January 23 2024 Bringing a Reckoning to Gun Manufacturers For the Terror and Mass Murders They Make Possible

      In a court ruling, Mexico is now able to bring charges against gun manufacturers for their countless imperialist crimes in arming criminal syndicates which have made Mexico a de facto failed state and together with our historic destabilizations of democracy and campaigns of ethnic cleansing in Latin America created a humanitarian crisis at our border which is driving the subversion of our democracy by fascism with the captured Republican Party as its institutional arm in electoral politics and subversions of our legislative and judicial branches of government.

     This is more than a consequence of amoral capitalism perpetrated by merchants of death; it is part of a clandestine war of destabilization and imperial conquest and dominion waged by the American state against her neighbors, designed to produce limitless quasi-slave labor and control of hemispheric natural resources.

      To free ourselves from fascist tyranny and identitarian politics, we must free ourselves from fear; and this requires abandonment of the gun and the social use of force.

      Guns are the business of empire, and we require an open market in guns both here in America and globally so that we can remain fully industrialized to wage vast and multiple wars to protect the wealth, power, and privilege of hegemonic elites. We also use arms as an instrument of dominion in our proxy states like Israel and of destabilization in our many de facto colonies.

     What is to be done?

      Gun violence confronts us with many parallel and interdependent issues; among them police gun violence, white supremacist terror, patriarchal terror, and state terror against other nations. Gun violence brings into question issues of unequal power, the relationships between fear and rage, the use of social force, the legitimacy of authority and systems of law and order, ideas of citizenship in a democracy, models of retributive and restorative justice, how and why our society creates monsters to terrify the rest of us into obedience and what we can do to heal broken people.

     Solutions include repeal of the Second Amendment, red flag laws, ongoing and comprehensive screening, outlawing the manufacture of firearms and other weapons of mass death, and holding merchants of death responsible for any shootings not judged to be in self defense as if they pulled the trigger themselves, as murderers.    

      If our courts can hold gun manufacturers, shareholders, distributors, and sellers responsible for the death they profit from in Mexico, why not for that in America as well? To grant the power of death by providing a gun to someone is a bond of blood which makes you responsible for how it is used.

    To bear arms is to be a bearer of death; choose life.

     As written in The Guardian, in an article entitled US appeals court revives $10bn lawsuit by Mexico against American gunmakers: Case seeks to hold manufacturers responsible for coordinating weapons trafficking to drug cartels across the US-Mexico border; “A US appeals court on Monday revived a $10bn lawsuit by Mexico seeking to hold American gun manufacturers responsible for facilitating the trafficking of weapons to drug cartels across the US-Mexico border.

    The Boston-based 1st US circuit court of appeals overturned a lower-court judge’s decision dismissing the case on the grounds that a US law barred Mexico from suing Smith & Wesson Brands, Sturm, Ruger & Co and others.

     That law, the federal Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act (PLCAA), provides the firearms industry broad protection from lawsuits over their products’ misuse.

     Mexico’s lawyers argued the law only bars lawsuits over injuries that occur in the US and does not shield the seven manufacturers and one distributor it sued from liability over the trafficking of guns to Mexican criminals.

     Judge William Kayatta, writing for the three-judge panel, said that while the law can be applied to lawsuits by foreign governments, Mexico’s lawsuit “plausibly alleges a type of claim that is statutorily exempt from the PLCAA’s general prohibition”.

     He said that was because the law was only designed to protect lawful firearms-related commerce, yet Mexico had accused the companies of aiding and abetting illegal gun sales by facilitating the trafficking of firearms into the country.

     The Mexican foreign minister, Alicia Bárcena, called the ruling “great news” in a post on Twitter/X. The country’s US lawyer, Steve Shadowen, called it “an important step forward in holding the gun industry accountable”.

     “It should now be clear that those who contribute to gun violence must face legal consequences, regardless of borders,” Shadowen said in a statement.

     Representatives for the gunmakers did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

     Mexico says over 500,000 guns are trafficked annually from the US into Mexico, of which more than 68% are made by the companies it sued, which also include Beretta USA, Barrett Firearms Manufacturing, Colt’s Manufacturing Co and Glock Inc.

     In its August 2021 complaint, Mexico estimated that 2.2% of the nearly 40m guns made annually in the US are smuggled into Mexico, including as many as 597,000 guns made by the defendants.

     Mexico said the smuggling has been a key factor in its ranking third worldwide in the number of gun-related deaths. It also claimed to suffer many other harms, including declining investment and economic activity and a need to spend more on law enforcement and public safety.

     The companies deny wrongdoing. Their lawyers say Mexico’s lawsuit is devoid of allegations the gun manufacturers’ gun sales themselves did anything that would create an exception to PLCAA’s broad protections.”

     As I wrote in my post of June 12 2019, Equal Access to Justice for Victims of Gun Violence Act; Those who manufacture, sell, or trade guns must be held responsible for the harm that they do, and we must support this important legislation which ends their immunity from being sued by the victims in whose suffering they are complicit. This industry of death must be pursued to its utter destruction.

     As Gabrielle Giffords said, “The gun lobby convinced politicians that an entire industry deserved to operate without fear of ever being held responsible in a courtroom. Today, we stand up and fight again to restore the fundamentally American principle that no industry, including the gun industry, is above the law.”

      Surely a least-restrictive policy of gun ownership would say, demonstrate that we can trust you with our lives, that you have earned the right to bear arms through a history of honorable conduct and self-discipline, that you are able to make kill/no kill decisions rationally and with a judgement free of racism, rage, jealousy, vengeance, the need to dominate and control and the desire to subjugate and inflict pain and terror, or other mental illness or impairment, and unclouded by drugs or alcohol, and you are free to openly carry a weapon except in areas otherwise restricted.

     Who could pass such a test? Who can be trusted to bear death among us, with de facto powers of summary execution?

     Our laws must recognize that anyone with a gun is a bearer of death, and has chosen this role and brings death into all situations which they encounter and all relationships in which they participate. Possession of a gun proves intent to kill. Bringing a gun into a situation means you have upped the ante to life or death in all that you do.

     Choose life.

     This declaration was met with replies from friends in support of our right to bear arms, a right whose intention to guarantee the freedom and independence of individuals from government force and control I fully endorse. This does not mean we must allow terrorists and madmen to commit murder and mayhem, nor  that access to guns and other instruments of mass destruction should be free to all; we must sift very fine in choosing who if anyone can be trusted with the power of death. For this is exactly what the right to bear arms authorized; the power to bear death among us. It is a dreadful power, which bears a weight of responsibility like no other.

     I would begin the restoration of balance in our society by disarming the police, not our citizens. But we need not foster madness nor enable violence.

Without federal and universal red flag laws and ongoing means of identifying possibilities for violence as requirements for ownership, and by permitting civilians to own military weapons, we are doing exactly that.

     Here is my rebuttal to the objection that gun control abrogates our right to bear arms:    

     Forbidding things does not align with my ideology; my ideal state is a world free of violence and the social use of force. Here I mean police, prisons, laws and the authorization of identity, state terror and military imperialism. These we must resist, by any means necessary.

     But we must also resist the pathology of dominance and control which is written into the history of our form. Ours is a culture of death, of the fetishization of guns as masculine jewelry and symbols of patriarchal power. Power, like the beauty of weapons, is seductive and a force of degradation and dehumanization.

     Where force is the only means of seizing power to restore balance and ensure liberty and equality, it is positive. That same force is negative when used to subjugate others. America today remains the same nation won by conquest and theft from indigenous people, built by African slave labor, and become an empire through military conquest and economic dominion.

     We must abandon the social use of force if we are to become a free society of equals and of autonomous individuals. In a nation founded on the values and ideals of Liberty and Equality, we send no police or armies to enforce virtue. This does not mean we surrender our power of self determination, our own safety, or our freedom from the ideas of other people.

     To be free is to be free from compulsion by force, and from control through surveillance and propaganda. It also means that we must be free from each other.

      So for guns as instruments of power over others and our lives as raw material for the power of hegemonic elites and their carceral states of force and control. An important question remains if we are to free ourselves of the tyranny of force and our addiction to power, dominance, and control; why does our government refuse to abandon the gun? Why does America need a free market for guns?

     As I wrote in my post of February 20 2021, Who Bears Arms Bears Death;     President Biden has once again seized an intractable problem by its horns, speaking on laws he intends to pass to limit gun violence and free us from the spectre of death, fear, and vote suppression by fascists and white supremacist terrorists.

     This is no longer only an issue of racist gun violence, including that of our own police, but of the survival of democracy from political intimidation and terror. We can never permit another January 6 Insurrection, nor revival of the historical legacy of the KKK’s reign of terror on which it was based.

      But we not only limit access to guns for the insane and members of organizations of racist terror, but for the police as well. Disarm the police and they cannot murder nonwhite people with impunity as they do now. These are the two halves of a whole, state and civilian terror and gun violence.

     As reported by Nikki Carvajal, Devan Cole, and Ali Zaslav on CNN; “Today, I am calling on Congress to enact commonsense gun law reforms, including requiring background checks on all gun sales, banning assault weapons and high-capacity magazines, and eliminating immunity for gun manufacturers who knowingly put weapons of war on our streets,” Biden said in a statement.

     “This administration will not wait for the next mass shooting to heed that call,” the statement reads. “We will take action to end our epidemic of gun violence and make our schools and communities safer.”

     The call from Biden comes three years after a gunman opened fire at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, in 2018, leaving 17 people dead. The tragedy led many of the survivors to speak out against gun violence and confront lawmakers about gun safety reform.”

    President Biden concluded his message by underscoring the urgency of action, and by placing the issue in a human frame of suffering, loss, fear, and grief; “We owe it to all those we’ve lost and to all those left behind to grieve to make a change,” he said. “The time to act is now.”

     These are good words, even glorious ones, which resound with history and the reimagination of America and all humankind, as we now expect from our President. But if we are to eradicate the origins of gun violence as a pervasive and endemic threat both to democracy and to public safety, we must go further, to the true reason governments refuse to abolish guns.

    Analysis of the structural relationships between government needs for massive industrial war production and the commercial arms sales required to keep it in full readiness reveal the real reason America provides an unrestricted  market for guns, indeed energetically promotes it; to be prepared at all times to fight multiple and vast wars. This is the business of empire, and the random deaths of schoolchildren and other innocent citizens to gun violence is considered an acceptable cost of doing that business.

     This must change, but it cannot change without also changing the profit driven motives of the military – industrial complex, as President Eisenhower warned us so long ago.

     As written by Priya Satia, author of Empire of Guns: The Violent Making of the Industrial Revolution, in Time; “Those in favor of firearms control in the United States today often point in exasperated envy at laws in countries like Australia and the United Kingdom. Why can’t the United States behave like these civilized countries?, they ask.

     The reality is that these countries were able to pass their strict laws partly because American laws are so lax. At just 4.4% of the world’s population, Americans own roughly a third of all the firearms in the world. According to a 2007 survey, American civilians own about 275 million of the world’s 875 million firearms. For the world’s gun manufacturers, this fraction of the world’s population is their largest single market. As long as it stays open, they can count on business, and governments around the world can feel secure about the health of an industry they rely on for defense.

     Since firearms became central to warfare, governments have faced a structural problem: They need gun manufacturers but do not generate enough demand themselves to keep those manufacturers in good health by serving the military alone. Peace, in particular, is bad for gunmakers.”

     “The Glorious Revolution of 1689 established a new regime in Britain. It had to defend itself against rebels at home and abroad who wanted to restore the ousted king. To that end, the new government set about developing a new hub of firearms manufacturing in Birmingham, to ensure an alternate source for guns in case rebels captured London’s firearms manufacturing capacity.

     For the next century, Britain was almost always at war, and Birmingham’s gunmakers thrived: from an initial annual production of tens of thousands of arms, they could produce millions by 1815. The government also launched its own factory, at Enfield, to further diffuse the industry.

     To keep this industry healthy during interludes of peace—in an era in which firearms possession was largely an entitlement of the upper classes—the government helped it find other outlets. British gunmakers sold firearms all over the world: in West Africa, as part of the slave trade; in North America, to Native Americans and colonial settlers; in South Asia, as part of trade and conquest. Occasionally, British officials worried about arming their own enemies. But inevitably, the logic prevailed that not selling guns to potential enemies would merely send those enemies to a rival supplier, like the French, and the British would forfeit both profit and influence.

     The government also encouraged gunmakers to diversify into products that could be sold to British civilians: buttons, buckles, harpoons, swords, bells. Diversification became more necessary in the 19th century as the empire’s fear of armed colonial rebellion increased. The Birmingham Small Arms company (BSA), the largest privately owned rifle manufactory in Europe until the 1890s and the largest in the U.K. through World War I, also made bicycles, motorcycles and cars. The government’s machine-gun supplier, Vickers, made various civilian goods, too.

     This strategy freed the government from worrying overly about the health of its firearms industry. In 1934, it selected a Czech design for the new army light machine gun, over protests from BSA and Vickers. After World War II, the Ministry of Defense stopped maintaining an R&D team for small arms design. BSA ceased military rifle production in 1961 after a government decision to let them go. They turned out other metal goods and motorcycles until they were edged out of those businesses in the early 1970s.

     The Royal Small Arms Factory at Enfield, meanwhile, did develop and supply the SA80, the standard postwar military firearm. In 1985, it and other government arms factories were made into a public corporation, Royal Ordnance, which, in 1987, was bought by British Aerospace, the then-reprivatized company in which Vickers had merged during the 1960 nationalization of the aircraft industry.

     That year, 1987, was also the year of the mass shooting known as the Hungerford massacre. Gun control in the U.K. got tighter as the gun industry shrank to vanishing point. The next year saw both the closure of the Enfield unit and amendments tightening existing firearms controls. After the Dunblane shooting in 1996, private possession of handguns was banned almost entirely; thousands of guns were surrendered. By that point there was essentially no firearms industry to put up a protest; U.K. military arms were mostly sourced abroad. In Australia, too, passage of tight gun control laws in 1996 was eased by the absence of a major Australian gun industry.

     The United States followed a different path.

     To be sure, American gunmakers also diversified to cope with whimsical government demand. Most famously, Remington, the country’s oldest rifle maker, turned out sewing machines and typewriters during the slump in firearm demand after the Civil War. But, for the most part, American manufacturers could rely on sales to civilians to cope with lulls in government demand.

     Between the world wars, the federal government and the American gun industry both opposed suggestions for controls on sales to civilians, out of fear that they would endanger an industry essential to national defense. During the Cold War, the U.S. became the new firearms depot of the world. When the Swedish firearms manufacturer Interdynamic AB could not find a civilian market for its TEC-9 submachine gun at home, its Miami subsidiary Intratec sold it to Americans, who made it a notorious instrument of mass shootings.

     If gun-control advocates focus on the NRA and politicians who take money from the group as the sole obstacles to sensible gun control laws in the U.S., they’ll be missing a larger structural reality: selling arms to American civilians has become crucial to an industry on which both the United States government and governments around the world depend. Indeed, it is the American public’s very division over gun control that keeps the industry healthy, given the saturation of the civilian market: without panic buying triggered by recurring fear of impending controls, companies like Remington and Smith & Wesson face dismal prospects. (Remington has now filed for bankruptcy, though its operations remain unaffected.)

     The more the rest of the world limits gun possession, the more American civilians keep the world’s firearms makers in business. The NRA and gun manufacturers benefit from promoting intense cultural and ideological commitment to their reading of the Second Amendment, but so does every government that needs firearms for its military and law enforcement services. Studies have shown that the presence of astronomical numbers of guns in the United States is a specific cause of the high rate of mass shootings, but the presence of those guns has become a matter of global security. This vision of global security has thus perversely come to depend on continual insecurity about mass shootings in the United States.”

       An elegant solution to gun violence; repeal the second amendment.

      Enacted to enable the formation of Guard units by states which feared the power of a standing federal army and restore the balance of force between the two levels of our government, the right to bear arms was never intended to apply to private individuals or non-state militias.

      As the current language of the second amendment has been misinterpreted and used to justify fraudulent policies and the malign influence of the NRA, it must be repealed.

      Thus far the deaths of children and of innocent civilians has been considered an acceptable cost of doing business; of keeping an enormous trade in war materials tooled up for imperialistic foreign adventures, colonial wars, and other use of armed force to gain a favorable climate of investment and a hegemony of global power and privilege.

      I say that there is no profit worth the life of a human being, and that we must begin to evolve nonviolently.

       As written by John Paul Stevens in The New York Times, in an article entitled Repeal the Second Amendment; “Concern that a national standing army might pose a threat to the security of the separate states led to the adoption of that amendment, which provides that “a well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.” Today that concern is a relic of the 18th century .

     For over 200 years after the adoption of the Second Amendment, it was uniformly understood as not placing any limit on either federal or state authority to enact gun control legislation. In 1939 the Supreme Court unanimously held that Congress could prohibit the possession of a sawed-off shotgun because that weapon had no reasonable relation to the preservation or efficiency of a “well regulated militia.”

     During the years when Warren Burger was our chief justice, from 1969 to 1986, no judge, federal or state, as far as I am aware, expressed any doubt as to the limited coverage of that amendment. When organizations like the National Rifle Association disagreed with that position and began their campaign claiming that federal regulation of firearms curtailed Second Amendment rights, Chief Justice Burger publicly characterized the N.R.A. as perpetrating “one of the greatest pieces of fraud, I repeat the word fraud, on the American public by special interest groups that I have ever seen in my lifetime.”

     In 2008, the Supreme Court overturned Chief Justice Burger’s and others’ long-settled understanding of the Second Amendment’s limited reach by ruling, in District of Columbia v. Heller, that there was an individual right to bear arms. I was among the four dissenters.

     That decision — which I remain convinced was wrong and certainly was debatable — has provided the N.R.A. with a propaganda weapon of immense power. Overturning that decision via a constitutional amendment to get rid of the Second Amendment would be simple and amendment to get rid of the Second Amendment would be simple and would do more to weaken the N.R.A.’s ability to stymie legislative debate and block constructive gun control legislation than any other available option.

     That simple but dramatic action would move Saturday’s marchers closer to their objective than any other possible reform. It would eliminate the only legal rule that protects sellers of firearms in the United States — unlike every other market in the world. It would make our schoolchildren safer than they have been since 2008 and honor the memories of the many, indeed far too many, victims of recent gun violence.”

     As I wrote in my post of August 12 2019, The NRA Weaponizes Fear in Service to Power and Wealth, But Also to Fascist and Racist Political Ideologies As Hate Crime and Terror; The National Rifle Association has long used fear of immigrants and White Replacement to sell guns; as a lobby for the firearms industry it defends the market and profits of the manufacturers and distributors of weapons of white supremacist terror and mass destruction, but that is not its true goal.

    While needing a vast and unregulated arms market to ensure that our government has a fully operational manufacture and supply capability, what Eisenhower called the military-industrial complex, to support imperialistic wars and other acts of force and violence against our enemies real or imagined, that is also not its true goal.

    The true and primary goal of the NRA is to defend the hegemony of white supremacist and patriarchal power and privilege, to shape some of us into monsters as deniable assets with which to terrify the rest of us into supporting the abandonment of democracy and of our equality and freedoms, to drive us like frightened cattle into an autocratic and totalitarian state. This is the true goal of the emerging global Fourth Reich; an all-powerful government of surveillance and force, a police state of secret power, covert armies, concentration camps, and the re-enslavement of nonwhite labor.

     So we have a pyramid of three parts in the goals of the NRA and the corrupt politicians who have seized our government; to subvert democracy and build a fascist totalitarian state through gun violence and racist terror, to support the business of empire by keeping us in a state of constant readiness for war, and to incite fear of others in the public to create a market for guns.

     Finally, we cannot free ourselves from the legacies of our history as gun violence without interrogating and bringing a reckoning to racism.

     As I wrote in my post of August 9 2019, Racism Is at the Heart of America’s Gun Violence; Why does America resist commonsense legislation to protect us from gun violence and white supremacist terror? This has little to do with guns and everything to do with race, otherness, and the social and structural hegemony of white power and privilege.

     Racism is the context within which American gun violence, and our lack of political will to do anything about it, occurs. This is a problem of cultural, social, historical, political, and psychological dimensions, a network of mutually reinforcing issues which must be addressed as an interconnected whole.

    At root, racism and white supremacist terror are a failure of our founding ideal of equality and of the concept of citizenship as co ownership of our government and full and inclusive membership in America as a free society of equals.

     In the words of Jonathan Metzl, author of Dying of Whiteness: How the Politics of Racial Resentment is Killing America’s Heartland, as quoted in The Guardian; “The country’s refusal to pass new gun control laws has everything to do with defending racial hierarchy. Who gets to carry a gun in public? Who is coded as a patriot? Who is coded as a threat, or a terrorist or a gangster? What it means to carry a gun or own a gun or buy a gun – those questions are not neutral. We have 200 years of history, or more, defining that in very racial terms.”

Empire of Guns: The Violent Making of the Industrial Revolution, Priya Satia

Dying of Whiteness: How the Politics of Racial Resentment Is Killing America’s Heartland, Jonathan M. Metzl

https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2023/01/25/per1-j25.html

https://www.cnn.com/2018/03/28/politics/trump-second-amendment-repeal-tweet/index.html

https://www.cnn.com/2021/02/14/politics/biden-parkland-anniversary-gun-reform/index.html

US appeals court revives $10bn lawsuit by Mexico against American gunmakers

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/jan/22/mexican-government-lawsuit-against-american-gun-manufacturers?CMP=share_btn_link

A Columbine survivor’s tragic battle to reveal the ‘ripple effect’ of gun violence: trauma, addiction, suicide

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/apr/12/us-gun-violence-ripple-effect-trauma-addiction-suicide-austin-eubanks-darren-seals?CMP=share_btn_link

A new system in California recasts gun violence as a public health concern. It’s saving lives

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/jun/07/gun-violence-medicaid-california-intervention-program?CMP=share_btn_link

After years of mass shootings, the US is still trying to understand gun violence. Why?

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/oct/26/mass-shooting-gun-violence-research?CMP=share_btn_link

The major tests US gun control activists face in 2024

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/jan/02/us-gun-control-2024-election-supreme-court?CMP=share_btn_link

January 22 2024 Roe Versus Wade Anniversary

        Fifty one years ago today America enacted women’s right to abortion, and it has remained a ground of struggle ever since.

      Such a long, multigenerational struggle, over such a simple question; to whom does a woman’s body belong?

       Half of humankind remains slaves to the other half; and I very much hope that we can sort this out before another fifty years pass.

       As written by Simon Winchester in The Guardian on this day in 1973, in an article entitled Roe v Wade: US women win abortion rights; “In a long awaited decision the United States supreme court ruled today that a woman has a near-absolute right to an abortion, but only in the first three months of her pregnancy. During the later stages the State has an increasing power of intervention, the court ruled by a seven to two majority; and during the last trimester can refuse to allow the operation.

     The decision, which came today as part of a lengthy ruling which declared the Texas and Georgia anti-abortion laws unconstitutional, has been generally welcomed by liberal groups here. Mrs Lee Giddings, of the National Association for the Repeal of Abortion Laws, said today she was “absolutely thrilled.”

     The court’s ruling is a rare reversal of long-settled law that will fracture the foundations of modern reproductive rights in the US.

     But one of the two dissenting supreme court justices, the Nixon appointee Justice Byron White (the other dissenting justice was also a Nixon appointee, Mr William Rehnquist), later criticised the verdict as “improvident, extravagant, and an exercise of raw judicial power.”

     In his ruling, Justice Harry Blackmun said that during the first three months of a pregnancy “the abortion decision and its effectuation must be left to the medical judgment of the woman’s doctor.” After that, the State “In promoting its interest in the mother’s health” may regulate the abortion procedure by among other things, making laws, regulating the doctor’s terms of reference.

     Only in the third three-month period, when a foetus could presumably live, if there was a premature birth, can the State “regulate or even forbid abortion.” The justices ruled the State could intervene thus “where it was necessary, in appropriate medical judgment, for the preservation of life or the health of the mother.”

     The one dissenting voice raised today at the supreme court ruling came from the Women’s National Abortion Action Committee, which condemned the “artificial and arbitrary” time limits imposed by judges. A spokesperson, as they say here, says that “a woman should always have an absolute right to determine what happens to her own body.” Harsh reaction is also expected, of course, from the Roman Catholic church and other anti-abortion lobby groups.”

     Where are we now with this issue, and of the larger question of the equality of women? As written by Carter Sherman in The Guardian, in an article entitled The fight for abortion rights: what to know going into 2024; “A presidential election and another major supreme court case is on the horizon, after a dramatic year in which pro-choice and foes have waged a state-by-state war.

     More than a year after the US supreme court overturned Roe v Wade, the dust from the landmark decision’s collapse has yet to settle.

     It has been a dramatic year of fallout, with abortion rights supporters and foes now waging a state-by-state skirmish for abortion rights. They are sparring in state legislatures, courtrooms, voting booths and hospitals, with each side racking up victories and losses.

     With a presidential election and another major supreme court case on the horizon, the coming year promises to be at least as eventful. Here’s what you need to know about the fight over abortion in 2023 – and what it means for 2024.  

     Abortion rights supporters keep winning at the ballot box.

      In 2022, Republicans underperformed in the midterms and abortion rights activists won a string of ballot measures to preserve abortion rights, even in conservative states. This year, activists extended their winning streak – and they hope to replicate their successes in 2024.

    In November, Ohio became the first reliably red state since Roe fell to vote in favor of proactively enshrining abortion rights in the state constitution, while Virginia Democrats successfully fended off Republicans’ attempt to retake the state legislature by campaigning on a 15-week abortion ban.

     For activists and Democrats, these victories were proof that abortion is an election-winning issue – and, potentially, an issue that can draw in voters from across both sides of the ideological spectrum. Activists are already at work on 2024 abortion-related ballot measures in roughly a dozen states, including swing states like Arizona and Nevada.

     Abortions are on the rise

    After abortion clinics across the south and midwest were forced to shutter, patients overwhelmed the country’s remaining clinics. In the first year after Roe’s demise, the average number of US abortions performed each month rose rather than fell. Clinics and their advocates are now struggling to keep up. “What actually is happening is a complete disruption,” one expert told the Guardian.

     There is also a gaping hole in the data, which was released in October by the Society of Family Planning: it does not include abortions performed at home, a practice known as “self-managed abortion”. Medical experts widely agree that it is safe to self-manage an abortion using pills early on in pregnancy, and a number of services shipping abortion pills have increased in visibility since Roe’s overturning. But while evidence suggests that self-managed abortion is on the rise, the lack of concrete data about the practice reflects a growing problem in the post-Roe United States: as abortion moves further into the shadows of US life, we will know less about it.

     Legal battles over abortion bans are ongoing.

    Abortion bans continued to cascade across the country in 2023, with near-total bans taking effect in Indiana, North Dakota and South Carolina. North Carolina and Nebraska, meanwhile, enacted laws to ban abortion after 12 weeks of pregnancy. In total, 24 states or territories have now banned abortion before viability, or roughly 24 weeks of pregnancy, which would have been illegal under Roe.

     Litigation over abortion restrictions is still unfurling in many of these states, and court cases have frozen bans in states like Wyoming and Iowa. Wisconsin abortion providers, meanwhile, found themselves in a unique position this year: after a judge ruled that an 1849 law that had been interpreted to ban abortions instead only banned feticide and did not apply to what she called “consensual abortions”, providers resumed performing the procedure – even though the ban is still technically on the books.

     Lawsuits may force other hardcore anti-abortion states to soften their bans in 2024 to clarify exceptions when abortions are permitted in medical emergencies. While Tennessee and Texas carved out narrow exceptions in their abortion laws, abortion rights supporters have still filed lawsuits in those two states, as well as in Idaho, that challenge the language. One Texan mother of two filed a lawsuit seeking an emergency abortion while she was still pregnant. (She ultimately fled the state for the procedure.)

     Theoretically, people in medical emergencies should be able to access the procedure even in states with bans – but doctors say that, in reality, these bans are so vaguely worded that they block doctors from helping sick patients. This summer, one of these lawsuits led women to testify in a Texas court about their experiences of being denied abortions. It was the first time since Roe fell, if not the first time since Roe itself was decided, that women did so.

     Abortion pills are in peril.

     The most common method of abortion, abortion pills, is at the mercy of deeply conservative courts in 2024.

     In April, a conservative judge in Texas ruled to suspend the FDA’s approval of a key abortion pill, mifepristone, in response to a lawsuit brought by a coalition of rightwing groups determined to make the pill the next target in their post-Roe campaign against abortion. A federal appeals court soon scaled back that decision, ruling to keep the pill, mifepristone, available but impose significant restrictions on its use. The supreme court then stepped in and decreed that the FDA’s rules around mifepristone should stay the same while litigation plays out.

     The Biden administration and a manufacturer of mifepristone in September have asked the supreme court to formally hear arguments in the case. In December, the justices agreed.

     Although the justices indicated that they will only rule on the restrictions imposed by the appeals court, rather than on the overall legality of mifepristone, the case could still have enormous consequences. Rolling back the FDA’s rules could allow future lawsuits against other politicized medications, like gender-affirming care, HIV drugs or vaccines. Plus, the supreme court will probably rule by summer 2024 – just months before the presidential election.

     Mifepristone is used in more than half the abortions in the country. If access to the drug is curtailed, many abortion clinics have said they will pivot to using doses of a different drug, misoprostol, to perform abortions, but misoprostol-only abortions are less effective and associated with more complications.

     Doctors are fleeing states with abortion bans.

     With abortion bans endangering their patients and threatening to send doctors to prison, doctors are fleeing states where the procedure is banned. After Idaho banned abortion, at least 13 reproductive health physicians left the state and at least two rural labor and delivery wards have closed. Doctors in Tennessee, Texas, North Carolina, Ohio and Florida have also told reporters that they are leaving states with abortion bans or planning to do so.

     OB-GYNs are already in short supply in the United States. About half of US counties do not have a practicing OB-GYN, according to the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists. The US maternal mortality rates are also worsening, particularly for Black and Native people, at a time when the United States already has the worst maternal mortality rate among industrialized countries.

     Doctors are now even afraid to get trained in states with abortion bans. Applications to OB-GYN residencies in states with near-total bans fell by more than 10% the year after Roe’s demise, according to data from Association of American Medical Colleges. Applications to US OB-GYN residencies overall dropped by about 5% – indicating that fewer doctors are planning to become OB-GYNs at all.”      

      And so the ground of struggle is defined, both here in our next elections and throughout the world and all our possible futures, for all humankind.   

     As I wrote in my post of June 24 2023, Anniversary of the End of Roe Versus Wade and Women’s Right of Bodily Autonomy; On this day last year half our nation’s people were stripped of meaningful citizenship and their bodies declared property of the state by the Supreme Court.

     Of this ongoing horror and crime against humanity I wrote in my summation of last year’s liberation struggle and electoral politics in America in my post of December 28 2022,  This Year Was Defined in Politics by Resistance Against the Patriarchy and the Issue of Women’s Rights of Bodily Autonomy; 2022 was defined in politics by resistance against the Patriarchy and the issue of women’s rights of bodily autonomy, both globally in the glorious and spectacular revolution against theocracy and patriarchy originating in Iran and here in America the mass resistance to the end of Roe v Wade which galvanized a historic blue wave in our midterm elections.

     While this has always been a wedge issue used by elites and forces of reaction to make women vote against their own interests, freedoms, and equality, and rode the wave of change of the #metoo movement, something has shifted and become new in this arena, forever transforming the ground of struggle and defining the terms of debate; it is now an existential crisis central to the survival of democracy itself, and women are responding not with the subjugation of learned helplessness, but with the fury of the oppressed and the solidarity of a dehumanized class.

     In 2022, women realized they are enslaved and have begun resistance and revolutionary struggle. Patriarchal authority has lost its legitimacy, and begun its inevitable collapse. Without its fig leaf of theocratic lies and illusions, with the amoral brutality of its systemic and historical forces and elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, there is only one way this ends.

     For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.

     Here follows my journal on this Defining Moment for America last year:

     As I wrote in my post of June 24 2022, The End of Women’s Right of Bodily Autonomy; The Supreme Court has just declared women’s bodies to be property of the state, and mass protests have once again erupted throughout America.

     This is an area of ideological fracture and polarization in which few persuadable voters remain on either side, the classic wedge issue by which Patriarchy and sexual terror subjugates and dehumanizes us, and through which our enslavement by hegemonic elites of wealth, power, and privilege legitimize their regimes of weaponized faith.

     Electoral politics and legislative change have failed, for in our system a few unelected and corrupt judges, infiltration and subversion agents placed at the apex of social power by hegemonic elites to replace democracy with theocracry, can rule by fiat in total disregard to the will of the people. Our Justice system has lost its legitimacy and become a junta, and this we must resist.

     After all our hopes and dreams for Liberty and a free society of equals, we’re back to the Underground Railroad.

      As written by Emily Janakiram & Lizzie Chadbourne in Truthout; “As reproductive rights organizers have long anticipated — and as a leaked memo all but confirmed last month — the Supreme Court has ruled to overturn Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey.

     The decision came in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, which involves a Mississippi law prohibiting all abortions after 15 weeks except in the case of medical emergency or severe fetal abnormality. This suit is part of an effort by the right to legally challenge what was previously the constitutionally protected right to abortion in Roe, and the court has sided with the state of Mississippi to repeal that right. This ruling undoes the federal protection of abortion, resulting in the total or near-total ban of abortion in 26 states.

     The right has long been organizing for this moment, creating “trigger bans” in expectation of Roe’s overturn, as well as mobilizing to harass and intimidate patients in places where abortion remains legal, like New York and Washington, D.C. Republicans are poised to attempt passing a federal ban on abortion.

     Despite Justice Samuel Alito’s claim that the ruling does not affect contraceptive access, the anti-abortion right has also opposed hormonal contraception, the copper IUD and the morning-after pill on the grounds that they are “abortifacients” since from their perspective, human life begins at conception and these methods prevent the fertilized egg from implanting. Last month, Louisiana lawmakers deliberated over a bill which would have criminalized both the IUD and the morning-after pill. The bill ultimately failed, but we can expect to see similar initiatives gaining ground in states hostile to abortion rights.

     The anti-abortion right frames the overturn of Roe as an act of democracy, “returning the decision to the states,” and correcting federal overreach. This is misleading at best. The states in which abortion is now illegal are heavily gerrymandered and undemocratic themselves; it is simply not true that abortion bans reflect the will of the people. In fact, a majority of Americans — about 60 percent — believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases.

     The consequences of abortion restrictions in red states prior to this moment have been disastrous as residents have been forced to travel out of state to access care at significant personal cost. Texas’s notorious Senate Bill 8 law resulted in a significant number of patients from Texas with a gestational age past six weeks traveling to Oklahoma for abortion appointments — until Oklahoma passed a total abortion ban, leaving Texans seeking abortions with even fewer options.

     We can expect this situation to spread further across the country, with abortion patients forced to travel even longer distances to access abortion. Of course, this will place an undue hardship on patients without the means to travel out of state — whether that be due to the financial burden, lack of access to child care, sick leave, or other reasons.

     The right has long been organizing for this moment, creating “trigger bans” in expectation of Roe’s overturn, as well as mobilizing to harass and intimidate patients in places where abortion remains legal.

