simple reason that he is a lawful permanent resident! Apparently confused, the agent next responded that Khalil’s green card was being revoked – which, by US law, cannot be done without a lot of due process. When pressed by Khalil’s lawyer to show a warrant for arrest, the agent simply hung up on the lawyer, shoved Khalil into handcuffs, and carted him away. As of this writing, Khalil is in a detention facility in Louisiana.

     Let’s be clear. If you grew up in Egypt or Nicaragua or Russia, you would recognize this behavior. If you have read the work of Milan Kundera or Ariel Dorfman or Breyten Breytenbach, you will recognize this behavior. This is how the authoritarian regimes always operate, seeking to demonize their critics and neutralize their opposition by lies, exaggerations and the blunt force of state power. This despicable and dangerous conduct has now come to the land of the free and the home of the brave as official policy.

     The Trump administration doesn’t even bother to disguise the ideological assault that characterizes Khalil’s arrest. Khalil was an active member of Columbia University’s protests against Israel’s war on Gaza, a war that has been characterized as a genocide by Israel by experts and multiple human rights organizations around the world. Khalil also served as a negotiator between the university administration and student activists who had set up an encampment on campus.

     It was in that role that Khalil’s profile grew, particularly among extreme rightwing organizations supporting Israel that began sending lists of students to the Trump administration who, they said, should be deported from the US because of their views. This blatant attempt to shut down free speech picked up after Donald Trump issued two executive orders in late January that called for deporting “perpetrators of unlawful anti-Semitic harassment”. (It shouldn’t be lost on anyone that the Trump administration is actively canceling every form of protection for other minority populations, while appearing deeply concerned about antisemitism, as it also tacitly supports antisemitic behavior.)

     Khalil had already suffered so much harassment by these pro-Israel groups that the day before his arrest, he wrote to the interim president of Columbia University, telling her that he was afraid that government officials or private actors would target him or his family, urging her to provide him legal support and protection. After his arrest, the official White House account on X issued a post that said: “Shalom, Mahmoud,” using a Hebrew word that can mean goodbye. Haha. Whoever wrote the post must think this very clever. But in a court of law, the post will only buttress the argument that Trump is on a rampage to shut down any types of speech he doesn’t like.

     Exactly which crime has Mahmoud Khalil committed? Which activities has he engaged in to warrant arrest and deportation? The best the Department of Homeland Security can come up with are the same flimsy innuendo that we hear over and over again. Any show of concern for Palestinians is, presto, turned into “activities aligned to Hamas”.

     That “aligned to Hamas” is not a legal standard is hardly surprising. It comes after all from the Trump administration, which operates almost definitionally as the opposite of a legal standard. Expecting something reasonable from this administration is like eating a razor-blade sandwich and thinking you won’t come out all bloodied, which is of course why the Trump administration is repeatedly offering you such aromatic and enticing fresh bread.

     I expect as much from Trump, but I demand more from Columbia University, my own alma mater. After Trump withdrew some $400m of federal funding over an unproven and completely ideologically driven allegation that Columbia was a hotbed of antisemitism, the interim president didn’t bother to defend her institution. Instead, she immediately sent us Columbia affiliates an email to “assure the entire Columbia community that we are committed to working with the federal government to address their legitimate concerns”. I’m educated enough to know that the word “appeasement” has a specific history. I also know that cowards run away from Palestine, even if they too will be the ones who suffer in the end.

     I also demand more from my local officials. This federal assault on protected speech from a New Yorker should raise huge alarms from the mayor of New York, but all we’ve heard from Eric Adams thus far is … well, what sound would crickets make if they were flying business class on Turkish Airlines? If it’s any sound at all, I imagine the jet engine hums louder than the lack of objection he’s made. His silence is matched only by Andrew Cuomo, Adams’s new competition for the next New York mayoral race. Together, they might have enough courage to lose a game of chicken to the lion in the Wizard of Oz.

     But mostly, I demand a whole lot more from the Democratic party. Where is Hakeem Jeffries? Where is Chuck Schumer? They seem to believe the best way to defend free speech in this country is not to speak at all. Irrelevance has never been so recognizable.

     Democracy has always been a fragile, improvised, teetering wall of bricks that extends high in the air. It takes a lot of people to support it, but it gives quickly when faced with pressure from the other side. The thing is, even if you’re not supporting it, you’ll still get crushed when the wall falls. Too many people seem ready to be crushed. That’s only the tiniest reason to support Mahmoud Khalil. We all need to rush to the wall and do what we can to free him from his unjust imprisonment. For him and also for us. Because, you know what? He won’t be the last.”

     What of the charge of antisemitism levelled by a state complicit in the genocide and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians by Israel, as repression of dissent?

     As I wrote in my post of May 19 2024, Is Zionism Fascism? Is Protest Against the Israeli Genocide of the Palestinians Antisemitism and Hate Speech?

     The question of whether an author’s historical claim to stand with Israel makes them a Zionist and a fascist was posed in an online forum, as Israel violates Biden’s Red Line and begins the assault on the refugees of Rafah, reverse face of the question of whether protest against the Israeli genocide of the Palestinians constitutes antisemitism and hate speech. Among the first objections to these questions was that an author’s ideology has nothing to do with their work rather than emerging from it, of which we in the group are all members of a fandom.

     Here is my reply:

      Actually a very relevant and complex question. Why must one peoples Return mean another’s Exile? Why must we be each other’s jailors, and not each other’s liberators?

      Netanyahu and his settler regime and apologists would like everyone, especially their own citizens, to conflate being Israeli with being Jewish, and to use fear to centralize power to a carceral state of force and control and legitimize their authority as necessary to security. But none those things are true, and security is an illusion.

      The idea of Israel as an empire of tyranny and terror is antithetical to an Israel founded to protect Jewish peoples from tyranny and terror. The Netanyahu regime and the Occupation which long precedes it are subversions of Zion as a refuge for the powerless, the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, and also a dark mirror of Judaism as the work of Tikkun Olam, repair of the world.

      Marx began Das Capital with an eschatological vision of the New Jerusalem and the limitless possibilities of a humankind free from the profit motive as an analogy of Original Sin, and free from its praxis as the reduction of human relations to cash exchange. There are far more such possible futures of becoming human together through love rather than fear, more than we can now imagine.

       Friends, everything the enemy says is a lie; never let them define the terms of debate or the rules of the game.

     Fascisms of blood, faith, and soil now rule most of our world, and to this I say Never Again! Regardless of whose name those who wish to enslave us claim to act as a strategy of our subjugation and dehumanization.

      No matter where you begin with divisions and hierarchies of being human, of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     As I wrote in my post of December 11 2023, What is Hate Speech? What is Anti-Semitism? Who Decides What Is Permitted, and How Shall We Enforce Limits On Each Other’s Freedoms? Case of the Repression of Dissent By Universities Beholden to Special Interest Money; Free speech ends where hate and violence begin; and dehumanization is criminal incitement to violence.

     Yes, but what is hate speech? What is Anti-Semitism? Who decides what is permitted, and how shall we enforce limits on each other’s freedoms?

     Such questions about our fundamental rules of how to be human together are now being fought out on university campuses throughout our nation and the world, which pit student mass protests against the Israeli ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians in Gaza against repression of dissent by authority both within education systems and between institutions of education and those of the state, and often shaped by the special interest money which has been allowed to define the terms of the debate.

