October 9 2025 Seventh Anniversary of Torch of Liberty, In the Shadows Of Tyranny and White Supremacist State Terror In America

     Seven years ago in October of 2018 I founded my publication Torch of Liberty to create actionable policy, strategy, and ideological guidance, and to provide intelligence briefings to the constellation of networks of alliance and organizations of liberation struggle globally which in the subsequent years have come to include Antifascists, Living Autonomous Zone and collectives, International Brigade volunteer forces, Resistance to tyranny and state terror including the Trump regime and the capture of the American state by the Fourth Reich, and democracy movements, and I write now in celebration and reflection of our journey together in the glorious quest of reimagination and transformation of human being, meaning, and value, of how we choose to be human together, of our solidarity and role as guarantors of each other’s humanity and universal human rights, and of the limitless possibilities of becoming human which we share. 

      Two thousand five hundred fifty five and more unique articles and counting, something between personal daily journals in which I process our shared public trauma of current events and interpretive and predictive essays in which I parse their meanings and work through the consequences of our histories and possible actions for our lives in this moment and for our future. Herein I sort among futures, using critical tools of literature, history, psychology, and philosophy, the instruments of my field of study since my teenage years which is the origins of evil as violence, inequality, and systems of oppression and dehumanization, and sort between tyranny and liberty, degradation and exaltation, to refine the human from the monstrous, the legacies of our history, and systems of unequal power, from falsification, commodification, and dehumanization.

     This mad Quixotic quest has taken me to places liminal and strange,  wherein our possibilities of becoming human are destroyed and recreated beyond the boundaries of the Forbidden in the uncharted places of our maps of human being, meaning, and value; the blank spaces and unknowns marked Here Be Dragons.

     Here among the Dragons we may lose ourselves, find ourselves, dream the impossible and make it real; for beyond the limits of authorized identities we are Unconquered and free.

     These past seven years encompass the whole struggle to save democracy against subversion by the Fourth Reich which has captured the state in the First and Second Trump regimes, the fight versus Trump’s ICE white supremacist terror force, the historic Black Lives Matter protests for equality and racial justice which seized fifty American cities and in which we Antifa direct action teams fought both police and Homeland Security forces and their deniable assets, brownshirts, and militias like the Oathkeepers and Proud Boys who were engaged in a destabilization campaign of arson, looting, violence, and the kidnapping, torture, and assassination of protestors as state terror and repression of dissent at the orders of the Triumvirate of Trump, Barr, and Wolf, which ended with the surrender of the United States to its citizens as the Triumvirs declared New York, Portland, and Seattle as Autonomous Zones, and Antifa emerged as the only force to have defeated the federal government of the US on its own ground or within her borders since Little Bighorn.

    It’s a strategy of centralization of power, manufacture of legitimacy, and capture of the narrative Trump has tried several times before and is now re-enacting as in the performative morality play of his Antifa Roundtable to shift the blame for the violence his forces inflict on the citizens who protest against it, as he sends armies to Occupy cities which are bastions of liberty like Chicago, Portland, and Los Angeles. Among the most vile and criminal acts of terror committed by his terror forces is the pepper ball shooting of Pastor David Black by ICE in Chicago. And this we must Resist, and as before we will be victorious for all refusal to submit to tyranny and state terror confers freedom, and we become Unconquered and Living Autonomous Zones bearing seeds of change which can liberate others. “Fire catches”; thus saith the Mockingjay.

     Grandeur to match the glory of our victories over the tyranny and terror of Trump’s regime and the Fourth Reich was found in our seizure of power in Seattle’s Capital Hill Autonomous Zone, the first of many which I helped to found throughout the world as the originator of the Living Autonomous Zones idea and networks of collective action and revolutionary struggle.

     Though I have often failed, as I did in the Last Stands at Mariupol in Ukraine though we survivors of the breakout founded networks of Resistance to take the fight to the enemy within Russia, Panjshir in Afghanistan after the Fall of Kabul, and now in Palestine and Lebanon against the brutal terror and genocide of Israel and her war of imperial conquest and dominion, though in the Red Sea Campaign to counter-blockade the Israeli blockade of humanitarian aid to Palestine we were victorious even despite Biden’s drone attacks and attempts to kill me personally in Yemen, still we were victorious in refusal to submit to force and control and we remain Unconquered and free.