     More grotesquely, abortion patients will not only have to face undue financial and logistical hurdles to access essential health care — but they will also have to brave the police, or in some cases, state-funded vigilantes, in order to do so. Texas’s SB 8 law allows literally anyone to file suit against someone who “aids or abets” in an abortion — though not the abortion patient themselves. Someone who drives a patient to a bus so that they can receive an abortion out of state could be sued, and the plaintiff would be awarded $10,000 in damages. Abortion patients themselves cannot be sued.

     While the law has been carefully designed so that there is no criminal penalty — and thus, ironically, protecting it from certain legal challenges — it still invites police violence against abortion patients. Recently, 26-year-old Lizelle Herrera of South Texas was arrested and detained under suspicion of having induced her own abortion after a stillbirth. Even if the states that criminalize abortion only penalize providers and those who “aid and abet” abortion, patients themselves can still be subject to police violence in cases of self-managed abortions, which will become the only recourse available to many patients who cannot travel out of state to a clinic. Although only a handful of states currently criminalize self-managed abortion specifically, in over half the states there have been criminal investigations into pregnancy loss based on suspicion of self-managed abortion. People from communities that experience heightened levels of policing and state surveillance and who choose to self-manage their abortions will be at an increased risk of criminalization.

     Even when abortion patients manage to reach less-restricted states, safe and unfettered abortion access in those places is by no means a given either. Many clinics are already functioning at capacity even before the heightened influx of patients from other states, and the anti-abortion movement has set its eyes on cities like New York. Their base has been galvanized to confront “the evil of abortion” at its center — the clinics where abortions happen. When abortion is halted in over half the states, we can expect that campaigns of harassment will expand at clinics in less-restricted states by anti-abortion groups shifting their focus to regions where abortions are still performed legally.

     Abortion patients will not only have to face undue financial and logistical hurdles to access essential health care — but they will also have to brave the police, or in some cases, state-funded vigilantes, in order to do so.

     In New York City, the Archdiocese leads a campaign of clinic harassment every month in all five boroughs — with the blessing and sanction of the police. The police do not help patients enter the clinic safely but escort the clinic harassers — whom they seem to be on friendly terms with — and threaten and intimidate clinic defenders. It is no secret that the police and the far right are closely allied, in some cases one and the same; we cannot count on them to protect abortion patients. We will need a militant response to counter the right in less restricted states.

     Moreover, the criminalization of providing abortion care and aiding and abetting abortion puts pregnant people in grave danger. Some states may make “life of the mother” exemptions. But most United States hospitals are either for-profit or religiously affiliated nonprofits with ideological opposition to abortion. There is seldom a clearly demarcated point at which an abortion becomes absolutely, unambiguously medically necessary. A private health care facility may not risk criminal charges in order to save a patient’s life. Notoriously, Savita Halappanavar died of sepsis in an Irish hospital when doctors refused to perform an abortion because, though her pregnancy was no longer viable, a fetal heartbeat was still detected. As of this writing, an American woman, Andrea Prudente, is set to be airlifted out of Malta, the only country in the European Union with a total abortion ban. Even though her pregnancy is no longer viable, and without an abortion, she risks the same fate, a fetal heartbeat is still detected and doctors refuse to provide an abortion. Of course, the U.S. leads the developed world in mortality during childbirth. With the end of Roe, it will become even more dangerous to give birth in the U.S.

     Many reproductive rights organizations advise that pro-choice activists put aside “coat hanger” imagery and refrain from dwelling on history of dangerous back-alley abortions. This is not to erase the history of violence that accompanied abortion bans, but because it unproductively obscures the abortion situation as it exists today. Self-managed abortions are safer than ever, thanks to the advent of the abortion pill and networks that provide access through the mail; and even abortions in the home can be performed safely using aspiration. In fact, they are more safe than home births, belying the right-wing canard that abortion and the abortion pill is more dangerous than childbirth. The right uses this lie to push for the closure of clinics and make obtaining the abortion pill unduly burdensome.

     Laws against aiding and abetting abortion — and the ensuing climate of fear, secrecy and isolation — are what kill pregnant people, not self-managed abortions.

     However, the secrecy in which abortions have had to happen historically is what made them so dangerous — that people don’t know how such abortions can be performed safely, or even the basic facts of pregnancy (a situation that’s especially dire in red states given a lack of sex education in schools). This secrecy is enforced by the police. Laws against “aiding and abetting abortion” — and the ensuing climate of fear, secrecy, and isolation — are what kill pregnant people, not self-managed abortions.

     If we are to resist abortion bans, each one of us must be prepared to aid and abet abortion, whether that’s being trained in administering a self-managed abortion, buying and donating abortion pills, driving someone across state lines to receive an abortion, participating in clinic defense, or donating to an abortion fund. But we cannot lose sight of the ultimate goal: a mass movement to establish free abortion on demand as an inalienable right.”

     As written by Moira Donegan in The Guardian, in an article entitled Roe v Wade has been overturned. Here’s what this will mean; “Millions of women are now less free than men, in the functioning of their own bodies and in the paths of their own lives.

   The story is not about the supreme court. Today, the sword that has long been hanging over American women’s heads finally fell: the supreme court overturned Roe v Wade, ending the nationwide right to an abortion. This has long been expected, and long dreaded, by those in the reproductive rights movement, and it has long been denied by those who wished to downplay the court’s extremist lurch. The coming hours will be consumed with finger pointing and recriminations. But the story is not about who was right and who was wrong.

     Nor is the story about the US judiciary’s crumbling legitimacy, or the supreme court’s fractious internal politics. In the coming days, our attention will be called to the justices themselves – to their feelings, to their careers, to their safety. We will be distracted by the stench of partisanship and scandal that emanates from the shadowy halls of One First Street; by the justices’ grievance-airing and petty backbiting in public; or by their vengeful paranoid investigation into the leak of a draft of Samuel Alito’s opinion some weeks ago. We will be scolded not to protest outside their houses, and we will be prevented, by high fences and heavy gates and the presence of armed cops, from protesting outside the court itself. But the story is not about the supreme court.

     The story is not about the Democratic politicians, whose leadership on abortion rights has been tepid at best, and negligent at worst, since the 1990s. In the coming days, people who have voted to uphold the Hyde Amendment, a provision that has banned federal funding of abortion since 1976 – effectively limiting the constitutional right to an abortion to only those Americans wealthy enough to afford one – will tell us how terrible this is. They will issue statements talking about their outrage; they will make platitude-filled speeches about the worth and dignity of American women. They will not mention their own inaction, persisting for decades in the face of mounting and well-funded rightwing threats to Roe. They will not mention that they did nothing as all that worth and dignity of American women hung in the balance; they will not mention that most of them still, even now, oppose doing the only thing that could possibly restore reproductive freedom: expanding the number of justices on the courts. But the cowardice, hypocrisy, and historic moral failure of national Democrats is not the story. And certainly, the story is nothing so vulgar as what this withdrawal of human rights might mean for that party’s midterm election prospects.

     The story is not, even, about the legal chaos that will now follow. It is not about the fact that in 13 states, today’s order has made all abortion immediately illegal, the consummation of sexist ambitions that had long been enshrined in so-called trigger laws, provisions that have been on the books for years and decades that ban abortion upon the court’s reversal of Roe – misogyny lying in wait. Nor is the story about the other 13 states that will almost certainly ban abortion now, too, meaning that the procedure will be illegal in 26 of the nation’s 50 states within weeks.

     The story is not about how legislatures, lawyers and judges will handle these laws; it is not about whether they will allow merciful exemptions for rape or incest (they won’t) or impose draconian measures that aim to extend the cruelty of state bans beyond their borders to target abortion doctors, funders, and supporters in blue states (they will).

     The story is not about the cop who will charge the first doctor or the first patient with murder – that’s already happening, anyway. The story is not about the anti-choice activists, sneering in their triumph, who will say that they only want the best for women, and that women can’t be trusted to know what’s best for themselves. The story is not about the women who will be imprisoned or committed at the behest of these activists, or the desperate pregnant people, with nowhere to turn, who will be ensnared by them into deceitful crisis pregnancy centers or exploitative “maternity ranches”.

     The real story is not about the media who will churn out the think pieces, and the crass, enabling both-sidesism, and the insulting false equivalences and calls for unity. It is not about the pundits who will scold feminists that really, it is the overzealous abortion rights movement that is to blame; that really, women must learn to compromise with the forces that would keep them unequal, bound to lives that are smaller, more brutal, and more desperate. The story is not, even, about those other rights – the rights to parent, and to marry, and to access birth control – that a cruel and emboldened right will come for next.

     The real story is the women. The real story is the student whose appointment is scheduled for tomorrow, who will get a call from the clinic sometime in the next hours telling her that no, they are sorry, they cannot give her an abortion after all. The real story is the woman waiting tables, who feels so sick and exhausted these past few weeks that she can barely make it through her shifts, who will soon be calling clinics in other states, hearing that they’re all booked for weeks, and will be asking friends for money to help cover the gas, or the plane, or the time off that she can’t afford. The real story is the abortion provider, already exhausted and heartbroken from years of politicians playing politics with her patients’ rights, who will wonder whether she can keep her clinic open for its other services any more, and conclude that she can’t. The real story is the mom of two, squinting at her phone as she tries to comfort a screaming toddler, trying to figure out what she will have to give up in order to keep living the life she wants, with the family she already has.

     The real story is about thousands of these women, not just now but for decades to come – the women , whose lives will be made smaller and less dignified by unplanned and unchosen pregnancies, the women whose health will be endangered by the long and grueling physical process of pregnancy; the women, and others, who will have to forgo dreams, end educations, curtail careers, stretch their finances beyond the breaking point, and subvert their own wills to someone else’s.

     The real story is in the counterfactuals – the books that will go unwritten, the trips untaken, the hopes not pursued, and jokes not told, and the friends not met, because the people who could have lived the full, expansive, diverse lives that abortions would allow will instead be forced to live other lives, lives that are lesser precisely because they are not chosen.

     The real story is the millions of women, and others, who now know that they are less free than men are – less free in the functioning of their own bodies, less free in the paths of their own lives, less free in the formation of their own families.

     The real story is not this order; the real story is these people’s unfreedom – the pain it will inflict and the joy it will steal. The real story is women, and the real story is the impossible question: how can we ever grieve enough for them?”

    As I wrote in my post of May 14 2022, The Women’s March for Freedom;     Throughout America today women have seized the streets in mass action for the right of bodily autonomy, the first of all rights of property and the defining quality of citizenship, for without ownership of our own bodies there is no freedom, and we are all made property of the state.

     Democracy and dehumanization hang in the balance in the issue of women’s reproductive rights; but also life itself, for access to healthcare is a precondition of the right to life and thus among the first of all implied rights guaranteed by our Constitution and Bill of Rights. Without this, no other rights are meaningful.

      This is a fight against enslavement and death, and for our equality as human beings and liberty as citizens.

      How shall we give answer to our dehumanization and the theft of our citizenship?

     Let us say to Gideonite patriarchy and to fascist tyranny with Dylan Thomas;

“Do not go gentle into that good night,

Old age should burn and rave at close of day;

Rage, rage against the dying of the light.

Though wise men at their end know dark is right,

Because their words had forked no lightning they

Do not go gentle into that good night.

Good men, the last wave by, crying how bright

Their frail deeds might have danced in a green bay,

Rage, rage against the dying of the light.

Wild men who caught and sang the sun in flight,

And learn, too late, they grieved it on its way,

Do not go gentle into that good night.

Grave men, near death, who see with blinding sight

Blind eyes could blaze like meteors and be gay,

Rage, rage against the dying of the light.

And you, my father, there on the sad height,

Curse, bless, me now with your fierce tears, I pray.

Do not go gentle into that good night.

Rage, rage against the dying of the light.”

     At stake here are issues affecting every American citizen and other persons within the boundaries of our law; freedom versus dehumanization as a means of  enslavement, and our universal human right of access to healthcare as a precondition of our right to life.

     How can the Gideonite fundamentalists and atavistic forces of Patriarchy deny the right of bodily autonomy, the first of all rights of property, our right to choose our own use of that body which speaks to the definition of being human and to the fundamental rights of a citizen in a democracy as a voting co-owner of our government, on the basis of our right to life which derives both from our citizenship and our humanity as a natural condition, when the right of the mother to life precedes that of her fetus and renders her the sole medical authorizing party in any such matter?

     Only a woman’s right to choose her own destiny matters here, and no state or any other authority which operates in the place of a father or husband under the Patriarchal legal fiction of in loco parentis, nor the will or judgement of any other persons especially actual fathers and husbands, has any just role in a free society of equals; all else is slavery.

      If one abrogates the separation of church and state and claims Biblical authority as a justification for government policy, surely an act of hubris if not madness, on abortion and for a definition of life, life clearly begins with breath.

     As William Tyndale wrote in his beautiful poetic reimagination of traditional sources published as the King James Bible; “And the Lord God formed man of the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life; and man became a living soul,” Genesis 2:7.

     This is reinforced elsewhere; “By the word of the LORD the heavens were made, And by the breath of His mouth all their host” Psalms 33:6. And again; “Thus saith the Lord God; Come from the four winds, O breath, and breathe upon these slain, that they may live. So I prophesied as he commanded me, and the breath came into them, and they lived,” Ezekiel 10.  And yet again; “If he should set his heart to it and gather to himself his spirit and his breath, all flesh would perish together, and man would return to dust,” Job 34: 14-15.

     Plus there’s the abortion method authorized in Numbers 5:11-31, the Ordeal of the Bitter Water, and the penalty for causing an abortion outside of this ritual such as by a violent blow, which is a fine paid to the woman’s husband because it is a crime against property or future economic benefit and not a crime against person as there is no life before breath or natural birth.

     Abrahamic faiths regard as human only those who have been ensouled at first breath upon being born; prior to birth we are not human but part of the mother’s body; a fetus has no rights other than hers, and hers is the only legitimate voice regarding one’s own body as the primary right of property from which all others derive. This is because Abrahamic faiths regard the body as an organic machine and not a person until it is animated with a soul.

     To argue that abortion is murder is to argue that there is no soul, that we are human prior to the animating breath of the Infinite, and that as mere beasts and organic machines each of our cells are individually sacrosanct and legally persons. Haircuts and manicures are murder in this absurd construction.

      Let us not mistake the purpose and intention of those who would seize women’s power of bodily autonomy as both a human being and a citizen; this has nothing to do with faith, and everything to do with power.

     As I wrote in my post of May 6 2022, There Is No Freedom Without That of Bodily Autonomy: On the Patriarchal Enslavement and Dehumanization of Women in the State Capture of Liberty and Equality in the Supreme Court’s Revocation of the Right to Abortion; There is no freedom without that of bodily autonomy.

     Our Supreme Court just declared half of humankind to be less than human and property of the state, not merely as patriarchal enslavement but also as dehumanization and theft of citizenship. Next will be the right of women to vote, then of all nonwhite persons, then the right to own property and act legally in one’s own name will be restricted to white men as it was at our founding; no matter where it begins with subversion of democracy and the equality of all human beings, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

      Women’s reproductive rights exhibit dual aspects as both an issue of liberty, our freedom to choose our own identity without coercion by the state, and as a healthcare issue, as universal free access to healthcare is a precondition of our right to life and therefore a Constitutional guarantee upon which none may legally infringe.

    This is a direct attack on the idea of citizenship which is central and foundational to democracy, on the personhood and self ownership of all women, and on our values and ideals of freedom and equality.

    It is a telling sign of intent that Alioto has cited as precedent the law which legalized witch burning centuries go in his opinion claiming that the right to abortion is unconstitutional, as MSN has pointed out.

    Once again, unequal power has been captured and institutionalized by elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege as a fascism of weaponized faith and systemic Patriarchy.

    America’s Supreme Court, now a political bureaucracy of authoritarian power and without legitimacy, and which has delegitimized all law in America and subverted our courts as instruments of repression of dissent and the carceral state, the true goal of the Fourth Reich in the capture of our institutions and systems of Justice, has outlawed the universal right of abortion and given a woman’s power over her own body to the state.

     Yes, we all knew this was coming but it is a life disruptive event and a point of fracture in our history. This we must resist with mass action and legislative judo, but the forces of patriarchy and fascism are enormously against us. What happens next, if half of humankind can be dehumanized as property of the state and citizenship with our universal human rights becomes meaningless? In this moment, all is in motion and chaotic change, but this is also a chance of action and a measure of the adaptive range of our system. Patriarchy has made a move which is irredeemable and cannot be walked back, and they are exposed; its our move now.

    If we want to keep our system of Justice as a guarantor of our universal human rights and of our parallel and interdependent rights as citizens, and the meaning of citizenship itself, we must reform the Supreme Court. I suggest limiting terms to that of the President who appointed each member, or limiting terms and holding a vote to elect Justices on a one citizen one vote basis so that it is no longer a political appointment.

     This must be part of a Restoration of democracy which redesigns our system to guarantee majority rule. We must abolish the electoral college and the parceling of votes by state, and change to a one citizen one vote direct electoral democracy.

     The blindfold of Justice has slipped, and we must restore her impartiality to divisions including those of gender and race.

    As I wrote in my post of October 3 2021, Women’s March for Reproductive Rights and Freedom of Bodily Autonomy; Institutionalized sexual terror and state tyranny in the legislative assault on women’s reproductive rights and the primary freedom of bodily autonomy were challenged in a mass action yesterday throughout America, organized by the Women’s March and coordinated with the riveting testimony in Congress of three of our representatives who have had abortions, Cori Bush, Pramila Jayapal, and Barbara Lee.

     There is no freedom without that of bodily autonomy.

     We can triumph over this wave of theft of our liberty which seeks to redefine the relationship of individuals to the state and render citizenship meaningless if we act in solidarity with coordinated mass action and legislative process. As the Oath of the Resistance given to me in 1982 in Beirut by Jean Genet goes; “We swear our loyalty to each other, to resist and yield not, and abandon not our fellows.”

     For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.

Roe v Wade: US women win abortion rights – archive, January 1973

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/jan/22/us-women-win-abortion-rights-roe-v-wade-1973?CMP=share_btn_link

 The fight for abortion rights: what to know going into 2024

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/dec/26/us-abortion-rights-2024-election-pill-doctor?CMP=share_btn_link

Kamala Harris kicks off abortion rights tour on 51st anniversary of Roe v Wade

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/jan/22/kamala-harris-abortion-rights-wisconsin?CMP=share_btn_link

Witness of History: Pramila Jayapal

Witness of History: Barabara Lee

Witness of History: Cori Bush

Here is the original document published by Politico:

https://www.politico.com/news/2022/05/02/supreme-court-abortion-draft-opinion-00029473

Elizabeth Warren Speaks Truth to Power:

Kirsten Gillibrand Speaks Truth to Power:

Hillary Speaks Truth to Power:

Thea Paneth’s Call to Action in Common Dreams:

https://www.commondreams.org/views/2022/05/05/those-who-love-and-respect-women-country-will-rise

Abortion is a winning issue’: rights victories in 2023 US elections raise hopes for 2024

Abortion rights and historic wins: key takeaways from the US’s off-year elections

The Seven Necessary Sins for Women and Girls, by Mona Eltahawy

The Handmaid’s Tale and Philosophy: A Womb of One’s Own, by Rachel Robison-Greene (Editor)

The Handmaid’s Tale: Teaching Dystopia, Feminism, and Resistance Across Disciplines and Borders, by Karen A. Ritzenhoff (Editor, Contributor), Janis L. Goldie (Editor, Contributor)

https://jacobin.com/2022/02/judicial-review-democracy-liberals-minorities-breyer-warren-biden

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/jun/24/overturning-roe-story-is-women-unfreedom?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2022/jun/24/how-americans-lost-federal-abortion-rights?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/jun/24/clarence-thomas-roe-gay-marriage-contraception-lgbtq?CMP=share_btn_link

January 21 2024 In Germany And Throughout Europe, the Return of Fascism Creates Its Own Resistance As Polarization Begins the Fracture of the State

     An ancient terror emerges from the shadows to consume us all once again, as Nazi revivalists in Italy, Germany, Hungary, Spain, and elsewhere join their American counterparts in a vast and ambiguous multifront war against democracy, human rights, and western civilization.

    But the use of social force obeys Newton’s Third Law of Motion and creates its own Resistance, as we have witnessed this past week in the mass actions against the Alternative für Deutschland fascist party in Germany, and a hero has risen to defend our humanity, the magnificent Carola Rackete.

     This we celebrate, but must also give caution of the dangers of ideological fracture and the polarization of the state which makes a wishbone of nations by their most extreme elements. We can study its effects and consequences in real time as they unfold before us in America, and in elections globally.

     It is also recapitulating the ideological fracture and division of the Social Democratic Party of Germany which removed the only blocking force for the rise of fascism; this process also destroyed the Students For A Democratic Society, the Black Panthers, the American Indian Movement, and other organizations of liberation struggle in America, under constant assault from the F.B.I. and other institutions of state terror and counter-revolution which used assassinations and infiltration and subversion to remove leadership and set group members against each other with false rumors of disloyalty.

     Such counter-revolution waged against the liberty of the people as theft of citizenship is a predictable phase of revolutionary struggle, and there is but one reply to this strategy of marginalization, division, silencing and erasure, dehumanization and the repression of dissent; solidarity.

     Let us stand with those who stand with us, and with those who share our interests in allyship. Come what may.  

    Because we are now waging the Last Stand Against Fascism, among all humankind and throughout the world, and the price of our failure is too terrible to contemplate.

     Let us give to fascism and tyranny the only reply it merits; Never Again!

     As written by Kate Connolly in The Guardian, in an article entitled ‘Will we leave things to the fascists?’: the activist aiming to revive Germany’s far-left party: Carola Rackete, who made her name defying Italy’s far right, is set to lead Die Linke party into European elections in June; “She made her name as the captain of a ship that rescued stranded migrants from the Mediterranean. But now Carola Rackete is embarking on a new journey, focusing her activist sights on helping to save a crisis-ridden part of the German left.

     The 35-year-old engineer is to lead the beleaguered Die Linke party into the European parliamentary elections in June as its top candidate.

     “I feel I have little choice than to get involved in politics. The time is right,” she told the Guardian in an interview. “This is a moment that should politicise us all, if we’re not already politicised.

     “Do we want those in favour of human rights and climate justice to be in the majority, or will we leave things to the rightwingers and the fascists – it’s quite a simple question we face.”

      Die Linke, a far-left party that emerged in 2007 from the former East German Communist SED, has recently faced disaster. Sahra Wagenknecht, its most prominent member and former parliamentary group leader, quit weeks ago to form her own new party which launched this month. She has taken nine of Die Linke’s MPs with her and threatening its implosion.

     The move follows years of tension between Wagenknecht and party leaders who have balked at her attempts to combine leftwing ideas, such as a wealth tax, with a rightwing nationalist-driven rejection of irregular immigration.

     Wagenknecht has positioned herself as a valid alternative for German voters disillusioned by mainstream politics who might otherwise – as many tens of thousands of Die Linke supporters have done in recent years – shift their allegiance to the far-right AfD.

     But Rackete – who is, as requested by the party, remaining independent (“it gives more leverage to reach a different audience”) – rejects the idea that she is joining a sinking ship.

     “When they approached me it was quite clear the party would split. I see this as an opportunity to set it on a new, clear course, attract new members, ditch the nationalist rhetoric for good and turn it into a solid place of organisation for the progressive left,” she said. “I like the image of the phoenix rising from the ashes.”

     Rackete says that the departure of Wagenknecht, followed by her arrival on the scene, has “created ripples” prompting a sudden surge in membership of Die Linke, momentum on which the party is hoping to build.

     “We’ve had a lot of interest from leftists who have never engaged with party politics, insisting now is the moment to do something,” she said.

     Inspiration has been taken from the rise of Labour in the UK, Polish voters’ recent decision to ditch their illiberal government, and the return of Lula da Silva in Brazil, she said. “It shows that going in one direction, in terms of the move to the right, is not a given”.

     Through the reputation she has built due to her environmental activism, Rackete would also like to attract Green voters disillusioned with the party’s performance in a coalition government.

     “It’s shocking to me and a lot of others how much of their policy on migration and on climate they have abandoned.”

     Rackete’s activism has taken her from occupying bridges in London with Extinction Rebellion in 2018 to standing up for the human and environmental rights of indigenous Sami communities in northern Finland. In 2019, she famously defied Italy’s interior minister, Matteo Salvini, by docking a search and rescue ship of 42 migrants in the port of Lampedusa, for which she was arrested and later forced to go into hiding.

     Salvini labelled her variously a “potential murderer, criminal and pirate” and a sbruffoncella (showoff). Rackete later took him to court and won. Elsewhere, her courage earned her comparisons to female heroes from Sophocles’ Antigone to Joan of Arc; praise came from the pope, and she even inspired a children’s book.

     “I don’t think my real, authentic self has much to do with this public story that exists about my person,” she said with a chuckle over breakfast in a Turkish cafe in Berlin. “I think that what this shows us is that as human beings we really crave stories of hope – such as the small NGO standing up against a big bully government.”

     Like the strength in her story, she acknowledges there’s also strength in a name like Rackete, which in German is homophonic with the word ‘rocket’.

     “As a kid it really annoyed me, but now I think it’s probably quite helpful, in terms of recognition,” she said.

     As an MEP, she says she would seek to increase transparency about the bloc, about the 25,000 lobbyists based in Brussels (“the second biggest lobby capital in the world after Washington”), expose what she perceives as the organisation’s damaging drive to expand its emission trading schemes (“which don’t work to reduce emissions at all, but translate to a market for trading pollution”), and push for radical agricultural reform to tackle head on the growing problem of food security.

     Take the EU trade market for nature currently being worked on, following the example of Australia and the UK, she said. “According to that, if someone cuts down a forest in Germany to build a factory, this can be offset by building a flamingo habitat in Spain. It’s ecologically absurd,” she said. She would like to see more focused action on topics that would have almost immediate ecological and social benefits, such as wetland restoration, creating a centrally operated public train service, and switching from animal to plant protein production.

     “I think we have to scandalise these things. If people don’t even know the thing they should be upset about, you can’t build an initiative or any sort of public pressure.”

     Matter-of-fact, modest and earnest in manner, even as a politician, Rackete, who has no fixed abode, insisted she wanted to remain an activist.

     Her experience with Sea Watch, she said, taught her “just how much a civil society organisation can achieve”.

     As I wrote in my post of December 11 2022, Bring On the Clowns; A Plot to Seize the German State Fails. This time; An absurd conspiracy of clowns has been defeated in a spoiling raid by police which just barely avoided the mass terror and destruction of a plot to seize the German state and replace it with a fascist monarchy, an idea worthy of the villainous mad toon in Who Framed Roger Rabbit.

     So would many have said of the chances of a failed artist to become tyrant of Germany and nearly conqueror of the world, and we ignore such threats at our peril.

      Others would have said the same of a real estate moghul and reality tv star to become President of the United States, or of Traitor Trump’s chances of decapitating the state and overthrowing democracy in the January 6 Insurrection, a near run thing for which we still have not brought a Reckoning, a sad fact which exposes the lie of justice in America, for here none are truly equal, and justice means only how much justice you can enforce or buy.

      America and the whole of humankind creates many such figures and symptoms of systems failures and the threat of civilizational collapse from the mechanical failures of our internal contradictions.

     We may face such futures with the twin strategies of Resistance and Reimagination.

     To fascism and tyranny let us give the only reply it merits; Never Again!

     And let us bring change to the systems which have seduced, entrapped, and betrayed us.

     In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power. Do something beautiful with yours.

     As written by Kate Conolly in The Guardian, in an article entitled Reichsbürger: the German conspiracy theorists at heart of alleged coup plot; “

  At 6am on Wednesday December 7, German special forces stormed a house in the Berlin lakeside villa quarter of Wannsee and arrested a former MP of the far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), Birgit Malsack-Winkemann. Three minutes later, they entered the Waidmannsheil hunting lodge in Bad Lobenstein in Thuringia. Simultaneous raids took place in 30 other locations, including a car repair shop and a carpenters’ studio, as well as in the Austrian ski resort of Kitzbühel and the Italian city of Perugia.

     Twenty-five people were arrested, and by lunchtime eight of them were in police custody, among them a serving soldier of the elite KSK unit, a lawyer, a pilot, a gourmet chef and a prince, the alleged ringleader who had led the plans to overthrow the German state and replace it with a “monarchistic order”.

     It was, said one MP from the leftwing Linke party, like something out of a crime novel.

     Other comparisons were made with the hit TV series Babylon Berlin, set in the German capital in the heady days of the Weimar era, when democracy is on the brink of collapse and violent clashes abound between extralegal paramilitary formations.

     But despite the description of its alleged members by prosecutors as a “motley crew” of unlikely characters, the plot was real. So were the weapons they owned, the gun licences they held and the fact that among them were serving members of the police and military.

     The most dominant among the group of what the state prosecutors called a “conglomerate of conspiracy theorists” were the Reichsbürger, who believe the German state is an artificial construct that illegitimately replaced the “Deutsche Reich” of the Nazi era.

     Though little known outside the country until now, they have become increasingly familiar to Germans in recent years, not least following various thwarted plots, including that of a 75-year-old retired teacher in October. Peter Frank, Germany’s chief prosecutor, had warned this summer of a radicalisation of the rightwing milieu, pointing specifically at the Reichsbürger who, he said, together with conspiracy theorists, were becoming “increasingly ready to use violence”. He added: “It would be careless to shrug the danger off.”

     Those who count themselves among the Reichsbürger reject the idea of the modern German state by refusing to pay their taxes and are frequently in dispute with the authorities as a result. Some refer to themselves as “Selbstverwalter” or self-governed.

     They number about 21,000 in Germany, according to the BfV domestic intelligence agency, and about 5% of them – about 1,150 – are estimated to be rightwing extremists. In 2021 the BfV attributed about 1,011 extremist crimes to them.

     Doubt has been expressed as to the extent to which the group was capable of actually carrying out its plans to overturn the German state, starting by storming the Reichstag building and handcuffing and arresting MPs. Yet there has been much relief that they did not succeed. The Green MP Sara Nanni said while she believed the group might not have been smart enough to carry out what the interior minister, Nancy Faeser, referred to as its “violent fantasies”, nevertheless, “no matter how crude their ideas and how hopeless their plans, the very attempt is dangerous”.

     The security forces have been praised for their comprehensive surveillance operation – reportedly the biggest ever on terrorist activity in Germany. It began at the start of September under the codename Schatten – or shadows – and involved monitoring the activities of 52 suspects after a tipoff. But nevertheless the questions remain: how lucky were they, and just how dangerous are the Reichsbürger to modern-day Germany?

      The group targeted on Wednesday certainly seemed to be serious about its aims. According to investigators, its members were made to sign a non-disclosure agreement: anyone thinking of breaking it was threatened with punishment by death. In order to communicate with each other, they acquired Iridium satellite telephones valued at €20,000 that would have worked even if the electricity network had collapsed – which was, apparently, also part of the plan, in order to spread chaos.

     In one wire-tapped conversation last summer, the alleged ringleader, Prince Heinrich, was heard saying: “We’re going to wipe them out now, the time for fun is over!” According to investigators the group had even called on the services of clairvoyants to check the veracity of their plan, as well as the trustworthiness of the members. In messages they talked about a “system change” and “exterminating” their enemies.

     Police were warned weeks ago to prepare for attempts to storm the Reichstag building and had increased its surveillance accordingly. Personal protection for politicians across the country was also tightened. The BfV set up a taskforce to concentrate on the threat, codenamed Kangal. In short, the threat was considered very real and credible.

     In an editorial in the Süddeutsche Zeitung, Jörg Schmitt wrote: “It would be too easy to write these people off as crazy, as a weird bunch of conspiracy theorists, people who we don’t need to take seriously … But that would be naive. Some of the 52 accused of planning a military system overthrow in Germany come from the middle of society, they are teachers, doctors, business people. People who you’d normally expect to be pillars of democracy.”

    As written by Jonathan Freedland in The Guardian, in an article entitled Coup attempts in Germany and the US confirm it: the key terror threat is the far right; “Perhaps it was the tweed jacket and cravat. Or maybe the medieval title: Heinrich XIII, Prince of Reuß. Either way, the man at the head of a suspected plot to overthrow the German government, exposed in a series of raids on Wednesday, was easy to dismiss as a joke. The country’s late night TV talkshows went right ahead, mocking the 71-year-old aristocrat and his deluded dreams, along with his wardrobe.

     A week earlier, the sartorial derision was aimed at Ye, the rapper formerly known as Kanye West, his face entirely obscured by a ski mask, praising Hitler and the Nazis on the set of Infowars as a guest of the bankrupted conspiracy theorist Alex Jones.

     Some of Ye’s rantings were too much even for Jones’s stomach, prompting an online chuckle – not least because a few days earlier Ye had dined with Donald Trump, along with the Holocaust-denying white supremacist Nick Fuentes. What crosses the line for Jones was apparently just fine for Trump.

     But none of this is a joke. Instead, both events – a disrupted terror plot by armed would-be “citizens of the Reich” and the legitimising of extreme racism by the de-facto leader of one of the US’s two governing parties – point to a rising global threat, one that is too often regarded as either too ridiculous or too marginal to be menacing. That threat lives almost entirely on the internet, its regular foot soldiers neither European nobility nor rap superstars but, says one who monitors it closely, “young, white, anti-immigrant neo-Nazis, networked in an online subculture that glorifies and generates terror”.

     The danger may incubate on screens, but it doesn’t stay there. That much has been clear for a while. Recall the massacre of 92 mostly young Norwegians in 2011. Or the slaughter of 49 at two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, in 2019. Or the mass killing at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh six months earlier. Or the gunning down of 10 Black shoppers and workers in a supermarket in Buffalo by a white teenager this year.

     These horrors follow a pattern in which the killer seeks not only to murder but to livestream his butchery, accompanying it with the release of a supposed manifesto, a long screed identifying all the same enemies: Black people, LGBT people, Jewish people.

     In October, a Slovakian teenager followed the familiar template when he opened fire on a gay bar in Bratislava, killing two. Hours before, he had posted a 65-page text setting out, yet again, the case that there is a worldwide conspiracy to degenerate and destroy the white race, with racial diversity and gay rights the conspirators’ chosen weapons. And who might be behind this wickedness? The document opens: “It’s the Jews. It’s the Jews. It’s the Jews.”

     For two decades after 9/11, any talk of global extremism or a “war on terror” meant only one thing: confronting violent jihadism. Make no mistake, that threat has not gone away, even if analysts believe it has receded in the UK in the past two or three years. But when it comes to international terror, jihadism no longer has the stage to itself.

     That requires a shift. This week, Australia’s home affairs minister warned that counter-terror laws would have to change if the country was to tackle the surging threat of far-right violence. In Germany, after the identification of some 52 suspected coup plotters, the governing party declared, “Rightwing terrorism is still the biggest threat to German democracy.”

     In Britain, those operationally involved in fighting this danger have got the message. Where once MI5 brass were privately liable to dismiss the far right as no more than a bunch of “football hooligans, louts and drunks”, they now pay them serious time and attention. A turning point was the murder of Jo Cox in 2016, and the attack on Finsbury Park mosque the following year.

     Police now describe the extremist right as the fastest growing terror threat in the UK, with 41% of counter-terrorism arrests in 2021 involving far-right suspects. Three in four advanced plots disrupted by police involved extremists of the far right.

     This shift demands a change in policing but also in our thinking. For one thing, while jihadists dreamed of establishing their own government somewhere – the Islamic State vision of a new caliphate – those arrested in Germany this week, like the insurrectionists who stormed Capitol Hill on 6 January 2021, aim to topple existing governments in the west and install themselves. (And they are encouraged when Trump calls for the suspension of the US constitution to restore him to power, as he did this week.)