     In large part the world has accepted the state of Israel’s claim that criticism of its use of force inclusive of vast war crimes in Gaza is anti-semitism. There are two problems with this; first, Palestinians and Israelis are both semites, one people divided by history as faith, ethnicity, and national identity weaponized in service to power. Second, this falsification is deployed globally by the state of Israel to both defend and subjugate the Jewish diaspora by enforcing identification of being Jewish with the state of Israel, which also deflects questioning of its brutal colonial-Apartheid settler regime.

     We must beware those who claim to speak and act in our name, and most especially commit unforgiveable acts to make us complicit in their crimes, for this is a strategy of fascist tyranny.

     Netanyahu’s settler regime, founded on conquest and theft of indigenous people’s lands as manifest destiny authorized by God in imitation of our own  Conquest of the Native Americans, and on the Apartheid system of Bantustans which was also modeled on our own reservation system, the state of Israel institutionalized as a military society designed as a refuge for and avenger of Jews, and the whole Zionist ideology of identitarian politics and a nation of one faith and one blood, remains today the world’s most extreme and dangerous fascist successor state to the Nazis.

      But this need not remain so. Israel would very much like to convince her own citizens and all of us that to be a Jew is to be a member and figure of the state of Israel, and that to call out and oppose the state of Israel for crimes against humanity and war crimes in Gaza is to be guilty of hate crime against Jewish people, but this is a lie, and one of many.

     So we come to this final question; how do we oppose state tyranny and terror without confusing and conflating a state with the people it claims to speak and act for? How answer division with solidarity?

     Netanyahu has incited anti Jewish hate as well as anti Israeli horror at his atrocities and war crimes. When a state demonizes itself before the world, it is the diasporic population of those it claims to act in service of as legitimation of power who suffer first. This is a primary strategy of fascism; making those in whose name it claims to act complicit in unforgiveable crimes. But the use of force obeys Newtons Third Law of Motion and creates its own counterforce and resistance. The crimes of Israel have reawakened a slumbering monster and put every Jewish person and community at risk. We must now bring regime change, peace, and democracy to Israel or witness the return of the global Fourth Reich and its policies of Judenfrei.

     Save the Jews; bring down the Israeli state.

      Herein we may find guidance in Jean Genet’s restatement of Nietzsche’s principle of how those who hunt monsters become monsters themselves in the use of violence to enforce authorized identities and ideas of virtue; “If we behave like those on the other side, then we are the other side. Instead of changing the world, all we’ll achieve is a reflection of the one we want to destroy.”

    Yesterday we witnessed a ray of light pierce the immense darkness of our moment, in twin events of fracture on both of the primary fronts of the Gaza War; in the Israeli regime of tyranny and terror and in America’s complicity in the atrocities and crimes against humanity of our colony and proxy state. On the Israeli front, Benny Gantz threatens to leave the coalition government which would bring it down unless Netanyahu stops the genocide, and on the American front Biden for the first time in the history of the American-Israel partnership aligns us with the principle of our universal human rights inclusive of Palestinians as fellow human beings in an empathetic speech which defines goals of peace and equality in the region and reveals that he is working on solutions rather than obstructing them and abetting the atrocities of Israel, something I wish he would have communicated with us all on October 7.

      To clarify, Biden personally, our government, and our nation will forever bear a measure of responsibility for how the immense arsenal we provide Israel has been used, regardless of what may happen next. For these crimes against humanity both Netanyahu and Biden among many others belong in the same court as Milosevic. Nothing in this must divert our gaze from the future and the possibilities for change which Biden and Gantz have now offered us. In both Israel and America, we now have agents of change speaking not merely of ceasefire, but also of our future and solutions which might allow us to emerge from the legacies of our history.

     America and Israel have been partners in a Faustian bargain; in its wake we believed the Holocaust proved that only power is real and has meaning, embraced the seduction of power to be the arbiter of virtue, and with the centralization of power to authority forged carceral states of force and control and of imperial conquest and dominion. 

     But now the tide begins to turn.

      As Biden said in his historic Morehouse College speech; “It’s a humanitarian crisis in Gaza. That’s why I’ve called for an immediate ceasefire to stop the fighting, bring the hostages home, and I’ve been working on a deal as we speak.”

     “This is one of the hardest, most complicated problems in the world. There’s nothing easy about it. I know it angers and frustrates many of you, including my family, but most of all, I know it breaks your heart. It breaks mine as well.”

     Tyranny blinks, and we must seize the moment. As Edwin Markham wrote in Preparedness;

 “For all your days prepare,

   And meet them ever alike:

When you are the anvil, bear—

   When you are the hammer, strike. “

    In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power; let us use ours not to dehumanize and enslave others, but to restore our humanity and to liberate each other. As the lyrics of the beautiful elegiac song in the series Wednesday goes, nothing else matters.

     As written by Branko Marcetic in Jacobin, in an article entitled Trump Is Viciously Cracking Down on Free Speech: The detention and possible deportation of former Columbia University student and pro-Palestine organizer Mahmoud Khalil is the most serious attack on the First Amendment by any president in years; “ast Tuesday, President Donald Trump told Congress, “I have stopped all government censorship and brought back free speech in America.” Not even a week later, his administration has arrested a permanent resident, summarily revoked his green card, and is getting ready to deport him — all because they don’t like his constitutionally protected speech.

     The detention and possible deportation of Columbia University protester Mahmoud Khalil, who was arrested on Saturday by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents, is the most serious attack on the First Amendment by any president in years. The twenty-first century has seen US administrations routinely trample over free speech, whether George W. Bush’s spying on Muslim American leaders, the surveillance and torture of whistleblowers and journalists like Julian Assange, or the US government’s involvement in tech censorship. This move is arguably more extreme than all of them.

     According to multiple reports and statements, Khalil, a permanent resident who was one of the leaders of the student antiwar protests at Columbia over the past year and a half, was arrested by ICE agents after they entered in-campus housing. The ICE agents reportedly also threatened to arrest his wife, a US citizen eight months pregnant with their baby, and claimed his student visa had been revoked. When informed that Khalil was not on a student visa but rather had a green card — one step away from full citizenship, in other words — the agents were at first confused, then, after a phone call, claimed that had been revoked, too. When asked by his attorney to provide her with a warrant, they simply hung up the phone.

     Until very recently, neither Khalil’s attorney, Amy Greer, nor his wife knew where he even was. Despite first being told he was being held at an ICE facility in Elizabeth, New Jersey, his wife was informed he was not actually there when she tried to visit him yesterday morning. He is now confirmed to have been sent 1,300 miles away to Louisiana. It all has unmistakable, disturbing echoes of the lawless practice of forced disappearances common in Latin American dictatorships during the Cold War.

     Meanwhile, as outrage has built over the past twenty-four hours, the Trump administration has doubled down. Just today, the White House proudly touted Khalil’s arrest, charging he had “led activities aligned to Hamas” and warning his was “the first arrest of many to come.”

     “We will be revoking the visas and/or green cards of Hamas supporters in America so they can be deported,” Secretary of State Marco Rubio tweeted about the incident.

     “Law Enforcement enforcing the rule of law,” commented Katie Miller, a Trump advisor and wife of Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller.

     But this is the opposite of the rule of law. Green cards can’t summarily be revoked by the president or his secretary of state — it can only be done by an immigration judge. And they certainly can’t be canceled because the holder has opinions or took part in protests that the president and his political party don’t like.