    As the Oath of the Resistance given to me in Beirut 1982 by the great Jean Genet goes; “We swear our loyalty to each other, to Resist and yield not, and abandon not our fellows.”

    This, friends, this solidarity, this refusal to submit, this will to claw our way out of the ruins and make yet another Last Stand beyond hope of victory or even survival, this, this, this. 

    May we make a better future than we have the past.

   As I wrote in my post of February 9 2024, Why Do I Write, and Why Am I Writing To All of You Here, in the Nakedness of my Life, my Voice, and my Truth, as America Begins Her Last Stand Against Fascism in the 2024 Elections;    Now and then I poke sleeping dragons with a stick, among them my own normalities; its why I travel when I write about a place and its current events, to disrupt my own expectations and ideas as I act to bring change to systems of oppression.

     A maker of mischief, I.

     Today’s post in my daily journal Torch of Liberty marks my debut on the writer’s and reader’s community and newsletter platform Substack, an event  which calls for the questioning of my ends and means; why do I write, and why am I writing to all you here, in the nakedness of my life, my voice, and my truth, in this moment of tidal change as America begins her Last Stand against fascism in the 2024 elections?

     As I re-evaluate my mission of the Restoration of democracy and actions as a guarantor of our universal human rights both in America and globally, and its praxis as Resistance to fascism and revolutionary struggle against tyranny and systems of unequal power, I reflect on the path which brought me here and the Defining Moments of my history.

    First among these traumatic events of destruction and recreation which revealed to me my true self and mission, Bloody Thursday 1969 in People’s Park, Berkeley when the police at the order of then-governor Reagan opened fire on student protestors, and I at nine years of age holding my mother’s hand in the front line as I was driven out of my body by the force wave of a police grenade, and in that brief awareness beyond time as I lay dead in her arms beheld our myriad possible futures; overwhelmingly those of centuries of tyranny and wars of imperial dominion ending with the extinction of human beings. I’ve been trying to warn others in hope of changing our future ever since, and I am failing.

     Second my near execution by police who were bounty hunting abandoned street children in Sao Paulo Brazil where I was training as a fencer the summer before I began high school in 1974, when I refused to step aside between them and a boy with a twisted leg who could not run. I was rescued by the Matadors, something between vigilantes, revolutionaries, and criminals who brought a Reckoning to the wealthy and powerful beyond the law or who were the law, founded by the great and terrible Pedro Rodrigues Filho the year before, who welcomed me into their ferocious brotherhood with the words; “You are one of us; come with us. We can’t save everyone, but we can avenge.”

     Third was the Siege of Beirut in the summer of 1982, when my culinary tour of the Mediterranean before my senior year at university in San Francisco was interrupted by the Israeli invasion of Lebanon. Israeli soldiers had set fire to two children and were laughing and making bets on how far they could run before collapsing into ruin, and I found myself fighting them as the children screamed in agony and horror burning to death. Others joined me, more joined us, and from that day I was part of the defense of the city.

      There was a café on the far side of a sniper alley that served the best strawberry crepes in the world, and my friends and I made an extreme sport of dashing across it for breakfast. One morning an elegant gentleman sat at my table, and said in French; ”I am told you do this every day, steal breakfast from death.”

     To this I replied; “Yes; moments stolen from death are all we truly own, and set us free. It’s a poor man who has no joys worth dying for.”

     He smiled and said “I agree”; so began our conversations at breakfast, until the day came when Israel overran the barricades. The IDF were asking for surrender, blindfolding the children of those who came out and using them as human shields, and setting fire to the homes of those who refused. When they set fire to our house, and our discovery that our only weapon was the bottle of champagne we had just finished, he asked; Will you surrender?” and I said no.