     The content is different, but so too is the form. Yes, jihadism was always a broad category, but there was at least an organisational infrastructure that could be proscribed and targeted: IS even published a magazine out of Raqqa, offering tips on how best to stab someone. The far right is much looser and entirely leaderless, radicalising its followers chiefly by means of memes and online content. Its home comprises platforms such as 4chan or the “Terrorgram” network of channels on Telegram, where recent mass murderers are venerated – the killers of Christchurch and Pittsburgh are depicted as “saints”, complete with haloes – and where footage of their acts of slaughter is presented in the manner of a first-person shooter game, complete with scores awarded for each “kill”.

     “I’ve been doing this for 30 years and I’ve never seen stuff like this,” Nick Lowles, who runs the anti-racist campaign group Hope Not Hate, tells me. In these forums they egg each other on, sinking to ever more nihilistic depths: fantasising about rape and the sexual abuse of children and more. Those seeing this material are getting ever younger. The Metropolitan police reports that of the 20 people under 18 arrested last year for terrorism offences, all but one were linked to the ideology of the extreme right. The youngest arrested was 13.

     Action is possible, starting with the companies who provide web-support services for the likes of 4chan. “They’re the security guards on the door while the terrorists are inside,” says Dave Rich of the Community Security Trust, which monitors and combats antisemitism.

     But that takes political will. And while the counter-terrorism agencies seem to be in the right place, the same cannot be said of their political masters. Lowles detects an “ideological backlash” in the Home Office and in Michael Gove’s levelling-up department, “actively pushing for a change in strategy away from the far right”.

     Note the leaked extracts of William Shawcross’s review into the Prevent counter-terrorism programme, complaining that there’s been too much focus on the racist right and not enough on jihadism. It seems a corner of the political right was jolted when last year, for the first time, the number of referrals to Prevent relating to the far right outstripped those for Islamist extremism.

     You can see why some are more comfortable chasing Muslim extremists than extreme haters of Muslims (and of every other minority), perhaps fearing a definition that might encompass anti-Muslim rhetoric found on the mainstream right. But ideology cannot be allowed to intrude here, not when the danger is so grave. Our protectors have to fight those bent on wreaking deadly havoc wherever they appear – and whoever they are.”

     Nor is this polarization and fracture of democracies and their infiltration, subversion, and transformation into fascist tyrannies exclusive to any state or electorate of citizens, for it results from universal systems of unequal power and the centralization of power by authority.

     As I wrote in my post of September 27 2022, A Rising Tide of Fascism in Europe; With the electoral victory of the original fascist alt-right in Italy, a rising tide of fascism now threatens all of Europe; Nazi revivalism has a staging ground and launchpad for the reconquest of Europe in Orban’s Hungary, LePen’s Nationalists in France and Vox in Spain are the unquestionable opposition to their governments, Sweden just elected a similar party of Nazi origins, and the new government of England has at best turned back the clock to the ideology and policies of the Thatcher era and at worst displays alarming cues of fascist dog-whistles which portend far worse horrors and depravities to come.

      Such are the times we live in, wherein an enemy we have fought for a century returns to seize its birthplace at the centennial of Mussolini’s March on Rome, as European political and social systems and institutions destabilize and begin transformational change from both the mechanical failures of their internal contradictions as terminal stage capitalism consumes the worlds resources and centralizes wealth and power to hegemonic elites, oligarchs which have become a quasi-aristocracy, and the carceral states of force and control which they create. Civilization itself is falling, but will such change be catastrophic or a rebirth of humankind as a free society of equals wherein democracy and our universal human rights are victorious; comes now an age of tyranny or Liberty?

     Where do we go from here?

     As I wrote in my post of September 23 2021, When Things Fall Apart and the Center Cannot Hold, Embrace Change; Transformative change and the forces of Chaos lie at the heart of our universe, a reality and medium of being characterized by illusion and impermanence, as its central motive principal.

     Chaos is a forge of creation which endlessly generates contradictions and paradoxes as the forking points of universes, of multiplicities and relative truths, a wellspring of life and the realization of unknowns but also of our darkness born of attachment to externalities and that which is by its nature ephemeral and transitory, and moreover a world filled with falsifications of ourselves, echoes and reflections like the distorted images in funhouse mirrors which multiply into infinity as a theft of our uniqueness and our souls.

   The trauma of death and of life disruptive change, and our immersion in a sea of grief, despair, and terror; when the anchorages and truths we cling to have shifted and cast us adrift into topologies of the unknown, when we dare to look behind the curtain and the figures of our faith are revealed to be lies and instruments of our subjugation, when these existential threats and crises of hope, trust, and faith combine as they have this past year with the loneliness of our modern pathology of disconnectedness, how shall we answer our nothingness?

      To this I say, how can we not embrace Chaos and transformative change, when it is endless and ongoing, and challenges us to live in the eternal now? Why fix and react wholly to its negative aspects as death and destruction, when it offers us equally possibilities of liberation from order and authority, self-creation, autonomy, and unknowns to explore, and a space of free creative play?

      Here is Yeats great and visionary poem The Second Coming, written in the wake of three successive mechanical failures of civilization as systems of order from their internal contradictions, the First World War, the Easter Rising of 1916, and the Russian Revolution of 1917.

Turning and turning in the widening gyre

The falcon cannot hear the falconer;

Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;

Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,

The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere

The ceremony of innocence is drowned;

The best lack all conviction, while the worst

Are full of passionate intensity.

Surely some revelation is at hand;

Surely the Second Coming is at hand.

The Second Coming! Hardly are those words out

When a vast image out of Spiritus Mundi

Troubles my sight: somewhere in sands of the desert

A shape with lion body and the head of a man,

A gaze blank and pitiless as the sun,

Is moving its slow thighs, while all about it

Reel shadows of the indignant desert birds.

The darkness drops again; but now I know

That twenty centuries of stony sleep

Were vexed to nightmare by a rocking cradle,

And what rough beast, its hour come round at last,

Slouches towards Bethlehem to be born?

     As I wrote in my post of July 19 2022, Where Do We Go From Here?; There is a saying attributed as a Chinese curse but coined by the father of British Prime Minister Chamberlain in a speech of 1898, possibly a paraphrase of the line “Better to be a dog in times of tranquility than a human in times of chaos” in a short story of 1627 by Feng Menglong, “May you live in interesting times.”

    We are now living in interesting times; whether we make of our time a curse or an opportunity to enact systemic and institutional change rests with us, for the gifts of Chaos as destabilization, fracture, disruption, and systemic collapse from the mechanical failures of our civilization’s internal contradictions include opportunities for reversals of order, seizures of power, the reimagination and transformation of human being, meaning, and value, and the reinvention of our civilization and ourselves among the limitless possibilities of becoming human.

     Guillermo del Toro, in his magnificent epic of migration and racial equality Carnival Row, episode seven The World to Come, has a scene in which two young successors to leadership of traditionally rival factions find themselves in love and in need of allies in a subplot which reimages Romeo and Juliet; the rebellious hellion Jonah Breakspear asks his Machiavellian lover Sophie Longerbane, “Who is chaos good for?” To which she replies, “Chaos is good for us. Chaos is the great hope of the powerless.”

    Let the forces of fascism find not an America abject in learned helplessness and submission to authority, crippled and dehumanized by the legacies of historical inequalities and injustices and divided by hierarchies of exclusionary otherness, but united in solidarity and refusal to submit to force and control; for in resistance we become unconquerable and free.

      As we are taught with the lyrics of the song Where Do We Go From Here?, in Buffy the Vampire Slayer episode 7 of season 6, Once More With Feeling, possibly the greatest musical episode of any telenovela yet created;

 “Where do we go from here

Where do we go from here

The battle’s done,

And we kinda won.

So we sound our victory cheer.

Where do we go from here.

Why is the path unclear,

When we know home is near.

Understand we’ll go hand in hand,

But we’ll walk alone in fear. (Tell me)

Tell me where do we go from here.

When does the end appear,

When do the trumpets cheer.

The curtains close, on a kiss god knows,

We can tell the end is near…

Where do we go from here

Where do we go from here

Where do we go

from here?”

       Here is an elegy for the Fall of America, a hymn to a dying hope and the lost grandeur of a nation and an idea of humankind as a free society of equals. When in a distant future the artifacts of our civilization begin to puzzle whatever beings arise from our carrion, and they ask who were the Americans, I hope such music as this lamentation remains to guide their questions.

     Yet hope remains when all is lost, and whether it becomes a gift or a curse is in our hands. These lyrics speak of the modern pathology of disconnectedness, of the division and fracture of our Solidarity, of subjugation through learned helplessness and the dominion of fear. But this is not the end of the story, nor of ours.

     Once More With Feeling ends not with abjection, but with The Kiss, between the Slayer and Spike, one of the monsters she hunts. A very particular kind of monster, who is also the hero of the story in its entire seven year arc; one who is made monstrous by his condition of being and forces beyond his control, against which he struggles for liberation and to recreate and define himself as he chooses, a monster who reclaims his humanity and his soul. This is why we continue to watch the show twenty years after its debut; we are all Spike, locked in titanic struggle for the ownership of ourselves with authorized identities and systemic evils, a revolution of truths written in our flesh against imposed conditions of struggle and orders of human being, meaning, and value.

      Buffy the Vampire Slayer is an allegory of Sartrean freedom in a world without inherent value or meaning, of the joy of total freedom versus the terror of our nothingness, and above all a song of the redemptive power of love to return to us our true selves.

      This is how we defeat fascist tyranny in the long game, after we bring a Reckoning for its crimes against humanity and its subversion of democracy; let us answer hate with love, division with solidarity, fear with hope, and bring healing to the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world. 

     As written by Luke McGee in CNN, in an article entitled The conditions are perfect for a populist resurgence in Europe; “Giorgia Meloni is set to become Italy’s first female prime minister, exit polls suggested on Sunday evening following the country’s parliamentary elections.

       IF confirmed, her victory will be historic not just because of her gender, but because she leads a party that is further to the right than any mainstream political movement Italy has seen since the days of its former fascist leader, Benito Mussolini.

     Her policy platform will be familiar to those who have followed far-right rhetoric in recent years: She’s openly questioned LGBTQ+ and abortion rights, aims to curb immigration, and appears obsessed with the idea that traditional values and ways of life are under attack because of everything from globalization to same sex marriage.

     It should be of little surprise to learn that one of her biggest fans is Steve Bannon, the man who largely created the political ideology of former US President Donald Trump and is credited with giving birth to the American alt-right movement.

    Her likely victory comes off the back of recent triumphs for the far right elsewhere in Europe.

     Despite Marine Le Pen losing the French presidential election to Emmanuel Macron, her supporters across the continent were heartened both at her share of the popular vote and that she shifted France’s political center dramatically to the right.

      In Sweden, the anti-immigration Sweden Democrats are expected to play a major role in the new government after winning the second largest share of seats at a general election earlier this month. The party, now mainstream, initially had roots in neo-Nazism.

     Europe’s conservative right certainly feels like it’s enjoying a revival after a few quiet years.

     “Something is definitely happening. From France and Italy, major European powers, to Sweden … it feels as though a rejection of the manifestly failing pan-European orthodoxy is taking hold among our citizens,” says Gunnar Beck, a Member of the European Parliament representing Alternative for Germany (AfD).

     AfD is a far-right party that became the first to be placed under surveillance by the German government since the Nazi era. At the time, the Central Council of Jews in Germany welcomed the decision, saying: “The AfD’s destructive politics undermine our democratic institutions and discredit democracy among citizens.”

     The AfD sent shockwaves through Europe in 2017 after securing over 12% of the vote in Germany’s federal elections, making it the third largest party and official opposition.

     Where is this momentum coming from?

     “The cost-of-living crisis is undermining governments and European institutions. Of course the war in Ukraine has made things worse, but things like the European Green Deal and monetary policy from the European Central Bank were pushing up inflation before the war. The erosion of living standards means people are naturally becoming dissatisfied with their governments and the political establishment,” Beck adds.

     Crisis always creates opportunities for parties in opposition, whatever their political ideology. But the politics of fear in the context of crisis does tend to lend itself more readily to right-wing populists.

     “In the case of Meloni and her party, she was able to criticize both the establishment figure of Mario Draghi, an unelected technocrat installed as Prime Minister, and the populists that had propped up his coalition government,” says Marianna Griffini, lecturer in the Department of European and International Studies at King’s College London.

     Griffini says that Italy’s recent woes have made it particularly susceptible to anti-establishments ideas. “We suffered as a country very badly in the pandemic, especially very early on. Lots of people died, lots of businesses shut down. We had a difficult time getting support from the rest of the EU. Ever since, the establishment and governments of both Conte and Draghi have been easy targets to throw rocks at.”

     Why does crisis create such a unique opportunity for right-wing populists?      

     “Most research shows that conservative voters have a greater need for certainty and stability. When our society changes, conservatives are psychologically tuned to see this as a threat. So it’s far easier to unite those people against real changes or perceived threats, like energy crisis, inflation, food shortage, or immigrants,” says Alice Stollmeyer, executive director of Defend Democracy.

     And there are plenty of perceived threats for the populists to point fingers at right now.

     “Rising food and fuel prices, falling trust in democratic institutions, growing inequality, declining class mobility, and concerns over migration have created a sense of desperation that unscrupulous leaders can easily exploit,” says Nic Cheeseman, professor of democracy at the University of Birmingham, in central England.

     He believes the current combination of crisis is a “perfect storm for liberal democracy – and it will take far greater efforts from those who believe in inclusion, responsible government and human rights to weather it.”

     The fact that we are talking about this most recent wave of populism means that, by definition, we have seen right-wing populists reach power before and we have seen them defeated. Why, then, is the prospect of another wave so alarming to those who oppose it?

     “The paradox of populism is that it often identifies real problems but seeks to replace them with something worse,” says Federico Finchelstein, a leading expert in populism and author of the book “From Fascism to Populism in History.”

     “The failures of political elites an institutions, they seek to replace with powerful, cult-like leadership. Trump was a natural at it and he encouraged others like Erdogan, Bolsonaro and even Orban to go even further,” Finchelstein adds, referring to the authoritarian leaders of Turkey, Brazil and Hungary, where democratic norms have been seriously undermined in recent years.

     He also points out that populists are “on the whole very bad at running governments, as we saw with Trump and others during the pandemic.”

     That, in a nutshell is the potential danger of this populist wave. At a time of severe crisis, those claiming to have solutions might make everything a lot worse for the citizens they end up serving. And if things get worse, more crises are inevitable, which means more fear is inevitable, along with further opportunities for the populists.

     In Italy, it’s worth nothing that Meloni is just the latest – if the most extreme – in a long list of successful populist politicians. Those who succeeded before her and entered government became her targets in opposition.

     If Europe’s crisis cycle continues, then it’s plausible that in a few years from now we will be discussing the rise of another extreme populist exploiting the fears of citizens. And anyone who follows European politics closely knows only too well that hundreds of such people are waiting in the wings, emboldened and encouraged each time one of their tribe takes on the establishment and wins.”

Buffy the Vampire Slayer Season 6 episode 7- Once More, with Feeling – Where Do We Go From Here?

Kurosawa’s Rashomon film trailer

Guillermo del Toro’s Carnival Row

Feng Menglong’s Treasury of Laughs, by Feng Menglong, Hsu Pi-ching (Translator), Paolo Santangelo (Editor)

Escher’s Drawing Hands film by National Geographic

The Big Red Book, by Rumi, Coleman Barks (Translator)

The Glass Bead Game, by Hermann Hesse

The Master of Go, by Yasunari Kawabata, Edward G. Seidensticker (Translator)

The Birth of Tragedy, by Friedrich Nietzsche

Who Framed Roger Rabbit film trailer

Max, trailer for the film with John Cusack

‘Everyone, together, against fascism’: protests sweep Germany after exposé of AfD party’s deportation ‘masterplan

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/jan/21/germany-afd-party-deportation-masterplan-protests?CMP=share_btn_link

More than 100,000 protest across Germany over far-right AfD’s mass deportation meetings

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/jan/21/more-than-100000-protest-across-germany-over-far-right-afds-mass-deportation-meetings?CMP=share_btn_link

‘Will we leave things to the fascists?’: the activist aiming to revive Germany’s far-left party

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/jan/16/carola-rackete-activist-aiming-to-revive-germany-far-left-die-linke-party

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/dec/08/germany-assesses-credibility-of-rightwing-coup-plot-amid-further-arrests?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/dec/07/reichsburger-the-german-conspiracy-theorists-at-heart-of-alleged-coup-plot

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/dec/09/global-terrorism-racist-white-jihadism-far-right?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/dec/09/celebrity-chef-suspects-germany-rightwing-coup-plot-reichsburger?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.cnn.com/2022/09/24/europe/italy-meloni-populism-intl-cmd/index.html

German

21. Januar 2024 In Deutschland und ganz Europa erzeugt die Rückkehr des Faschismus seinen eigenen Widerstand, während die Polarisierung den Bruch des Staates einleitet

      Ein uralter Terror taucht aus den Schatten auf und verschlingt uns alle erneut, während Nazi-Erweckungsaktivisten in Italien, Deutschland, Ungarn, Spanien und anderswo sich ihren amerikanischen Kollegen in einem riesigen und zweideutigen Mehrfrontenkrieg gegen Demokratie, Menschenrechte und westliche Zivilisation anschließen.

     Aber der Einsatz sozialer Gewalt gehorcht Newtons drittem Bewegungsgesetz und schafft seinen eigenen Widerstand, wie wir letzte Woche bei den Massenaktionen gegen die faschistische Partei Alternative für Deutschland in Deutschland gesehen haben, und ein Held hat sich erhoben, um unsere Menschlichkeit zu verteidigen, die großartige Carola Rackete.

      Dies feiern wir, müssen aber auch vor den Gefahren eines ideologischen Bruchs und der Polarisierung des Staates warnen, der die Nationen durch ihre extremsten Elemente zum Querlenker macht. Wir können seine Auswirkungen und Folgen in Echtzeit untersuchen, während sie sich in Amerika und bei Wahlen weltweit abspielen.

      Es ist auch eine Rekapitulation des ideologischen Bruchs und der Spaltung der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands, die die einzige blockierende Kraft für den Aufstieg des Faschismus beseitigte; Dieser Prozess zerstörte auch die Students For A Democratic Society, die Black Panthers, die American Indian Movement und andere Organisationen des Befreiungskampfes in Amerika, die ständig vom FBI angegriffen wurden. und andere Institutionen des Staatsterrors und der Konterrevolution, die Attentate, Infiltration und Subversion einsetzten, um die Führung zu entfernen und Gruppenmitglieder mit falschen Gerüchten über Illoyalität gegeneinander aufzuhetzen.

      Eine solche gegen die Freiheit des Volkes geführte Konterrevolution wie der Diebstahl der Staatsbürgerschaft ist eine vorhersehbare Phase des revolutionären Kampfes, und es gibt nur eine Antwort auf diese Strategie der Marginalisierung, Spaltung, des Schweigens und Auslöschens, der Entmenschlichung und der Unterdrückung abweichender Meinungen; Solidarität.

      Stehen wir an der Seite derjenigen, die an unserer Seite stehen, und an der Seite derjenigen, die unsere Interessen im Bündnis teilen. Komme was wolle.

     Denn wir führen jetzt den letzten Kampf gegen den Faschismus, unter der gesamten Menschheit und auf der ganzen Welt, und der Preis unseres Scheiterns ist zu schrecklich, um darüber nachzudenken.

      Geben wir dem Faschismus und der Tyrannei die einzige Antwort, die sie verdienen; Nie wieder!

9. Dezember 2022 Bring On the Clowns; Ein Plan zur Eroberung des deutschen Staates scheitert. Diesmal.

      Eine absurde Verschwörung von Clowns wurde bei einem verderblichen Überfall der Polizei niedergeschlagen, die nur knapp den Massenterror und die Zerstörung eines Komplotts vermied, um den deutschen Staat zu erobern und ihn durch eine faschistische Monarchie zu ersetzen, eine Idee, die dem schurkischen verrückten Toon in Who Framed würdig ist Roger Hase.

      Das hätten viele über die Chancen eines gescheiterten Künstlers gesagt, Tyrann Deutschlands und beinahe Eroberer der Welt zu werden, und wir ignorieren solche Bedrohungen auf eigene Gefahr.

       Andere hätten dasselbe über einen Immobilienmogul und Reality-TV-Star gesagt, der Präsident der Vereinigten Staaten werden würde, oder über die Chancen des Verräters Trump, den Staat zu enthaupten und die Demokratie im Aufstand vom 6 keine Abrechnung gebracht, eine traurige Tatsache, die die Lüge der Gerechtigkeit in Amerika entlarvt, denn hier ist niemand wirklich gleich, und Gerechtigkeit bedeutet nur, wie viel Gerechtigkeit man durchsetzen oder kaufen kann.

       Amerika und die gesamte Menschheit schaffen viele solcher Figuren und Symptome von Systemversagen und der Gefahr eines Zusammenbruchs der Zivilisation durch das mechanische Versagen unserer inneren Widersprüche.

      Wir können solchen Zukünften mit den Zwillingsstrategien von Widerstand und Neugestaltung begegnen.

      Geben wir dem Faschismus und der Tyrannei die einzige Antwort, die sie verdienen; Nie wieder!

      Und lassen Sie uns die Systeme verändern, die uns verführt, gefangen und verraten haben.

      Am Ende zählt nur, was wir mit unserer Angst machen und wie wir unsere Kraft einsetzen. Machen Sie etwas Schönes mit Ihrem.                     

January 20 2024 On the Anniversary of My Mother’s Death

        On a night of terrible windstorms and roaring gales, full of strange sounds both animal and unearthly in her Las Vegas neighborhood full of performers and celebrities from the casino shows and their exotic pets, of fragments of forgotten stories and conversations with the dead, my mother won her last struggle to free herself from the limits of her form, emerging from an outworn body as a transcendent and radiant being into the limitless possibilities of the Infinite unknown.

     Wherever she may be, I hope there is laughter, joy, and dancing.

     Dancing was the great joy of her life in retirement, teaching and her beloved students that of her professional life, and the company of her family and friends a joy always.

     To all those who shared the journey of her life, I thank you and hope that in bringing joy to others you may also find your own such joys, whatever they may be.  

     The brokenness of the world and the flaws of our humanity is an immense sea of darkness, against which we have only the light we can give to each other.

      May we all of us by our actions become such lights for each other, and find illumination, hope, and the redemptive power of love in those moments of exaltation offered by others.

      These words I wrote four years ago on awakening from strange dreams to discover my mother had died, having come to help and spent some fine days with her in conversation.

     In rereading my writings on this event I have come to realize it is a Defining Moment, one which I have interrogated only in terms of the trauma of death and the shape of grief process.

    Four years later, I now discover that I am able to think of this also in terms of the joy my mother gave me. I now have a quantitative measure of the half life of my heart as it transforms over time.

       Like my father and myself, she was a high school English and Forensics teacher, and whenever students asked her if a thing was true or not, or asked for some pronouncement of interpretation of a book, current events, or political or religious ideologies, she held up her open hands and bounced them side to side, singing “Maybe, maybe not, Maybe, maybe not”. This was a demonstration of one of her Great Lessons, taken from a theatrical performance which included some of her students that toured America as The Reduced Shakespeare Company: The Complete Works of William Shakespeare Abridged Comedy; “We do not authorize truths, we question them. And there are no absolute truths.”

     Another such lesson regards the duty of witness and the sacred calling to pursue the truth; she would begin the first day of class each year with the story of how she asked questions about theology as a twelve year old girl in a private Catholic school until an enraged and brutally cruel nun broke her finger with a ruler, whereupon she got up from her desk and walked out forever from the school and the Church; then she would hold up her crooked finger to the class and say; “We are not silent. We question, we demand proof, we take no authority at their word.”

      Such was her art of education, and of becoming human.

      Who was she as a person, and a primary influence on me?

     First, she was funny, imaginative, empathetic, insightful, compassionate, and fearless in her performance of the Four Primary Duties of a Citizen; Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority.

      I rode on her shoulders when we seized the Palace of Justice, headquarters of the city police and courts, in San Francisco in 1968, and held her hand in the front line on Bloody Thursday 1969 in Peoples Park Berkeley when the police opened fire on the peace protest against the Occupation of Palestine. We worked together in the Sanctuary and Anti-Apartheid Movements of the 1980’s and many other actions including the Liberation of Palestine and of Northern Ireland, that last being why she named my sister Erin, and she marched in protests until her final years, the very last in the 2017 Women’s March to save Roe Versus Wade and the right of bodily autonomy and to protest the inauguration of Traitor Trump and his capture of the state as a fascist theocratic patriarchy.

     She wrote jokes for comedians including Phyllis Diller, a study of psychosomatic muteness from the childhood therapy journals and Soviet hospital records of Jerzy Kosinski which he had fictionalized as The Painted Bird, a master’s thesis on Coleridge’s Rhyme of the Ancient Mariner, and sold a short story she wrote about me, Little Bear Looks, to Maurice Sendak because I wanted to see it illustrated, which became a popular book and television series. Always writing she was, and curious about everything. As a child I would ask her for stories with Oulipo-like parameters; she often spoke of my request “Tell me a story about an alligator, and make it rhyme.”

     From her I learned to write, to organize political action, and to cook; she was a chef of the French and Viennese cuisine of the old Austro-Hungarian Empire as a family legacy, an enthusiast of Greek and Russian cuisine, and of the wild game recipes passed down from my great grandmother Appolonia

who was a hunting guide.

    My love and receptivity for languages is a legacy from my mother and her family; here I must tell Apollonia’s story as told to me by my mother of how Jewish people saved our family, when no one else would, and without whom none of us would have ever lived.

     Upon the docks of America arrived a nine year old girl, alone and without a penny to her name or a word of English. A stranger, with no one waiting to meet her, no family, no friends, nothing. My maternal great grandmother Apollonia this was, with flaming red hair like my mother’s, whose family had put her on a ship to escape from Austria as their home burned, the sole survivor of her whole town so far as we now know.

      She wandered the port of Seattle asking for help, in her five languages and in descending likelihood of recognition; French, Austrian, Hungarian, Serbo-Croatian, and finally, in despair and fear that the reaction would be far worse than being abandoned to starve and freeze to death lost and alone among strangers, Yiddish.

      This like a magic spell summoned a crowd, by happy chance not one armed with torches and axes. So a stranger was taken in and raised by Jewish people, a family of whom I know nothing, and thus our family’s survival is owed to the entire Jewish community and people.

        This happened in 1873, year of the glorious Vienna World’s Fair but also the stock market crash in the wake of the Franco-Prussian War which began a twenty year Depression in Europe and the Jewish persecutions as they were blamed for it; also conflicts between the Russian and Ottoman Empires in their borderlands.

      She it was who owned her own rifles and horses by the age of sixteen when she began her career as a hunting guide, and died in the saddle at the age of 95, rifle in her hand, having shot the bear that attacked her horses and killed her. The Indians buried her like the Huns buried Attila, on her horse and with her rifle, like a warrior princess.

      I was born within days of her death, and as with all ancestors I bear her onward, literally as DNA and the stories which possess us as the ghosts of other lives; incarnated truths written in our flesh. As a child I claimed to be her reincarnation, until around sixth grade or age twelve I realized how absurd this idea was.

     Historical context and the fact that my ancestor in the maternal line knew Yiddish makes it possible that under Jewish law we are Jews, though my mother never claimed so and moreover was a radical atheist who raised us with no religious traditions at all. In so doing the family faith she liberated herself from was Catholicism, an artifact of her Austrian paternal line who were exiles of the 1919 fall of the Hapsburg Empire after 600 years.

     My mother’s speech was permeated with Yiddish words and phrases, a legacy of my maternal great grandmother; my maternal grandfather was the source of the family German, actually Wienerisch or the Viennese dialect of Austro-Bavarian, combined with the French-influenced Schönbrunner Deutsch of the imperial court. This was the home language of my mother’s family, though grandpa knew Latin, taught himself English, and to various degrees knew other languages of the Austrian Empire including Hungarian, Romanian, Ukrainian, Croatian, the Romance language Venetian and its Triestino dialect, and could speak Russian and Polish well enough to do business in their communities here in America.

      As a teenager immersed in Holocaust literature while working through the trauma of a near death experience in Brazil the summer before high school, my  execution by a police death squad while rescuing abandoned street children they were bounty hunting having been prevented by the Matadors, and conversations with my mother as she wrote her study of psychosomatic muteness from the Soviet medical records and childhood therapy journal of Jerzy Kosinski which he fictionalized as The Painted Bird, I once asked her directly, Are we Jews?

      To this she replied; “Everyone is a Jew. Everyone is someone’s Jew, someone’s scapegoat, someone’s Other. The great task of becoming human is to embrace our uniqueness as we overcome our fear of otherness.”

       On this theme a final story for now, Among my earliest memories is watching the burning cross my town set on fire on the front lawn of newlyweds, a Dutch Reformed Church man and a Swiss Calvinist girl, which the town was calling a mixed marriage because they were members of different churches, though both white Protestants speaking forms of German. It was like a carnival; I asked a neighbor boy why they were setting fires and he said “We’re punishing the bad people”.

     Then I asked my mom, “Are they bad people?”

      She said no, and pointed at the crowd with torches, “These are the bad people. And they are always our enemies, yours and mine.”

     My next question was, “Why are they bad?”

      And she forever simplified a complex set of issues for me with her answer; “Because they want to make everyone the same.”

       As I wrote in my post of May 10 2020, On Life Disruptive Events As Gateways of Illumination, and Happy Mother’s Day; The tide crashes in, overwhelming what has been and become familiar, chaotic and ferocious, and we are devastated in that moment as our castles in the sand vanish like illusions that never were, and only emptiness remains.

     The tide recedes, revealing wonders; for what is left behind is always extraordinary even if it is commonplace, for it is ours, and unique, belonging to whoever finds and cherishes it.

     So with our memories over vast chasms of time; each has its own moment and in this endless impermanence of being some events become defining moments and leap across the boundaries of time and space, of our world and ourselves, to reorganize and awaken us like the unpredictable illumination of a lightning strike.

     Awake and seize the terror and rapture of our totalizing disruption and sudden realization of nothingness, not in fear and despair at our loss of what we have known and been, but in joy and absolute freedom in who we may become.

     Notes on the Composition:

     As to form, my intention is to present the afore displayed poem on the left column in Jesuit dialectical journal format, side by side with the interpretive and narrative material which follows on the right, an old habit of mine when writing with a pen to give a full and daily report of my witness of history. In a responsive digital format, its easier to read on a mobile device as a single text block, as it is here.

     Once again I find myself contemplating Gaston Bachelard’s description of sounds as shells of speech, coquilles au parole, as I have throughout my life when the realm of the senses and that of meaning and value seen incongruent and discontiguous, like a shadow moving as a living thing independently from the object which casts it, an echo which changes the meaning of its source and returns our words to us in strange languages, a reflection which distorts, falsifies, and reshapes our images in a recursive wilderness of funhouse mirrors.

     Identity is like the seashells found along a beach; each one a history expressed in their form of how its bearer solved problems of adaptation and growth over time. Such structures protect us, but also limit us, and like the wise beings who create the shells we admire, we must learn when to cast them aside and create ourselves anew.

     Death of our loved ones is the ultimate disruptive event; today I celebrated Mother’s Day having lost mine at the start of this year, with my partner Theresa and her dad Gene for whom I often cook dinner, she also having lost her mother and he his wife of 66 years only two years past. Yet with our shared grief there was also the strength of our bond as a family, humor, wit, and the anchorages of common memories.

     On Mother’s Day we celebrate the redemptive and transformative power of love, and our interconnectedness with others through successive generations and our families and communities both natural to us and chosen by us.

     May we all find the people through whom we can recreate ourselves as the person we want to become, and for whom we can empower and help actualize the same liberation.

       What is death? I once told my mother, after returning from long moments most sincerely dead after the police grenade whose force wave hurled me from my body on Bloody Thursday 1969 and my vision of our myriad possible futures as I stood outside of time; “Don’t be afraid. Death is nothing; nothing but awakening from an illusion.”

     Of late I have begun to think of death as a defining negative space within the dark mass of the Absurd of all the things we have not claimed as ours and all the hopes and dreams we have not made real by our actions. As I wrote in my post of June 1 2021, Death is a Secret Twin; Death is a secret twin which shares our face but not our dreams which lift and exalt us beyond the limits of our flesh, so he must steal the echoes and reflections of ours, a thing of shadows filled with secret histories, unspoken truths, unsworn oaths, thousands of myriads of loyalties to private loves and desires betrayed by our failures to make them live and become real by action.    

     Death is the terror of all that we may have been but did not become, the loss of our disconnectedness and the emptiness of meaning in a world where love cannot redeem us, the grief for beauty which loses context when it is no longer shared and is lost with the fragments of memories which like the genie of perfume escape their bottle to trigger moments out of time and then evanesce like the ghost of a beloved hand which no longer grasps ours back.

     We are tattered and broken things, our secret shadows and ourselves, who live in the incandescent now with these repositories of our beautiful dreams and our terrible nightmares, bearing them on into eternity; for this is the great secret of being, that our best selves are formed of all we would deny and keep hidden, and which live beyond us as figures of our glorious sins. 

     Death is an ambush predator made of our histories, memories, and identities, which must steal these things to become real in the moment of our awakening into its realm of beautiful and terrible dreams, a realm of true being beyond the illusions of our lives which bears names including the Bardo in Tibetan Buddhism and the alam al mythal in Islam, called by Coleridge the Primary Imagination and by Jung the Collective Unconscious, and waits to seize us unawares and carry us off to eternity while it replaces us like a faery changeling with the image of our unrealized hopes and unexpressed desires.

     Death is a unique and personal demon created by our denial of ourselves, a parasite which destroys its host and operates through a process of falsification like the distorted and captured images in a wilderness of funhouse mirrors, but it can become instead a symbiote, a terrible and monstrous guardian spirit and a guide of the soul which speaks from within our greatest darkness with Forbidden wisdom, like a remora borne by a shark on its journeys through chasms of the unknown not as its nemesis and conqueror but as a servant which grooms from us that which we must cast down from the thrones of our hearts; we humans and our silent and unseen partners the angels of our deaths whom we must wrestle not for victory, for everything in life is more powerful than we are, but to become Unconquered in resistance and free.

     Thus may we bear without breaking the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world, become greater and more real and alive than we were born, transcend the limits of our form, and become sublimed as figures of our truths in Sartrean total freedom and authenticity as an art of life, for all true art defiles and exalts.

     Here is a faith which asks us to renounce nothing and embrace our true selves, to reimagine and transform ourselves; and offers a path of working with grief process and death transcendence not of control of our passions and dominion of nature, but as seizure of power and autonomy, of the embrace and celebration of our wildness as beings of nature and of those truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh. 

    Let us embrace our monstrosity and say of this secret twin who knows no limits and is free as Prospero says of Caliban in Act V, Scene 1 of William Shakespeare ’s The Tempest; “This thing of darkness I acknowledge mine.”

    How shall we answer death and the terror of our nothingness? Let us challenge and defy such death, and while it waits to claim us with its cold hand of entropy and unraveled time we must seize and shake our shadow and secret twin of longing to become, transgress the boundaries of the Forbidden and perform our best selves, our hopes and our desires, as a guerilla theatre of identities upon the stage of the world in fearless grandeur, and let nothing be lost or remain untested among the limitless possibilities of becoming human.