     Green cards can be revoked if the permanent resident commits certain crimes, including joining or materially supporting a terrorist organization — this is presumably what Khalil is supposed to have done to get himself targeted by ICE. But neither the government nor his detractors have given any actual evidence that he’s materially supported Hamas, or even that he’s so much as said anything supportive of the organization. Instead, they are recklessly stretching that definition to charge that his antiwar activism is tantamount to giving money to or working on behalf of Hamas.

     A month ago, I warned that Trump’s mass deportation program threatened the rights of US citizens and permanent residents, who have been repeatedly swept up in raids, detained, and even deported by ICE in the past, including just the past month. What we’re seeing with Khalil’s case is that the Trump administration — which came into office on the promise of “mass deportations” of undocumented immigrants, specifically training its ire on violent criminals — is now radically extending the tools and authorities it uses for that group to not just target legal immigrants with no criminal or violent histories, but to weaken the rights of all Americans.

     A permanent resident has been effectively disappeared by the government, had his legal status revoked, and is set to be thrown out of the country, without trial or any sort of due process at the whim of those in power. It is only a step away from saying you can do something like this to a permanent resident to saying you can do it to a citizen, as long as those citizens meet certain requirements of one person’s definition of non-Americanness, of course — having the wrong opinions, or the wrong heritage, or being naturalized, for example. In fact, this case is already wreaking havoc on one citizen’s life: Khalil’s pregnant wife, who, if he is deported, will effectively be forced out of her own country to be with her husband.

      The Trump administration is not just targeting legal immigrants with no criminal or violent histories, but weakening the rights of all Americans.

This has crossed over with another thread in the not-yet-two-month-old Trump presidency: its hostility to Americans’ free speech and other basic constitutional rights on behalf of Israel.

     What has happened to Khalil was advocated by the Heritage Foundation in its “Project Esther,” a plan for crushing the pro-Palestinian movement that it released a month before last year’s election. Two of its chief goals were to force “leaders and members” of pro-Palestinian organizations, which it deceptively defines as “Hamas Supporting Organizations” to “voluntarily depart” or be “deported from the U.S.”

     As with all attacks on free speech, Trump’s move here makes everyone’s rights less secure, including those of his own supporters. The Trump administration is currently going over Israel’s head and angering its officials by taking the unprecedented step of negotiating directly with Hamas for a decade-long cease-fire without Israel being at the table. It’s hard to see how, under the warped definition the administration is using in Khalil’s case, this couldn’t cynically be construed as materially supporting Hamas, too.

     If Trump voters who are permanent residents voice support for these negotiations, are they liable to be arrested and deported, too, by a future administration? What if they support a cease-fire in Ukraine? Legislation to officially designate Russia a state sponsor of terror was being pushed as recently as last year.

     It doesn’t even have to involve foreign policy. The Trump administration here is opening the door for a future Democratic administration to politically retaliate against conservative students and other immigrants for holding conservative views: on abortion for instance (where anti-choice organizations have carried out terrorist attacks in the past), or gender issues more broadly, a movement whose high-profile right-wing figures like Andrew Tate have carried out shocking crimes like human trafficking and rape of a minor.

     It’s yet another unfortunate example of the rights of Americans being undermined for the sake of a foreign country, in this case Israel. Under Joe Biden, Israel was allowed to kill multiple Americans without even a slap on the wrist. Under Trump, a permanent resident is being arrested and deported because he dared criticize the country.

     This attack on free speech is happening thanks to silence or even complicity from liberal institutions. Democratic officials have been slow to react with the kind of outrage they mobilized against Trump’s cuts to foreign aid. (We have asked for comment from Senator Chuck Schumer and other members of Congress from New York, where Khalil lives, and will update the story if they come.)

     The reason Khalil came in the government’s crosshairs in the first place is because he was one of dozens of Columbia students being investigated by the university over their pro-Palestinian activism, after the school was threatened by Trump with withdrawing government money — which Trump has now taken away anyway, despite the university choosing to disgracefully go after its own students, canceling $400 million in grants and contracts, or about 6 percent of its total funding.

     New Yorkers are planning to take over Federal Plaza in New York to protest Khalil’s treatment, while a petition demanding his release has drawn more than a million signatures in less than a day. These are appropriate responses to such a brazen and blatantly unconstitutional assault on the First Amendment. But many more Americans around the country should be up in arms.”

     Of the glorious and heroic Resistance to state sponsorship of genocide, imperial conquest and dominion, and to tyranny and terror both by America and her colony Israel, a Resistance of the future against the legacies of our history,  Nina Lakhani has written in The Guardian in an article entitled ‘Do not bow’: ex-Black Panther praises pro-Palestinian student protesters from prison: Mumia Abu-Jamal tells New York City students they’re on the right side of history by deciding ‘not to be silent and to speak out’; “In a powerful and rousing live address to students at the City University of New York (Cuny) on Friday night, the incarcerated Black political activist Mumia Abu-Jamal praised the pro-Palestinian movement growing at US colleges as being on the right side of history.

     “It is a wonderful thing that you have decided not to be silent and decided to speak out against the repression that you see with your own eyes,” Abu-Jamal, a former Black Panther, said while calling from Pennsylvania’s Mahanoy state prison. “You are part of something massive, and you are part of something that is on the right side of history.

     “You’re against a colonial regime that steals the land from the people who are Indigenous to that area. I urge you to speak out against the terrorism that is afflicted upon Gaza with all of your might, all of your will and all of your strength. Do not bow to those who want you to be silent.”

     As hundreds of students and supporters at the Cuny encampment in Harlem cheered, he continued, “This is the moment to be heard and shake the earth so that the people of Gaza, the people of Rafah, the people of the West Bank, the people of Palestine can feel your solidarity with them.”

     Abu-Jamal was a founding member of the Philadelphia chapter of the Black Panther party and went on to become a radio journalist as well as president of the Philadelphia chapter of the Black Association of Journalists. In 1982, he was convicted and sentenced to death in 1982 for the murder of police officer Daniel Faulkner in Philadelphia in 1981.

     Abu-Jamal spent almost three decades in solitary confinement on death row before his death sentence was overturned by a federal court, citing irregularities in the original sentencing process.

     A prolific writer on Black struggle and critic of the US criminal justice system, Abu-Jamal is serving life without parole, and his supporters regard him as a political prisoner.

     Student protests calling for divestment in Israel have spread across the US in the past 10 days – in solidarity with the Palestinian liberation cause as well as the Columbia University students who were arrested and suspended after administrators allowed the NYPD on to campus.

     Cuny is the largest public urban college in the US, with a large working-class Black and brown student and teaching body, with 25 campuses across the city’s five boroughs.

     The mood on Friday night in Harlem was buoyant despite the cold. Students wrapped up in donated blankets amid Shabbat rituals, Muslim community prayers, lectures and the screening of documentaries about the history of student protests, the South African apartheid regime and the Palestinian struggle.

     Nationwide, students – and a growing number of faculty – are demanding administrators disclose and divest from funds and corporations doing business with Israel in it. Those include Amazon and Google, which are part of a $1.2bn cloud-computing contract with Israel’s government, as well as manufacturers of weapons and other military equipment.

     Police have responded with brutality on some campuses, such as at Emory University in Atlanta, provoking international condemnation – and, in turn, more student protests.

     Joe Biden and many lawmakers have criticized the protesters as “antisemitic” despite the fact that Jewish students who reject Zionism are organizing many of the college protests.

     In response to the 7 October Hamas attack that killed about 1,200 Israelis and resulted in the kidnappings of more than 200 others, Israel has killed at least 34,000 Palestinians in Gaza, with thousands more buried under the rubble and presumed dead.