      “Neither will I” he replied, and stood. “As I offer you now, offer others at need; this is the Oath of the Resistance which I invented in Paris 1940 after spending much of the previous year spying on the Nazis in Berlin, reworded from my oath as a Legionnaire in 1918. It’s the finest thing I ever stole. Say with me; We swear our loyalty to each other, to resist and yield not, and abandon not our fellows.” Thus was I set on my life path by Jean Genet, in a burning house, in a lost cause, in a time of fear and horrors, with the Oath of the Resistance which I now offer all of you.

     And he gave me a principle of action that day, by which I have lived now for over forty years, among the unknown spaces on our maps of becoming human marked Here Be Dragons, where there are no rules, and now recommend to you; “When there is no hope, one can do impossible things, glorious things.”

     Among his last words to me, having asked him “What do I do now with my life, now that I’ve seen through the lies and illusions by which authority seeks to enslave us? How do I live, when the world itself is a mirage and untrue, when the world is a lie?”

     To which he replied; “Live with grandeur.”       

     What is Torch of Liberty? A voice of democracy and the Resistance, as the banner of my periodical declares, whose intent is to incite, provoke, and disturb.

      A journal of my witness of history and current events, and their meaning for strategy, intelligence, and policy for antifascists, revolutionaries, democracy activists, and allies of liberation struggle, wherein I interpret events as they occur using lenses of history, literature, psychology, and philosophy. It’s a method I developed from Robert G.L. Waite’s multidisciplinary study The Psychopathic God: Adolf Hitler, which I read as a high school senior and also motivated me, along with Jerzy Kosinski’s The Painted Bird, to choose the origins of evil and its actions as war, genocide, violence, and the social use of force as my field of study.

     Seven years ago this month I founded Torch of Liberty and Lilac City Antifa together, a network of action and its community publication, to work through ideology and its praxis in the context of real world events and actions, to offer actionable intelligence, strategy, and ideological and policy guidance to all who make mischief for tyrants, and to reveal the meaning and consequences of current events. Herein I struggle to find answers to two primary existential questions.

     Who do we want to become, we humans; masters and slaves, or a free society of equals?

      What is to be done, as Lenin and Tolstoy asked with such different answers and results?

     If we are to inhabit the perspectives of others and transform boundaries into interfaces, we must be willing to embrace otherness as diversity and inclusion but also as truths written in our flesh, the witness of history, and what Foucault called truth telling; writing is a sacred calling in pursuit of truth, which like love frees us from the flags of our skin and from authorized identities as an imposed condition of struggle.

     Are we not the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others?

     Always there remains the struggle between the masks we make for ourselves and those made for us by others. This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the struggle for the ownership of ourselves.

    As Virginia Woolf teaches us, “If we cannot tell the truth about ourselves, we cannot tell the truth about others.”

     So for my ars poetica as a praxis of revolutionary struggle. But I do not write to you today as an apologetics for poetic vision as the reimagination and transformation of human being, meaning, and value, nor for chaos as the adaptive range and change potential of systems, nor to give warning as we pass through Rashomon Gate Events of history under multiple threats of civilizational collapse and the extinction of our species and on its reverse face the limitless possibilities of becoming human, nor of the joy of total freedom which balances the terror of our nothingness.

     No, friends and those I hope may become friends, herein I write to you to ask for your help in questioning our truths, that together we may perform the Four Primary Duties of Citizens; Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority, as seizures of power, allyship, and solidarity in liberation struggle and bringing change to systems of oppression and unequal power, as guarantors of each other’s humanity and universal human rights in refusal to submit to authority and those who would enslave us through commodification, falsification, and dehumanization, in these years of the Last Stand Against Fascism as it unfolds in America and throughout the world.

     Hope, solidarity, the witness of history, and truth telling; such are my motives and purposes in writing to you as an open letter to humankind in this pivotal moment and to future generations.

       And last but most important of all among my motives and purposes in writing, like Hope hidden in Pandora’s Box once the evils have escaped, herein I write to find healing for the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world in sharing our journeys toward becoming human and in the reimagination and transformation of how we choose to be human together.