     Let us answer death as Bringers of Chaos and Transformation, and make of our world and humankind a thing of beautiful, terrible truths written in our flesh, and of our dreams and nightmares a brave new world.

       As I wrote in my post of January 20 2023, Some Thoughts On the Pandemic, the Fall of Democracy, and the Anniversary of My Mother’s Death; We are a nation which like humankind is united only by our shared public trauma and our grief; by the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world. The collapse of global democracy, which threatens centuries if not millennia of barbarism, genocides and wars, and an age of fascist tyranny now made more certain by yesterday’s refusal by our elected leaders to safeguard voting rights and the meaning of citizenship here in America, combines with ecological disasters and looming extinction of our species of which the pandemic is but a sign of nature’s fury, again driven by political decisions and our addiction to wealth and power conferred to us by dominion and control of fossil fuels as a strategic resource of hegemonic elites for whom these things are instruments of our subjugation as slave labor; such is the future to which we awake today.

       On this anniversary of my mother’s death after her long struggle against cancer, which began with her first of many surgeries in the fall of 1982 when I took over teaching her classes in high school on the first day of the new semester, with my sister Erin among the students in the Forensics class we began for her, I cannot escape the feeling that the many horrible deaths and the fracture of social systems which result from the pandemic and quarantine and have made open wounds of our modern pathology of disconnectedness are parallel and interdependent disruptive events with the ambiguous and tentatively incipient subversion and fall of our democracy.

      Like a nightmare from which we cannot awaken, the loss of our loved ones has been multiplied on a vast and incomprehensible scale, throughout the world and every stratum of society, leveling hierarchies and bridging divisions through shared trauma and grief as these disruptive natural and political events reveal the flaws of our systems and structures and suggest new and better ways of being human together.

     The Pandemic has claimed my partner Theresa’s father Gene and my sister Erin’s partner Tom, and untethered us from our connectedness, and from our anchorages with the cherished past. And this trauma has repeated endlessly, everywhere, and for everyone.  

      We have been given a vision of our dehumanization and our meaningless mass death and extinction; what are we going to do about it?

     When those who would enslave us come for us, as they always have and will, let them find neither an America nor a humankind submissive with learned helplessness nor divided by narratives of exclusionary otherness, but united in solidarity and refusal to submit to authority.

      As I wrote in my post of December 26 2021, Reflections During the After Party; As the festivities of a wonderfully out of control after party swirl around me with raucous and dissonant sounds and the silent hungers, unanswerable pain, and strange desires of our guests press upon me like living brands, I sit among my ghosts, dreaming their dreams, both those they lived and those yet to be realized.

     On such occasions as this, surrounded by feasts and family, I am also surrounded by chasms of darkness, loneliness, disconnection, and the voices and presences of the dead which interpenetrate my flesh with the shadows of their histories, literally in the case of our genetic code as transforms of messages about how to shape ourselves to the material world and its imposed conditions of revolutionary struggle to become human.

    We are bearers of stories, made of memories and histories which echo back through the numberless unknown lives of our ancestors as an unfolding of human intention and poetic vision, prochronisms or histories expressed in our form of how we have solved problems of adaptation like the shells of fantastic sea creatures, songs which reverberate through our lives as epigenetic informing, motivating, and shaping forces which are not unique to us but part of  an immense and incomprehensible wave of the limitless possibilities of becoming human, which can seize us with dreams of being, meaning, and value we ourselves cannot imagine.

     Such is the power of vision as reimagination and transformation, and the nature of our persona and identities as performances in a theatre of which, as Shakespeare teaches us, all the world is a stage. What is important is to ask, whose stage is it? In whose story do we perform our lives? For these questions direct us not to the subjugation to authority of learned helplessness, but to seizures of power and revolutionary struggle.

     How answer we the terrible pronouncement in MacBeth,

“Life’s but a walking shadow, a poor player

That struts and frets his hour upon the stage

And then is heard no more: it is a tale

Told by an idiot, full of sound and fury,

Signifying nothing.”

      How shall we answer the terror of our nothingness and the legacies of our history? I have but one reply; to gather and cherish my trauma and pain, and make something beautiful with it. Thus may we stand against the darkness, and remain unconquered.

    My answer to the suffering of the world is to give voice to the voices which have been stolen from us, the numberless generations of the silenced and the erased.

    Welcome and embrace your pain and the terror of our nothingness as sacred wounds which open us to the pain of others.

     Dance your demons before the stage of the world; go ahead, frighten the horses.

     Forge great beauty from the flaws of your humanity and the brokenness of the world, and wield it as an instrument of reimagination and transformation in glorious change.

     All true art defiles and exalts.

     As I wrote in my post of September 20 2021, The Doom of Man Pandemic Has Come to the Ball; As twin systemic failures and existential threats, the Pandemic and the disasters of climate change have exposed the faultiness of our civilization, and the terrible humanitarian crises of disease, fire, and floods have hammered us into strange and new forms and confronted us with our limits through death and life disruptive events.

     What can we learn from the Pandemic, and from death? 

     As public spaces empty, hospitals turn away patients for whom there are no beds, economies fail and both persons and nations sever the ties that bind us together in a global civilization and become islands unto themselves, and the modern pathology of disconnectedness and alienation becomes pervasive and institutionally reinforced in the wake of a great tide of fear and the terror of our nothingness, an emerging truth becomes clear; like the figure of the plague in Poe’s Masque of the Red Death, the Doom of Man Pandemic has come to the ball and no one is safe from its deadly embrace, not even the elites who had thought themselves beyond reach within the walls of their palaces.

    It is a disaster created by political decisions and the Gordian Knot of oil as a strategic resource of elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, privatization and plutocratic capitalism as instruments of authoritarian  hierarchies of membership and exclusionary otherness which are interdependent with divisions of identitarian racism and patriarchy, fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, and a carceral state of authoritarian force and control which manifests in police, prisons, borders, and universal surveillance and the falsifications of propaganda; and all of this combines as an engine of death and dehumanization to bring us ecological devastation and human extinction through climate change and the Pandemic.

     Nor will the current Pandemic, terrible though it is, be the last test of our social cohesion, mutual interdependence, and solidarity we will face; I expect it is but the first of many successive and worsening waves of plagues to hammer us.

     Our nation dies helplessly and alone in despair, like our loved ones whose breath and life are stolen by a disease of terror which need not have been unleashed, and the greatest horror is that they might have lived had they not been sacrificed in service to power. For each of us who has died has been murdered by Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, and his Party of Treason, Racism, Untruth, Misogyny, and Perversions as surely as if they had been delivered to the gas chambers of the Holocaust. Science denialism has been weaponized as a loyalty test in vaccine and mask denial, exactly like the suicide Kool-Aid that Jim Jones demanded his followers drink to prove their loyalty; the Fourth Reich of Trump and the Republican Party have betrayed their followers to their deaths, and possibly all of us with them.

     For disease has no borders and moves among us like an ambush predator wearing the faces of our family and friends, waiting its moment to strike with silent and unseen death.

     How can we respond to this existential threat? We must heal the failed systems from whence it comes.

     As I wrote in my post of June 24 2021, What Does the Pandemic Warn Us Of?; The limits of control, the lies and illusions of authoritarian states, and the weaponization of faith in technocratic elites as Plato’s philosopher kings combine in the Pandemic as a man made disaster of political failures to leverage change through destabilization of ossified and hollow forms of power. 

     The failures of humankind’s responses to the Pandemic are a measure of the distances we have between us and a free society of equals, between authoritarian and democratic societies.

     It is also a symptom of the mechanical failure of capitalism from its internal contradictions, like the widening gyre between social classes in the global precariat and the ponderous destabilization of the wealth of nations. Herein are direct consequences of privatization and the emergence of a corporate, oligarchic, and plutocratic elite as it frees itself from its host political systems and claims dominion over humankind.

     Ecological disaster and the imminent threat of human extinction, driven by political and economic failures, a direct result of our civilizational dependence on fossil fuels as a strategic resource of global dominion and elite wealth and power, can be read in the signs of the Pandemic and of fire and drought, storms and flood, which have seized the earth in the past few years.

     As we bid farewell to yet another summer of record heat waves and water scarcity, let us reflect on the year that may come in which the heat wave never subsides, but worsens, and the wells run dry. Such a time may now be inevitable, and we may have less than two decades in which to change our fate.

    If we are to survive, what must change?

     As I wrote in my post of February 23 2021, Origins of the Disaster: Elitism and Racist Inequalities and Injustices Drive Our Catastrophic Systems Failures in Our Responses to the Pandemic; Beyond the failures of our government and our economy of disaster capitalism which rig the game to serve the interests of power and wealth, there is the pervasive and endemic racism as the basis of both, the gorilla in the room of our legacy of historical injustices and inequalities like Klimt’s image of Typhoeus in the Beethoven Frieze, which reimagines Goya’s interpretation of a parallel myth in Saturn Devouring His Children, confronts us with a chthonic figure of America’s shadow self which we drag behind us like an invisible reptilian tail.

     There is no liberty for anyone unless there is equality for everyone.

     And like Klimt’s bestial rebel or Goya’s mad emperor, this power asymmetry and identitarian elitism creates authority and legitimates our subjugation by it, which in recursion authorizes identities and births tyrannies and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.

     Fear, power, force; here lies the heart of state tyranny and terror, racist police gun violence and white supremacist terror, vote suppression and the subversion of democracy, the falsification of ourselves through propaganda and the shaping of some of us into monsters with which to terrorize and control the others; but also of our plutocratic and oligarchic capitalist kleptocracy and the policies of deregulation and privatization which are directly responsible for the systemic failures of our responses to the Pandemic, and to its origins in ecological collapse and disaster capitalism.

          As so often, it was an observation by a friend which redirected my attention to what is important, in this case the need for shared rituals of grief; “We need mourning rituals for the dead and dying of this pandemic. Part of the soul fatigue is a failure to process grief.”

     As I wrote in the wake of my mother’s death from cancer, over a year ago now, On the Wisdom of Our Darkness and the Brokenness of the World; Grief, despair, and fear, the trauma of loss, the torment of loneliness, and the guilt of survivorship; the realm of our darkest and most negative passions immerses us in atavistic states with totalizing and tidal force.

     Life disruptive events can destabilize identity and realign personality, transform meanings and values, send shockwaves through our network of relationships, shift our worldview and unmoor us from the anchorages of our ideological paradigms and historical contexts.

     Such traumas confront us with the unfiltered face of our shadow self as a healing process, a transformative journey filled with dangers but also with the limitless possibilities of rebirth. As redirections of our momentum disruptive events force reflection and redefinition of ourselves as intentional choice; among them the death of a loved one is surely the most terrible.

     Overwhelming and painful as they may be, our negative emotions have adaptive value or we wouldn’t have developed them. How then do they help us survive? What is their purpose?

     Grief, especially but not exclusively, connects us with other people, opens us to the pain of others, and brings us to a renegotiation of the terms of ourselves and our lives.

     We are bound together by the flaws of our humanity, by our brokenness and our pain, by the fragile nature of our lives and our vulnerability to disruptive events.

     The negative emotions are a biosocial tax on individuals which in part serve to drive us together to meet threats collectively as societies united in the cause of our survival, wherein the costs are shared among distributed resources. This is the origin of altruism; humans are designed to help each other. Each of us is marked by our nature as our brother’s keeper.

      Far from wholly destructive, our darkness can be growth oriented and creative; destruction may be read as liberation and Chaos as the adaptive potential of a system.

     Our darkness whispers, embrace your passion and your true self, and be reborn.

     Passions of both light and darkness can act as warning buoys as we navigate into the future and the unknown; they can also illuminate and provoke us to abandon the known and discover new possibilities. Joy and sorrow, as with all our myriad passions, come as balanced pairs which help us process events by leveraging change.

     Who then shall we become? Asks our self of surfaces, images, and masks which each moment negotiates our boundaries with others. 

     To which our secret self, the self of darkness and of passion, the self that lives beyond the mirror and knows no limits, unbound by time and space and infinite in possibilities, replies; Who do you want to become? 

Meta’s memorial website:

     My mother Meta, here with her beloved Belgian grip sword which she used in the Hungarian liberation struggle of 1956. Among other things she and our father smuggled dissidents including members of the Hungarian Olympic fencing team to freedom from behind the Iron Curtain

En Garde!

Dancing on the Beach

Mom and I in 2018 on her 80th birthday, at her home in Las Vegas

The Reduced Shakespeare Company: The Complete Works of William Shakespeare Abridged Comedy

Her Last Great Cause: women’s rights of bodily autonomy, equality, and citizenship

https://www.womensmarch.com/

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2017_Women%27s_March

Her lifelong political party membership: Peace and Freedom Party, California’s Feminist Socialist Political Party

https://peaceandfreedom.us/

Little Bear stories

https://www.goodreads.com/series/49718-little-bear

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Little_Bear_(TV_series)

January 18 2024 The Magic Mountain: Who Shall We Become, We Humans?

    Here in the alpine mists of Switzerland, the Davos conference re-enacts the Socratic dialogs of The Magic Mountain, the madness and unraveling of our systems and structures of power, the disruption and fracture of our ideologies,  the limits of human being, meaning, and values in processes of chaotization, and the collapse of civilization from the mechanical failures of its internal contradictions are performed once again, as they were during the War to End All Wars.

     In the words of Thomas Mann in Death In Venice; “Solitude produces originality, bold & astonishing beauty, poetry. But solitude also produces perverseness, the disproportionate, the absurd, and the forbidden.”

     Of all the great issues of the day which may annihilate or redeem us taken up by the pontificating of the luminaries at Davos, the existential threats of our successors the Artificial Intelligences, the realpolitck appeals for solidarity of Zelenskiy,  the fascist dogwhistles of Milei, one great question underlies them all; shall we be a United Humankind dedicated to guarantee each other’s universal human rights, or shall we fracture and divide into identitarian nationalist empires and dominions warring for control of our failing resources?

     As I have written of Thomas Mann in celebration of his birthday; The Magic Mountain recasts Plato’s Dialogues as a forum of modern ideologies in a hospital ward for the dying, a kind of Congress of Possible Nations. Herein Thomas Mann diagnoses and explores the malaise and rebirth of civilization. His major influences include Goethe, Nietzsche, Schopenhauer, Wagner, and Tolstoy. In his 1939 Princeton lecture Thomas Mann discussed the idea that his novel belongs to a quest tradition, which makes its hero a type of the Grail Knight, Parsifal; and suggests an awareness of Emma Jung’s work on the subject. 

     As in the tale of the Fisher King in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, the Wasteland period of Lancelot’s madness and his recovery and regeneration of the land, and the Grail Quest itself, The Magic Mountain is an allegory of the fall and rebirth of civilization and of humanity.

       In Death in Venice the progress of the plague mirrors that of the narrator’s moral degeneration and psychological dissolution as he becomes unmoored by an impossible Beauty and begins to drift away. It is a hauntingly beautiful elegy of the Ideal and a critique of Platonic Romanticism; Nabokov took up its themes and devices for his great novel Lolita, a denunciation of the idealism that led to his father’s execution by the communists.

     Together Mann and Nabokov are among our civilization’s finest conservatives, in the best sense of conserving the values and ideas that have enabled us to adapt to changes and survive. For Beauty as an ideal is here corruptive of its own values, consuming itself as a leprous disease as Venice is consumed by the plague of its lost glory. And all ends in decadence and in death.

    How very Wagnerian- yet there is hope. Once all the evils have escaped Pandora’s Box, there is a last gift left inside, an unexpected surprise, and from this source do all things awaken renewed.

     To behold the impossible is a shattering, transformative event, fascinans and tremendum in Latin or wonder and terror, but also one which connects us with the Infinite and with one another. The quest of Thomas Mann to find a path forward to the rebirth of civilization, to resolve and transcend the internal paradoxes and dichotomies of history which led to its destruction and the subversion of democracy by fascist tyranny and communist totalitarianism, offers its own solution; life requires not stability, but growth.

      We require a dynamically unstable, chaotic and living system, multiplying possibilities and reflecting alternatives infinitely; order, but as a child of chaos within the context of adaptation and change. A conserving force, and a revolutionary force; what Nietzsche writing in The Birth of Tragedy called the Apollonian and the Dionysian as a primal dyad.

         We live within the dying Venice of Thomas Mann, the Wasteland of T.S. Eliot, and the opera of Richard Wagner; ours too is a madness conferred by the sin of avarice, a compulsion to possess which destroys the thing we desire like the antiheroes of Nabokov and Mann, allegories of capitalist cannibalism of the earth in parallel with patriarchal and racist cannibalism of each other which is driving humankind to extinction. We are the lost souls trapped on Gericault’s Raft of the Medusa; a small reproduction of which looms over my desk like a Sword of Damocles as a reminder of the stakes for which we fight.

    I hope that we may yet escape the fires of our destruction, and like a phoenix emerge from this time of trial and forge of our humanity reborn.

Death in Venice film

https://ok.ru/video/2146122992244

The Green Knight film montage

The Magic Mountain, Thomas Mann

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/88077.The_Magic_Mountain?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_18

The Waste Land, T.S. Eliot

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/34080.The_Waste_Land

The Grail Legend, Emma Jung, Marie-Louise von Franz

The Birth of Tragedy / The Case of Wagner, Friedrich Nietzsche

Lolita, Vladimir Nabokov

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/7604.Lolita

A History of the World in 10½ Chapters, Julian Barnes

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/43980.A_History_of_the_World_in_10_Chapters?ref=nav_sb_ss_4_24

Climate, chaos and war fill a doomy agenda at Davos

https://www.theguardian.com/business/2024/jan/13/davos-world-economic-forum-climate-chaos-war?CMP=share_btn_link

Zelenskiy tells Davos chiefs: ‘Strengthen our economy, we will strengthen your security

https://www.theguardian.com/business/2024/jan/16/zelenskiy-tells-davos-chiefs-strengthen-our-economy-we-will-strengthen-your-security?CMP=share_btn_link

Davos day two: Argentina’s Milei claims the western world is in danger from socialism

https://www.theguardian.com/business/live/2024/jan/17/davos-day-two-rachel-reeves-ceos-blinken-guterres-macron-milei-ukraine-iran-business-live?CMP=share_btn_link

        Thomas Mann: a reading list

Thomas Mann’s Death in Venice: A Novella and Its Critics, by Ellis Shookman

Thomas Mann’s The Magic Mountain: A Reader’s Guide, by Rodney Symington

Essays on Thomas Mann, by György Lukács

Thomas Mann’s War: Literature, Politics, and the World Republic of Letters,

by Tobias Boes

 Thomas Mann and Friedrich Nietzsche: Eroticism, Death, Music, and Laughter,

by Caroline Joan S. Picart

Georg Lukacs and Thomas Mann, by Judith T. Marcus

Sympathy for the Abyss: A Study in the Novel of German Modernism: Kafka, Broch, Musil, and Thomas Mann, by Stephen D. Dowden

January 19 2024 The Trial of Israel and America’s Complicity in Genocide and Other Crimes Against Humanity

     Why has America historically been the lone holdout among nations to refuse to enforce the Genocide Conventions?

     Herein the crimes of Israel and of all nations complicit in the Final Solution of the Palestinian Problem and the atrocities of the Gaza War and the Occupation are shadowed by the legacies of our history in the Conquest and slavery, and the fear of hegemonic elites and systems of unequal power of facing a Reckoning.

     Let us bring the Reckoning, for only by confronting our own complicity can we free ourselves from systems of dehumanization, and find new paths to a future in which we are not each others captors, but each others liberators.

     As written by Julian Borger in The Guardian, in an article entitled ICJ case against Israel could finally empower the genocide convention: South Africa’s claim of genocide in Gaza is only the second time a state has tried to litigate the perceived atrocities of another; “Just a month after its 75th anniversary, the genocide convention could be entering a new age of greater relevance as the international court of justice convenes in The Hague to consider the Israel-Gaza war.

     The Court of Justice will examine on January 11 and 12 a request from South Africa that Israel is engaging in genocidal acts against the Palestinian people in Gaza and failing in its fundamental obligations under the convention

     South Africa has brought a case to the ICJ accusing Israel of committing genocide in its military response to the 7 October Hamas attack that killed hundreds of Israeli civilians. The South African case includes references to the Israeli use of blanket bombing and the cutting of food, water and medicine supplies to Gaza.

     “The acts are all attributable to Israel, which has failed to prevent genocide and is committing genocide in manifest violation of the genocide convention,” the case states.

    Israel has signalled its determination to rebuff the charges, which Tel Aviv and Washington have rejected as baseless. It could take the court years to make a ruling, but it could also issue “provisional measures” requiring actions, like a ceasefire, to mitigate the risk of genocide.

     The Israeli government could ignore the measures, but to do so would cause enormous reputational harm and loss of influence on the world stage for Israel and its principal backer, the US.

     The intervention by South Africa, a state not involved in or directly harmed by the war in Gaza, is extremely rare, but it is not the first. The precedent was created by the Gambia, when it took Myanmar to the ICJ in 2019 accusing it of genocide against the Rohingya.

     In 2021 the court imposed provisional measures on Myanmar, requiring the junta to direct its forces not to commit genocide, and to preserve all relevant evidence. The next year, the ICJ panel of judges decided by 15 votes to one (the Chinese judge was the lone dissenter) that the Gambia had the right to bring the case under an erga omnes obligation laid down by the genocide convention, meaning that it is the duty of an individual state towards the international community as a whole.

     Savita Pawnday, the executive director at the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, an NGO, said: “[the] Gambia taking Myanmar to the ICJ for its violations under the obligations of the genocide convention opened the gate for what is happening now with South Africa taking Israel to court. I think that is a fantastic step in addressing the climate of impunity that has operated for decades.”

     Before the Gambian precedent, the ICJ had rarely considered genocide issues. In 2007, the court ruled that Serbia had failed to prevent the 1995 genocide at Srebrenica in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a case of a victim taking an alleged perpetrator to court, but it has never yet held a state responsible for the commission of genocide. A case brought by Ukraine against Russia in February 2022 continues.

     Genocide convictions have been passed down by other courts, like The Hague war crimes tribunals for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia, and the international criminal court has jurisdiction in genocide cases, but those courts pursue trials of individuals and after the fact, when the dead are already buried.

     The ICJ rules on state responsibility and can take steps to prevent genocide. Prevention was certainly the aspiration in 1948 behind the convention when the UN general assembly adopted it in Paris, in the aftermath of the second world war and the Holocaust.

     Arguably more than any other international convention, it was the work of one person, Raphael Lemkin, a Polish Jewish lawyer who had sought refuge from the Nazis in the US. In 1944, Lemkin coined the term “genocide” for what Winston Churchill had called a “crime without a name”, and spent the immediate postwar years on a one-man lobbying campaign in the newly formed United Nations.

     However, that personal victory was tainted by his failure to convince the US Congress to ratify the convention. The Senate refused even to hear him speak, and raised objections that such a law could leave the US vulnerable to prosecutions for the destruction of the Native Americans and for segregation.

     Lemkin died in 1959, impoverished and almost forgotten. Seven people came to his funeral. He ended his life in disappointment as he had seen ratification as vital for the convention to take flight. In his view, only the US had the power and international standing to enforce the convention and make it a global norm.

     The Senate did not ratify until 1988, and it took a major gaffe to make it happen. Three years earlier, Ronald Reagan had attended a ceremony at a cemetery in Bitburg, Germany, only discovering later that 49 members of the Waffen-SS were buried there.

     Reagan had previously been uninterested in pushing ratification of the genocide convention, but the White House hurriedly reversed course in an effort to regain trust from Jewish Americans. A government lawyer who had written a paper advocating ratification, Harold Koh, got an urgent call.

     “Suddenly, I was told to bring our advice about the genocide convention to the White House so that they could bring it out that day,” Koh said. “I drove up in my car and this guy in a military uniform came out and grabbed it from me and I said to myself: why is this guy wearing a military uniform if he’s in the NSC [national security council]?”

     The man in uniform was Col Oliver North, who would later be convicted for felonies related to the Iran-Contra scandal linking the White House to human rights abusers in both Nicaragua and Iran, making North an embodiment of the risk of hypocrisy facing any state seeking to wield international humanitarian law against another.

     When the Senate did ratify the convention, it also made genocide a crime under US law, but it blocked the route to the ICJ. It loaded the ratification with caveats that stipulated the US could not be taken to court without its government’s consent. By the principle of reciprocity, any state it took to the court could claim the same protection.

     David Scheffer, who was the first US ambassador-at-large for war crimes issues, said: “Other countries are forging ahead with the genocide convention so I don’t think the US posture with its reservation to be too damaging. It is just unfortunate as we need to be able to use and participate in the genocide convention as a powerful tool of law enforcement.”

     Like the US, other big powers have been reluctant to take other states to the ICJ for fear of being pursued in the court themselves or facing accusations of hypocrisy.

     In 1994, Human Rights Watch tried to persuade governments to take Iraq to court for the mass killings of Kurds, but the capitals it approached wanted a European power to take the lead, and no European state was willing.

     That deadlock has now been broken by the Gambia and South Africa deciding to take the initiative. Even if the ICJ does pass down provisional measures, it is more than probable that Israel will ignore them, but Kate Ferguson, the co-founder of the human rights advocacy group Protection Approaches, argues the effort would still not be in vain.

      “Will it be enough to stem the tide of atrocity crimes? No, of course not,” she said. “But if more states can stand up and fulfil their state obligations under the convention, that can only be a good thing.”

     What crimes against humanity is Israel committing in Gaza, as part of its official policies of state terror in this campaign of ethnic cleansing and genocide? As written by Andre Damon in the World Socialist Web Site, in an article entitled Al Jazeera documents more mass summary executions by Israeli troops; “With each passing day, there is growing evidence that Israeli troops are functioning as mobile mass execution parties in Gaza.

     On Thursday, Al Jazeera published video interviews of residents of an apartment building in Gaza City, where residents said Israeli troops systematically tortured and executed 15 men. 

    Heba Selem, a witness, stated: “They stripped them of their clothes except for their boxers and forced them to lay on their stomachs on the floor. They started to execute the men on the floor. They didn’t leave anyone. I swear to God, they turned the entire place into a bloodbath.

     “It’s a day you can’t forget, I can’t forget it.” Her husband was killed during the execution.

     “After they tortured my husband in front of us and they broke his jaw, and beat up his face, they beat him until his arms were bleeding. They stripped all the men, tortured them, and humiliated them, then executed them. That all happened while we watched.”

     Al Jazeera quoted William Schabas, professor of international law at Middlesex University, as saying the footage would constitute evidence of war crimes at the International Criminal Court. “I should add that it’s not really important to demonstrate that they’re civilians. Summary executions even of fighters, even of combatants is a war crime,” he told the news outlet.

     In a subsequent interview, Muhammad Shehada, chief of programs and communications of the Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, told Al Jazeera that there is a pattern of “systematic” killing in Gaza.

     “In at least 13 of field executions, we corroborated that it was arbitrary on the part of the Israeli forces,” he said, adding: “We believe that the IDF [Israel Defense Forces] has dropped restraint in its conduct in Gaza, enabling soldiers to confidently conduct these atrocities, without fear of accountability, which is why we’re seeing them in multiple neighborhoods and parts of the Gaza Strip.”   

     On December 20, the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) published a report alleging that Israeli forces carried out a mass execution of civilians in northern Gaza, separating 11 men from their families and summarily shooting them.

     In its December 20 report, the OHCHR in the Occupied Palestinian Territories said it “has received disturbing information alleging that Israel Defense Forces (IDF) summarily killed at least 11 unarmed Palestinian men in front of their family members in Al Remal neighborhood, Gaza City, which raises alarm about the possible commission of a war crime.”

     The UN agency wrote: “On 19 December 2023, between 2000 and 2300 hours, IDF reportedly surrounded and raided Al Awda building, also known as the ‘Annan building,’ in Al Remal neighborhood, Gaza City, where three related families were sheltering in addition to Annan family.”

     Neither Al Jazeera’s latest revelations, nor the reports by the United Nations and Euro-Med, have been reported by the US and European media, which have largely dropped any systematic coverage of the genocide.

     In a briefing, White House National Security spokesperson John Kirby denied that Israel was carrying out “deliberate” war crimes.

     A journalist asked: “Yesterday, Mexico, and Chile requested the International Criminal Court to investigate potential crimes against civilians in Gaza. Any reaction?”

     Kirby replied: “We don’t have any indications that there’s deliberate, deliberate efforts to commit war crimes by the Israeli Defense Forces.”

     Kirby declared: “Currently, of course, we’re rightly focused on making sure Israel has what it—continues to has—have what it needs to defend itself.”

     As Washington doubled down on its defense of Israel’s war crimes, the US further expanded its war in the Middle East.

     On Friday, the US carried out yet another strike on Yemen, marking the sixth such strike in 10 days. Kirby claimed that the “pre-emptive” attacks were taken in “self-defense.”

     Kirby threatened to launch more strikes, declaring: “They continue to have offensive capability, and they still continue to be willing to use it.” He added: “We also have plenty of defense capability available to us, and we continue to use it as well.”

     These continuous, daily attacks on Yemen make clear that the United States has launched yet another endless war in the Middle East, centrally targeting Iran, as part of its global military offensive aimed at Russia and China.

     According to the Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, 32,246 people have been killed in Gaza since October 7, with 62,234 people injured. A staggering 1.95 million people are displaced.

     The United Nations reported Friday: “Between the afternoons of 18 and 19 January, according to the Ministry of Health (MoH) in Gaza, 142 Palestinians were killed, and another 278 people were injured.”

     Euro-Med said 72,440 homes in Gaza have been fully destroyed, and 190,250 homes have been partially destroyed.

     According to the World Health Organization, most of Gaza’s hospitals have completely stopped functioning, while the 15 remaining hospitals are operating at up to three times their capacity.

     Last week, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared that Israel will continue its onslaught on Gaza in defiance of international law. “Nobody will stop us—not The Hague, not the [Iranian-led] axis of evil and not anybody else,” Netanyahu said.”

     So far we are from ourselves and our solidarity with each other as a free society of equals who are guarantors of each other’s humanity, from our duty of Tikkun Olam or repair of the world and of healing the flaws of our humanity, from the Jewish culture which produced Elie Weisel’s The Trial of God to this tragic moment in which we have abandoned our ideas of universal human rights in service to power.

     From where does violence, war, and the social use of force arise? Often I have written of the Wagnerian Ring of Fear, Power, and Force as recursive processes of dehumanization, rooted in the need for security according to Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs, and of the inherent contradictions of power which both creates its own resistance as predicted in Newton’s Third Law of Motion and leads to the inevitable collapse of the institutions of law and order imposed by authority, because security is an illusion, law serves power, order appropriates, and there is no just authority.

     Power is seductive, and subversive of its own values; the siren call of the genie in the lamp, who whispers “Set me free, and I’ll make you powerful.” I understand the need to escape the terror of powerlessness and become the arbiter of virtue, the drive to dominate which is written into our flesh at the cellular and genetic levels, and the Calculus of Fear which is the basis of human exchange. As my father once told me; “Politics is the Art of Fear. We must be its masters, or be instead its slaves.”

     To which I replied; “A world of masters and slaves? This I do not accept. I will find an escape from this empire of fear.” Such has been my mission, in the fifty years since that conversation in 1974 in the wake of my actions in Brazil to rescue street children from police death squads, and today.

     It was the Incident of the Bubble Gum which brought the disciplines of fencing and martial arts into my life as seizures of power over fear, and changed how I was raised and who I became as a scholar and warrior.

      As a nine year old I spent recess at elementary school either playing chess with the Principal in his office, reading in the library, or experimenting with the chemistry set in the lab, which doubtless seemed unfriendly and aloof to the other children whom I failed to play with. I had not yet come to the realization that I was a thing of otherness, nothing like my peers or near to normal, and needed to simulate it performatively if I was to survive.

     Someone retaliated by putting gum on my seat, which I found insulting, so during the next recess I poured some chemicals in bottles marked with a skull and crossbones down the spigot of the drinking faucet, reasoning that water pressure would let them pool in the u-tube just below so that everyone who went for a drink of water after playing at recess would get a dose. That afternoon half a dozen kids were outside throwing up, and I felt not triumph but horror, because I realized I could have unintentionally killed everyone. I told my father about it that night.

    To this my father replied; “You have discovered politics; this is about fear as the basis of human exchange and relationships. Most importantly, it is about power and the use of force.

     Fear is an untrustworthy servant and a terrible master; those who use it to subjugate others are motivated by fear themselves, and if you can show them you do not fear them they will be afraid of you, and you can use it as a lever to win dominance.

     Fear is a ground of struggle. Fear precedes power. So, whose instrument will it be?

     Fear, power, and the use of social force are balanced with the need to belong. Membership, too, is a means of exchange. Sometimes its best to do what others do to fit in, but it isn’t always best, and it can be very wrong.

     Best is to discover what’s best for you, no matter how different that is, and find belonging on your own terms and no one else’s. Even if you have to create that community yourself.

      What you need now is a way to confront people directly when you’re upset with them that doesn’t cause more harm than it solves.”

      So my father described to me Sartrean authenticity and freedom as an escape from the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force as a philosophy of total Resistance.   

     It is a lesson Israel and much of humankind has yet to learn. And learn we must, because fear, power, and force feed on each other and become all-encompassing, consuming us as its host until we are nothing, sacrifices to The Nothing that is power.

      And one day, after centuries of tyranny and imperial wars of dominion and identitarian politics fought with weapons of unimaginable terror, the world awakens without humankind, or anything to behold our greatness or to wonder what hideous monstrosities annihilated themselves in their mad quest for dominance and mutual subjugation.

     In the end, all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.

     As written by Lydia Wilson in New Lines Magazine, in an article entitled The Psychology of the Intractable Israel-Palestine Conflict: When a community is under threat, the result is an inevitable retreat into identity — and yet more violence; “As images from the Gaza-Israel border filtered through on Saturday, Oct. 7, 2023, my social media feed filled with conflicting emotions. Many saw Hamas making a bid for freedom against all odds as a breakthrough against the might of Israeli military and intelligence control. In this David and Goliath framing, Hamas were heroes, striking out at an unjust tyrant who had been controlling their lives for decades, limiting their options for action, until violence was the only method of resistance. But others were stricken with fear, especially when the statistic emerged that more Jews died that day than on any other since the Holocaust, and when stories of the killing and kidnapping of children and old people began to circulate. Antisemitism, already growing in recent decades, has been fueled by Israel’s punitive retaliation against the whole population of Gaza, with attacks on synagogues from Berlin to Tunisia. For many Jews around the world, the attack feels like a precursor to the pogroms against them throughout the centuries, a feeling accentuated by the belief that a homeland was meant to protect them from precisely this happening again.

     These twin emotions are both accompanied by rage against the other, thereby reinforcing the entrenched identities, hardened by trauma, which have contributed to the intractability of this conflict. Many researchers have been pointing out for years that societies are becoming more polarized, meaning that more people are reaching a point of complete identification with a single group, leading to demonization and, in extreme cases, dehumanization of those outside their group, and a corresponding inability to communicate with those outside of their community. Polarization essentially describes a situation where a middle ground, vital for dialogue, has been lost.