     Deaths from starvation and extreme heat are rising, according to UN agencies, amid ongoing Israeli attacks and blockades stopping the delivery of humanitarian aid that some US officials acknowledge could be a violation of international law.

     As the Israeli military appears to be preparing to launch an attack on Rafah in southern Gaza, where a million Palestinians have been displaced, Abu-Jamal urged students to expand protests.

     “The people of Gaza are fighting to be free from generations of occupation so it is not enough, brothers and sisters, it is not enough to demand a ceasefire,” he said. “Make your demand cease occupation, cease occupation, and let that be your battle cry because that is the call of history of which all of you are part.

     “You are part of something magnanimous, magnificent and soul changing, and history changing. Do not let go of this moment, make it bigger, make it more massive, make it more powerful, make it echo up into the stars. I am thrilled by your work – I love you.”

     The students erupted into chants of “brick by brick, wall by wall, free Mumia Abu-Jamal”.

     Abu-Jamal has a track record of supporting student movements and has been invited as a commencement speaker by numerous colleges. He participates in those commencements through recordings.

     He has published dozens of essays and several books – including 2017’s Have Black Lives Ever Mattered? – about his time on death row and the history of the Black Panthers.

     Cuny voted to divest from South Africa in 1984 by cutting ties with companies supporting the apartheid regime. Columbia was the first Ivy League university to sever financial links with the apartheid regime.”

     As I wrote in my post of October 24 2024, Universities Attack Protests by Jewish Peace Activists on Sukkot; This Sukkot, American universities attack protests by Jewish peace activists calling for divestiture of investment in war industries complicit in genocide and other crimes against humanity in Palestine and Lebanon.

    So it has been with our entire nation for longer than I have been alive, and though I have fought to save something of our humanity since the 1982 Siege of Beirut, all over our dark and brutal world, and won some few victories, on the whole I am failing.

    Tens of thousands of American, Israeli, Palestinian, and Lebanese peoples have protested their annihilation, dehumanization, and enslavement by a Zionist state of tyranny and terror, and of fascisms of blood, faith, and soil. Yet even our most liberal regime in America, led by Genocide Joe and Kommandant Kamala, refuse to stop funding and arming Israel’s criminal war against humanity.

     Trump of course would be far worse and more terrible, should he recapture the state, for he is Netanyahu’s ally and the October 7 2023 attack was planned jointly by Hamas and the Netanyahu regime to divide America and shoehorn Trump back into power where he will fully support Israel’s imperial conquest and dominion of the whole Middle East.

     We must stop trump and elect Kamala on November 5, but this does not mean turning a blind eye to our complicity in genocide and state terror, in America or in the Holy Lands.

     Resistance begins with truth telling and solidarity of action, and this is the primary ground of struggle now unfolding on our university campuses and in our elections.

     We are offered a false dichotomy between Kommandant Kamala and Traitor Trump; we can keep both our democracy and our universal human rights. If we refuse to submit, abandon not our fellows, and find the will to claw our way out of the ruins of our nation and our civilization again, and make yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory or even survival.

     God bless America, and God Bless Us, Every One; we’re going to need it.

    As written by Chris Walker in Truthout, in an article entitled Jewish Students Blast Universities for Actions Against Sukkot Demonstrations: Universities destroyed sukkah shelters and stood by while students were harassed by bigots, Jewish Voice for Peace said; “Multiple Jewish-led organizations on college campuses across the country marked the end of the religious holiday of Sukkot this week by calling for their universities to divest from Israel amid its genocide of Palestinians in Gaza.

     Sukkot commemorates the 40 years the Israelites spent wandering the wilderness, led by Moses, after they were freed from enslavement in Egypt. The holiday is often celebrated by constructing temporary structures called sukkahs, meant to remind the Jewish people of their ancestors’ displacement. This year, Jewish students adorned their sukkahs on campus with messages of solidarity with Palestinians, noting that the tradition has taken on increased resonance as Israel’s ethnic cleansing campaign has displaced millions of Palestinian families in Gaza over the past year.

     Around 18 college chapters of Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) took part in the demonstrations, with other student groups joining them across the country. According to a press release shared with Truthout by JVP, students built Gaza solidarity sukkahs at Northwestern University, the University of Chicago, Brown, Columbia, the University of Washington, the University of Rochester, UC Berkeley, Stanford, Yale, the University of North Carolina, Swarthmore, UCLA, Bryn Mawr, MIT, Rutgers, UC San Diego, Occidental, and more.

        The sukkah demonstrations included teach-ins, prayer services, sacred meals, and other programs intended to foster understanding of the genocide and promote divestment and an arms embargo on Israel.

     On many campuses, administrators responded to the demonstrations by ordering the destruction of the structures. Administrators also ignored harassment against Jewish students and their allies by pro-Israel agitators. At Northwestern University, for example, administrators tore down students’ Gaza solidarity sukkah not once, but twice — destroying it a second time after students rebuilt the structure.

      Isabelle Butera, a student who took part in the sukkah demonstration at Northwestern, condemned the university’s actions; Northwestern has spent all year claiming to care about the wellbeing of Jewish students, yet they send police to dismantle our sacred Sukkah in the dark of night. This reveals that Northwestern’s claims of caring for Jewish students were really only about punishing any students who speak out for Palestinian freedom. Because we dedicated our Sukkot to the people of Gaza who are currently enduring genocide, Northwestern decided to send in police to harass us.”

     JVP also noted actions against students elsewhere.

     Seventeen students from Brown University are reportedly set to face disciplinary action for violating a newly enacted rule against sleeping overnight on campus property, a standard that was enacted in response to the pro-Palestinian student encampments across the country earlier this year. The university barred students from being inside their sukkah or even within 20 feet of it from the hours of 2 am and 6 am, an unprecedented action that went against the university’s tolerance of Sukkot observations in the past.

     “Every year on this campus Jewish students sleep in sukkahs without incident. We believe we are being treated differently because we…are standing with Palestine,” said Etta Robb, a student taking part in the Gaza solidarity sukkah at Brown.

     At UCLA, police in riot gear stood near a sukkah and did nothing while right-wing agitators, many who had just attended an event featuring far right speaker Ben Shapiro, harassed pro-Palestine students. The agitators shouted at the demonstrators, used homophobic slurs, and tore parts of the sukkah apart for around half an hour, forcing students taking part in the sukkah to leave out of fear for their safety.

     “The students were ultimately forced to abandon the sukkah and disperse for their safety. Only then did cops issue a dispersal order, but allowed agitators to remain and destroy the walls and decorations in the sukkah,” a press release from students said.

     Shortly afterward, maintenance workers from the university destroyed the sukkah.

     A spokesperson for JVP decried the universities’ actions against student demonstrators.

     “These universities desecrate these student’s Jewish practice because their faith is intertwined with their solidarity with the Palestinian people,” said JVP media coordinator Liv Kunins-Berkowitz. “A university has no right to dictate what types of Jewish practice are legitimate. Anti-Zionist Judaism is a longstanding and rapidly growing expression of being Jewish.”

     As written in an article as Sukkot began, also by Chris Walker in Truthout, entitled Jewish Students Mark Sukkot Holiday With Calls to End Israel’s Genocide in Gaza; “Several Jewish-led student groups are marking the holiday of Sukkot on campuses across the country by constructing small, temporary structures called sukkahs and adorning them with messages of solidarity with Palestinians amid Israel’s genocide.