       I hope to have lived, and written, not at the end of the story of humankind, but at its beginning.

        And all of this tumultuous and traumatic chaotization and unraveling as human civilization falls from the mechanical failures of its internal contradictions and is reborn, either to an Age of Tyranny or a United Humankind as our choices about how to be human together unfold across the next several centuries.

     We now face existential threats first of the subversion of democracy by theocratic tyranny and fascism in America and throughout the world, second of the abandonment of the idea of universal human rights, the collapse of civilization founded on the values of the Enlightenment, and the delegitimation of its bastion and incubator of a United Humankind the United Nations by Israel’s genocide of the Palestinians and other war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Gaza War and the lack of decisive action to stop it by the international community, third Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and other fronts of World War Three as she tries to refound her empire in Europe, the Middle East, and Africa, fourth China’s looming plan of imperial conquest and dominion of the Pacific Rim, and the end of the earth’s capacity to sustain life and our own species extinction as a consequence of our reliance on fossil fuels as a strategic resource which confers global dominion of the capitalist class and of our addiction to power and control of nature.

      First among our primary existential threats is Nazi revivalism in America and Europe and the emerging new global order of fascism and totalitarian states of blood, faith, and soil. This includes Trump’s captured state of Vichy America and his role as global figurehead of the Fourth Reich white horrifically combines white supremacist terror, Christian Identity nationalism and theocratic-patriarchal sexual terror, and unchecked kleptocratic grift and the rule of plutocratic elites through privatization and deregulation, Orban’s Hungary which is the launchpad for Nazi revivalism in Europe, the capture of Italy by the original Fascist Party, and the political fronts which have become the opposition parties in France, Spain, and elsewhere, but also fascist states beyond the limits of Nazi ideology arising from similar forces of identity politics and the centralization of power to carceral states of force and control which include Modi’s India, Myanmar, and the Netanyahu regime of Israel.

     Second among our direct and immediate threats is the Genocide of the Palestinians as the Netanyahu regime of Israel completes its transformation from a democracy to a fascist and totalitarian state of total militarization in the imperial conquest and dominion of her neighbors to found Greater Israel as a “Middle Eastern Sparta”, as American taxes buy the deaths of a people on whose bones Trump and Netanyahu plan to build a Riviera of casinos for elites.

And since Black Saturday October 7 2023 as the Gaza War erupted and became a regional theatre of World War Three as a theatrical performance in three dimensions; first the seventy years of anticolonial struggle of Palestine versus America and her colony of Israel which has gradually degenerated into a mirror image of the Nazi society it was designed to protect us all from, second the broader conflict between the Arab-American Alliance and the Dominion of Iran including Iraq, Lebanon, Yemen, and until we liberated it last December Syria, which is driven by the historical sectarian Sunni-Shia division, and third its dimensions as World War Three as Iran’s ally Russia attempts to re-found her Empire versus that of Turkey for control of the Mediterranean and the Middle East, in Africa directly opposing France, and in proxy wars with America, and all of this as civilizational collapse and rebirth in the titanic struggle between forces of liberation and imperial state terror and tyranny as a theatre of cruelty. All of this is fracture and disruption of our world order grounded in Humanism, and its our second most terrible threat to humankind after fascism and the Age of Tyrants to come because of the failure of the international community to stop it and the failure of America to bring our dog to heel with the Boycott, Divestiture, and Sanction of Israel, regime change in Israel, the total disarmament of Israel, and sending peacekeeping forces to help restore our universal human rights and to create a secular state of Israel where no faith of ancestral bloodline has status under the law. Israel is the shoal on which our civilization founders, and it must be reimagined and transformed if our human rights are to have value in the future.  

     Third among the lines of fracture of this large scale transformative process is the Third World War now ongoing in multiple theatres of conflict as Russia attempts to re-found her empire; first in the democracy and peace movements within Russia itself to bring regime change to its totalitarian plutocracy of crime syndicates, second the Russian capture of the state in America under the puppet regime of Trump who is also the primary figurehead of the Fourth Reich of patriarchal sexual terror, white supremacist terror, and theocratic Christian Identity tyranny, third in the Russian conquest of Ukraine and Russian atrocities and crimes against humanity, and in related conflicts, wars, and revolutions in Russian client states Belarus and Kazakhstan, and conflicts in Nagorno-Karabakh, Libya, and throughout Africa, as Putin tests the resolve of the western democracy and the solidarity of Europe.