     In my research into extremism, I have probed such situations across the world, exploring when people will kill, risk death and even risk the lives of their own families for the sake of a wider group united by religion, political ideology, ethnicity or an abstract conception of nation or homeland. What my colleagues and others have found helps to explain the inflamed emotions this particular conflict provokes, not just in the countries suffering the violence but also in the wider region and around the world. Emotions drive behavior, and extreme psychological states drive extreme behavior, including violence. The question becomes what to do with these insights, when violent responses to violence produce ever stronger emotional states stemming from fear and rage. The long history of this particular conflict ensures that there are now generations of traumatic memories to reinforce large-group identities based on shared feelings of vulnerability and victimization, creating an intractable cycle.

     It is a human need to belong, and most of us gain our sense of belonging through a variety of groups we interact with on a daily or weekly basis — our families, friends, colleagues, sports teams or groups based around other hobbies and interests. But in addition to these groups that we experience in person through shared activities, we all have larger-group affiliations, which can vary in strength from one person to another. These can include our country of birth or residence, a political party, a wider religious group that includes people from other countries and cultures, an ethnicity, a language group or an identity based on shared passions, such as being a music or sports fan. There are many parts to a typical identity, but sometimes, if rarely, one comes to dominate above all others, leading to specific psychological states and associated behaviors, including violence.

     I was part of a team exploring the question of when people make the most extreme sacrifices for a cause, asking the same set of questions to fighters, ex-fighters and families, friends and teachers of fighters in Iraq, Lebanon, Northern Ireland, Kosovo and other countries that have experienced social conflict. We drew on fusion theory, developed by the anthropologist Harvey Whitehouse and psychologist Bill Swann. I used a flash card with a set of overlapping circles, the same flashcard all over the world, merely shifting the groups I was asking about. “The small circle represents you,” I would begin, “and the large circle represents a group I will ask you about.” On the far left of the card, the circles do not touch, representing alienation from the group; on the far right, the small circle is nested inside the big circle, representing what we call “fusion,” total identification with the group. The remaining four have a different amount of overlap between the individual and the group.

     I would begin with family, and people would mostly choose something between fused or nearly fused. I moved on to close friends, and then asked about groups specific to the situation: For Kurds on the front line, that was their political party, fighting unit, Kurdistan, Iraq, Islam and so on. For Islamic State group fighters, it included their nationality, ethnicity and Islam. In Northern Ireland, it was their town, region, religion, “Britishness” and “Irishness.” And so on.

     Whitehouse and Swann describe the fully fused state, when commitment to one group dominates over all others, as a “form of alignment with groups that entails a visceral feeling of oneness with the group. This feeling is associated with unusually porous, highly permeable borders between the personal and social self.” In other words, an insult, a compliment or an injury to the group or another member of the group is perceived as an insult, a compliment or an injury to the self, as most people can recognize when someone from outside the family insults a family member. The Pope himself used this analogy to show some understanding of the Islamist shooting of the Charlie Hebdo offices. “If someone insults your mother, you want to punch them,” he said. It would have been more beneficial to the reduction of violence if he had differentiated between a punch and a bullet, but nevertheless, the point remains: An insult to another member of a group that you are fused to feels like an insult directed at yourself.

     On the front line between the Kurdish army and the Islamic State, where risking their lives was a daily reality for soldiers, Kurds, unsurprisingly, were most fused to Kurdistan as well as their immediate fighting group, reliant as they all were on each other for survival. The Islamic State fighters I interviewed in prisons and police stations distanced themselves from the Islamic State itself (to be expected, given their imprisoned status), but all were fused to Islam. In Northern Ireland, sectarianism showed very clearly with the flashcards, with Catholic respondents only just touching, or separate from, the United Kingdom, but Protestants almost or fully fused with their nationality. In Jordan, no one I interviewed ever put their nationality in the top three, but rather chose family, tribe or region, religion or “Arabness.” (There was one exception, and it turned out he was working for the security services.)

     The boundary may be porous between the fused individual and their in-group, but it is accompanied by a conversely extreme hardening of the psychological boundary between the in-group and the out-group. Belonging is necessary for human well-being but, as with every other human emotion, it’s a double-edged sword. Extreme states of belonging to a single group have enabled the most extreme violence seen throughout history and around the world, from suicide bombings to kamikaze attacks during times of war. Individuals who lack belonging, who experience feelings of marginalization and alienation, are most vulnerable to recruitment by organizations that offer such belonging, such as terrorist groups, gangs or cults. And once an individual is fully fused to an identity, all positive and negative experiences serve to reinforce that single identity, with ever more rigid policing of the boundaries of “us” and “them,” and ever-shrinking spaces for communicating with the “other.” These hardened psychological boundaries limit an individual’s willingness to empathize with the out-group, especially one seen as causing their pain. And limited empathy, of course, is a prerequisite for dehumanization, seen very literally in Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant’s statement that “We are fighting human animals, and we act accordingly.”

     There are many contributory factors to becoming fully fused to a large-group identity, which paves the way for equally large-scale conflict. Perhaps most obvious in this particular conflict is the part that trauma plays, particularly intergenerational trauma. In a prescient article from 2020, the psychotherapist Gerard Fromm wrote of the historic trauma on both sides. “The Holocaust for Israelis and the Nakba for Palestinians condense into two words a multitude of horrific experiences suffered by millions of people,” he wrote, describing a trauma not only for those who experienced them directly but also for their descendants; both are just within living memory. “When members of the victimized group are unable to bear the humiliation, reverse their helplessness, or mourn their losses, they pass on to their children powerful, emotionally charged images of their injured selves.”

     The Palestinian intellectual Iyad al-Baghdadi has powerfully portrayed this in a long thread about the current situation on X, formerly known as Twitter. “Our grief and our deep triggers aren’t because of any single incident,” he wrote. “We are a nation of refugees, survivors of erasure, of relentless violence. We carry not only our own wounds but the wounds of our ancestors. All of our wounds are open and bleeding now.” Baghdadi points out that the “openly genocidal statements,” supported by Western leaders, have not just emerged since the latest Hamas attack but have been going on for 75 years, with both Palestinians’ history and what is being said today priming them to expect and fear the worst. Israeli communications have told the world that everyone is a target, with no distinction between combatants and civilians; even hospitals are legitimate targets. As Baghdadi says: “All of this was in our psyche *before* the news broke. … For Palestinians the triggers are intergenerational. We grew up seeing our people getting blown up or humiliated or subjugated or shot or beaten. Our parents grew up with that. Our grandparents. All of our trauma is exploding.” And, of course, the same is true of familial memories of the Holocaust, despite the differences of today’s situation, with the 2023 victims living in a homeland with an army rather than at the mercy of a state and society set against them; traumatic memories do not account for such rational qualifications.

     Inherited trauma comes with the burden of reversing such humiliation. As Fromm points out, “Never again” contributes to an Israeli identity, while “Never surrender” does the same for Palestinian identity. Thus attitudes are hardened, the two identities in some respects defined against the other, and ever more extreme behavior becomes justified, even normalized. Israel’s occupation causes daily, ongoing fear and humiliation among the Palestinian population, as well as challenges to everyday existence that dampen the energy to act. But, as Fromm writes, “Young people may succumb to apathy temporarily but a return to rage is always a possibility, in part as a vitalizing alternative to helplessness or despair.” That is, the violence we have witnessed from Palestinians is a natural response to Israel’s occupations when framed in terms of psychology; as an Israeli colleague of mine put it back in 2019, “There is no chance for peace without first ending the occupation.”

     Palestinians are not only dealing with their own trauma but have also become standard-bearers for the suffering of all Arabs. But one drawback of this common cause is the conflicting feelings around a negatively perceived identity. “Such an identity — for example, as a victimized people or a dishonored people or an occupied people — is not ‘wanted’ by the members of a society,” Fromm writes. “Nor do Israelis want to think of themselves as either victims or aggressors.” And so the Arab world has shown ambivalence to Palestinians over the years, supporting them with rhetoric but doing little to advance their cause in recent decades. Thus they have come to feel that no one is coming to their rescue, a feeling reinforced by the example of Syria: Not only did the world not act to prevent Syrian deaths, but the world — including Arabs — also ignored President Bashar al-Assad’s brutality against his own Palestinian population.

     And so Hamas’ attack was greeted across the world with amazement, pride and even joy, and demonstrations against Western embassies erupted: For these people, Hamas’ actions symbolized a reassertion of dignity and pride in an Arab identity against an unjust oppressor. This single massacre, which included whole families shot in their beds, has prompted more demonstrations of support for the Palestinian cause than any other occasion in the past few decades. In Jordan, pro-Palestinian protesters only dispersed from the Israeli border after the Jordanian army used tear gas.

     At the same time, Jews have been given concrete reasons to fear violence.

     Both are following the logic of what the psychologist Charles Strozier has called an “apocalyptic mindset,” seen in a wide range of extremist movements and detailed in “The Fundamentalist Mindset,” a book he co-authored with David Terman and James Jones. “The goal of Hamas violence seems to be apocalyptic and in line with much of terrorism in recent decades,” Strozier writes of the group’s aims in a response to the recent events. “They want … to have Israel … unleash the full force of one of the best militaries in the world against fighters with rifles and hang gliders and cheap drones.”

     This, of course, is classic asymmetric warfare, laid out in an al Qaeda manual taken up by the Islamic State, “The Management of Savagery,” which advocates baiting the enemy’s military into wars they cannot afford and depleting them — as was achieved by 9/11 at a financial cost of mere hundreds of thousands of dollars, compared to the trillions spent on the subsequent 20-year “war on terror.” When Saladin defeated the Crusaders at the Battle of Hattin, the author asserts, the victory was not the sole result of that battle. Instead, it was the cumulative result of small, negligible acts of banditry and warfare that may not register in history books. The other salient point in the book is that war has to be brutal, and not adhere to Islam’s principles of mercy, leniency and compassion that would apply in other contexts. As Strozier writes about Hamas, “The overreaction is the goal,” a trap outlined by many in recent days, from the pages of The Atlantic to The New York Times. Hussein Ibish echoed Strozier when he wrote, “Like almost all other acts of spectacularly bloodthirsty terrorism, Hamas’s assault on southern Israel was designed to provoke an emotional and equally or even more outrageous response by the targeted society.” Strozier writes of the apocalyptic narrative on both sides, both expressing existential fears and corresponding goals: to wipe each other off the map.

     In some situations, retreating into a hardened, single identity might have no adverse effects on the wider world, for example, when cults cut themselves off from the rest of society. In times of low stress, even a hardened identity does not fear the other and can exhibit curiosity, or at least a lack of animosity, toward an out-group. But this retreat isn’t available to groups whose security is at risk. Fully fused large-group identities, with psychological boundaries hardened by both inherited trauma and daily fear, have another damaging implication for the prospects of peace. This is the perceived threat of reaching across the divide, including gestures of reconciliation. It is felt as betrayal to build bridges with the other and is experienced as a psychological wound. This is most starkly seen in the assassinations of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1995 and Egyptian President Anwar Sadat in 1981, both of whom were attempting to negotiate peace and were murdered by their own people. Their willingness to cross the boundary triggered feelings of treachery at breaking the group.

     “In psychological terms, this is an extreme splitting dynamic,” writes Fromm, “in which all good is here, all bad is there, and no mixing of these absolutes can occur.” Sadat and Rabin paid the price for mixing these absolutes. “Within this mindset … any questioning of one’s own virtue and the other’s vices — a questioning that would actually reflect a mature capacity to own one’s shortcomings and to see the action of both sides as making sense somehow — is unacceptable.”

     I see this all over the world right now. To call Hamas terrorists is to lose friends, as is stating aloud that the occupation laid the foundations for Palestinian violence. I pointed out to a friend on WhatsApp how I feel media coverage in the West has changed, with far more Palestinian representation than previously, and in response was told I was an apologist for the West. When I sent quotes expressing the horror of actions on both sides, I was told I was justifying genocide. In both cases, a hint of criticism or praise for the wrong side was enough to cast me as the enemy, part of the problem.

     The editor of Jewish Currents, Arielle Angel, wrote: “I watched the image of the bulldozer destroying the Gaza fence again and again and cried tears of hope. I watched Palestinian teenagers seemingly out joyriding in a place half a mile away that they’d never been; a Gazan blogger suddenly reporting from Israel.” But Angel’s emotional response to the situation changed as events unfolded. The portrayal of the atrocities, we now know, was fueled by large amounts of disinformation, unwittingly amplified by a frenzy on social media. But even discarding the worst of the reported stories, Hamas’ actions count as war crimes, hunting down civilians at a rave or in bed, killing children and old people, whole families perishing in their homes. Angel wrote: “I wanted desperately to keep these images separate — to hold close the liberatory metaphor and banish the violent reality. By the time I began to accept that these were pictures of the same event, I was distraught, and contending with a rising alienation from those who did not seem to share my grief, especially as the scope of the massacre came into view.”

     Angel’s essay has felt closest to my own experience of this conflict, and it seems that we are in a minority, with a multitude of people stuck with one set of images or the other. As Israel inevitably responded, with the full force of its sophisticated weaponry indiscriminately applied to the entire Gaza strip, it was equally difficult to hear excuses made for the atrocities. What I am describing is more extreme than cheering on one side or the other. We are now seeing mass hardening of psychological barriers in the region and globally, with many unable to see faults on their side or, conversely, laudable elements on the other. And it is not just rhetoric. A 6-year-old Palestinian-American boy was killed by his landlord in a hate attack in Illinois, and antisemitic attacks and threats are on the rise, globally.

     Framing the conflict this way, seeing the psychological similarities of retreating into rigid mindsets and identities, is not to equate the injustice on each side, for one is far stronger, militarily and politically, than the other, and the resulting deaths and destruction are consequently far from equal. What it does give us is an understanding of the dynamics of protest and violence, and the uncomfortable insight that there is a shrinking space for empathy and dialogue.

     Conflict resolution in such a situation seems meaningless: Neither side wants nor can even conceive of a relationship with the other, so what is the possible basis for negotiation, let alone peaceful coexistence? As many analysts and researchers have been warning for years, violence is the natural response to the occupation on the ground, which is enforced through violence. The scale of the current conflict in Israel and Palestine warrants that overused word, “unprecedented,” but the underlying structures that shape the violence have remained the same for decades.

     One set of questions our research asked was about perceived victimhood, and all around the world people have told me a version of “No one has suffered as we have suffered.” Victimhood limits our ability to see others also as victims, to everyone’s detriment, for violence is then justifiable, and this is what fuels ongoing wars. It is unclear who can address the intergenerational wounds of the past, but without that work, nothing can improve.”

Pandora, John William Waterhouse

     “Someone I loved once gave me a box full of darkness. It took me years to understand that this too, was a gift.”

Mary Oliver

The Trial of God: as it was held on February 25, 1649, in Shamgorod, Elie Wiesel

ICJ case against Israel could finally empower the genocide convention

South Africa’s claim of genocide in Gaza is only the second time a state has tried to litigate the perceived atrocities of another

Al Jazeera documents more mass summary executions by Israeli troops

Seemingly disparate Middle East conflicts show collective erosion of self-restraint

US should ‘reset relationship of unconditional support’ for Israel, progressives say

The Psychology of the Intractable Israel-Palestine Conflict

When a community is under threat, the result is an inevitable retreat into identity — and yet more violence

https://newlinesmag.com/argument/the-psychology-of-the-intractable-israel-palestine-conflict/?fbclid=IwAR0Ft0Ot_hkE5fGXx5d9ZxDmVFgm0oDhYQR-VAX7kzbsozXPWJU5Zb4yaec

The Fundamentalist Mindset: Psychological Perspectives on Religion, Violence, and History, Charles B. Strozier, David M. Terman, James W. Jones, Katherine A. Boyd

Arabic

9 يناير 2024 محاكمة إسرائيل وتواطؤ أمريكا في جرائم الإبادة الجماعية وغيرها من الجرائم ضد الإنسانية

      لماذا كانت أمريكا تاريخياً هي الرافضة الوحيدة بين الدول التي ترفض تطبيق اتفاقيات الإبادة الجماعية؟

      هنا، فإن جرائم إسرائيل وجميع الدول المتواطئة في الحل النهائي للمشكلة الفلسطينية والفظائع التي ارتكبت في حرب غزة والاحتلال، يلقي ظلالها على إرث تاريخنا في الغزو والعبودية، والخوف من النخب والأنظمة المهيمنة. من القوة غير المتكافئة لمواجهة الحساب.

      دعونا نأتي بالحساب، لأنه فقط من خلال مواجهة تواطؤنا يمكننا أن نحرر أنفسنا من أنظمة التجريد من الإنسانية، وإيجاد مسارات جديدة لمستقبل حيث لا نكون آسرين لبعضنا البعض، بل محررين لبعضنا البعض.

حتى الآن نحن بعيدون عن أنفسنا وعن تضامننا مع بعضنا البعض كمجتمع حر من متساوين يضمنون إنسانية بعضهم البعض، من واجبنا تجاه تيكون أولام أو إصلاح العالم ومعالجة عيوب إنسانيتنا، من الثقافة اليهودية التي أوصلت كتاب “محاكمة الله” لإيلي ويزل إلى هذه اللحظة المأساوية التي تخلينا فيها عن أفكارنا حول حقوق الإنسان العالمية في خدمة السلطة.

      من أين ينشأ العنف والحرب والاستخدام الاجتماعي للقوة؟ لقد كتبت في كثير من الأحيان عن حلقة الخوف والقوة والقوة الفاغنرية باعتبارها عمليات متكررة للتجريد من الإنسانية، متجذرة في الحاجة إلى الأمن وفقًا لتسلسل ماسلو الهرمي للاحتياجات، وفي التناقضات المتأصلة في القوة التي تخلق كلاهما مقاومتها الخاصة كما تنبأت في قانون نيوتن الثالث للحركة ويؤدي إلى الانهيار الحتمي لمؤسسات القانون والنظام التي تفرضها السلطة، لأن الأمن وهم، والقانون يخدم السلطة، والنظام يستولي، ولا توجد سلطة عادلة.

      إن القوة مغرية ومدمرة لقيمها الخاصة؛ نداء صفارة الإنذار للجني الموجود في المصباح، والذي يهمس قائلاً: “حررني، وسأجعلك قوياً”. أنا أفهم الحاجة إلى الهروب من رعب العجز وأن نصبح حكم الفضيلة، والدافع للسيطرة الذي هو مكتوب في أجسادنا على المستويين الخلوي والجيني، وحساب التفاضل والتكامل للخوف الذي هو أساس التبادل البشري. كما أخبرني والدي ذات مرة؛ “السياسة هي فن الخوف. يجب أن نكون أسيادها، أو نكون عبيدًا لها.

      الذي أجبت عليه؛ “عالم السادة والعبيد؟ وهذا لا أقبله. سأجد مهربًا من إمبراطورية الخوف هذه. كانت هذه هي مهمتي، خلال الخمسين عامًا التي تلت تلك المحادثة في عام 1974 في أعقاب تحركاتي في البرازيل لإنقاذ أطفال الشوارع من فرق الموت التابعة للشرطة، واليوم.

      لقد كانت حادثة العلكة هي التي جلبت تخصصات المبارزة وفنون الدفاع عن النفس إلى حياتي باعتبارها نوبات من القوة على الخوف، وغيرت الطريقة التي نشأت بها ومن أصبحت باحثًا ومحاربًا.

       عندما كنت في التاسعة من عمري، قضيت فترة الاستراحة في المدرسة الابتدائية إما في لعب الشطرنج مع المدير في مكتبه، أو القراءة في المكتبة، أو تجربة مجموعة الكيمياء في المختبر، والتي بدت بلا شك غير ودية ومنعزلة عن الأطفال الآخرين الذين فشلت في التعامل معهم. العب مع. لم أكن قد أدركت بعد أنني كنت شخصًا آخر، لا شيء مثل أقراني أو قريب من الطبيعي، وأحتاج إلى محاكاته بشكل أدائي إذا أردت البقاء على قيد الحياة.

      انتقم شخص ما بوضع علكة على مقعدي، الأمر الذي وجدته مهينًا، لذلك خلال الاستراحة التالية، سكبت بعض المواد الكيميائية في زجاجات عليها جمجمة وعظمتين متقاطعتين أسفل حنفية صنبور الشرب، معتقدًا أن ضغط الماء سيسمح لها بالتجمع في مقعدي. -أنبوب أدناه مباشرة حتى يحصل كل من ذهب لشرب الماء بعد اللعب في فترة الاستراحة على جرعة. بعد ظهر ذلك اليوم، كان ستة أطفال في الخارج يتقيؤون، ولم أشعر بالانتصار بل بالرعب، لأنني أدركت أنه كان من الممكن أن أقتل الجميع عن غير قصد. أخبرت والدي بذلك في تلك الليلة.

     أجاب والدي على ذلك؛ لقد اكتشفت السياسة. يتعلق الأمر بالخوف كأساس للتبادل والعلاقات الإنسانية. والأهم من ذلك، أن الأمر يتعلق بالسلطة واستخدام القوة.

      الخوف خادم غير جدير بالثقة وسيد رهيب. أولئك الذين يستخدمونه لإخضاع الآخرين يكون دافعهم هو الخوف من أنفسهم، وإذا تمكنت من إظهار أنك لا تخاف منهم فسوف يخافون منك، ويمكنك استخدامه كرافعة للفوز بالهيمنة.

      الخوف هو أرض النضال. الخوف يسبق القوة. إذًا، من ستكون الأداة؟

      إن الخوف والقوة واستخدام القوة الاجتماعية يتوازنان مع الحاجة إلى الانتماء. والعضوية أيضاً هي وسيلة للتبادل. في بعض الأحيان يكون من الأفضل أن تفعل ما يفعله الآخرون للتأقلم، لكن هذا ليس الأفضل دائمًا، وقد يكون خطأً كبيرًا.

      الأفضل هو أن تكتشف الأفضل بالنسبة لك، بغض النظر عن مدى اختلافه، وأن تجد الانتماء وفقًا لشروطك الخاصة وليس بشروط أي شخص آخر. حتى لو كان عليك إنشاء هذا المجتمع بنفسك.

       ما تحتاجه الآن هو طريقة لمواجهة الناس مباشرة عندما تكون منزعجًا منهم، بطريقة لا تسبب ضررًا أكبر مما تحل.

       لذلك وصف لي والدي الأصالة السارترية والحرية باعتبارها هروبًا من حلقة الخوف والقوة والقوة الفاغنرية باعتبارها فلسفة المقاومة الكاملة.

      إنه درس لم تتعلمه إسرائيل والبشرية جمعاء بعد. وعلينا أن نتعلم، لأن الخوف، والقوة، والقوة تتغذى على بعضها البعض وتصبح شاملة، وتستهلكنا كمضيف لها حتى نصبح لا شيء، وتضحي للعدم الذي هو القوة.

       وفي أحد الأيام، بعد قرون من الطغيان وحروب الهيمنة الإمبريالية وسياسات الهوية التي تم خوضها بأسلحة رعب لا يمكن تصورها، يستيقظ العالم دون البشرية، أو أي شيء يرى عظمتنا أو يتساءل عن الوحوش البشعة التي أبادت نفسها في سعيها المجنون للهيمنة والهيمنة. الخضوع المتبادل

      في النهاية، كل ما يهم هو ما نفعله بمخاوفنا، وكيف نستخدم قوتنا.

Hebrew

19 בינואר 2024 משפט השותפות של ישראל ואמריקה ברצח עם ופשעים אחרים נגד האנושות

      מדוע מבחינה היסטורית אמריקה הייתה האחיזה הבודדת בין מדינות שסירבו לאכוף את אמנות רצח העם?

      כאן מוצללים הפשעים של ישראל ושל כל העמים השותפים לפתרון הסופי של הבעיה הפלסטינית וזוועות מלחמת עזה והכיבוש על ידי מורשת ההיסטוריה שלנו בכיבוש ובעבדות, והפחד מפני האליטות והמערכות ההגמוניות. של כוח לא שוויוני של התמודדות עם חשבון נפש.

      הבה נביא את ההתחשבנות, שכן רק על ידי התמודדות עם שותפותנו אנו יכולים להשתחרר ממערכות של דה-הומניזציה, ולמצוא נתיבים חדשים לעתיד שבו איננו שובים זה לזה, אלא זה משחררים.

עד כאן אנו מעצמנו ומהסולידריות שלנו זה עם זה כחברה חופשית של שווים המהווים ערבים לאנושיותו של זה, מחובתנו של תיקון עולם או תיקון העולם ושל ריפוי פגמי אנושיותנו, מהתרבות היהודית. מה שהביא את “משפט האל” של אלי וייזל לרגע טראגי זה בו נטשנו את הרעיונות שלנו בדבר זכויות אדם אוניברסליות בשירות לשלטון.

      מהיכן נובעים אלימות, מלחמה ושימוש חברתי בכוח? לעתים קרובות כתבתי על הטבעת הווגנרית של פחד, כוח וכוח כתהליכים רקורסיביים של דה-הומניזציה, המושרשים בצורך בביטחון על פי היררכיית הצרכים של מאסלו, ועל הסתירות הטבועות בכוח, אשר הן יוצרות התנגדות משלה כפי שנחזה ב חוק התנועה השלישי של ניוטון ומוביל להתמוטטות בלתי נמנעת של מוסדות החוק והסדר המוטלים על ידי הסמכות, כי הביטחון הוא אשליה, החוק משרת את הכוח, הסדר מתאים, ואין סמכות צודקת.

      כוח הוא מפתה, וחתרן לערכיו שלו; קריאת הצפירה של הג’יני במנורה, שלוחשת “שחרר אותי, ואני אעשה אותך חזק.” אני מבין את הצורך להימלט מאימת חוסר האונים ולהפוך לבורר המידות, את הדחף לשלוט שנכתב על בשרנו ברמה התאית והגנטית, ואת חשבון הפחד שהוא הבסיס לחילופי בני אדם. כמו שאבי אמר לי פעם; “פוליטיקה היא אמנות הפחד. עלינו להיות אדוניו, או במקום זאת להיות עבדיו”.

      על כך השבתי; “עולם של אדונים ועבדים? את זה אני לא מקבל. אני אמצא מפלט מאימפריית הפחד הזו”. זו הייתה שליחותי, בחמישים השנים שחלפו מאז אותה שיחה ב-1974 בעקבות פעולותיי בברזיל לחלץ ילדי רחוב מחוליות המוות של המשטרה, והיום.

      זה היה תקרית המסטיק שהכניסה את דיסציפלינות הסייף ואומנויות הלחימה לחיי כתפיסות כוח על הפחד, ושינתה את אופן גידולי ואת מי שהפכתי להיות מלומד ולוחם.

       כבן תשע ביליתי את ההפסקה בבית הספר היסודי, או שיחקתי שחמט עם המנהל במשרדו, קראתי בספרייה או התנסתי בסט הכימיה במעבדה, שללא ספק נראה לא ידידותי ומרוחק לילדים האחרים שנכשלתי בהם. לשחק עם. עדיין לא הגעתי להבנה שאני דבר של אחרים, לא כמו בני גילי או קרוב לנורמלי, וצריך לדמות זאת באופן פרפורמטיבי כדי לשרוד.

      מישהו השיב לי מסטיק על המושב שלי, מה שמצאתי מעליב, אז במהלך ההפסקה הבאה שפכתי כמה כימיקלים בבקבוקים המסומנים בגולגולת ובעצמות צולבות במורד פתח ברז השתייה, בנימוק שלחץ המים יאפשר להם להתאגרף ב-u. -צינור ממש מתחת כדי שכל מי שהלך לשתות מים לאחר משחק בהפסקה יקבל מנה. באותו אחר הצהריים היו חצי תריסר ילדים בחוץ והקיאו, ואני הרגשתי לא ניצחון אלא זוועה, כי הבנתי שיכולתי להרוג את כולם בלי כוונה. סיפרתי על זה לאבי באותו לילה.

     על כך השיב אבי; “גילית את הפוליטיקה; מדובר בפחד כבסיס לחילופי אנשים ומערכות יחסים. והכי חשוב, מדובר בכוח ושימוש בכוח.

      הפחד הוא משרת לא אמין ואדון נורא; אלה שמשתמשים בו כדי להכניע אחרים מונעים מפחד בעצמם, ואם אתה יכול להראות להם אתה לא מפחד מהם הם יפחדו ממך, ואתה יכול להשתמש בזה כמנוף כדי לזכות בדומיננטיות.

      פחד הוא קרקע של מאבק. פחד קודם לכוח. אז, של מי הכלי זה יהיה?

      פחד, כוח ושימוש בכוח חברתי מאוזנים עם הצורך להשתייך. גם חברות היא אמצעי החלפה. לפעמים הכי טוב לעשות מה שאחרים עושים כדי להשתלב, אבל זה לא תמיד הכי טוב, וזה יכול להיות מאוד שגוי.

      הכי טוב זה לגלות מה הכי טוב בשבילך, לא משנה כמה זה שונה, ולמצוא שייכות בתנאים שלך ולא של אף אחד אחר. גם אם אתה צריך ליצור את הקהילה בעצמך.

       מה שאתה צריך עכשיו הוא דרך להתעמת ישירות עם אנשים כשאתה כועס עליהם, שאינה גורמת יותר נזק ממה שהיא פותרת”.

       אז אבא שלי תיאר לי את האותנטיות והחופש של סרטריאן כבריחה מהטבעת הווגנרית של פחד, כוח וכוח כפילוסופיה של התנגדות מוחלטת.

      זה לקח ישראל וחלק גדול מהמין האנושי טרם למד. וללמוד עלינו, כי הפחד, הכוח והכוח ניזונים זה מזה והופכים לכלל-כל, מכלים אותנו כמארחו עד שלא נהיה כלום, מקריבים לשום דבר שהוא כוח.

       ויום אחד, אחרי מאות שנים של עריצות ומלחמות אימפריאליות של שלטון ופוליטיקה זהותית שנלחמו עם נשק של טרור בלתי נתפס, העולם מתעורר בלי המין האנושי, או משהו כדי לראות את גדולתנו או לתהות אילו מפלצות נוראיות השמידו את עצמן בחיפושיהן המטורפת אחר שליטה ו הכנעה הדדית.

      בסופו של דבר, כל מה שחשוב הוא מה אנחנו עושים עם הפחד שלנו, ואיך אנחנו משתמשים בכוח ש

January 17 2024 Thanks For Showing Us All What’s Under Your Masks, Republicans: the Case of E. Jean Carroll Versus Donald Trump

     Why do so many follow Trump enthusiastically, openly embracing treason, white supremacist terror, and patriarchal sexual terror?

     We cannot deny the obvious answer; because his actions grant permission for them to do the same.

     This week we witnessed the triumph of Traitor Trump in the Iowa Caucus which anoints the Republican candidate as challenger to Biden and the Restoration of America in our next election, and his clear dominance of the Republican Party, concurrent with his courtroom appearance to determine what he owes E. Jean Carroll.

     The meaning of this hideous juxtaposition and interdependence of events is undeniable; the Republican Party is the Party of Rape as well as racism and the subversion of democracy.

     It also leaves us with a question; a wonderful, terrible question, whose answer will define us as a nation and for all future generations; what does he owe to all of us?            

     As I wrote in my post of June 22 2019, Our Predator In Chief; Treason. Racism. Untruth. Misogyny. Predator. Its like a cheer; how do you spell Trump?

    Its that last one, Predator, that concerns me today. My image of our President will always begin and end with him peeping at the fifteen year olds in the Miss America pageant. This is the beginning of him, and all that he means in the end; a psychopath to whom others are not humans but things which he might use for his own amusement. And for whom the only passion is control and dominance, the terror he might evoke from his victims, and the degradation of the innocent.

     Apparently he is not only driven by his avarice for children, whether the beauty queens he sought to own as trophies or the migrants stolen from their families to fuel his lust for power and cruelty and whatever wealth he could amass from the over one thousand children who vanished without a trace in the most horrific slavery conspiracy in modern times, but also is a target of opportunity ambush predator of women in general.

    Trump casts a shadow like a giant bird-eating spider, loathsome and vile, a crawling thing whose mission is to find and consume beauty.

     It is why I call Trump and the Patriarchy perverse; a term I am careful with, I who value transgression of the Forbidden and the Frightening of the Horses among the highest ideals of our civilization, as forms of self-questioning and instruments of autonomous self-creation and liberation of the tyranny of normality and other people’s ideas of virtue. For me, perversion is defined as the substitution of power and control for joy and equality of partnership, dominion and subjugation for love, because it dehumanizes.

      Fear, power, force; such is Wagnerian Ring of systemic violence which consumes souls to create elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege.

     Today we must add the name of Jean Carroll to the list of his accusers; Jessica Leeds, Kristin Anderson, Jill Harth, Cathy Heller, Temple Taggart McDowell, Karena Virginia, Melinda McGillivray, Rachel Crooks, Natasha Stoynoff, Jessica Drake, Ninni Laaksonen, Summer Zervos, Juliet Huddy, Alva Johnson, and Cassandra Searles.

     How many more names must there be before America and the world see Trump and the party of misogyny he leads for the monsters that they are?

     As written by E Jean Carroll in her fearless witness of history; “Which brings me to the other rich boy. Before I discuss him, I must mention that there are two great handicaps to telling you what happened to me in Bergdorf’s: (a) The man I will be talking about denies it, as he has denied accusations of sexual misconduct made by at least 15 credible women, namely, Jessica Leeds, Kristin Anderson, Jill Harth, Cathy Heller, Temple Taggart McDowell, Karena Virginia, Melinda McGillivray, Rachel Crooks, Natasha Stoynoff, Jessica Drake, Ninni Laaksonen, Summer Zervos, Juliet Huddy, Alva Johnson, and Cassandra Searles. (Here’s what the White House said: “This is a completely false and unrealistic story surfacing 25 years after allegedly taking place and was created simply to make the President look bad.”) And (b) I run the risk of making him more popular by revealing what he did.

     His admirers can’t get enough of hearing that he’s rich enough, lusty enough, and powerful enough to be sued by and to pay off every splashy porn star or Playboy Playmate who “comes forward,” so I can’t imagine how ecstatic the poor saps will be to hear their favorite Walking Phallus got it on with an old lady in the world’s most prestigious department store.

      This is during the years I am doing a daily Ask E. Jean TV show for the cable station America’s Talking, a precursor to MSNBC launched by Roger Ailes (who, by the way, is No. 16 on my list).

     Early one evening, as I am about to go out Bergdorf’s revolving door on 58th Street, and one of New York’s most famous men comes in the revolving door, or it could have been a regular door at that time, I can’t recall, and he says: “Hey, you’re that advice lady!”

     And I say to No. 20 on the Most Hideous Men of My Life List: “Hey, you’re that real-estate tycoon!”

     I am surprised at how good-looking he is. We’ve met once before, and perhaps it is the dusky light but he looks prettier than ever. This has to be in the fall of 1995 or the spring of 1996 because he’s garbed in a faultless topcoat and I’m wearing my black wool Donna Karan coatdress and high heels but not a coat.

     “Come advise me,” says the man. “I gotta buy a present.”

     “Oh!” I say, charmed. “For whom?”

     “A girl,” he says.

     “Don’t the assistants of your secretaries buy things like that?” I say.

     “Not this one,” he says. Or perhaps he says, “Not this time.” I can’t recall. He is a big talker, and from the instant we collide, he yammers about himself like he’s Alexander the Great ready to loot Babylon.

     As we are standing just inside the door, I point to the handbags. “How about—”

     “No!” he says, making the face where he pulls up both lips like he’s balancing a spoon under his nose, and begins talking about how he once thought about buying Bergdorf ’s.

     “Or … a hat!” I say enthusiastically, walking toward the handbags, which, at the period I’m telling you about — and Bergdorf’s has been redone two or three times since then — are mixed in with, and displayed next to, the hats. “She’ll love a hat! You can’t go wrong with a hat!”