     Sukkot, sometimes known as the Feast of Booths, is a weeklong Jewish holiday commemorating the story of the 40 years that Israelites spent in the wilderness after Moses led them out of slavery in Egypt. Jewish people often celebrate Sukkot by constructing sukkahs, which are reminiscent of the shelters their ancestors lived in during displacement.

     Sukkot began at sunset on Wednesday, and will last through this coming Wednesday, October 23.

     Jewish students at campuses across the U.S. are using the occasion to call for their institutions to divest from Israel and for a U.S. arms embargo on Israel — with many noting that the holiday has increased resonance this year as millions of Palestinians have been forcibly displaced and now live in tents due to Israel’s ethnic cleansing campaign.

     Around 18 college chapters of Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) have set up sukkahs at colleges and universities across the country. Other Jewish students and groups have also taken part in the demonstrations.

     Many of the sukkahs feature both Jewish and Palestinian imagery, including olive trees. The structures are also marked with messages like “Gaza Solidarity Sukkah” and “Stop Arming Israel.” At the sukkahs, students have hosted teach-ins featuring university faculty, JVP said in a press release shared with Truthout.

    The construction of sukkahs on university campuses has been met with varying responses from administrators.

     At Brown University, for example, the student group Jews for Ceasefire Now (JFCN) received permit approval for the temporary construction of their sukkah, with the Office of Chaplains and Religious Life allowing it to stand during the weeklong holiday.

     Still, leaders from JFCN said that university officials must do more to address U.S. complicity in Israel’s slaughter of Palestinians in Gaza and the occupied West Bank.

    “It is important to take up space on this campus and show that the undemocratic Corporation” — the formal name given to the governing body of Brown University — “will not silence the student movement,” Rafi Ash, a member of JFCN, told The Brown Daily Herald. “We want to show the Corporation that as they arrive on campus, they are working against the student body.”

     Not all universities were receptive to the construction of sukkahs on their grounds. Northwestern University, for example, ordered employees, accompanied by police, to tear down students’ Gaza solidarity sukkah.

     As the religious structure was being torn down, the Northwestern students who had constructed it read a poem out loud, observing the symbolism of the university destroying their sukkah that was calling for Palestinian liberation.

     “We asked if we could stay on this lawn, as we are students of this campus and have every right to be here. So we stayed and watched the police tear down the beautiful structure that we built only hours ago,” student Isabelle Butera said.

     At the University of California-Berkeley, administrators ordered another sukkah to be torn down. Jewish students condemned the action, with some saying it demonstrated the university-wide sentiment against anti-Zionist Jews on campus.

     The students relocated their sukkah to a different location, where a guest lecturer spoke. However, the next morning, the university called the police and again tore the structure down, removing materials from it, including items donated by community farms.

     “They don’t see us as real Jews or make claims that we’re self hating Jews because we refuse to support a genocide and the colonization of Indigenous Palestinians,” said Gus, who participated in building the sukkah at Berkeley. “Then, when we try to make our own space on the campus that we pay for, our administration destroys our religious dwelling not once, but twice. Both times accompanied by a swarm of police.”

     “At Brown, we are unequivocally in solidarity with Northwestern, Cornell, Columbia, and all other Jewish and non-Jewish organizers who are facing repression for pro-Palestinian activism, whether right now in their sukkahs, on their campuses, or throughout the entirety of the past year,” Eden Fine, a participant in the Sukkot event and a senior at Brown University, said in a statement to Truthout.

     A pro-Palestinian sukkah was also torn down by officials at the University of Washington.”

      What are the students protesting? As written by Sharif Abdel Kouddous and Abubaker Abed in a newsletter entitled The Murderous Logistics of Israel’s Ethnic Cleansing Campaign in Northern Gaza: Eyewitnesses say the IDF is starving residents, targeting hospitals, bombing shelters, and murdering civilians in the streets; “On Monday, Al Jazeera correspondent Anas al-Sharif posted a photograph from northern Gaza capturing the Israeli military’s brutal depopulation campaign. In the photo, hundreds of Palestinian men, women, and children crowd together on a bombed-out street, carrying their few belongings in plastic bags. They all face the same direction, as if moving in procession, holding their ID cards up in the air to an Israeli soldier just out of view. The caption reads: “Ethnic Cleansing in Jabaliya 2024.”

     For the past 19 days, the Israeli military has waged a concentrated campaign of extermination and ethnic cleansing in northern Gaza, according to medical staff and eyewitnesses who have been speaking to Drop Site News. The IDF has besieged the area with troops, blocked roads, and constructed earthen barriers, while cutting off access to food, water, fuel, and medical supplies. From the air, it has targeted homes, shelters, schools and hospitals with relentless airstrikes. Quadcopters are shooting civilians in the streets. Amid shelling and demolitions on the ground, soldiers have rounded up residents, arresting hundreds and forcing tens of thousands to march south. “This is the first time since the beginning of the war that the occupation army has besieged an area and then begun a campaign of bombing, killing and starvation in such a complete way,” Mahmoud Basal, the spokesperson for the Civil Defense in Gaza, told the Palestinian press agency Safa.

     In one of the deadliest incidents, at least 87 people were killed or have been reported missing following an airstrike on a residential block in Beit Lahia on Saturday. More than 40 people were injured in the strike, including infants, some of whom were taken to Kamal Adwan hospital. Video shared by the ministry of health shows several children barely clinging to life in the hospital’s intensive care unit, including footage of a months-old baby lying dead next to another severely wounded child covered in gauze and hooked up to tubes receiving treatment.

     On Monday, at least 10 people were killed and 30 injured in the shelling of an UNRWA school sheltering displaced Palestinians in the Jabaliya camp after the Israeli military ordered them to evacuate. In Beit Lahia on Tuesday, 15 people were killed in an Israeli drone strike, followed by a tank shelling on a school that had become a shelter for the displaced, killing seven.

     The Israeli military on Wednesday released aerial footage showing crowds streaming out of a bombed out landscape and extolling the “tens of thousands” of citizens that have been forced to flee Jabaliya. Al Jazeera also posted footage from Israel’s national broadcaster showing IDF trucks carrying dozens of blindfolded Palestinian men reportedly from Jabaliya.

     So far, the assault has claimed the lives of over 770 people, a number certain to go up with countless more casualties lying in the streets and under the rubble in areas Israeli troops have barred emergency crews from accessing. “Israeli forces are executing people in the streets, in shelters, everywhere,” Ismail Al-Thwabta, the spokesperson for the Information Ministry in Gaza, told Drop Site News. Over 1,000 others have been injured and more than 200 civilians have been “kidnapped,” according to the Government Media Office in Gaza, with dozens more missing.

     The focus of the military campaign is the northernmost governorate in the Gaza Strip, an area known as North Gaza. The stretch, where some 200,000 Palestinians still remain, includes the cities of Beit Lahia, Beit Hanoun, and Jabaliya, along with Jabaliya refugee camp, the largest refugee camp in the Gaza Strip.

     The UN Human Rights Office issued a statement on Sunday voicing its concern that Israeli forces in North Gaza are interfering with humanitarian aid and facilitating the forced expulsion of Palestinians. “The Israeli military has taken measures that make life in north Gaza impossible for Palestinians while repeatedly ordering the displacement of the entire governorate,” the office said. Thousands of homes, shelters and other structures have also been destroyed “causing massive and unprecedented destruction,” the Government Media Office in Gaza said in a statement.