    Fourth, and only this far down the list because Xi Jinping hasn’t launched it yet and we are not yet fighting in the streets of San Francisco, Los Angeles, San Diego, Seattle, Honolulu, Sydney, and elsewhere, we also face the coming Chinese Conquest of the Pacific Rim and the Occupation of all cities with a Chinatown under the Overseas Chinese policy of the CCP, which declares all persons of Chinese blood to be their citizens and subject to their laws, though the invasion of Taiwan and the seizure of control of shipping in the South China Sea through the artificial archipelago of island fortresses built on the carcasses of coral reefs are the next steps in Xi Jinping’s grand strategy of dominion. We need only look to the vast laboratory of thought control and ethnic cleansing in Xinjiang, the ghost of a nation in Tibet, or to the repression of dissent and freedom in Hong Kong to see what that future would look like.

     Fifth among the things that might dehumanize or kill us all is climate change, and like the Pacific Rim War it hasn’t truly become a visible threat for most of us yet, but it is inevitable. All that remains in question is how bad it has to get before we do something to stop it, and how quickly; because action now by a United Humankind reorganized for survival may keep its consequences within survivable boundaries. I believe we may have already passed the point of no return for our species, but as we become extinct posthuman species may emerge. The question now is whether something like ourselves will one day discover the ruins of our civilization, and begin to wonder who we were and why we destroyed ourselves.

     As you know if you have followed my work here at Torch of Liberty, I believe we face an Age of Tyrants and around eight centuries of wars fought with weapons of unimaginable horror ending with our extinction. But I could be wrong, because of my own limits or the Butterfly Effect of myriads of possible futures, recursive causes, and Rashomon Gate Events. It’s up to each of us, in the end, to choose our own future and who we will become.

     In this only our imagination limits us. Let us escape the legacies of our past, and with poetic vision reimagine and transform our possibilities of becoming human.

      In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power. Do something beautiful with yours.

     Let us give to tyranny and terror, to fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, the only reply it merits; Never Again!

      Who am I? By way of introduction, here follows my usual social media profile:

     I am on the side of Prometheus; rebellion, chaos, anarchy, resistance, transgression, revolution, and the frightening of the horses.

     Chaos autonomizes; Order appropriates, Law serves power, and there is no just Authority.

     Always there remains the struggle between the masks we make for ourselves and those made for us by others. This is the first revolution in which we all must fight.

     I am a writer and former counselor, high school debate coach and forensics teacher, and English teacher with a lifelong interest as a scholar in the nexus of literature, psychology, history, and philosophy, my chosen field of study being the origins of evil and violence in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force and its consequences as unequal power and systems of oppression and the social use of force as tyranny and terror.

     What is the praxis of my values? My purpose as a democracy activist is to realize a free society of equals in which we are co-owners of the state and guarantors of each other’s rights, as a revolutionary to bring change to tyrannies of force and control and to systems of oppression, as an antifascist to bring a Reckoning to elite hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness and to fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, as a member of the Resistance founded in Paris 1940 and sworn to its oath by the great Jean Genet in Beirut 1982 to do all of this without surrender and with absolute loyalty to my comrades in liberation struggle, and as the Oath goes “We swear our oath to each other, to Resist and cease not, and abandon not our fellows”, and as a human being to place my life in the balance with those of the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased.

     Why is simple to answer, though never easy to perform; that we may fight our way out of the ruins, every time, no matter the cost, and make yet another Last Stand beyond hope of victory or survival, and claw back something of our humanity from the darkness.

    In this cluster of causes, democracy, revolution, antifascism, resistance, and solidarity with all those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth, I travel and write, speak, teach, and organize liberation struggle.