     I don’t remember what he says, but he comes striding along — greeting a Bergdorf sales attendant like he owns the joint and permitting a shopper to gape in awe at him — and goes right for a fur number.

     “Please,” I say. “No woman would wear a dead animal on her head!”

     What he replies I don’t recall, but I remember he coddles the fur hat like it’s a baby otter.

     “How old is the lady in question?” I ask.

     “How old are you?” replies the man, fondling the hat and looking at me like Louis Leakey carbon-dating a thighbone he’s found in Olduvai Gorge.

     “I’m 52,” I tell him.

     “You’re so old!” he says, laughing — he was around 50 himself — and it’s at about this point that he drops the hat, looks in the direction of the escalator, and says, “Lingerie!” Or he may have said “Underwear!” So we stroll to the escalator. I don’t remember anybody else greeting him or galloping up to talk to him, which indicates how very few people are in the store at the time.

     I have no recollection where lingerie is in that era of Bergdorf’s, but it seems to me it is on a floor with the evening gowns and bathing suits, and when the man and

     I arrive — and my memory now is vivid — no one is present.

     There are two or three dainty boxes and a lacy see-through bodysuit of lilac gray on the counter. The man snatches the bodysuit up and says: “Go try this on!”

     “You try it on,” I say, laughing. “It’s your color.”

     “Try it on, come on,” he says, throwing it at me.

     “It goes with your eyes,” I say, laughing and throwing it back.

     “You’re in good shape,” he says, holding the filmy thing up against me. “I wanna see how this looks.”

     “But it’s your size,” I say, laughing and trying to slap him back with one of the boxes on the counter.

     “Come on,” he says, taking my arm. “Let’s put this on.”

     This is gonna be hilarious, I’m saying to myself — and as I write this, I am staggered by my stupidity. As we head to the dressing rooms, I’m laughing aloud and saying in my mind: I’m gonna make him put this thing on over his pants!

     There are several facts about what happens next that are so odd I want to clear them up before I go any further:

     Did I report it to the police?

     No.

     Did I tell anyone about it?

     Yes. I told two close friends. The first, a journalist, magazine writer, correspondent on the TV morning shows, author of many books, etc., begged me to go to the police.

     “He raped you,” she kept repeating when I called her. “He raped you. Go to the police! I’ll go with you. We’ll go together.”

     My second friend is also a journalist, a New York anchorwoman. She grew very quiet when I told her, then she grasped both my hands in her own and said, “Tell no one. Forget it! He has 200 lawyers. He’ll bury you.” (Two decades later, both still remember the incident clearly and confirmed their accounts to New York.)

     Do I have photos or any visual evidence?

     Bergdorf’s security cameras must have picked us up at the 58th Street entrance of the store. We would have been filmed on the ground floor in the bags-and-hats sections. Cameras also must have captured us going up the escalator and into the lingerie department. New York law at the time did not explicitly prohibit security cameras in dressing rooms to “prevent theft.” But even if it had been captured on tape, depending on the position of the camera, it would be very difficult to see the man unzipping his pants, because he was wearing a topcoat. The struggle might simply have read as “sexy.” The speculation is moot, anyway: The department store has confirmed that it no longer has tapes from that time.

     Why were there no sales attendants in the lingerie department?

     Bergdorf Goodman’s perfections are so well known — it is a store so noble, so clubby, so posh — that it is almost easier to accept the fact that I was attacked than the fact that, for a very brief period, there was no sales attendant in the lingerie department. Inconceivable is the word. Sometimes a person won’t find a sales attendant in Saks, it’s true; sometimes one has to look for a sales associate in Barneys, Bloomingdale’s, or even Tiffany’s; but 99 percent of the time, you will have an attendant in Bergdorf’s. All I can say is I did not, in this fleeting episode, see an attendant. And the other odd thing is that a dressing-room door was open. In Bergdorf’s dressing rooms, doors are usually locked until a client wants to try something on.

     Why haven’t I “come forward” before now?

     Receiving death threats, being driven from my home, being dismissed, being dragged through the mud, and joining the 15 women who’ve come forward with credible stories about how the man grabbed, badgered, belittled, mauled, molested, and assaulted them, only to see the man turn it around, deny, threaten, and attack them, never sounded like much fun. Also, I am a coward.

     So now I will tell you what happened:

     The moment the dressing-room door is closed, he lunges at me, pushes me against the wall, hitting my head quite badly, and puts his mouth against my lips. I am so shocked I shove him back and start laughing again. He seizes both my arms and pushes me up against the wall a second time, and, as I become aware of how large he is, he holds me against the wall with his shoulder and jams his hand under my coat dress and pulls down my tights.

     I am astonished by what I’m about to write: I keep laughing. The next moment, still wearing correct business attire, shirt, tie, suit jacket, overcoat, he opens the overcoat, unzips his pants, and, forcing his fingers around my private area, thrusts his penis halfway — or completely, I’m not certain — inside me. It turns into a colossal struggle. I am wearing a pair of sturdy black patent-leather four-inch Barneys high heels, which puts my height around six-one, and I try to stomp his foot. I try to push him off with my one free hand — for some reason, I keep holding my purse with the other — and I finally get a knee up high enough to push him out and off and I turn, open the door, and run out of the dressing room.

     The whole episode lasts no more than three minutes. I do not believe he ejaculates. I don’t remember if any person or attendant is now in the lingerie department. I don’t remember if I run for the elevator or if I take the slow ride down on the escalator. As soon as I land on the main floor, I run through the store and out the door — I don’t recall which door — and find myself outside on Fifth Avenue.

     And that was my last hideous man. The Donna Karan coatdress still hangs on the back of my closet door, unworn and unlaundered since that evening. And whether it’s my age, the fact that I haven’t met anyone fascinating enough over the past couple of decades to feel “the sap rising,” as Tom Wolfe put it, or if it’s the blot of the real-estate tycoon, I can’t say. But I have never had sex with anybody ever again.”

     As written by Joanna Walters in The Guardian, in an article entitled Trump testified E Jean Carroll was ‘nut job’ who said she enjoyed being sexually assaulted; “Donald Trump called the writer E Jean Carroll a “nut job” in video testimony last year and falsely claimed she had enjoyed being sexually assaulted – prompting her lawyer to ask if he was admitting he had raped her, according to freshly unsealed testimony.

     Questioned for a lawsuit, Trump, the former US president, angrily hurled insults and threatened to sue the columnist who accused him of raping her in the New York upscale department store Bergdorf Goodman in the 1990s, according to excerpts of his videotaped testimony. The tapes were recorded last October and unsealed by a court on Friday.

          The New York court on Friday also rejected as “absurd” Trump’s attempt to have dismissed the two lawsuits against him by Carroll, alleging rape and libel. An April trial is planned.

     “She said that I did something to her that never took place. There was no anything. I know nothing about this nut job,” he said, according to the transcript of the October testimony.

     The excerpts reveal a contentious battle in the civil case, between Trump and Roberta Kaplan, a lawyer for Carroll, who questioned him as Trump called Carroll, a former longtime Elle magazine columnist, the perpetrator of “a complete scam.”

     He accused her of describing the alleged rape as she “was promoting a really crummy book”.

    Trump added: “I will sue her after this is over, and that’s the thing I really look forward to doing. And I’ll sue you too,” he told Kaplan.

     Trump said he knew it wasn’t “politically correct” to say “she’s not my type” when he previously responded to claims, shortly after Carroll’s 2019 book was published. The writer alleged she was attacked by Trump in a dressing room after they had a chance meeting in the store and she agreed to help him pick out lingerie for a friend.

     “But I’ll say it anyway,” he said. “She’s accusing me of rape, a woman that I have no idea who she is. It came out of the blue. She’s accusing me of raping her, the worst thing you can do, the worst charge.”

     Trump called Carroll “sick, mentally sick”. And he mischaracterized an interview Carroll had given on CNN, falsely claiming she had talked about enjoying being sexually assaulted. “She actually indicated that she loved it. OK? She loved it until commercial break,” Trump said. “In fact, I think she said it was sexy, didn’t she? She said it was very sexy to be raped. Didn’t she say that?”

     Kaplan then tried to elicit from Trump that he had raped her client.

     “So, sir, I just want to confirm: it’s your testimony that E Jean Carroll said that she loved being sexually assaulted by you?”

     Trump answered: “Well, based on her interview with [CNN’s] Anderson Cooper, I believe that’s what took place. And we can define that … I think she said that rape was sexy – which it’s not, by the way.”

     What Carroll had described is that she prefers to use the word fight, not rape because some other people “think rape is sexy”.

     Also on Friday, Trump’s real estate business empire, the Trump Organization, was hit with the largest allowable fine of $1.6m after being convicted of tax fraud, another in his long string of serious legal troubles, from Georgia to New York.”

     As written by Larry Neumeister in Huffpost, in an article entitled Under Oath, Donald Trump Hurled Insults About Woman Who Accuses Him Of Rape; ” Questioned for a lawsuit, former President Donald Trump angrily hurled insults and threatened to sue the columnist who accused him of raping her in a department store in the 1990s, according to excerpts of his videotaped testimony unsealed by a court on Friday.

     Portions of his 5 1/2-hour October deposition in a lawsuit filed by columnist E. Jean Carroll were released publicly after a federal judge rejected his lawyers’ request that it remained sealed.

     “She said that I did something to her that never took place. There was no anything. I know nothing about this nut job,” he said, according to the transcript.

     The excerpts reveal a contentious battle between Trump and Roberta Kaplan, a lawyer for Carroll, who questioned him as Trump called the former longtime Elle magazine columnist the perpetrator of “a complete scam” in which she described the rape as she “was promoting a really crummy book.”

     “I will sue her after this is over, and that’s the thing I really look forward to doing. And I’ll sue you too,” he told Kaplan.

     The release of excerpts from the deposition came the same day as Judge Lewis A. Kaplan, unrelated to the lawyer, also refused a request by Trump’s attorneys to toss out two lawsuits by Carroll alleging defamation and rape. An April trial is planned.

     Trump said he knew it wasn’t “politically correct” to say “she’s not my type” when he responded to claims shortly after Carroll’s 2019 book was published. The writer alleged she was attacked by Trump in a dressing room after they had a chance meeting in the store and she agreed to help him pick out lingerie for a friend.

     “But I’ll say it anyway,” he said. “She’s accusing me of rape, a woman that I have no idea who she is. It came out of the blue. She’s accusing me of raping her, the worst thing you can do, the worst charge.”

     Speaking to her attorney, he added: “And you know it’s not true too. You’re a political operative also. You’re a disgrace. But she’s accusing me and so are you of rape, and it never took place.”

     At one point in the deposition, Trump called Carroll “sick, mentally sick.” He mischaracterized an interview Carroll had given on CNN, falsely claiming she had talked about enjoying being sexually assaulted. “She actually indicated that she loved it. Okay? She loved it until commercial break,” Trump said. “In fact, I think she said it was sexy, didn’t she? She said it was very sexy to be raped. Didn’t she say that?”

     Kaplan, Carroll’s attorney, then tried to elicit from Trump that he raped her client.

    “So, sir, I just want to confirm: It’s your testimony that E. Jean Carroll said that she loved being sexually assaulted by you?”

    Trump answered: “Well, based on her interview with Anderson Cooper, I believe that’s what took place. And we can define that. … I think she said that rape was sexy – which it’s not, by the way.”

     What Carroll has said in her writing, and in the interview with Cooper, is that she doesn’t like to use the word rape because some other people “think rape is sexy.” She said she preferred the term “fight.”

     In his ruling, the judge said the Adult Survivor’s Act was similar to the Child Victims Act, another New York state law that temporarily allowed victims of sexual assaults when they were children to sue their abusers years later.

     Carroll initially sued Trump for defamation after he mocked her claims he sexually assaulted her. Carroll sued Trump with the rape claim in November, when the Adult Survivor’s Act took effect.”

     As I wrote in my post of January 13 2023, A Closing Net May Capture Yet Our Predator In Chief;  On this Friday the Thirteenth we Americans are haunted by a specter of our past defilement and violation, Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, whose testimony in the rape of a journalist, literally this time though all who follow the path of journalism and the witness of history as a sacred calling to pursue the truth metaphorically shared her fate during his capture of the state as a Russian agent and figurehead of the Fourth Reich, along with his complicity in the grotesque and aberrant butchery of the heroic Khashoggi, reeks with the arrogance of power, misogyny, amoral narcissism, and psychopathy for which he is so infamous and idolized by this dishonorable and treasonous adherents, the Confederate-Nazi revivalists and criminals of white supremacist and Gideonite patriarchal sexual terror who are both his electoral voting base and resource of deniable forces such as those who assaulted our capital in the January 6 Insurrection.

   When the history of the Fall of America which preceded and set the stage for Putin’s invasion of Ukraine and the Third World War is written, we must remember and assign Trump his true role with his fellow predators Harvey Weinstein, Jeffrey Epstein, and Larry Nassar. 

    In literature Trump finds his mirror image in fascist apologist Ayn Rand’s rapist protagonist Howard Roark in The Fountainhead, whose reply to a question, “who will let you?”, summarizes her ideology of nihilism and amoral power, appropriated from Stalin’s assassin Molotov, as justifications for the dominion of hegemonic elites; “That’s not the point. The point is, who will stop me?”

    That would be all of us, my brothers, sisters, and others, all who love liberty, affirm the value of our common humanity and our duty of care for each other, choose hope over fear, love over hate, and faith in each other as solidarity of action, democracy over tyranny, and a free society of equals over a world of slaves and the ruthless predators of depravity who subjugate them through terror and the learned helplessness of brutal repression and carceral states of force and control, the falsification of lies and illusions, rewritten histories, cults of lunatic conspiracy theories and alternate realities, the commodification of economic warfare which reduces humans to a value as cash and makes of us all cogs in a vast machine in service to the wealth of those who buy our time, and in its final stage dehumanization.

     And this we must resist; fear as the basis of human exchange, falsification and division, commodification, dehumanization; systemic fascisms of patriarchy, blood, faith, and soil.

     Every loyal American, every woman on earth and all men who love women as equals, mothers, sisters, partners, daughters; all who believe in the dream of democracy and the idea that all human beings are created equal, and endowed with certain inalienable rights, among these being the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, rights Trump stole from E Jean Carroll and still wishes to steal from us all, all of us, all who can see themselves in E Jean Carroll who in her witness of history and truth telling exposes and brings a Reckoning to a monster who would dehumanize us and steal our souls.

     On the witness stand, E Jean Carroll speaks for us all.

     A closing net may capture yet our Predator In Chief.

    As I wrote in my post of May 14 2023, This Mother’s Day, the Citizenship and Autonomy of Women Are In Question: the Case of E. Jean Carroll and CNN’s Town Hall; On this Mother’s Day, when the citizenship and autonomy of women are in question and the fate of our nation yet hangs in the balance, I think of my mother who carried me on her shoulders when we seized the Hall of Justice in San Francisco in 1968, of her life of liberation struggle and the championing of others, and against systems and forces of unequal power and the idea of biology as destiny, as imposed conditions of struggle both as the limits of our form- fourteen miscarriages and nearly forty years of recurring cancer since her first surgery- and institutional Patriarchy as she changed fields at university because all the posted science jobs said “no women need apply” right out in print for all the world to see.

      I think now of what remains to be achieved in seizures of power from those who would enslave us in the shadow of CNN’s Town Hall and the vindication of E. Jean Carroll of which the Republicans made a joke.

      Behind the Republican Party’s mask of macho glorification of violence and our right to kill each other en masse with military firearms, of centralization of power to the state in the militarization of police as enforcers of theocratic Gideonite virtue as defined by authority, of capitalist war on nature as limitless need for control of our wildness which is driving our species to extinction, of systems of unequal power and the need for force and control itself, lies a simple motive; fear.

     Fear of Otherness, of loss of power and elite hegemonies of wealth, privilege, and the use of social force, and of the inchoate and chaotic forces of desire which are life itself and topple all structures of social control as unanswerable tides of being and truths written in our flesh.

     Fear is the forge of power, especially in the context of identitarian politics, tyrannical regimes, fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, and fear shaped by authority in service to power through division and narratives of victimization. Politics is the Art of Fear, as my father once taught me, and the power of authority rests on the Calculus of Fear, how much fear is used in its primary mission of social control, and how it is used; too little fear and order collapses, too much and it creates its own counterforce as resistance and revolution.

    I have thought of resistance and revolution much in days of study of the Party of Treason’s reaction to the vindication in court of the heroic truthteller E. Jean Carroll as performed in CNN’s Town Hall, wherein the Third Primary Duty of a Citizen, Mock Authority, has been deployed by authority itself as a strategy of reaction and counter-revolution.

    This is pathetic, Absurd which I capitalize in reference to Artaud’s Theatre of Cruelty from which Republican propaganda is derived, politics as spectacle which induces horror and revulsion, and a typical performance by Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, but I cannot overstate its peril. The purpose of such propaganda is to unify group identity and mobilize its forces; and we see how well it works in the January 6 Insurrection.

     The American Fourth Reich and its captured glove the Republican Party demonstrates in the CNN Town Hall the flag it rallies round, Patriarchy and sexual terror, the silencing, commodification, and dehumanization of women and the theft of women’s citizenship as vote suppression and repression of dissent and public witness, and the disempowerment and theft of autonomy of women in legal and political actions to keep control of women’s bodies and reproductive rights in male hands. In this key mission, the Grabber is a figure of predation who grants permission and immunity to his followers as loaned power, and it is the power of sexual terror Republicans want most of all.

     Thanks for showing us all what’s under your masks, Republicans; Treason, Racism, Untruth, Misogyny, Predator.

     How shall we answer this? As written in the weekly editorial of LeftLinks, entitled A Lesson from CNN: Trump Doesn’t Play By the Rules…Neither Should We!; “What makes the cartoon to the right useful is how it sums up a complicated lesson is a very simple way. ‘Seeking truth from facts,’ in Trump’s mind, is a method for wimps and losers.

     Better to use the irrationalism of fascism: Create your own ‘truthworld’ by assertion and repetition of the dogma of the day: war is peace, enslaved work makes you free, might makes right, women crave dominance and violence, it’s been that way for a million years, and so on.

     For Trump, campaigns are all about spectacle, a ‘reality’ show where he’s in charge and we are the players on his stage. We shouldn’t fall for it. Among ourselves and our base and allies, we can use rational discourse and compelling narratives about who we are and whom we aspire to become.

     But when dealing with Trump and his minions, if we engage directly at all, we meet spectacle with counter-spectacle. We run the stage and script, and we make the Trumpsters our props. Learning how best to write a counter-script is not so simple. I would recommend some of Wilhelm Reich’s works on the mass psychology of fascism. If you know the hidden appeal and fears being played, it’s easier to disarm and lampoon them.”

     As written by Sasha Abramsky in Truthout, in an article entitled CNN’s Town Hall Didn’t Hold Trump Accountable — It Normalized His Lies: This media spectacle served to normalize the immoral and the destructive; “ In the run up to Wednesday night’s CNN town hall with Donald Trump, I was on the fence as to whether it was a good idea to give the Mar-a-Lago troll such a platform. On the one hand, it offered an opportunity for viewers to see just how mendacious, mean and shifty this man is; on the other, it provided Trump with 90 minutes of free primetime to air his noxious views.

     Having watched as much of it as I could stomach, all ambiguity I might have had on this question was gone. It was, from start to finish, an absolute disgrace. If I could scrub away the memory, I would.

     From the get-go, this CNN spectacle served to normalize the immoral and the destructive. In the hour leading in, Wolf Blitzer corralled a group of talking heads to welcome viewers to what he earnestly termed “an important night here in the United States.” Let’s be clear: There was nothing inherently “important” about it; it was an event conjured out of whole cloth by CNN executives looking to cash in on Trump’s notoriety and ability to draw a crowd. A day after Trump was found liable by a New York jury of sexually battering and defaming E. Jean Carroll, Blitzer stewarded a conversation about the verdict as if he were referring to an obscure-but-bizarre policy question, such as the imposition of tariffs on Lego sets, or whether O.J. Simpson should have a national holiday named after him. Perhaps the most distasteful line came from a male talking head who opined that “politically speaking, [the verdict] is a loser. His closest political advisers do not think this is a winner for him.” Um? Really? That’s how we talk about sexual assault these days? As if it’s something that, with the right spinmeisters just might be somehow spinnable as a political plus?

     The town hall itself was no better. Held in front of a crowd in Manchester, New Hampshire, it was made up exclusively of people who intended to vote in the GOP primary — and that seemed, even within that narrow cohort of the American voting public, to have been further winnowed to include a suspiciously large number of Trumpies. The town hall ended up being simply a platform for the U.S.’s only twice-impeached, indicted and recently-found-liable-for-sexual-assault ex-president to recycle old and untrue canards, as well as to turn the Carroll verdict into something akin to an aging midcentury comic’s standup routine in a down-at-the-mouth casino.

     The moderator, Kaitlan Collins, who had previously worked for the right-wing Daily Caller, actually did her best to rein Trump in, and, every so often, to hold his feet to the fire. But hers was, truly, a Sisyphean task.

     Trump flat-out lied at warp speed. He repeatedly spat out falsehoods about the 2020 election result, doubling down on his allegations of fraud. He refused to apologize for putting Mike Pence’s life in danger, falsely asserting that his vice president “did something wrong” by not refusing to recognize Biden electors. He claimed that he had told the crowd on January 6 to act peacefully, and that most of them had; that they were there with “love in their heart,” and that “it was a beautiful day.” He asserted he would pardon most of the January 6 insurrectionists because they had done nothing wrong and were living in “hell” as a result of malign prosecutions. He said he had ordered the military and national guard in to protect the Capitol but that “Crazy Nancy Pelosi” had nixed this idea.

     Lie, lie, lie, lie, lie… It made my head feel heavy just trying to imagine how much energy has to go into concocting such a barrage of untruths. Does Trump literally spend time in front of the mirror preening his toupee and trying on lies for size?

     Trump — who had just been found liable for defamation and ordered to retract his defamatory comments — instead used this free primetime platform to call E. Jean Carroll a “wack job” and told a rambling story about how he had wanted to introduce into evidence the fact that she had once named either her pet dog or her pet cat “vagina,” as if that somehow negated her ability to recall being assaulted. Then, once his audience was warmed up, he explained how the “horrible Clinton-appointed judge” had refused to allow this into the record.

     He opined that the House Republicans should force a default on the national debt unless they succeeded in securing deep budget cuts from Biden — despite the fact that pretty much every economist of any credibility has averred that such a default would presage a global economic catastrophe and likely cost millions of jobs stateside. One can only hope that even the spineless Kevin McCarthy will realize this is a bridge too far.

     Trump coyly refused to say what sort of national abortion ban he would favor, if any — but then doubled down on his lies that Democrats wanted fetuses to be aborted at nine months of pregnancy, or even, somehow, after birth. (Just to be clear, since CNN somehow neglected to inform viewers of this, Democrats are not roaming the countryside looking for women about to give birth whom they can persuade to instead abort their fetuses.)

     Collins pushed back occasionally, and at times quite forcefully, but on the whole, she was steamrolled. The longer the night went on, the more Collins looked like she had accidentally swallowed a frog that was performing yoga exercises on her insides. She looked positively sickened by it all. But there was no relief; she had, quite clearly, been hung out to dry by the CNN executives who had agreed to this inane format.

     There was no real-time fact-checking. Inexplicably, there was no chyron reminding viewers that Trump was wrong, that he was playing fast-and-loose with the truth, that he was, in short, conjuring up “facts” out of his derrière. Given a platform to spew venom largely without consequence, this soulless grifter lapped it up, taking one softball question after another from the audience, basking in their applause and laughter as he pursued his grotesque comedy routine about E. Jean Carroll.

     After 45 minutes I’d had enough — pretty much anything would have been better than this. Watching the Christmas log burn again and again on replay would have been more entertaining. Listening to coyotes howling would have been more politically informative.

     But I read later that one of the highlights of the second half of this ridiculous spectacle was when Trump refused to say which side he’d support in the Russia-Ukraine war if he was returned to power. That is, I guess, on a par with his appalling comment, after the fascist march on Charlottesville in 2017, that there were “very fine people” on both sides.

     That Trump is an inveterate liar, an egotistical coup plotter and a charlatan has been shown beyond doubt. A month ago he was indicted for his role in the paying of hush money to Stormy Daniels. A jury has just concluded that he is a brutal sexual assaulter. He will, in the coming months, likely be indicted for a host of other crimes. All of that was public knowledge, yet CNN chose anyway to normalize this man and to give him 90 minutes to peddle his bile. The network gave him a platform to defame anew a woman who just won millions of dollars from him for his earlier rounds of defamation. And CNN gave him free rein to further attack the country’s already damaged democratic institutions. This ghastly spectacle must surely rank as one of the lowest moments in television news’ storied history. Edward R. Murrow, the CBS anchor who, 70 years ago, had the fortitude to take on — and help take down — the demagogic Sen. Joe McCarthy, must, after this grotesquery, be turning in his grave.”

      How does CNN itself describe this loathsome event? As written by Oliver Darcy in CNN’s Reliable Sources; “It’s hard to see how America was served by the spectacle of lies that aired on CNN Wednesday evening.

     Kaitlan Collins is as tough and knowledgable of an interviewer as they come. She fact-checked Trump throughout the 70-minute town hall. Over and over and over again, she told him that the election was not stolen. That it was not rigged. That there was no evidence for the lies he was disseminating on stage.

     “The election was not rigged, Mr. President,” Collins told Trump at one point during the event. “You cannot keep saying that all night long.”

     Yet, he did. Trump frequently ignored or spoke over Collins throughout the evening as he unleashed a firehose of disinformation upon the country, which a sizable swath of the GOP continues to believe. A professional lie machine, Trump fired off falsehoods at a rapid clip while using his bluster to overwhelm Collins, stealing command of the stage at some points of the town hall.

     Trump lied about the 2020 election. He took no responsibility for the January 6 insurrection that those very lies incited. And he mocked E. Jean Carroll’s allegations of sexual assault, which a jury found him liable for on Tuesday.

     And CNN aired it all. On and on it went. It felt like 2016 all over again. It was Trump’s unhinged social media feed brought to life on stage. And Collins was put in an uncomfortable position, given the town hall was conducted in front of a Republican audience that applauded Trump, giving a sense of unintended endorsement to his shameful antics.

     Yes, some news was made. The town hall spotlighted his insistence on continuing to peddle 2020 election lies. Additionally, he said the US should default on its debt if the White House does not agree to Republican spending cuts, refused to say whether he wants Ukraine or Russia to win the war, and declined to give a straight answer on abortion.

     But for most of the night, the nation’s eyes were transfixed on Trump’s abuse of the platform that he was given. At one point, he even insulted Collins, calling her a “nasty person,” to which the crowd of New Hampshire Republican primary voters broke out in cheers.

     “We don’t have enough time to fact-check every lie he told,” anchor Jake Tapper candidly said after the event wrapped up.

     Trump’s team was, naturally, delighted with the result, according to reports. “Advisers to Trump are thrilled at how this is going so far for him,” The NYT’s Jonathan Swan reported. “They can’t believe he is getting an hour on CNN with an audience that cheers his every line and laughs at his every joke.”

     Neither could anyone else.

    While Collins is largely receiving praise for her relentless fact-checking of the former president, she was facing an impossible task. CNN and new network boss Chris Licht are facing a fury of criticism — both internally and externally over the event.

     How Licht and other CNN executives address the criticism in the coming days and weeks will be crucial. Will they defend what transpired at Saint Anselm College? Or will they express some regret?

     For now, CNN is defending itself.

     “Tonight Kaitlan Collins exemplified what it means to be a world-class journalist. She asked tough, fair and revealing questions,” a network spokesperson said. “And she followed up and fact-checked President Trump in real time to arm voters with crucial information about his positions as he enters the 2024 election as the Republican frontrunner.”

Trump rages in court as E Jean Carroll testifies during defamation trial

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/jan/17/trump-carroll-lawsuit-testify-defamation-trial

  Trump testified E Jean Carroll was ‘nut job’ who said she enjoyed being sexually assaulted

Under Oath, Trump Hurled Insults About Woman Who Accuses Him Of Rape

E Jean Carroll on the Hideous Trump

https://www.thecut.com/2019/06/donald-trump-assault-e-jean-carroll-other-hideous-men.html

What Do We Need Men For?: A Modest Proposal, by E. Jean Carroll

https://www.thecut.com/2019/06/donald-trump-assault-e-jean-carroll-other-hideous-men.html

     “That is CNN’s role and responsibility: to get answers and hold the powerful to account.”

https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/#inbox/WhctKKXwwrNrwkwrbRfGlZBHXzGpwtMqfcnFVBCmsdJLnSSFFwgHzQSSZkHJlxGsjfNGnLV

CNN’s Town Hall Didn’t Hold Trump Accountable — It Normalized His Lies

https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/#inbox/WhctKKXwwqxHlrSMRbGpGqTcMsbnxJvsTDsVDwTHcSBZxncVrFzMKhpPRgQgctPqHxKmFBg

With the fake drama of the Iowa caucuses over, we can focus on Trump’s real dangers

    January 16 2024 Anniversary of the Assassination of Rosa Luxemburg, Visionary and Icon of Our Future Possibilities of Becoming Human

     Heroes hold up a mirror of our best selves; among myriads of future possibilities of becoming human, such figures provide spaces to grow into. Like our friends, we choose them as instruments of our self creation because they represent what we wish to become. Beyond their usefulness as informing, motivating, and shaping sources, those we have chosen to help us become who we wish to be also reveal to us our values, and the things we wish to make real.

     Rosa Luxemburg is a voice from our past, but one which speaks to our future, and to the choices each of us must face in our lives now.

    Today we remember the anniversary of her January 15 1919 assassination, who saw what others could not and died for the chance to make it real.

    May we one day redeem that hope for a better humankind.

     What is the historical significance of her assassination? As Mark Jones, “assistant professor at University College Dublin and a leading expert on the German revolution of 1918-19 that culminated in the murders” is quoted in an article in The Guardian covering the 100th anniversary of her murder by the German state in Berlin; “Of course, the brutal and sudden end to her story raises the question of what would have happened if she had survived,” said Jones. “At its most advanced and powerful, the Rosa Luxemburg myth claims that had she lived, National Socialism may have never taken control of Germany.”

      That was a view held by many at the demonstration. “I do believe the Nazis might not have come to power and history might well have taken a different turn had Rosa been able to fulfil her wishes,” said Kit Aastrup, a retired social worker who had taken a bus from Aarhus in Denmark to join the march. She wore a Russian ushanka ear-flap hat, embossed with a hammer and sickle.

     Many and strange are the Rashomon Gate Events of history, and the possible futures which they destroy and create. This event is also an example of the dangers of ideological fracture; like the IWW in America, the First World War and the question of peace divided and brought to ruin the only blocking force to the rise of fascism, a strategy of counter-revolution later used against many social reform movements during the Vietnam War in America including the Students For A Democratic Society, the American Indian Movement, the Black Planters, and really anyone who questioned and challenged elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege.

     This process is now repeating itself under the hammer of the Gaza War and Biden making us all complicit in ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity; like myself, anyone who cannot vote for such a war criminal is a vote lost to opposing Trump’s recapture of the state in our next election which now seems inevitable.

     How can we escape the consequences of this dilemma? If we disavow Israel and use Boycott, Sanction, and Divestiture to end this humanitarian crisis, and with it our pathetic and ruinous abandonment of the ideas of democracy and universal human rights, and our historic role as a guarantor of our humanity and liberty, this future may change, and with it the centuries of war and tyranny to come.

    Under such imposed conditions of struggle, what can we learn from Rosa Luxemburg?    

    She taught us something through her actions about how to be human; I refer not to the courage of her resistance to subjugation by authority, nor to the magnificent fearlessness of her role as a truth teller in the questioning, exposure, mocking, and challenge of authority, though these things are also true; but to the selflessness of her compassion in revolutionary struggle for the liberation of humankind and of the redemptive power of love.

     None of us are too powerless to seize and shake the mighty and cast them down from their thrones, too voiceless to cry havoc and fill the chasms of emptiness with defiance and songs of resistance, too flawed and broken to lift others up.

     We humans are beautiful not in spite of our flaws, but because of them. This is the great secret of the power of transformation; it is the flaws of our humanity, the brokenness of the world, and the wounds of our survival which open us to the pain of others and confers transformative vision, reconnection,  and change as rebirth.

     Each of us who in refusal to submit become Unconquered and free are Autonomous Zones, wherein nothing is Forbidden. We cherish and reverence figures of liberty like Rosa Luxemburg because they show us the way through the gates of our prisons into freedom and the ownership of ourselves; and we become such figures for others in our turn. Thus the tide of our history becomes unstoppable, a chain of lives reaching into the future which changes and liberates whomever it touches.

     What does it ask of us, this interdependence and force of history, as agents of Change and Transformation? Here I return to my Manifesto for Bearers of the Torch of Liberty:

     Let us be unconquered, masterless, and free; let us answer tyranny with resistance, control with anarchy and civil disobedience, normality with transgression, and division with solidarity.

     Let us answer hate with love and fear with our faith in each other; let us reach out across our boundaries and become better than we now are, let us join together and break the chain of lies which binds us through our most atavistic passions to enslavement by authority and addiction to power.

     Let us dethrone authority and abandon power over others for an empowered self-ownership of identity; that we may reinvent how to be human as autonomous individuals, through and for one another in glorious inclusion and diversity, as a democratic and a free society of equals.

    Let us be bringers of chaos, joy, transformation, and revolution.

    As written by Rosa Luxemburg on the eve of her assassination; “The leadership has failed. Even so, the leadership can and must be recreated from the masses and out of the masses. The masses are the decisive element, they are the rock on which the final victory of the revolution will be built…Order reigns in Berlin! You stupid henchmen! Your ‘order’ is built on sand. Tomorrow the revolution will already ‘raise itself with a rattle’ and announce with fanfare, to your terror: I was, I am, I shall be!”

     As Rosa Luxemburg wrote from prison in a letter to Mathilde Wurm on December 28, 1916; “To be human is the main thing, and that means to be strong and clear and of good cheer in spite and because of everything, for tears are the preoccupation of weakness. To be human means throwing one’s life “on the scales of destiny” if need be, to be joyful for every fine day and every beautiful cloud—oh, I can’t write you any recipes how to be human, I only know how to be human … The world is so beautiful in spite of the misery and would be even more beautiful if there were no half-wits and cowards in it.”

     As written by Marcello Musto in Jacobin; “In August 1893, when the chair called on her to speak at a session of the Zurich Congress of the Second International, Rosa Luxemburg made her way without hesitation through the crowd of delegates and activists packed into the hall. She was one of the few women present, still in the flush of youth, slight of build, and with a hip deformity that had forced her to limp since the age of five. The first impression she gave to those who saw her was of a frail creature indeed. But then, standing on a chair to make herself better heard, she soon captivated the whole audience with the skill of her reasoning and the originality of her positions.

     In her view, the central demand of the Polish workers’ movement should not be an independent Polish state, as many had maintained. Poland was still under tripartite rule, divided between the German, Austro-Hungarian, and Russian empires; its reunification was proving difficult to achieve, and the workers should set their sights on objectives that would generate practical struggles in the name of particular needs.

     In a line of argument that she would develop in the years to come, she attacked those who concentrated on national issues and warned that the rhetoric of patriotism would be used to play down class struggle and to push the social question into the background. There was no need to add “subjection to Polish nationality” to all the forms of oppression suffered by the proletariat, she argued.