     Images and video shared by journalists on the ground show large groups of civilians on the street being rounded up, with Israeli tanks positioned next to them. On Monday, Al Jazeera correspondent Hossam Shabat posted on X that Israeli forces that day had attacked a school in the Jabaliya refugee camp, forcing people out. “Then they lined them up and shot anyone who dared to move. Any male over the age of 16 is being detained, tortured, and investigated,” he wrote. “Many people who are being lined up are sick individuals, such as amputees, cancer patients, and young kids who are being asked to stand in line for hours. The situation is catastrophic.”

     As Israeli operations in the north have intensified, its planes are dropping flyers over the area and deploying drones fitted with loudspeakers, warning people that the area will be detonated while they are inside their homes if they do not evacuate immediately. Israeli troops have also bombed and burned down shelters for the displaced.

     Amid the carnage, those who have been forced out describe a hellish journey south, made to walk for many kilometers past Israeli tanks and troops.

     Fadi Redwan, a 22-year-old resident of Jabaliya refugee camp, was forced to leave his family on October 8 and head to Kamal Adwan hospital for a blood transfusion to treat his thalassemia, a blood disorder that affects hemoglobin levels. “On my way, the streets were a picture of horror and trauma: decomposing bodies gnawed by dogs, children’s skulls here and there, scattered skeletons amid the rubble of homes. I couldn’t do anything as snipers and quadcopters were shooting everyone,” Redwan told Drop Site News. Not long after he reached the hospital, Israeli soldiers encircled and stormed the facility. “They checked my ID, my medical report, and my phone,” Redwan said. “They only gave back my ID and medical report and ordered me and five others like me with thalassemia to head to the south.”

     With Apache helicopters overhead, Redwan and several others also seeking care were forced to leave the hospital. “The streets were filled with corpses and piles of rubble and it was difficult to walk straight. Anyone looking left or right was shot dead,” he said. “There were many decomposing bodies and the smell was utterly horrific.” After a 10-hour trek, he reached the Netzarim corridor, a securitized stretch of land established by the Israeli military with bases and checkpoints that divides northern and southern Gaza, where soldiers eventually allowed him to pass through.

     Sixteen hours after Redwan was forced out of the hospital, he finally reached Deir al-Balah in central Gaza, where more than a million displaced Palestinians are crowded into tents on every street with little sanitation or infrastructure, taking refuge with a friend in a tent. “My family was extremely worried about me. When I finally called them, they broke down in tears as they thought I had been killed. I am now a patient and have nothing with me. I was trembling with cold yesterday as I only have this T-shirt,” Redwan said. “It was the first time I had seen Israeli soldiers—it was the shock of a lifetime. I am now without my family. I dream of having the most basic things, such as clothes to get warm and some food to eat. I don’t know how I’ll endure this, but I hope it’ll end and I’ll be back with my family. I am severely traumatized.”

     Key to Israel’s campaign in the north has been the targeting of hospitals, Al-Thwabta told Drop Site News. Following repeated attacks, the three partially functioning hospitals in the area—Kamal Adwan, Indonesian, and al-Awda—are almost out of service. Over 350 patients are trapped inside the three hospitals, including pregnant women and people who recently  underwent surgery, according to Médecins Sans Frontières.

     “Israeli attacks hit Kamal Adwan Hospital today, which remains under Israel’s constant bombings and with no medical aid or supplies,” Al-Thwabta said. “We’ve been calling out the world to allow safe corridors to provide the north with the basic necessities. However, there’s been no response. Even our request to provide healthcare professionals with food was rejected.”

     Dr. Hussam Abu Safia, Director of Kamal Adwan Hospital, said the hospital has run out of blood and a number of wounded have died as a result of the severe lack of resources. “We are now implementing a priority treatment system. This is the reality,” he said. Dr. Eid Sabah, the Director of Nursing at Kamal Adwan Hospital said in an audio message shared with Drop Site that Israeli forces have shelled and closed all roads and streets leading to the hospital, preventing ambulances from reaching the facility, effectively isolating it.

     At the Indonesian hospital, “the occupation bombs the generators, cutting off electricity, causing patients to die after being disconnected from oxygen devices,” Dr. Munir Al-Borsh, director-general of the ministry of health, said in a statement. “Doctors and medical staff dig graves to bury the martyrs inside the hospital, which is besieged by tanks, as they are unable to leave.”

     And at the Al-Awda Hospital, Israeli forces “have completely surrounded the hospital, and we cannot leave or approach the windows,” Dr. Mohammed Salha, the acting director of the hospital, said in a message. “We only eat one meal a day, which is half a loaf of bread or a small plate of rice. Two days ago, occupation forces fired artillery shells at the hospital, destroying two floors of patients’ accommodation and water tanks.”

     With Israel continuing to enforce a near-total blockade the humanitarian crisis is becoming catastrophic. On Monday, Israeli forces killed six men in the Jabaliya refugee camp attempting to get drinking water, Al Jazeera reported. Also on Monday, the UN said Israel had, for the fourth consecutive day, denied an urgent request it had made to allow access to the Jabaliya refugee camp to rescue people trapped under the rubble. Israel also denied a separate request by the UN to deliver food, water, and fuel. Farhan Haq, the UN’s deputy spokesman, said Israel also denied 28 UN requests to deliver humanitarian aid to Jabaliya, Beit Hanoun, and Beit Lahiya between October 6 and 20. Several other requests, he added, “faced impediments.”

     On Tuesday, the Israeli military said in a statement that over 230 trucks carrying aid have entered northern Gaza since last week, despite multiple reports from journalists on the ground and humanitarian organizations pushing back on that claim, including the World Health Organization. The group said on Wednesday that when teams were granted access to Kamal Adwan Hospital to evacuate critical patients, their request to bring food, fuel, blood, and medicine was denied.

     In a letter addressed to senior Israeli officials dated October 13, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin said Israel must take steps in the next month to allow more humanitarian aid into Gaza or face potential restrictions on military aid. Yet at the same time, White House national security spokesperson John Kirby stressed in a press briefing that the letter was intended not as a threat, but as a way to “reiterate the sense of urgency we feel and the seriousness with which we feel it, about the need for an increase, a dramatic increase in humanitarian assistance.”

     Phillippe Lazzarini, the Commissioner-General of UNRWA, posted an urgent message on X on Tuesday:

     “Nearly three weeks of non-stop bombardments from the Israeli Forces as the death toll increases.

     Our staff report they cannot find food, water or medical care.

     The smell of death is everywhere as bodies are left lying on the roads or under the rubble. Missions to clear the bodies or provide humanitarian assistance are denied.

     In northern Gaza, people are just waiting to die.

     They feel deserted, hopeless and alone. They live from one hour to the next, fearing death at every second.”

     And while university systems and other authorities in America perpetrate repression of dissent which echoes and reflects the McCarthy era and the gruesome police brutality unleashed on peace activists during the Vietnam War, our colony and client state of Israel bombs hospitals and schools while our leaders betray us and abandon our ideals of universal human rights as our taxes buy the deaths of children.

      But there is nothing new in this museum of Holocausts Israel and America have together made of the Holy Land as imperial conquest and dominion, nor in the complicity of our universities and elites in profiteering from terror.

     As I wrote in my post of May 15 2024, Anniversary of Bloody Thursday Berkeley 1969: Love, Magic, and Political Awakening Amid the Most Massive and Terrible Incident of Police Terror in American History; In this time of melting glaciers and dying seas, of drought and scarcity of drinking water, of burning rainforests and species extinctions, of acid rain and clouds of poison gas, of humankind drowning in our own wastes of greed and vanity and taking everything else with us, of fascist tyranny and state terror, of the horrors of imperial conquest and wars of dominion which threaten us with nuclear annihilation, I find myself reflecting not on the inevitability of our failure but instead on the hope of our defiance of those who would sell us into oblivion.