      I practice the Way of believing six impossible things before breakfast, as Lewis Carroll teaches us, but only those I myself have chosen or created.

       When you begin to question the boundaries and interfaces between normality as authorized identity and transgression as seizure of power, between subjugation and liberty, the grotesque and the beautiful, idealizations of masculinity and femininity, of madness and vision, truths and lies, and to challenge the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue, you enter my world, the place of no rules, of unknowns and the limitless possibilities of becoming human, marked Here Be Dragons on our maps of human being, meaning, and value.

     Welcome to freedom and its wonders and terrors; to reimagination, transformation, and discovery.

     Thank you for sharing this journey with me, and may the new truths we create together bring all of us joy.

     Live with grandeur, friends.

“Fire Is Catching”; where we live now

The Hunger Games: Mockingjay – Part 1; Fire Catches

“If we burn, you burn with us”

Michael Sheen performs ‘Do not go gentle into that good night’ by Dylan Thomas

(who I am)

September 23 2025 On Becoming a Fulcrum of Change, In the Shadow of Trump’s Declaration of Antifa As a Terrorist Organization

February 11 2025 How To Be An Antifascist: Historical Sources and Contexts For The Resistance

July 31 2020 A Useful Past: What is Antifa?

Who I am: Defining Moments

November 14 2025 Defining Moments: A Confession, and Some Thoughts on My Birthday Regarding Poetic Vision as the Reimagination and Transformation of Ourselves; How Do We Create Human Being, Meaning, and Value?

November 15 2025 Defining Moments, Part Two: Last Stands

November 16 2025 Defining Moments Part Three: A Library of Possible Selves Through My Languages and An Atlas of Myself

November 17 2025 Defining Moments, Part Four: Songs Of Myself As the Books Which Have Written Me

            The Imposed Conditions of Struggle: America Under Occupation, as of  October 9 2025

ICE shoots Pastor David Black in Chicago

https://www.facebook.com/reel/1465018918159818

Trump calls for jailing of Chicago mayor and Illinois governor as national guard arrives in city

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/oct/08/trump-jail-brandon-johnson-jb-pritzker-chicago-illinois?fbclid=IwY2xjawNUuOtleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHma21tlzoVnJPXktBY16PrKsHFtYeqFXDDgDClqRapbr_yOldGyUOxcu1A1G_aem_JwDZylLnOmjY4BVviVONVw

What to know about Trump’s national guard deployment, from rulings to protests

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/oct/06/california-oregon-national-guard-trump-lawsuit

Brent Molnar, Voice of Reason

https://www.facebook.com/BrentMolnarVoiceOfReason

     “Operation Midway Blitz: When Border Patrol Turned Its Guns Inward…

It began as another enforcement sweep, another name on a growing list of operations meant to project power inside the country’s borders. “Operation Midway Blitz” was pitched as a coordinated crackdown on undocumented migration and “anti-ICE activity.” In reality, it was something darker. What unfolded on the streets of Chicago this week was not just a tactical blunder. It was a turning point. A Border Patrol task force, acting under a federal directive, shot an unarmed protester in broad daylight, and the story they told afterward began to crumble almost immediately.

     The protester’s name is Marimar Martinez, a 30-year-old activist who joined an anti-ICE demonstration on Chicago’s Southwest Side. According to early statements from the Department of Homeland Security, Martinez had “brandished a firearm” and “rammed her vehicle” into federal agents’ cars. The shooting, they said, was self-defense. That was the official version of events for about 48 hours. Then, the retractions began.

     Federal prosecutors quietly admitted that Martinez never pointed or raised a weapon. They acknowledged that her car contained a registered firearm but that it remained holstered and unused. They also stopped repeating the claim that she deliberately rammed law enforcement vehicles. Her lawyer, citing body-camera footage, said the truth was far more disturbing: Border Patrol agents instigated the confrontation, yelled “Do something, b****,” and then opened fire.