     Against the Current

     The intervention at the Zurich Congress symbolized the whole intellectual biography of a woman who should be considered among the most significant exponents of twentieth-century socialism. Born a hundred fifty years ago, on March 5, 1871, in Zamość in Tsarist-occupied Poland, Rosa Luxemburg lived her whole life on the margins, grappling with multiple adversities and always swimming against the current. Of Jewish origin, suffering from a lifelong physical handicap, she moved to Germany at the age of twenty-seven and managed to obtain citizenship there through a marriage of convenience.

     Being resolutely pacifist at the outbreak of the First World War, she was imprisoned several times for her ideas. She was a passionate enemy of imperialism during a new and violent period of colonial expansion. She fought against the death penalty in the midst of barbarism. And – a central dimension – she was a woman who lived in worlds inhabited almost exclusively by men.

     She was often the only female presence, both at Zurich University, where she obtained a doctorate in 1897 with a thesis entitled The Industrial Development of Poland, and in the leadership of German Social Democracy. The party appointed her as the first woman to teach at its central cadre school — a task she performed in the years between 1907 and 1914, during which she published The Accumulation of Capitalism (1913) and worked on the uncompleted project Introduction to Political Economy (1925).

     These difficulties were supplemented by her independent spirit and her autonomy — a virtue that often leads to trouble in left-wing parties too. Displaying a lively intelligence, she had the capacity to develop new ideas and to defend them, without awe and indeed with a disarming candor, before such figures as August Bebel and Karl Kautsky (who had had the formative privilege of direct contact with Engels).

     Her aim was not to repeat Marx’s words over again, but to interpret them historically and, when necessary, to build further on them. To voice her own opinion freely and to express critical positions within the party was for her an inalienable right. The party had to be a space where different views could coexist, so long as those who joined it shared its fundamental principles.

     Party, Strike, Revolution

    Luxemburg successfully overcame the many obstacles facing her, and in the fierce debate following Eduard Bernstein’s reformist turn she became a well-known figure in the foremost organization of the European workers’ movement. Whereas, in his famous text The Preconditions of Socialism and the Tasks of Social Democracy (1897–99), Bernstein had called on the party to burn its bridges with the past and to turn itself into a merely gradualist force, Luxemburg insisted in Social Reform or Revolution? (1898–99) that during every historical period “work for reforms is carried on only in the direction given it by the impetus of the last revolution.”

     Those who sought to achieve in the “chicken coop of bourgeois parliamentarism” the changes that the revolutionary conquest of political power would make possible were not choosing “a more tranquil, surer and slower road to the same goal,” but rather “a different goal.” They had accepted the bourgeois world and its ideology.

     Her aim was not to repeat Marx’s words over again, but to interpret them historically and, when necessary, to build further on them.

     The point was not to improve the existing social order, but to build a completely different one. The role of the labor unions — which could wrest from the bosses only more favorable conditions within the capitalist mode of production — and the Russian Revolution of 1905 prompted some thoughts on the possible subjects and actions that might bring about a radical transformation of society.

     In the book The Mass Strike, the Political Party and the Trade Union (1906), which analyzed the main events in vast areas of the Russian Empire, Luxemburg highlighted the key role of the broadest, mostly unorganized, layers of the proletariat. In her eyes, the masses were the true protagonists of history. In Russia the “element of spontaneity” — a concept that led some to accuse her of overestimating the class consciousness of the masses — had been important, and consequently the role of the party should not be to prepare the mass strike but to place itself “at the helm of the movement as a whole.”

     For Luxemburg, the mass strike was “the living pulse-beat of the revolution” and, at the same time, “its most powerful driving wheel.” It was the true “mode of movement of the proletarian mass, the phenomenal form of the proletarian struggle in the revolution.” It was not a single isolated action but the summation of a long period of class struggle.

     Moreover, it could not be overlooked that “in the storm of the revolutionary period,” the proletariat was transformed in such a way that “even the highest good, life — not to speak of material well-being — ha[d] little value in comparison with the ideals of the struggle.” The workers gained in consciousness and maturity. The mass strikes in Russia had shown how, in such a period, the “ceaseless reciprocal action of the political and economic struggles” was such that the one could pass immediately into the other.

     Communism Means Freedom and Democracy

     On the question of organizational forms and, more specifically, the role of the party, Luxemburg was involved in another heated dispute during those years, this time with Lenin. In One Step Forward, Two Steps Back (1904), the Bolshevik leader defended the positions adopted at the Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, putting forward a conception of the party as a compact nucleus of professional revolutionaries, a vanguard whose task it was to lead the masses.

     Luxemburg, by contrast, in Organizational Questions of the Russian Social Democracy (1904), argued that an extremely centralized party set up a very dangerous dynamic of “blind obedience to the central authority.” The party should not stifle but develop the involvement of society, in order to achieve “the correct historical evaluation of forms of struggle.” Marx once wrote that “every step of the real movement is more important than dozens of programs.” And Luxemburg extended this into the claim that “errors made by a truly revolutionary labor movement are historically infinitely more fruitful and more valuable than the infallibility of the best of all possible central committees.”

     This clash acquired still greater importance after the Soviet revolution of 1917, to which she offered her unconditional support. Worried by the events unfolding in Russia (beginning with the ways of tackling the land reform), she was the first in the communist camp to observe that “a prolonged state of emergency” would have a “degrading influence on society.”

     In the posthumous text The Russian Revolution (1922 [1918]), she emphasized that the historical mission of the proletariat, in conquering political power, was “to create a socialist democracy to replace bourgeois democracy — not to eliminate democracy altogether.” Communism meant “the most active, unlimited participation of the mass of the people, unlimited democracy,” which did not look to infallible leaders to guide it. A truly different political and social horizon would be reached only through a complex process of this kind, and not if the exercise of freedom was reserved “only for supporters of the government, only for the members of one party.”

     Luxemburg was firmly convinced that “socialism, by its nature, cannot be bestowed from above”; it has to expand democracy, not diminish it. She wrote that “the negative, the tearing down, can be decreed; the positive, the building up, cannot.” That was “new territory,” and only “experience” would be “capable of correcting and opening new ways.” The Spartacist League, founded in 1914 after a break with the SPD and later to become the Communist Party of Germany (KPD), explicitly stated that it would never take over governmental power “except in response to the clear, unambiguous will of the great majority of the proletarian mass of all of Germany.”

     Though making opposite political choices, both Social Democrats and Bolsheviks wrongly conceived of democracy and revolution as two alternative processes. For Rosa Luxemburg, on the contrary, the core of her political theory was an indissoluble unity of the two. Her legacy has been squeezed on both sides: Social Democrats, complicit in her brutal murder at the age of forty-seven at the hands of right-wing paramilitaries, fought her over the years, with no holds barred for the revolutionary accents of her thought, while Stalinists steered clear of making her ideas better known because of their critical, free-spirited character.

     Against Militarism, War, and Imperialism

     The other pivotal point of Luxemburg’s political convictions and activism was her twin opposition to war and agitation against militarism. Here she proved capable of updating the theoretical approach of the Left and winning support for clear-sighted resolutions at congresses of the Second International, which, though disregarded, were a thorn in the side of supporters of the First World War.

     In her analysis, the function of armies, the nonstop rearmament and the repeated outbreak of wars were not to be understood only in the classical terms of nineteenth-century political thinking. Rather, they were bound up with forces seeking to repress workers’ struggles and served as useful tools for reactionary interests to divide the working class. They also corresponded to a precise economic objective of the age.

     Capitalism needed imperialism and war, even in peacetime, in order to increase production, as well as to capture new markets as soon as they presented themselves in the colonial periphery outside Europe. As she wrote in The Accumulation of Capital, “political violence is nothing but a vehicle for the economic process” — a judgment that she followed up with one of the most controversial theses in the book, that rearmament was indispensable to the productive expansion of capitalism.

     Communism meant ‘the most active, unlimited participation of the mass of the people, unlimited democracy,’ which did not look to infallible leaders to guide it.

     This picture was a long way from optimistic reformist scenarios, and to sum it up Luxemburg used a formula that would resonate widely in the twentieth century: “socialism or barbarism.” She explained that the second term could be avoided only through self-aware mass struggle and, since anti-militarism required a high level of political consciousness, she was one of the greatest champions of a general strike against war — a weapon that many others, including Marx, underestimated.

     She argued that the theme of national defense should be used against new war scenarios and that the “War on War!” slogan should become “the cornerstone of working-class politics.” As she wrote in The Crisis of Social Democracy (1916), also known as The Junius Pamphlet, the Second International had imploded because it failed “to achieve a common tactic and action by the proletariat in all countries.” From then on, the “main goal” of the proletariat should therefore be “fighting imperialism and preventing wars, in peace as in war.”

     Without Losing Her Tenderness

     A cosmopolitan citizen of “what is to come,” Rosa Luxemburg said she felt at home “all over the world, wherever there are clouds and birds and human tears.” She was passionate about botany and loved animals, and we can see from her letters that she was a woman of great sensitivity, who remained at one with herself despite the bitter experiences that life held for her.

     For the cofounder of the Spartacist League, the class struggle was not just a question of wage increases. She did not wish to be a mere epigone and her socialism was never economistic. Immersed in the dramas of her time, she sought to modernize Marxism without calling its foundations into question. Her efforts in this direction are a constant warning to the Left that it should not limit its political activity to bland palliatives and give up trying to change the existing state of things.

     The way in which she lived, and her success in wedding theoretical elaboration with social agitation, still stands as a beacon to the new generation of militants who have chosen to take up the many battles she waged.”

The Revolutionary Ideas of Rosa Luxemburg

Understanding Rosa Luxemburg’s Life and Work; An interview with Peter Hudis, editor of the Complete Works of Rosa Luxemburg, published by Verso Books in cooperation with the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung

Germany remembers Rosa Luxemburg 100 years after her murder

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jan/15/germans-take-to-the-streets-to-celebrate-rosa-luxemburg-karl-liebknecht-berlin

https://jacobinmag.com/2021/03/happy-150th-birthday-rosa-luxemburg

https://prruk.org/a-letter-to-rosa-luxemburg-by-john-berger/

https://jacobinmag.com/2021/03/rosa-luxemburg-tactics-of-revolution

https://jacobinmag.com/2016/01/rosa-luxemburg-paul-buhle-clr-james-reform-revolution-german-spd

https://jacobinmag.com/2019/01/rosa-luxemburg-anniversary-spd-revolutionary-realpolitik

https://jacobinmag.com/2019/01/reform-revolution-rosa-luxemburg-socialism-democracy

https://jacobinmag.com/2021/03/rosa-luxemburg-socialist-party-school-spd

 Cannibal Capitalism: How our System is Devouring Democracy, Care, and the Planet—and What We Can Do About It, Nancy Fraser

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/57256629-cannibal-capitalism

            Rosa Luxemburg, a reading list

The Rosa Luxemburg Reader, by Rosa Luxemburg, Peter Hudis,  Kevin B. Anderson (Editors)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/189775.The_Rosa_Luxemburg_Reader

Red Rosa: A Graphic Biography of Rosa Luxemburg, by Kate Evans, Paul M. Buhle (Editor)

Rosa Luxemburg, Women’s Liberation, and Marx’s Philosophy of Revolution,

by Raya Dunayevskaya

The Murder of Rosa Luxemburg, by Klaus Gietinger, Loren Balhorn (Translator)

The Revolutionary Legacy of Rosa Luxemburg, by Marie Frederiksen

Rosa Luxemburg, Paul Frölich

January 15 2023 A Figure of Our Best Selves: Martin Luther King Day

We celebrate today what is best and most human in us; our ability to transcend our differences and the legacies of historical and epigenetic inequalities and injustices in compassion for our enemies and solidarity with our fellows, and struggle toward a realization of our values as action and the possibility of redemption for all humankind; freedom, equality, truth, and justice.

     We celebrate these things in the figure of a man, who like all human beings was beautiful not in spite of his flaws but because of them; for those who bear the wounds of their differences and allow this brokenness to open them to the pain of others transcend their limits and become a gateway through which others may do the same, and through which hope and love can enter the world.

     Some of us may become mythic and archetypal figures of Liberty and liberation, like Martin Luther King, who bore a sacred vision passed to him from Gandhi to whom it was passed by Tolstoy; others may enact the praxis of our values and ideals in their private lives rather than on the stage of the world, but each of us can be an agent of change and transformation, and enact the role of the Lightbringer in defiance of authority and as champions of humanity.

     In the words of Martin Luther King in a letter advocating passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965; “There must be a change. There will be a change. For to deny a person the right to exercise his political freedom at the polls is no less a dastardly act as to deny a Christian the right to petition God in prayer.”

    Rejoice with me that we have such figures and examples to illuminate our way through the darkness, and to remind us who we truly are and can become.

     As written by Nicole Chavez for CNN, Here are the Martin Luther King Jr. words that inspire today’s social justice leaders; “More than a half a century has passed since the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. stood on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial calling for freedom and equality — and the fight for social justice appears to be far from over.

     Activists and athletes fighting for equality in the Black, Latino, Asian American, Native American and Muslim American communities took a moment to reflect on King’s words when asked by CNN last year.

     They shared their thoughts weeks after the insurrection at the US Capitol and months after the police killing of George Floyd sparked widespread protests and rekindled the Black Lives Matter movement.

     A year later, their views remain relevant as more than a dozen states have moved to enact restrictive voting laws and King’s family demands action on federal voting rights legislation.

     Each of the activists and athletes who spoke with CNN selected a quote from the civil rights movement leader and shared why it resonates with them. Here are their responses, some of which have been edited for clarity:

     Dolores Huerta

     Huerta, a Mexican American civil rights icon, formed a farmworkers union with Cesar Chavez and is president of the Dolores Huerta Foundation. She chose a quote from King’s speech titled “The Three Evils of Society.”

     “We are now experiencing the coming to the surface of a triple prong sickness that has been lurking within our body politic from its very beginning. That is the sickness of racism, excessive materialism and militarism.” – Martin Luther King Jr.

      Why did Huerta pick that quote?

     “Racism is a sickness. Many Americans with that sickness stormed the nation’s Capitol recently as racism feeds fascism. Racism stems from ignorance and creates, hate, fear violence and destruction,” Huerta said.

     “Dr. Martin Luther King warned us that racism threatened the very foundation of our democracy. Racism began with slavery, the oppression of workers, the subjugation of women and children.”

     Huerta said that a national effort is needed to save the United States’ democracy from fascism and to end the racism which “is so ingrained in our body politic.”

“We have no choice but to heal.”

     Patrisse Cullors

     Cullors is an artist, political strategist, co-founder of the Black Lives Matter Global Network, and author of the upcoming “An Abolitionist’s Handbook: 12 Steps to Changing Yourself and the World.” She chose a quote from King’s “Letter from a Birmingham Jail.”

     “First, I must confess that over the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate. I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro’s great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen’s Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate who is more devoted to ‘order’ than to justice.” -Martin Luther King Jr.

     Why did Cullors pick that quote?

     “On January 6, the world witnessed a failed attempted coup by White supremacists extremists. These are the same people who have taunted, humiliated and threatened Black Lives Matter members and our leadership. And while these White supremacists are scary and dangerous, our movement has historically seen the White liberal as a barrier to the freedom of Black people,” Cullors said.

     “To keep it plain. We need White folks to show up. Showing up in more ways than just saying ‘Black Lives Matter’ or putting ‘Black Lives Matter’ on their social media,” Cullors added.

     “We need white folks to show up by following the leadership of Black folks, the very same Black folks who have transformed this country over and over again. On this MLK day let’s remind ourselves that Black people deserve dignity, care and power.”

     Nneka Ogwumike

Ogwumike is a WNBA player and president of the Women’s National Basketball Players Association. She chose the following quote:

Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will.” – Martin Luther King Jr.

     Why did Ogwumike pick those words?

“It is not enough for good people to know they are good for goodness to take place,” she said. “We must hold ourselves to actionable accountability that plants the seeds for sustainable change; allowing both its roots and branches to grow over time, naturally and intentionally.”

     Nihad Awad

Awad is the national executive director of the Council on American-Islamic Relations. He chose a quote from King’s book “A Gift of Love: Sermons from Strength to Love and Other Preachings.”

Nothing in all the world is more dangerous than sincere ignorance and conscientious stupidity.” – Martin Luther King Jr.

     Why did Awad pick those words?

He said the quote speaks to the “five years of indoctrination and lies by (President) Donald Trump and his enablers created a poisonous environment in which millions of Americans believe in falsehoods and conspiracy theories that make our society and the world less stable and less peaceful.”

     Sruti Suryanarayanan

Suryanarayanan is a spokesperson for the advocacy group South Asian Americans Leading Together. They chose a few sentences from King’s 1967 book “Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community?”

Why is equality so assiduously avoided? Why does white America delude itself, and how does it rationalize the evil it retains? The majority of white Americans consider themselves sincerely committed to justice for the Negro. They believe that American society is essentially hospitable to fair play and to steady growth toward a middle-class Utopia embodying racial harmony. But unfortunately this is a fantasy of self-deception and comfortable vanity.” – Martin Luther King Jr.

     Why did Suryanarayanan pick those words?

“Building a just world starts with the abolition of White supremacy, in all its forms — structural, institutional, and personal,” Suryanarayanan said. “But as non-Black people of color, we must also unpack and combat our own complicity in White supremacy and American imperialism. Without the deconstruction of anti-Black racism, no liberation is possible.”

     Kimberlé Crenshaw

Crenshaw is the co-founder and executive director of the African American Policy Forum. She chose a quote from King’s “I Have a Dream” speech.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked ‘insufficient funds.’ – Martin Luther King Jr.

      Why did Crenshaw pick that quote?

“Martin Luther King Jr.’s framing of the failures and promises of America makes clear how the nation’s unaddressed deficits become the justification for even greater disenfranchisement and expropriation. The right-wing attacks on his dream and the physical embodiment of the ideological assault on multicultural democracy that we witnessed last week are a repudiation of the very idea that there exists a ‘promissory note’,” Crenshaw said.

“King was often critical — most famously in his ‘Letter from a Birmingham Jail’ — of those moderates who chronically advocated for a ‘more convenient season’ to pursue racial justice. On this Martin Luther King Jr. holiday, we should acknowledge — in the face of so much tragedy and depravity — that we are never going to be in a stable position when it comes to injustice. And it is from the illusion of stability that the further deterioration of Black people’s material status occurs. The fight for justice must continue — always.”

     Crystal Echo Hawk

Echo Hawk is the founder and executive director of IllumiNative, a national Native-led non-profit group. She chose an excerpt from King’s book “Why We Can’t Wait.”

     We are perhaps the only nation which tried as a matter of national policy to wipe out its indigenous population. Moreover, we elevated that tragic experience into a noble crusade. Indeed, even today we have not permitted ourselves to reject or to feel remorse for this shameful episode. Our literature, our films, our drama, our folklore all exalt it…It was upon this massive base of racism that the prejudice toward the nonwhite was readily built, and found rapid growth. This long-standing racist ideology has corrupted and diminished our democratic ideals. It is this tangled web of prejudice from which many Americans now seek to liberate themselves, without realizing how deeply it has been woven into their consciousness.” -Martin Luther King Jr.

     Why did Echo Hawk pick that quote?

“Dr. King taught us that racial injustice in the United States started with the arrival of colonizers on Native land. The violence these settlers used first against Indigenous peoples, then against Black slaves, was predicated on White supremacist beliefs. White supremacy is upheld by false origin myths about the United States, ignored by whitewashing brutal anti-Native and anti-Black policies, and sustained by stereotyped, inaccurate portrayals of Native people and people of color in popular culture,” Echo Hawk said.

“To create a just world, all people of every race, ethnicity, sexuality, gender expression, and age, must stand together and tell truthful stories about our past and hopeful stories about our future.”

     A’ja Wilson

Wilson, who plays for the WNBA’s Las Vegas Aces, is a member of the league’s Social Justice Council. She is also the founder of A’ja Wilson Foundation, which supports children who struggle with dyslexia. She chose a King quote that gives her hope.

We must accept finite disappointment, but never lose infinite hope.” – Martin Luther King Jr.

     Why did Wilson pick that quote?

“There is so much going on in the world right now. So many disappointing, tragic and gut-wrenching moments,” Wilson said. “We all have to keep our foot on the gas but historically, we have always come together as a people to celebrate the wins, big or small, and that’s one of the greatest things about our culture. We can never give up.”

     Jaren Jackson Jr.

Jackson Jr. plays for the NBA’s Memphis Grizzlies. He chose a King quote that he said “resonated” with him the most.

“People fail to get along because they fear each other; they fear each other because they don’t know each other; they don’t know each other because they have not communicated with each other.” – Martin Luther King Jr.

     Why did Jackson Jr. pick that quote?

“This quote resonated with me the most given our current climate because we have become so polarized. We no longer sit down and have conversations about our differences and as Dr. King said it is purely out of fear of what we don’t know about each other,” Jackson Jr. said.

     “I believe in order for us to move past the horrible events of the past few months as well as the past several decades, we need to have open and honest dialogue. (We need) a conversation where no matter your race, religion, sexual orientation or any other difference, we listen with compassion and find a common ground. If the pandemic taught us nothing else, we must value time and we must talk to each other. We can’t let fear dictate who we are. We gotta be better than that. It’s time to achieve Dr. King’s dream.”

     As written by Nicholas Powers ibn Truthout, in an article entitled Following in MLK’s Footsteps Means Resisting Christian Nationalism: King’s life gives us a blueprint to fight the religious right; “artin Luther King Jr. yanked the burnt Ku Klux Klan Christian cross from his front lawn as his child looked on. It was 1960. Many Black families in Atlanta woke to charred crosses left as a warning to civil rights activists.

     Sixty-one years later, a Christian nationalist group called Jericho’s Road stoked the January 6 insurrection with prayer vigils and marches. A right-wing mob waving flags emblazoned with “Jesus 2020” and “Jesus is My Savior” stormed the Capitol, armed and threatening to kill Democrats and Republicans. Outside, men prayed near a giant cross. A year after the January 6 attempted coup, the Christian far right is more isolated, extreme and preparing to strike again.

     White Christian nationalists, the extreme fringe of the religious right, are increasingly turning to violence. They want to make Christianity the state religion, ban abortion, reinforce conservative gender roles and dramatically cut immigration to ensure a white majority. MLK Jr. endured attacks from racist evangelicals, using redemptive suffering and taking the moral high ground to unite a multiracial coalition, the Poor People’s Campaign. What worked for him then can work for us today.

     The Cross or the Switchblade

     Christian nationalists don’t turn the other cheek, they turn to the gun. Whether the targets are abortion doctors, mosques or immigrants, a rifle’s crosshairs is the real cross they pray to.

     The United States has the largest number of Christians of any nation. Out of 333 million people, roughly 64 percent are Christian, a number in dramatic decline but nevertheless one that includes Catholics and evangelical Protestants, among others. More important is that conservative Christians, according to Pew Research, tend to be white, older, less educated, pray daily, believe in a literal Hell and Heaven, and skew Republican. They also tend to cultivate racist ideas and deny the reality of systemic racism.

     On the conservative fringe are Christian nationalists, a toxic brew of American jingoism and Bible thumping. In an interview with The Young Turks, Katherine Stewart, author of The Power Worshippers: Inside the Dangerous Rise of Religious Nationalism, said, “It basically is the idea that America is founded as a Christian nation … we’ve moved away from that and the right kind of Americans need to take it back … it divides ‘us’ versus ‘them,’ the ‘pure’ from the ‘impure’ … it is an organized quest for power.”

     In this biblical struggle, white Christian nationalists imagine themselves as the foot soldiers of Jesus. Secular society looks to them, Stewart said, to be “Satanic. Demonic. Inhuman.” It is a theology that is anti-democratic and juvenile. It is a simple-minded story of good and evil that demonizes whoever is different; the gay person, the Muslim, the immigrant. Finally, the unconverted must kneel at the foot of the cross, by court order or force if needed.

     “We should be proud to be Christian nationalists,” boasted Republican Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, the latest face of the movement. Today’s upsurge of white Christian nationalism is a reaction to the social protests that have rocked the U.S. — Black Lives Matter, the Supreme Court decision to legalize gay marriage, #MeToo and Occupy Wall Street. Each protest disrupted long accepted power dynamics and exposed the dirty underside of the “American Dream.”

     How does one effectively handle this hatred? Turning to the past, we see that MLK took the Gospel back and used it to effectively expose their racism, sexism and classism.

     The Two Faces of Christ

     “I had to know God for myself,” Martin Luther King Jr. said in a 1967 sermon. “I’m weak now. I’m faltering. I’m losing my courage … it seemed at that moment I could hear an inner voice saying, ‘Stand up for truth! Stand up for justice!’ … I heard the voice of Jesus say, ‘fight on’; he promised to never leave me.”

     You can hear the fatigue and sorrow in his thunderous but trembling voice. The FBI file on King showed hundreds of threats against him, from bomb threats targeting planes he flew on to the KKK trying to hire a hit man. He lived in the shadow of death. A contract was put on his life, a cross burned on his lawn, his house bombed and finally King was shot and killed at the Lorraine Motel on April 4, 1968, just a year after he wearily said, “Jesus promised to never leave me.”

     Jerry Falwell, Sr., a Southern fundamentalist preacher, relished attacking the civil rights movement and King specifically as either ignorant, secret Communists or going against God’s will. He did not publicly advocate violence, but he laid the foundation for Christian nationalism with his mix of racism, patriotism and Bible scholarship.

     “If Chief Justice (Earl) Warren and his associates had known God’s word … I am quite confident that the 1954 decision would never have been made. The facilities should be separate,” said Falwell in his 1950s era sermon, Segregation or Integration: Which?. “When God has drawn a line of distinction, we should not attempt to cross that line.”

     Just to put a fine point on it, Falwell added, “The true Negro does not want integration.”

     In a contest over public support for civil rights, King and Falwell were two faces of U.S. Christianity. King read the same Bible as Falwell, but instead of Falwell’s vengeful Jesus, casting sinners into the fiery pit of Hell, King saw Jesus as a revolutionary pacifist.

     What King found in the Bible were the Black voices, who across the generations had called out to God for deliverance from slavery. They prayed for the return of loved ones sold on auction blocks. They prayed to go from sunup to sundown without a whip cutting their skin to bloody rags. They prayed to walk free, to read and question and wonder, to hold children and dance with neighbors and live, just live.

     King’s Jesus was a Black Jesus. He loved the poor. He healed the sick. He was willing to break an unjust law for the greater moral good of love. King wrote about unjust laws in his 1963, Letter from Birmingham Jail, “An unjust law is a human law that is not rooted in eternal law and natural law. Any law that uplifts human personality is just. Any law that degrades human personality is unjust.”

     King’s Jesus did not reduce anyone’s humanity to skin color, class or sex. The Christian tradition he represents always transcended the limits of the Bible’s text to reach its spirit. In order to make it real, King and the millions who followed him risked their lives and suffered, in hopes to redeem — really rescue — the racists trapped in their hatred.

     Falwell’s Jesus would have none of that. His Jesus was the Jesus of punishment and terror. It was tradition, too. A corrosive line can be drawn from the 1741 sermon, Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God by Jonathan Edwards, who ranted, “Men are held in the Hand of God over the Pit of Hell; they have deserved the fiery Pit, and are already sentenced to it,” to Falwell saying after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, “The pagans, and the abortionists, and the feminists, and the gays and the lesbians who are actively trying to make that an alternative lifestyle … I point the finger in their face and say ‘you helped this happen.’”

     Fire. Brimstone. Punishment. The secret of Christian nationalists is they are sadists. They love Jesus for the authority it gives them to hate others. And they hate Christians like King, who took the Bible back and made everyone into angels.

     The Return of the King

     The crisis today is the collision of these two traditions: King’s Jesus versus Falwell’s Jesus. As the United States (and the West overall) becomes more diverse while sliding into a deepening social chasm of inequality, the appeal of white Christian nationalism will grow for a shrinking majority.

     King died in ’68. Falwell, in 2007. They live on in their legacies. In 1971, three years after King’s assassination, Falwell founded Liberty University, a think tank for the Christian right, and in 1979 established the Moral Majority, a political lobby hub for evangelicals. The Moral Majority got “souls to the polls” for Republicans and eventually in the ‘90s was overtaken by the Christian Coalition, a non-profit voter registration group, which is now controlled by pro-Trump Christian nationalists.

     In 1971, Jesse Jackson, who fought alongside King, founded the Rainbow/PUSH Coalition. He later ran for the presidency and said at the 1988 Democratic National Convention, “Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. lies only a few miles from us tonight. He must feel good as he looks down upon us. We sit here together, a rainbow, a coalition.” He picked up where King had left off: “What’s the moral challenge of our day? We have public accommodations. We have the right to vote. We have open housing. What’s the fundamental challenge of our day? It is to end economic violence.”

     Today the theological and political descendants of King and Falwell again fight for the direction of the nation. Former President Donald Trump seeks to lead a ramshackle, fascist coalition of Christian nationalists, Ayn Rand fanatics, plutocrats and hucksters. Should he fail, a new cast of characters are hungry to lead like Gov. Ron DeSantis, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene and failed Pennsylvania gubernatorial candidate Doug Mastriano.

     Contrast them to King’s followers, a growing multiracial, democratic socialist America led by Dream Defenders, Cooperation Jackson, Extinction Rebellion, Rev. William Barber, Sen. Bernie Sanders, Christian socialist intellectual Cornel West and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. The George Floyd protests were a glimpse of a possible future when the progressive youth outnumber and overpower MAGA reactionaries.

     King stood at the edge of the promised land and urged us forward. Fifty years later, it’s time to enter.”

      In a speech which for myself articulates the best of our limitless possibilities of becoming human, The Other America, Martin Luther King teaches us this; “Rev. Dr. Harry Meserve, Bishop Emrich, my dear friend Congressman Conyers, ladies and gentlemen.

     I need not pause to say how very delighted I am to be here tonight and to have the great privilege of discussing with you some of the vital issues confronting our nation and confronting the world. It is always a very rich and rewarding experience when I can take a brief break from the day-to-day demands of our struggle for freedom and human dignity and discuss the issues involved in that struggle with concerned people of goodwill all over our nation and all over the world, and I certainly want to express my deep personal appreciation to you for inviting me to occupy this significant platform.

     I want to discuss the race problem tonight and I want to discuss it very honestly.  I still believe that freedom is the bonus you receive for telling the truth. Ye shall know the truth and the truth shall set you free. And I do not see how we will ever solve the turbulent problem of race confronting our nation until there is an honest confrontation with it and a willing search for the truth and a willingness to admit the truth when we discover it.  And so I want to use as a title for my lecture tonight, “The Other America.”  And I use this title because there are literally two Americas.  Every city in our country has this kind of dualism, this schizophrenia, split at so many parts, and so every city ends up being two cities rather than one. There are two Americas. One America is beautiful for situation. In this America, millions of people have the milk of prosperity and the honey of equality flowing before them. This America is the habitat of millions of people who have food and material necessities for their bodies, culture and education for their minds, freedom and human dignity for their spirits. In this America, children grow up in the sunlight of opportunity. But there is another America. This other America has a daily ugliness about it that transforms the buoyancy of hope into the fatigue of despair.  In this other America, thousands and thousands of people, men, in particular, walk the streets in search for jobs that do not exist. In this other America, millions of people are forced to live in vermin-filled, distressing housing conditions where they do not have the privilege of having wall-to-wall carpeting, but all too often, they end up with wall-to-wall rats and roaches. Almost forty percent of the Negro families of America live in sub-standard housing conditions. In this other America, thousands of young people are deprived of an opportunity to get an adequate education. Every year thousands finish high school reading at a seventh, eighth and sometimes ninth-grade level. Not because they’re dumb, not because they don’t have the native intelligence, but because the schools are so inadequate, so over-crowded, so devoid of quality, so segregated if you will, that the best in these minds can never come out. Probably the most critical problem in the other America is the economic problem. There are so many other people in the other America who can never make ends meet because their incomes are far too low if they have incomes, and their jobs are so devoid of quality.  And so in this other America, unemployment is a reality and under-employment is a reality. (I’ll just wait until our friend can have her say) (applause). I’ll just wait until things are restored and. . .everybody talks about law and order. (applause)

     Now before I was so rudely interrupted… (applause), and I might say that it was my understanding that we’re going to have a question and answer period, and if anybody disagrees with me, you will have the privilege, the opportunity to raise a question if you think I’m a traitor, then you’ll have an opportunity to ask me about my traitorness and we will give you that opportunity.

     Now let me get back to the point that I was trying to bring out about the economic problem. And that is one of the most critical problems that we face in America today.  We find in the other America unemployment constantly rising to astronomical proportions and black people generally find themselves living in a literal depression. All too often when there is mass unemployment in the black community, it’s referred to as a social problem and when there is mass unemployment in the white community, it’s referred to as a depression. But there is no basic difference. The fact is, that the negro faces a literal depression all over the U.S.  The unemployment rate on the basis of statistics from the labor department is about 8.8 per cent in the black community. But these statistics only take under consideration individuals who were once in the labor market, or individuals who go to employment offices to seek employment. But they do not take under consideration the thousands of people who have given up, who have lost motivation, the thousands of people who have had so many doors closed in their faces that they feel defeated and they no longer go out and look for jobs, the thousands who’ve come to feel that life is a long and desolate corridor with no exit signs. These people are considered the discouraged and when you add the discouraged to the individuals who can’t be calculated through statistics in the unemployment category, the unemployment rate in the negro community probably goes to 16 or 17 percent.  And among black youth, it is in some communities as high as 40 and 45 percent. But the problem of unemployment is not the only problem. There is the problem of under-employment, and there are thousands and thousands, I would say millions of people in the negro community who are poverty-stricken – not because they are not working but because they receive wages so low that they cannot begin to function in the mainstream of the economic life of our nation. Most of the poverty-stricken people of America are persons who are working every day and they end up getting part-time wages for full-time work. So the vast majority of negroes in America find themselves perishing on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. This has caused a great deal of bitterness. It has caused a great deal of agony. It has caused ache and anguish. It has caused great despair, and we have seen the angered expressions of this despair and this bitterness in the violent rebellions that have taken place in cities all over our country. Now I think my views on non-violence are pretty generally known. I still believe that non-violence is the most potent weapon available to the negro in his struggle for justice and freedom in the U.S.

     Now let me relieve you a bit. I’ve been in the struggle a long time now, (applause) and I’ve conditioned myself to some things that are much more painful than discourteous people not allowing you to speak, so if they feel that they can discourage me, they’ll be up here all night.

     Now I wanted to say something about the fact that we have lived over these last two or three summers with agony and we have seen our cities going up in flames. And I would be the first to say that I am still committed to militant, powerful, massive, non­-violence as the most potent weapon in grappling with the problem from a direct action point of view. I’m absolutely convinced that a riot merely intensifies the fears of the white community while relieving the guilt. And I feel that we must always work with an effective, powerful weapon and method that brings about tangible results. But it is not enough for me to stand before you tonight and condemn riots. It would be morally irresponsible for me to do that without, at the same time, condemning the contingent, intolerable conditions that exist in our society. These conditions are the things that cause individuals to feel that they have no other alternative than to engage in violent rebellions to get attention. And I must say tonight that a riot is the language of the unheard. And what is it America has failed to hear? It has failed to hear that the plight of the negro poor has worsened over the last twelve or fifteen years. It has failed to hear that the promises of freedom and justice have not been met. And it has failed to hear that large segments of white society are more concerned about tranquillity and the status quo than about justice and humanity.