     And so I write to offer you a fragment of protective magic from my childhood and family history; but first the truth of the peril and existential crisis we face today.

     As I wrote of biodiversity and extinction in my post of May 13 2019; Earth is an Ark hurtling through space, filled with precious life among chasms of emptiness.

     How shall we answer this nothingness?  Will it be with wisdom in maintaining the balance of life in all its subtle and glorious interconnectedness, diversity, and beauty, a dance of joy and of love?

     Or will we be defeated and consumed by our own vanity and greed, surrendering to the dark and to despair and turning all we have or ever will into profit until there is nothing left, not water to drink nor air to breathe, and the last of us die with inarticulate brute cries, bloated in toadlike satiation and trumpeting our splendid dominance and rulership of the world?

     We must choose who we are to become, we humans; stewards of our homeworld and of one another, or destroyers. Can we find a path forward in coexistence, or will we allow our appetites and desires to drive us to suicidal ruin? For we have but two choices of futures in this; we will be Lightbringers, or we will annihilate ourselves.

      So I wrote among my celebrations of May Day and the coming of spring. I write today not to prophecy apocalypse, but to hold before us hope of redemption. Of Extinction Rebellion and the Green New Deal, of the abolition of police and carceral states, and of solidarity which bridges authorized identities and divisions in seizures of power and revolutionary struggle against those who would enslave us I have written much and will do so again; but I promised magic, and you shall have it.

     As recounted in Lions Roar; ‘In 1969, poet Gary Snyder wrote his “Smokey the Bear Sutra,” imagining Smokey as the Great Sun Buddha giving a discourse, in the style of a Buddhist sutra. Fifty years later, the message of the sutra continues to resonate.”

      I first heard it, a song of shining truth and the incorruptible redemptive power of love, sung by my mother and the women who joined hands in a circle of protection between the protestors holding signs and flowers and the guns of the riot police during the summer of my Awakening to political awareness.

     Gary Snyder had distributed copies of his poem at the February 1969 Sierra Club Wilderness Conference, which were in the hands of the protesters who occupied People’s Park in Berkeley to rally in support of the people of Palestine and demand divestiture of investment in Israeli injustices by the University of California system and our government, just in time for Bloody Thursday on May 15, when his words were the only shield against the shotgun blasts- lethal rounds with multiple shot the size of 38 caliber bullets which had been loaded with intent to kill- fired at random into the crowd by the police.

      Of the six thousand protesters at the scene of what has been called the most violent incident of state terror in American history, only 111 of the victims reached the safety of hospitals. There has never been a full accounting of Bloody Thursday.

     I remember my mother smiling and reaching out to a policeman offering a handful of flowers, and he pumped and aimed a shotgun at her in reply. Is it truly so threatening, a bouquet of flowers, to our systems of unequal power, to patriarchy, to white supremacy, to capitalism, to the carceral state? I have no explanation for how we survived the next few moments. I’d like to think he hesitated to murder for no reason a beautiful woman, with flaming red hair and skin pale as rice powder, fearless and kind and with imperious hazel eyes and a boy less than ten years old at her side, even that she had been identified and orders issued not to shoot a notable academic, surely the greatest scholar of Coleridge and symbolism in medieval religious art of her time and a psychologist and biologist as well as an author of children’s books. But no; chance intervened in the form of a policeman who at that moment threw a grenade into the crowd. There was a flash of light and thunder, like God’s head being split open with a hammer, and all devolved into chaos and death. Time resumed as the crowd fled and policemen fired at our backs; still we escaped harm.

     The moment of my true birth was that in which I stood outside of time, beyond death, and held the universe within me.

     The force wave of the detonations cast my consciousness from my body, like the shadows etched on the walls of Hiroshima, momentarily dead and in a vision of our possible alternate futures become a vessel of fate, bearer of a terrible awareness that we live on the cusp of decision of an age of tyranny, six to eight centuries of fascist and theocratic prison-states, wars and genocides, ending with the extinction of humankind.

     I returned from death in my mother’s arms, and said; “Don’t be afraid. Death is nothing; nothing but Awakening from an illusion.”

     This is why I have learned to read our futures in current events as civilizational choices we make, as adaptations to threats and to change, through the methods of literary criticism, history, psychology, and philosophy; because ours is a time of Rashomon Gate Events which can doom or save us, for our actions have consequences globally and for all of us, and if we are to escape the fall of civilization and our extinction we must reimagine and transform ourselves.

     What happened next? Governor Ronald Reagan unleashed 2,700 soldiers of the National Guard, who joined the Alameda County Sheriffs, in effect a mercenary force who had donned Halloween masks and discarded their badges, in a two week campaign of repression that included bombing the entire city from helicopters with tear gas. When informed of the elementary school children who were hospitalized as a result, he said; “Once the dogs of war have been unleashed, you must expect things will happen, and that people, being human, will make mistakes on both sides.”

     In all of this, I remembered the great spell of love and nonviolence which heralded my Awakening and may have saved the lives of my mother and myself among others.

     As to family history and the origins of Smokey the Bear as a protective spirit,  my aunt Betty invented Smokey the Bear as a character to represent our duty of stewardship of nature during her career in the U.S. Forest Service, named for an actual bear cub raised by herself among other forest rangers and Native Americans together because its mother had died in a forest fire. As the USFS mascot and spokesman, he became the image of one of most successful marketing campaigns in history and a universal symbol which belongs to us all.

     I hope that he will continue to protect all of us and our planet, and to remind us to live in harmony with each other and our fellow beings as companions on a great journey. So, here follows the Smokey the Bear Sutra:

     “Once in the Jurassic, about 150 million years ago, the Great Sun Buddha in this corner of the Infinite Void gave a great Discourse to all the assembled elements and energies: to the standing beings, the walking beings, the flying beings, and the sitting beings—even grasses, to the number of thirteen billion, each one born from a seed, were assembled there: a Discourse concerning Enlightenment on the planet Earth.

 “In some future time, there will be a continent called America. It will have great centers of power called such as Pyramid Lake, Walden Pond, Mt. Rainier, Big Sur, Everglades, and so forth; and powerful nerves and channels such as Columbia River, Mississippi River, and Grand Canyon. The human race in that era will get into troubles all over its head, and practically wreck everything in spite of its own strong intelligent Buddha-nature.”

“The twisting strata of the great mountains and the pulsings of great volcanoes are my love burning deep in the earth. My obstinate compassion is schist and basalt and granite, to be mountains, to bring down the rain. In that future American Era I shall enter a new form: to cure the world of loveless knowledge that seeks with blind hunger; and mindless rage eating food that will not fill it.”

And he showed himself in his true form of

SMOKEY THE BEAR.

A handsome smokey-colored brown bear standing on his hind legs, showing that he is aroused and watchful.