     If that version is true, the implications are staggering. It would mean that a federal agency, deployed for a domestic operation, provoked a civilian and then used lethal force under false pretenses. That would make the shooting not a matter of split-second fear but of deliberate escalation, a pattern increasingly familiar in Trump’s second term as ICE, DHS, and Border Patrol expand their roles from immigration enforcement to political suppression.

     The government calls these incidents “enforcement encounters.” But what we are witnessing looks more like occupation logic transplanted onto American soil. The armored vehicles, the camo-clad officers, the optics of control, they’re not policing borders. They’re policing dissent. And when they shot Marimar Martinez, they weren’t neutral arbiters of law. They were armed propagandists, ensuring the next activist thinks twice before showing up.

     The footage itself has not been fully released. Prosecutors admit it exists. They acknowledge that the shooting itself is not captured on camera, but surrounding video shows agents crowding Martinez’s car and shouting before she even exits. Her defense team says the physical evidence contradicts DHS’s version of the timeline. For now, the public must piece together fragments from statements, partial transcripts, and heavily redacted documents. It’s a familiar story of official secrecy buying time for narrative control.

     Federal agents are supposed to be trained to de-escalate, not provoke. Yet “Operation Midway Blitz” appears to have been structured around confrontation from the start. The operation’s scope, focusing on “urban anti-ICE agitators,” blurred the line between lawful protest and criminal conspiracy. That framing allowed agents to treat dissent as threat. When the first bullet was fired, the mission’s real purpose was exposed, deterrence through fear.

     Even the language officials used afterward reveals the mindset at work. DHS spokespeople called protesters “domestic extremists” and “anti-American infiltrators.” It’s the same vocabulary that justified federal crackdowns during the civil rights era and the anti-war movements of the 1960s. But this time, the machinery is bigger, faster, and algorithmically informed. These aren’t rogue cops on the beat. They’re militarized agents backed by data tools capable of tracking faces, locations, and affiliations in real time.

     The human cost is no longer abstract. Marimar Martinez is alive, but she’s in the hospital under guard, recovering from gunshot wounds to her shoulder and abdomen. Her lawyer says she is conscious, in pain, and facing felony charges of assaulting a federal officer, charges that prosecutors admit stem from an incident she may not have initiated. It’s the kind of legal trap authoritarian systems perfect: create a confrontation, cause the harm, then criminalize the victim.

     Meanwhile, DHS has not released the names of the agents involved. They have not confirmed whether they remain on duty. They have not said if an independent review will occur. Instead, their statement reads like an internal press release about “maintaining operational readiness.” No mention of accountability. No acknowledgment that a federal operation ended with a civilian shot in the street. Just bureaucratic silence masking moral collapse.

This is how systems rot. Not all at once, but by degrees. A government that uses its border patrol as a domestic army is no longer protecting borders. It’s policing the population. When officials hide behind “ongoing investigation” while their agents shoot unarmed protesters, it’s not investigation. It’s delay. And delay is the oxygen of impunity.

     The case of Marimar Martinez is not just about one shooting. It’s about whether America still recognizes the difference between law and power. Because if agents can shoot someone for protesting a government agency, then every citizen who raises their voice is already in their crosshairs. The bullet might not hit you, but it was meant for your silence.”

Trump just hosted an ‘Antifa roundtable’ at the White House. It was so much worse than you’re imagining: Holly Baxter reports on a meeting that, at one point, appeared to position people protesting against Nazis in the Weimar Republic as the bad guys, and at another saw the president declare, ‘We got rid of freedom of speech’

https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/trump-antifa-portland-pam-bondi-posobiec-b2842048.html

     “Wake up, babe, new civil liberties infringement propaganda just dropped! Today’s instalment of America’s ongoing descent into farce brings us a White House press release about “Antifa terror” and a presidential roundtable devoted entirely to the group that famously isn’t a real entity.

Around noon, a press release appeared on the official White House website, quoting numerous anonymous Portland residents, including a “man,” a “woman,” and a “business owner,” all of whom absolutely want the National Guard to storm their city. “I kind of support it 110%” is an actual quote.

But that was just the appetizer. At 3 p.m., the televised meeting began. And boy, was there a lot of meat.