     Now every year about this time, our newspapers and our televisions and people generally start talking about the long hot summer ahead. What always bothers me is that the long hot summer has always been preceded by a long cold winter.  And the great problem is that the nation has not used its winters creatively enough to develop the program, to develop the kind of massive acts of concern that will bring about a solution to the problem. And so we must still face the fact that our nation’s summers of riots are caused by our nation’s winters of delay. As long as justice is postponed we always stand on the verge of these darker nights of social disruption. The question now, is whether America is prepared to do something massively, affirmatively and forthrightly about the great problem we face in the area of race and the problem which can bring the curtain of doom down on American civilization if it is not solved.  And I would like to talk for the next few minutes about some of the things that must be done if we are to solve this problem.

     The first thing I would like to mention is that there must be a recognition on the part of everybody in this nation that America is still a racist country. Now however unpleasant that sounds, it is the truth.  And we will never solve the problem of racism until there is a recognition of the fact that racism still stands at the center of so much of our nation and we must see racism for what it is. It is the nymph of inferior people. It is the notion that one group has all of the knowledge, all of the insights, all of the purity, all of the work, all of the dignity. And another group is worthless, on a lower level of humanity, inferior. To put it in philosophical language, racism is not based on some empirical generalization which, after some studies, would come to the conclusion that these people are behind because of environmental conditions. Racism is based on an ontological affirmation. It is the notion that the very being of a people is inferior. And their ultimate logic of racism is genocide. Hitler was a very sick man. He was one of the great tragedies of history. But he was very honest. He took his racism to its logical conclusion.  The minute his racism caused him to sickly feel and go about saying that there was something innately inferior about the Jew he ended up killing six million Jews.  The ultimate logic of racism is genocide, and if one says that one is not good enough to have a job that is a solid quality job if one is not good enough to have access to public accommodations if one is not good enough to have the right to vote if one is not good enough to live next door to him if one is not good enough to marry his daughter because of his race. Then at that moment, that person is saying that that person who is not good to do all of this is not fit to exist or to live. And that is the ultimate logic of racism. And we’ve got to see that this still exists in American society. And until it is removed, there will be people walking the streets of  and living in their humble dwellings feeling that they are nobody, feeling that they have no dignity and feeling that they are not respected. The first thing that must be on the agenda of our nation is to get rid of racism.

     Secondly, we’ve got to get rid of two or three myths that still pervade our nation. One is the myth of time. I’m sure you’ve heard this notion. It is the notion that only time can solve the problem of racial injustice. And I’ve heard it from many sincere people. They’ve said to the negro and/to his allies in the white community you should slow up, you’re pushing things too fast, only time can solve the problem. And if you’ll just be nice and patient and continue to pray, in a hundred or two hundred years the problem will work itself out. There is an answer to that myth. It is the time is neutral. It can be used either constructively or destructively. And I’m sad to say to you tonight I’m absolutely convinced that the forces of ill will in our nation, the forces on the wrong side in our nation, the extreme righteous of our nation have often used time much more effectively than the forces of goodwill and it may well be that we may have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words of the bad people who will say bad things in a meeting like this or who will bomb a church in Birmingham, Alabama, but for the appalling silence and indifference of the good people who sit around and say wait on time. Somewhere we must come to see that human progress never rolls in on the wheels of inevitability, it comes through the tireless efforts and the persistent work of dedicated individuals who are willing to be co-workers with God and without this hard work time itself becomes an ally of the primitive forces of social stagnation. And so we must always help time and realize that the time is always right to do right.

     Now there is another myth and that is the notion that legislation can’t solve the problem that you’ve got to change the heart and naturally I believe in changing the heart. I happen to be a Baptist preacher and that puts me in the heart-changing business and Sunday after Sunday I’m preaching about conversion and the need for the new birth and regeneration. I believe that there’s something wrong with human nature. I believe in original sin not in terms of the historical event but as the mythological category to explain the universality of evil, so I’m honest enough to see the gone-wrongness of human nature so naturally, I’m not against changing the heart and I do feel that that is the half-truth involved here, that there is some truth in the whole question of changing the heart. We are not going to have the kind of society that we should have until the white person treats the negro right – not because the law says it but because it’s natural because it’s right and because the black man is the white man’s brother. I’ll be the first to say that we will never have a truly integrated society, a truly colorless society until men and women are obedient to the unenforceable. But after saying that, let me point out the other side. It may be true that morality cannot be legislated, but behavior can be regulated. It may be true that the law cannot change the heart but it can restrain the heartless. It may be true that the law can’t make a man love me, but it can restrain him from lynching me, and I think that’s pretty important also.

     And so while legislation may not change the hearts of men, it does change the habits of men when it’s vigorously enforced and when you change the habits of people pretty soon attitudes begin to be changed and people begin to see that they can do things that fears caused them to feel that they could never do. And I say that there’s a need still for strong civil rights legislation in various areas. There’s legislation in Congress right now dealing with the whole question of housing and equal administration of justice and these things are very important for I submit to you tonight that there is no more dangerous development in our nation than the constant building up of predominantly negro central cities ringed by white suburbs. This will do nothing but invite social disaster. And this problem has to be dealt with – some through legislation, some through education, but it has to be dealt with in a very concrete and meaningful manner.

     Now let me get back to my point. I’m going to finish my speech. I’ve been trying to think about what I’m going to preach about tomorrow down to Central Methodist Church in the Lenten series and I think I’ll use as the text, “Father forgive them for they know not what they do.”

     I want to deal with another myth briefly which concerns me and I want to talk about it very honestly and that is over-reliance on the bootstrap philosophy. Now certainly it’s very important for people to engage in self-help programs and do all they can to lift themselves by their own bootstraps. Now I’m not talking against that at all. I think there is a great deal that the black people of this country must do for themselves and that nobody else can do for them. And we must see the other side of this question. I remember the other day I was on a plane and a man starting talking with me and he said I’m sympathetic toward what you’re trying to do, but I just feel that you people don’t do enough for yourself and then he went on to say that my problem is, my concern is that I know of other ethnic groups, many of the ethnic groups that came to this country and they had problems just as negroes and yet they did the job for themselves, they lifted themselves by their own bootstraps.  Why is it that negroes can’t do that? And I looked at him and I tried to talk as understanding as possible but I said to him, it does not help the negro for unfeeling, sensitive white people to say that other ethnic groups that came to the country maybe a hundred or a hundred and fifty years voluntarily have gotten ahead of them and he was brought here in chains involuntarily almost three hundred and fifty years ago.  I said it doesn’t help him to be told that and then I went on to say to this gentlemen that he failed to recognize that no other ethnic group has been enslaved on American soil.  Then I had to go on to say to him that you failed to realize that America made the black man’s color a stigma. Something that he couldn’t change. Not only was the color a stigma, but even linguistic then stigmatic conspired against the black man so that his color was thought of as something very evil. If you open Roget’s Thesaurus and notice the synonym for black you’ll find about a hundred and twenty and most of them represent something dirty, smut, degrading, low, and when you turn to the synonym for white, about one hundred and thirty, all of them represent something high, pure, chaste. You go right down that list. And so in the language a white life is a little better than a black life. Just follow. If somebody goes wrong in the family, we don’t call him a white sheep we call him a black sheep. And then if you block some­body from getting somewhere you don’t say they’ve been whiteballed, you say they’ve been blackballed. And just go down the line. It’s not whitemail it’s blackmail. I tell you this to seriously say that the nation made the black man’s color a stigma and then I had to say to my friend on the plane another thing that is often forgotten in this country. That nobody, no ethnic group has completely lifted itself by its own bootstraps. I can never forget that the black man was free from the bondage of physical slavery in 1863. He wasn’t given any land to make that freedom meaningful after being held in slavery for 244 years. And it was like keeping a man in prison for many many years and then coming to see that he is not guilty of the crime for which he was convicted. Alright good night and God bless you.

     And I was about to say that to free, to have freed the negro from slavery without doing anything to get him started in life on a sound economic footing, it was almost like freeing a man who had been in prison many years and you had discovered that he was unjustly convicted of, that he was innocent of the crime for which he was convicted and you go up to him and say now you’re free, but you don’t give him any bus fare to get to town or you don’t give him any money to buy some clothes to put on his back or to get started in life again. Every code of jurisprudence would rise up against it.  This is the very thing that happened to the black man in America. And then when we look at it even deeper than this, it becomes more ironic. We’re reaping the harvest of this failure today. While      America refused to do anything for the black man at that point, during that very period, the nation, through an act of Congress, was giving away millions of acres of land in the west and the mid-west, which meant that it was willing to undergird its white peasants from Europe with an economic floor. Not only did they give the land, they built land grant colleges for them to learn how to farm. Not only that it provided county agents to further their expertise in farming and went beyond this and came to the point of providing low-interest rates for these persons so that they could mechanize their farms, and today many of these persons are being paid millions of dollars a year in federal subsidies not to farm and these are so often the very people saying to the black man that he must lift himself by his own bootstraps. I can never think … Senator Eastland, incidentally, who says this all the time gets a hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars a year, not to farm on various areas of his plantation down in Mississippi. And yet he feels that we must do everything for ourselves. Well, that appears to me to be a kind of socialism for the rich and rugged hard individualistic capitalism for the poor.

     Now let me say two other things and I’m going to rush on. One, I want to say that if we’re to move ahead and solve this problem we must re-order our national priorities. Today we’re spending almost thirty-five billion dollars a year to fight what I consider an unjust, ill-considered, evil, costly, unwinnable war at Viet Nam. I wish I had time to go into the dimensions of this. But I must say that the war in Viet Nam is playing havoc with our domestic destinies. That war has torn up the Geneva accord, it has strengthened, it has substituted. . .(interruption). . .alright if you want to speak I’ll let you come down and speak and I’ll wait. You can give your Viet Nam speech now listen to mine. Come right on.

     Speaker: Ladies and gentlemen, my name is Joseph McLawtern, communications technician, U.S. Navy, United States of America and I fought for freedom I didn’t fight for communism, traitors and I didn’t fight to be sold down the drain.  Not by Romney, Cavanagh, Johnson–nobody, nobody’s going to sell me down the drain.

     Alright, thank you very much. I just want to say in response to that, that there are those of us who oppose the war in Viet Nam. I feel like opposing it for many reasons. Many of them are moral reasons but one basic reason is that we love our boys who are fighting there and we just want them to come back home. But I don’t have time to go into the history and the development of the war in Viet Nam. I happen to be a pacifist but if I had had to make a decision about fighting a war against Hitler, I may have temporarily given up my pacifism and taken up arms. But nobody is to compare what is happening in Viet Nam today with that. I’m convinced that it is clearly an unjust war and it’s doing so many things–not only on the domestic scene, it is carrying the whole world closer to nuclear annihilation. And so I’ve found it necessary to take a stand against the war in Viet Nam and I appreciate Bishop Emrich’s question and I must answer it by saying that for me the tuitus? cannot be divided. It’s nice for me to talk about … it’s alright to talk about integrated schools and in integrated lunch counters which I will continue to work for, but I think it would be rather absurd for me to work for integrated schools and not be concerned about the survival of the world in which to integrate.

     The other thing is, that I have been working too long and too hard now against segregated public accommodations to end up at this stage of my life segregating my moral concern. I must make it clear. For me justice is indivisible.  Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.

     Now for the question of hurting civil rights. I think the war in Viet Nam hurt civil rights much more than my taking a stand against the war. And I could point out so many things to say that. . . a reporter asked me some time ago when I first took a strong stand against the war didn’t I feel that I would have to reverse my position because so many people disagreed, and people who once had respect for me wouldn’t have respect, and he went on to say that I hear that it’s hurt the budget of your organization and don’t you think that you have to get in line more with the administration’s policy … and of course those were very lonely days when I first started speaking out and not many people were speaking out but now I have a lot of company and it’s not as lonesome now. But anyway, I had to say to the reporter, I’m sorry sir but you don’t know me. I’m not a consensus leader and I do not determine what is right and wrong by looking at the budget of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference or by kind of taking a look at a gallop poll and getting the expression of the majority opinion. Ultimately, a genuine leader is not a succor for consensus but a mold of consensus. And on some positions cowardice ask the question is it safe? Expediency asks the question is it politics? Vanity asks the question is it popular? The conscience asks the question is it right? And there comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe nor politics nor popular but he must do it because conscience tells him it is right.

     Now the time is passing and I’m not going to… I was going into the need for direct action to dramatize and call attention to the gulf between promise and fulfillment. I’ve been searching for a long time for an alternative to riots on the one hand and timid supplication for justice on the other and I think that alternative is found in militant massive non-violence. I’ll wait until the question period before going into the Washington campaign. But let me say that it has been my experience in these years that I’ve been in the struggle for justice, that things just don’t happen until the issue is dramatized in a massive direct-action way. I never will forget when we came through Washington in 1964, in December coming from Oslo. I stopped by to see President Johnson. We talked about a lot of things and we finally got to the point of talking about voting rights. The President was concerned about voting, but he said Martin, I can’t get this through in this session of Congress.  We can’t get a voting rights bill, he said because there are two or three other things that I feel that we’ve got to get through and they’re going to benefit negroes as much as anything.  One was the education bill and something else. And then he went on to say that if I push a voting rights bill now, I’ll lose the support of seven congressmen that I sorely need for the particular things that I had and we just can’t get it. Well, I went on to say to the President that I felt that we had to do something about it and two weeks later we started a movement in Selma, Alabama. We started dramatizing the issue of the denial of the right to vote and I submit to you that three months later as a result of that Selma movement, the same President who said to me that we could not get a voting rights bill in that session of Congress was on the television singing through a speaking voice “we shall overcome” and calling for the passage of a voting rights bill and I could go on and on to show. . .and we did get a voting rights bill in that session of Congress. Now, I could go on to give many other examples to show that it just doesn’t come about without pressure and this is what we plan to do in Washington. We aren’t planning to close down Washington, we aren’t planning to close down Congress. This isn’t anywhere in our plans. We are planning to dramatize the issue to the point that poor people in this nation will have to be seen and will not be invisible.

     Now let me finally say something in the realm of the spirit and then I’m going to take my seat. Let me say finally, that in the midst of the hollering and in the midst of the discourtesy tonight, we got to come to see that however much we dislike it, the destinies of white and black America are tied together. Now the races don’t understand this apparently. But our destinies are tied together. And somehow, we must all learn to live together as brothers in this country or we’re all going to perish together as fools. Our destinies are tied together. Whether we like it or not culturally and otherwise, every white person is a little bit negro and every negro is a little bit white. Our language, our music, our material prosperity and even our food are an amalgam of black and white, so there can be no separate black path to power and fulfillment that does not intersect white routes and there can ultimately be no separate white path to power and fulfillment short of social disaster without recognizing the necessity of sharing that power with black aspirations for freedom and human dignity. We must come to see. . .yes we do need each other, the black man needs the white man to save him from his fear and the white man needs the black man to free him from his guilt.

     John Donne was right. No man is an island and the tide that fills every man is a piece of the continent, a part of the main. And he goes on toward the end to say, “any man’s death diminishes me because I’m involved in mankind. Therefore, it’s not to know for whom the bell tolls, it tolls for thee.” Somehow we must come to see that in this pluralistic, interrelated society we are all tied together in a single garment of destiny, caught in an inescapable network of mutuality. And by working with determination and realizing that power must be shared, I think we can solve this problem, and may I say in conclusion that our goal is freedom and I believe that we’re going to get there.   It’s going to be more difficult from here on in but I believe we’re going to get there because however much she strays away from it, the goal of America is freedom and our destiny is tied up with the destiny of America. Before the Pilgrim fathers landed at Plymouth we were here. Before Jefferson etched across the pages of history the majestic words of the Declaration of Independence we were here. Before the beautiful words of the Star-Spangled Banner were written we were here. And for more than two centuries our forbearers labored here without wages. They made cotton King, they built the homes of their masters in the midst of the most humiliating and oppressive conditions and yet out of a bottomless vitality they continued to grow and develop and if the inexpressible cruelties of slavery couldn’t stop us, the opposition that we now face including the white backlash will surely fail.

     We are going to win our freedom because both the sacred heritage of our nation and the eternal will of the Almighty God are embodied in our echoing demands. So however difficult it is during this period, however difficult it is to continue to live with the agony and the continued existence of racism, however difficult it is to live amidst the constant hurt, the constant insult and the constant disrespect, I can still sing we shall overcome. We shall overcome because the arc of the moral universe is long but it bends towards justice.

     We shall overcome because Carlisle is right. “No lie can live forever.” We shall overcome because William Cullen Bryant is right. “Truth crushed to earth will rise again.” We shall overcome because James Russell Lowell is right. “Truth forever on the scaffold, wrong forever on the throne.”   Yet that scaffold sways the future. We shall overcome because the Bible is right.  “You shall reap what you sow.” With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair, a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to speed up the day when all of God’s children all over this nation – black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old negro spiritual, “Free at Last, Free at Last, Thank God Almighty, We Are Free At Last.”

The Other America: Martin Luther King Speaks

Transcript of The Other America

Selma film trailer

Inspiring Scenes from the film Selma

https://jacobin.com/2023/01/martin-luther-king-junior-day-history-dissent-radicalism

https://www.forbes.com/sites/hollycorbett/2023/01/16/martin-luther-king-days-40th-anniversary-3-steps-to-assess-dei-progress/

https://www.cnn.com/2022/01/17/us/martin-luther-king-words-inspiring-activists-2022/index.html

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/jan/17/mlk-is-revered-today-but-the-real-king-would-make-white-people-uncomfortable

https://jacobinmag.com/2021/04/mlk-martin-luther-king-poor-peoples-campaign

https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/toc/2018/02

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Revolution and Non-Violence in Tolstoy, Gandhi, and Mandela, Imraan Coovadia

The Death of Ivan Ilyich and Confession, by Leo Tolstoy, Peter Carson (Translation), Mary Beard (Introduction)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/17575112-the-death-of-ivan-ilyich-and-confession

The Gandhi Reader: A Sourcebook of His Life and Writings, by Homer A. Jack (Editor)

     Martin Luther King, a reading list

A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings and Speeches, by Martin Luther King Jr., James Melvin Washington (Editor)

The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr., by Martin Luther King Jr., Clayborne Carson (Editor)

The Martin Luther King, Jr., Encyclopedia, by Clayborne Carson

Martin’s Dream: My Journey and the Legacy of Martin Luther King Jr.,

by Clayborne Carson

America in the King Years Series, Taylor Branch

https://www.goodreads.com/series/65742-america-in-the-king-years

His Truth Is Marching on: John Lewis and the Power of Hope, Jon Meacham, John Lewis (Afterword)

January 14 2023 Martin Luther King and Liberation Struggle as a Praxis of Faith

We hold up the figure of Martin Luther King as an icon of Liberty and a role model of what it means to be a citizen in a democracy which struggles toward becoming a true free society of equals, a struggle which unites all humankind in  interdependent processes of becoming human and emergence from the legacies of our history.

     This is about revolutionary struggle and seizures of power over our ownership of ourselves, and we must be very aware of our goal as the abolition of unequal power itself to avoid the seduction of power once tyrants have been cast down from their thrones, for the historical record of revolutions that become tyrannies due to the imposed conditions of struggle must teach us one thing above all else; who holds power is less important than the systemic balance of power and the relative equality of the human beings who must live in it. If the power to create, shape, and direct the form and goals of society is not held equally by its members, that society will undergo systemic failures from its internal contradictions.

    Catastrophic failures and systemic and structural collapse threatens us now as it has many times in the past, the survival of democracy against fascist tyranny and of humankind against ecological devastation and species extinction among the most terrible existential threats we now face. 

     Such moments can also be catalysts of change as the reimagination and transformation of ourselves and our civilization, for Chaos is a measure of the adaptive range of a system and its potential for growth. The Fourth Reich and its figurehead in America, Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, have demonstrated the flaws of our system; history has given us a Defining Moment in which to seize our power to change, and to free ourselves from the shadows of our history and the legacies and multigenerational and epigenetic trauma of slavery, from the ghosts of fear and force which we drag behind us like an invisible reptilian tail.

    In this great cause of becoming human as emergence from systemic harms and atavisms of instinct, we humans have intrinsic abilities as shaping, motivating, and informing sources which empower adaptation, among them being the redemptive and transformative power of love and its role in our duty of care toward others, hope as a form of autonomy which cannot be taken from us, and that most ambivalent, precarious, relative, and laden with historical significance of innate capacities, faith.

     Faith is a ground of struggle between authority and autonomy, between the weaponization of faith and trust in authority in service to power by tyrants and those who would enslave us as opposed to faith as a sacred calling to pursue the truth, as an imperative duty of care for and  interdependence and solidarity with others, and as a guarantor of autonomy as a personal relationship with the Infinite, and its instrumentalization can be determinative.

      Who stands between each of us and the Infinite serves neither.

      Here is the difference between liberation struggle as a praxis of faith as demonstrated by its role in the Abolition of slavery as a sacred crusade and its  forms in the Civil Rights movement of Martin Luther King and the Poor People’s Campaign, and its use as an apologetics of slavery by the Confederacy and its current forms deployed by the Gideonite fundamentalists who captured the Republican Party in 1980 and have morphed into a Fourth Reich which is now waging a total war on democracy and trying to steal the equality and citizenship of Black Americans through vote suppression, gerrymandering, and other legislative subversions of our government.

     Appeals to faith remain a powerful motive force in history, and the politization of churches as propaganda and organizing institutions of Christian Identity fascism and white supremacist terror remain a major threat to democracy, protected as free speech and freedom of religion, to which the most successful response has been that of Martin Luther King in setting a counterfire.

     Martin Luther King, a scholar of Paul Tillich and Kierkegaard, who bore forward the primary insight of Gandhi as a historical legacy from Tolstoy, forged a philosophy of action which describes for us how to wage Abolition against those who would enslave us, how to conquer hate with love, learned helplessness with hope, division with solidarity, and fear with our faith in each other and in our Ideals.

     Let the faith of liberation and revolutionary struggle consume the force of the faith of authoritarian tyranny and fascist racism.

     As I wrote in my post of March 20 2021, The Maiden Speech to Congress of Senator Raphael G. Warnock; We witnessed in the maiden speech to Congress of Senator Ralph G Warnock possibly the greatest American speech since Martin Luther King’s I Have a Dream; there will be other times to interrogate the question of vote suppression, but for today I wish only to amplify his voice in the hope that it may bear transformational power wherever it is heard. 

     Here are the words of the great Senator Raphael G. Warnock to America, to the world, and to history; “Mr. President—earlier than I start my formal remarks in the present day, I wish to pause to sentence the hatred and violence that took eight valuable lives final night time in metropolitan Atlanta. I grieve with Georgians, with People, with individuals of affection all internationally. This unspeakable violence visited largely upon the Asian group, is one which causes all of us to recommit ourselves to the way in which of peace and lively peace that stops these sorts of tragedies from occurring within the first place. We pray for these households.

     “Mr. President, I rise right here in the present day as a proud American and as one of many latest members of the Senate—in awe of the journey that has introduced me to those hallowed halls with an abiding sense of reverence and gratitude for the religion and sacrifices of ancestors who paved the way in which.

     “I’m a proud son of the good state of Georgia, born and raised in Savannah, a coastal metropolis identified for its cobble-stone streets and verdant city squares. Towering oak timber, centuries outdated and lined in grey Spanish moss, stretched from one aspect of the road to the opposite, bend and beckon the lover of historical past and horticulture to this metropolis by the ocean. I used to be educated at Morehouse Faculty and I serve nonetheless within the pulpit at Ebenezer Baptist Church; each in Atlanta, the cradle of the civil rights motion. Like these oak timber, my roots go down deep and stretch huge within the soil of Waycross, Burke County and Screven County. In a phrase, I’m Georgia. A dwelling instance and embodiment of its historical past and hope, the ache and the promise, the brutality and the likelihood.

     “Mr. President, on the time of my beginning, Georgia’s two senators had been Richard B. Russell and Herman E. Talmadge, each arch segregationists and unabashed adversaries of the civil rights motion. After the Supreme Courtroom’s landmark Brown v. Board ruling outlawing faculty segregation, Talmadge warned that “blood will run within the streets of Atlanta”. Senator Talmadge’s father, Eugene Talmadge, former governor of our state, had famously declared, “The South loves the Negro in his place, however his place is on the again door.” When as soon as requested how he and his supporters would possibly preserve Black individuals away from the polls, he picked up a scrap of paper and wrote a single phrase on it: “Pistols.”

     “But, there’s something within the American covenant—in its constitution paperwork and its Jeffersonian beliefs—that bends towards freedom. Led by a preacher and a patriot named King, People of all races stood up. Historical past vindicated the motion that sought to push us nearer to our beliefs, to elongate and strengthen the cords of our democracy, and I now maintain the seat—the Senate seat—the place Herman E. Talmadge sat.

     “And that’s why I like America. I like America as a result of we at all times have a path to make it higher, to construct a extra good union. It’s the place the place a child like me who grew up in public housing, the primary school graduate in my household, can now function a United States Senator. I had an older father, he was born in 1917; serving within the Military throughout World Conflict II, he was as soon as requested to surrender his seat to a younger teenager whereas sporting his soldier’s uniform, they stated “making the world secure for democracy.” However he was by no means bitter. By the point I got here alongside, he had already seen the arc of change in our nation. He maintained his religion in God, in his household and within the American promise, and he handed that religion on to his youngsters.

     “My mom grew up in Waycross, Georgia. You already know the place that’s? It’s approach ‘cross Georgia. Like a whole lot of Black youngsters within the 1950’s she spent her summers choosing any individual else’s tobacco and any individual else’s cotton. However as a result of that is America, the 82-year-old fingers that used to choose any individual else’s cotton went to the polls in January and picked her youngest son to be a United States Senator. Ours is a land the place risk is born of democracy. A vote, a voice, an opportunity to assist decide the course of the nation and one’s personal future inside it. Chance born of democracy.

     “That’s why this previous November and January, my mother and different residents of Georgia grabbed maintain of that risk and turned out in document numbers, 5 million in November, 4.4 million in January. Way over ever in our state’s historical past. Turnout for a typical runoff doubled. And the individuals of Georgia despatched the state’s first African American senator and first Jewish senator, my brother Jon Ossoff, to those hallowed halls.

     “However then, what occurred? Some politicians didn’t approve of the selection made by nearly all of voters in a hard-fought election by which both sides received the possibility to make its case to the voters. And, slightly than adjusting their agenda, slightly than altering their message, they’re busy attempting to alter the principles. We’re witnessing proper now a large and unabashed assault on voting rights not like something we have now seen for the reason that Jim Crow period. That is Jim Crow in new garments.

     “For the reason that January election, some 250 voter suppression payments have been launched by state legislatures all throughout the nation—from Georgia to Arizona, from New Hampshire to Florida. Utilizing the Huge Lie of voter fraud as a pretext for voter suppression. The identical Huge Lie that led to a violent riot on this very Capitol — the day after my election. Inside 24 hours, we elected Georgia’s first African-American and Jewish Senators, hours later the Capitol was assaulted. We see in just some valuable hours the strain very a lot alive within the soul of America. And the query earlier than all of us at each second is what’s going to we do to push us in the correct course.

     “So politicians pushed by that massive lie goal to severely restrict, and in some circumstances, eradicate automated and same-day voter registration, mail-in and absentee voting, and early voting and weekend voting. They wish to make it simpler to purge voters from the voting roll altogether. As a voting rights activist, I’ve seen up shut simply how draconian these measures could be. I hail from a state that purged 200,000 voters one Saturday night time —in the midst of the night time. We all know what’s occurring — some individuals don’t need some individuals to vote.

     “I used to be honored on a couple of events to face with our hero and my parishioner, John Lewis. I used to be his pastor however I’m clear he was my mentor. On multiple event we boarded buses collectively after Sunday Church companies as a part of our Souls To The Polls program, encouraging the Ebenezer Church household and communities of religion to take part within the democratic course of. Now just some months after Congressman Lewis’ dying, there are these within the Georgia legislature, some who even dared to reward his identify, that are actually attempting to eliminate Sunday Souls to the Polls, making it a criminal offense for individuals who pray collectively to get on a bus collectively and vote collectively. I feel that’s fallacious. In actual fact, I feel a vote is a form of prayer concerning the world we need for ourselves and our kids. And our prayers are stronger after we pray collectively.

     “To make sure, we have now seen these sorts of voter suppression techniques earlier than. They’re part of an extended and shameful historical past in Georgia and all through our nation. However refusing to be denied, Georgia residents and residents throughout our nation braved the warmth and the chilly and the rain, some standing in line for five hours, 6 hours, 10 hours simply to train their constitutional proper to vote. Younger individuals, outdated individuals, sick individuals, working individuals, already underpaid, compelled to lose wages, to pay a form of ballot tax whereas standing in line to vote.

     “And the way did some politicians reply? Properly, they’re attempting to make it a criminal offense to present individuals water and a snack, as they wait in traces which are clearly being made longer by their draconian actions. Take into consideration that. Take into consideration that. They’re those making the traces longer– by way of these draconian actions. Then, they wish to make it a criminal offense to convey grandma some water as she is ready in line they’re making longer! Make no mistake. That is democracy in reverse. Somewhat than voters having the ability to choose the politicians, the politicians try to cherry choose their voters. I say this can’t stand

     “And so I rise, Mr. President, as a result of that sacred and noble concept—one individual, one vote—is being threatened proper now. Politicians in my house state and all throughout America, of their craven lust for energy, have launched a full-fledged assault on voting rights. They’re targeted on successful at any price, even the price of the democracy itself. I submit that it’s the job of every citizen to face up for the voting rights of each citizen. And it’s the job of this physique to do all that it may to defend the viability of our democracy.

     “That’s why I’m a proud co-sponsor of the For The Folks Act, which we launched in the present day. The For The Folks Act is a significant step ahead within the march towards our democratic beliefs, making it simpler, not tougher, for eligible People to vote by instituting commonsense, pro-democracy reforms like:Establishing nationwide automated voter registration for each eligible citizen, and permitting all People to register to vote on-line and on Election Day; Requiring states to supply not less than two weeks of early voting, together with weekends, in federal elections—maintaining Souls to the Polls packages alive; Prohibiting states from proscribing an individual’s means to vote absentee or by mail;And stopping states from purging the voter rolls primarily based solely on unreliable proof like somebody’s voting historical past, one thing we’ve seen in Georgia and different states in recent times.

And It will finish the dominance of huge cash in our politics, and guarantee our public servants are there serving the general public.

     “Amidst these voter suppression legal guidelines and techniques, together with partisan and racial gerrymandering, and in a system awash in darkish cash and the dominance of corporatist pursuits and politicians who do their bidding, the voices of the American individuals have been more and more drowned out and crowded out and squeezed out of their very own democracy. We should move “For The Folks” so that individuals might need a voice. Your vote is your voice and your voice is your human dignity.

     “However not solely that, we should move the John Lewis Voting Rights Development Act. Voting rights was a bi-partisan concern. The final time the voting rights invoice was re-authorized was 2006. George W. Bush was president and it handed its chamber 98-0. However then in 2013, the Supreme Courtroom rejected the profitable method for supervision and pre-clearance, contained within the 1965 Voting Rights Act. They requested Congress to repair it. That was almost 8 years in the past, and the American persons are nonetheless ready. Stripped of protections, voters in states with an extended historical past of voting discrimination and voters in lots of different states have been thrown to the winds.

     “We People have noisy and spirited debates about many issues. And we should always. That’s what it means to dwell in a free nation. However entry to the poll must be nonpartisan. I submit that there ought to be 100 votes on this chamber for insurance policies that can make it simpler for People to make their voices heard in our democracy. Absolutely, there must be not less than 60 individuals on this chamber who imagine, as I do, that the 4 strongest phrases uttered in a democracy are, ‘the individuals have spoken,’ due to this fact we should be certain that all of the individuals can communicate.

     “But when not, we should nonetheless move voting rights. The suitable to vote is preservative of all different rights. It’s not simply one other concern alongside different points. It’s foundational. It’s the motive why any of us has the privilege of standing right here within the first place. It’s concerning the covenant we have now with each other as an American individuals. E Pluribus Unum, out of many one. It above all else should be protected.

     “So let’s be clear, I’m not right here in the present day to spiral into the procedural argument relating to whether or not the filibuster normally has deserves or has outlived its usefulness. I’m right here to say that this concern is greater than the filibuster. I stand earlier than you saying that this concern—entry to voting and preempting politicians’ efforts to limit voting—is so elementary to our democracy that it’s too essential to be held hostage by a Senate rule, particularly one traditionally used to limit the growth of voting rights. It’s a contradiction to say we should shield minority rights within the Senate whereas refusing to guard minority rights within the society. Colleagues, no Senate rule ought to overrule the integrity of the democracy and we should discover a technique to move voting rights whether or not we eliminate the filibuster or not.

     “And in order I clos—and no one believes a preacher once they as I clos—as a person of religion, I imagine that democracy is a political enactment of a non secular concept. The sacred price of all human beings, the notion that all of us have inside us, a spark of the divine, to take part within the shaping of our personal future. Reinhold Niebuhr was proper: ‘[Humanity’s] capability for justice makes democracy doable; however [humanity’s] inclination to injustice makes democracy essential.’”

     “John Lewis understood that and was crushed on a bridge defending it. Amelia Boynton, like so many ladies not talked about almost sufficient, was gassed on that very same bridge. A white lady named Viola Luizzo was killed. Medgar Evers was murdered in his personal driveway. Schwerner, Chaney and Goodman, two Jews and an African-American standing up for the sacred concept of democracy, additionally paid the final word value. And we on this physique, could be stopped and stymied by partisan politics? Brief-term political acquire? Senate process? I say let’s get this performed it doesn’t matter what. I urge my colleagues to move these two payments. Strengthen and lengthen the cords of our democracy, safe our credibility because the premier voice for freedom-loving individuals and democratic actions all around the world, and win the longer term for all of our kids.

     “Mr. President, I yield the floor.”

     The maiden speech of Senator Raphael G. Warnock will resound through the history of America and the world as a pivotal event in the Restoration of Democracy and the epochal turning of the tides against the global Fourth Reich, the tyranny of authoritarian force and control, and the shadows of white supremacist terror.

     We must challenge the tyranny of racist vote suppression, the impunity of an armed police whose primary mission is to enforce racist hierarchies of exclusionary otherness and repress dissent, attempts to capture the narrative and re-write history in order to falsify us and steal our souls through lies and propaganda such as directed against the 1619 Project and the Socratic questioning of our nation and our civilization now referred to as Critical Race Theory, and in support of the vile lunatic QAnon conspiracy and monuments and place names which glorify a Confederacy which was nothing other than a human trafficking syndicate, which all support and are interdependent with the Big Lie and last hope of dominion of the Fourth Reich, Trump’s claim to be our President. He was never our President, merely a Russian agent and figurehead of fascists.

    And to fascism there can be but one reply; Never Again.

https://jacobinmag.com/2022/01/socialist-decision-conservatism-nazis-christianity

https://jacobinmag.com/2017/04/martin-luther-king-vietnam-war-lyndon-johnson-militarism-capitalism

https://jacobinmag.com/2018/04/martin-luther-king-rhetoric-political-philosophy

https://jacobinmag.com/2022/01/socialist-decision-conservatism-nazis-christianity

https://jacobinmag.com/2017/10/martin-luther-reformation-religion

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