Bearing in his right paw the Shovel that digs to the truth beneath appearances; cuts the roots of useless attach­ments, and flings damp sand on the fires of greed and war;

His left paw in the Mudra of Comradely Display—indicating that all creatures have the full right to live to their limits and that deer, rabbits, chipmunks, snakes, dandelions, and lizards all grow in the realm of the Dharma;

Wearing the blue work overalls symbolic of slaves and laborers, the countless men oppressed by a civilization that claims to save but only destroys;

Wearing the broad-brimmed hat of the West, symbolic of the forces that guard the Wilderness, which is the Natural State of the Dharrna and the True Path of man on earth: all true paths lead through mountains—

With a halo of smoke and flame behind, the forest fires of the Kali-yuga, fires caused by the stupidity of those who think things can be gained and lost whereas in truth all is contained vast and free in the Blue Sky and Green Earth of One Mind;

Round-bellied to show his kind nature and that the great earth has food enough for everyone who loves her and trusts her;

Trampling underfoot wasteful freeways and needless suburbs; smashing the worms of capitalism and totalitarianism;

Indicating the Task: his followers, becoming free of cars, houses, canned food, universities, and shoes, master the Three Mysteries of their own Body, Speech, and Mind; and fearlessly chop down the rotten trees and prune out the sick limbs of this country America and then burn the leftover trash.

Wrathful but Calm, Austere but Comic, Smokey the Bear will Illuminate those who would help him; but for those who would hinder or slander him,

HE WILL PUT THEM OUT.

Thus his great Mantra:

Namah samanta vajranam chanda maharoshana Sphataya hum traka ham mam

“I DEDICATE MYSELF TO THE UNIVERSAL DIAMOND BE THIS RAGING FURY DESTROYED”

And he will protect those who love woods and rivers, Gods and animals, hobos and madmen, prisoners and sick people, musicians, playful women, and hopeful children;

And if anyone is threatened by advertising, air pollution, or the police, they should chant SMOKEY THE BEAR’S WAR SPELL

DROWN THEIR BUTTS

CRUSH THEIR BUTTS

DROWN THEIR BUTTS

CRUSH THEIR BUTTS

And SMOKEY THE BEAR will surely appear to put the enemy out with his vajra-shovel,

Now those who recite this Sutra and then try to put it in practice will accumulate merit as countless as the sands of Arizona and Nevada,

Will help save the planet Earth from total oil slick,

Will enter the age of harmony of man and nature,

Will win the tender love and caresses of men, women, and beasts

Will always have ripe blackberries to eat and a sunny spot under a pine to sit at,

AND IN THE END WILL WIN HIGHEST PERFECT ENLIGHTENMENT.

thus have we heard.”

     A sovereign and independent Palestine, as imagined by its people only, with the UN as guarantor; for this dream I have struggled for fifty five years now since my first death, of moments only, from the concussive pressure wave of a police grenade when I was nine as Reagan ordered the police to open fire on the student divestiture from Israel protests, Bloody Thursday May 15 1969 in People’s Park Berkeley; and as my consciousness was hurled out of my body I stood beyond time and lived myriads of possible futures extending through millennia.

      I hope that we choose love over fear, power, and force, now in this moment when the fate of humankind balances between liberty and tyranny, and that we are not still merely hoping that solidarity may one day triumph over division fifty years from now, or fifty thousand, but now begin its realization, here in this Holocaust which is Gaza.

      May peace be upon us all.

Postscript: On Solidarity and liberation struggle, regarding the charge of protest against Israeli genocide being the same as support for Hamas

      Traitor Trump has attempted to deport a Palestinian student leader of liberation struggle under the false charges of antisemitism and the bizarre characterization of the anti-genocide protests as being pro Hamas, a government on America’s official list of terrorist organizations which has mysteriously excluded Israel.

     Protest for our universal human rights has nothing to do with Hamas, other than the inconvenient fact that Hamas is also fighting for human rights in Palestine, including the right to live and the right of civilians to be free from war crimes perpetrated against them.

     This leaves us with the question, why would anyone support Hamas, or align themselves with any defender of the people against Occupation and imperial conquest and dominion by a hostile power? It is exactly the same question we must ask of Ukraine in her magnificent stand for liberty against Russia.

     You must understand that Hamas recruits ten fighters for each killed, is recognized as the legitimate state of Palestine by the Palestinians because no one else fights for them in quite the same way, and will never submit. Not in a thousand years.

      Nor do they stand alone; I will stand with them and with any who stand between forces of genocide, ethnic cleansing, imperial conquest and dominion, tyranny and terror and their intended victims. The particulars are irrelevant. Nor do I recognize differences of blood, faith, or national identity as just causes of war, which is to say that I am an antifascist and believe in the absolute and universal equality of all human beings.

      I place my life in the balance with the powerless and the dispossessed, the marginalized and the erased, all whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth, and I will bet my refusal to submit to tyranny and terror against any power on earth.

     Join us.

Wednesday’s concert to the night

Nothing Else Matters, by Apocalyptica from the original Metallica song, as featured on the Netflix series Wednesday

“I don’t believe in heaven or hell. But I do believe in vengeance.”

Reproduced from the Summer 1970 issue of Wind Bell, where it appeared with the note, “May be reproduced free forever.”

‘Reeks of McCarthyism’: outrage after Ice detains Palestinian student activist

Mahmoud Khalil’s treatment should not happen in a democracy

Trump Is Viciously Cracking Down on Free Speech

https://jacobin.com/2025/03/trump-free-speech-khalil-deportation?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTAAAR3MHcLCUMu_RPTcZUr8AzDIYOXFePschSSr3ZT66utVBjTCclZTpvbF2xo_aem_8FhTQyXbjI6NGZZM0Z-2pA

Pro-Palestine Protesters Are on the Right Side of History

https://jacobin.com/2024/04/columbia-university-palestine-protests-1968

The Gaza Massacre Is Undermining the Culture of Democracy

https://jacobin.com/2024/04/gaza-genocide-holocaust-memory-democracy

What To Know About Mahmoud Khalil, and Why His Green Card Was Revoked

https://time.com/7266683/mahmoud-khalil-columbia-green-card/?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR0w046ufB5CrXIpSXjuFMFKZmdIlCL6U_w90Kp6Rqw28-Y4TJ0uJ0Ng73U_aem_8LGzXRQ5RIbhiK7bMLTBmw

‘Do not bow’: ex-Black Panther praises pro-Palestinian student protesters from prison

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/apr/28/pro-palestinian-cuny-protesters-mumia-abu-jamal

Jewish Students Blast Universities for Actions Against Sukkot Demonstrations

Universities destroyed sukkah shelters and stood by while students were harassed by bigots, Jewish Voice for Peace said.

https://truthout.org/articles/jewish-students-blast-universities-for-actions-against-sukkot-demonstrations/?utm_source=feedotter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=FO-10-24-2024&utm_content=httpstruthoutorgarticlesjewishstudentsblastuniversitiesforactionsagainstsukkotdemonstrations&utm_source=Truthout&utm_campaign=9ece4459fb-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2024_10_24_08_53&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_bbb541a1db-9ece4459fb-%5BLIST_EMAIL_ID%5D

The Murderous Logistics of Israel’s Ethnic Cleansing Campaign in Northern Gaza: Eyewitnesses say the IDF is starving residents, targeting hospitals, bombing shelters, and murdering civilians in the streets

Students across Europe hold Gaza war protests in run-up to UN vote on Palestinian statehood

 More than 2,000 pro-Palestinian protesters arrested across US campuses

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/article/2024/may/02/university-protests-arrests-ucla-dartmouth

                   Bloody Thursday, a reading list

https://www.theguardian.com/books/2019/jul/06/the-battle-for-peoples-park-berkeley-1969-review-vietnam

https://www.rollingstone.com/culture/culture-news/flashback-ronald-reagan-and-the-berkeley-peoples-park-riots-114873/

https://www.rt.com/usa/343123-reagan-berkeley-park-riot

https://archive.org/details/canhpra_000027

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