Held at the table of “independent journalists” (far-right activists) and moderated by Donald Trump, it opened with a statement by the president that “paid anarchists” want to “destroy our country,” followed by bizarre, conspiracy-laden claims that anti-Trump protesters have signs made of expensive paper “with beautiful wooden handles” that therefore must have been printed in the basements of secretive organizations, and that “we have a lot of records already, a lot of surprises, a lot of bad surprises” in store for the people who align themselves with anti-fascism.

And by the way, he noted, “we got rid of free speech” because flag-burning is bad.

Attorney General Pam Bondi jumped in to underline the message: “We’re not going to stop at just arresting people in the street.” No, they’re going to “take down the organization brick by brick” and “destroy the organization from top to bottom.”

In chimed Kristi Noem, everyone’s favorite puppy killer: Antifa wants to “destroy the American people and their way of life” and is a group that has “infiltrated our entire country,” from “city to city,” cried the Homeland chief. Never mind that the anti-fascist protesters in Portland, Chicago and other Democratic cities are pretty much all homegrown Americans.

No, insisted ICE Barbie — they are invaders. They are traitors. They are “just as dangerous” as MS-13, Isis and Hamas. Her priority is “making sure they never see the light again.” This, by the way, is the woman who grandstanded about “staring down” Antifa when footage showed it was actually a couple of photographers and a guy in a chicken suit.

The quotes came thick and fast from the others around the table. At one point, someone casually addressed an imaginary Antifa member, saying: “You will be crushed by the Constitution.” Just as the Founding Fathers intended, no doubt.

The frenzied energy in the room was palpable even through a screen. Influencer Brandi Kruse did a monologue about how she used to “suffer from Trump Derangement Syndrome” and how, since she changed sides, “I’m happier, I’m more healthy, I think I’m even a bit more attractive.”

Not to be outdone, in came Jack Posobiec, one of the right’s weirdest hangers-on, who is perhaps most famous for the time he spread the “Pizzagate” theory and then got removed from the pizzeria in question by police for filming a child’s birthday party. Running with the major theme of the hour — that Antifa is definitely, certainly, really real despite all evidence to the contrary, and that everybody needs to stop saying it’s not real — Posobiec made a startling claim: Antifa is so clearly real that it “has been going on for almost 100 years … going back to the Weimar Republic in Germany.”

And look, yes, it is absolutely true that there were anti-fascist protesters in the Weimar Republic. If you’ll remember, those were the people taking issue with the early versions of the Nazis. But it’s sort of difficult to position yourself as the good guys if you’re aligning yourself with the Nazis in your historical analogy. I’m just saying that, if I was Posobiec’s publicity guy, I might ask him to drop that soundbite from future public appearances.

I think we all know what’s going on here. But let’s begin with the fundamentals: Antifa isn’t real — at least, not in the way one convenes a roundtable. It has no central command structure, no coherent leadership, no membership rolls, no headquarters. It is a loose ideological umbrella — a term that is sometimes used by disparate activists and local groups, but much more frequently by the far right than by the supposed lefties who are part of it.

Obviously, the fact that there’s no proof anyone even really identifies as Antifa didn’t stop the White House from designating the “group” a terrorist organization a couple of weeks ago.

Research shows that genuine political violence remains overwhelmingly driven by far-right actors, not nebulous “Antifa” networks. But this, truly, is where MAGA has arrived at: a place so far removed from observable reality that it now holds official government functions with imaginary enemies. Once, conservatism prided itself on being “the party of realism.” Today’s version treats politics as fan fiction, complete with invented villains and lore.

Such productive unreality takes the energy that could be spent on governing or solving problems and redirects it into myth-making. Instead of talking about wages, housing or climate disasters, we’ll talk about black-clad anarchists who can’t be fact-checked because they’re mostly not real. And then we’ll use their alleged existence to justify sending masked men with rifles into cities that, it just so happens, didn’t vote for us. You could almost admire the absurdity if it wasn’t attached to actual state power.

The constant threats at this roundtable aimed at “people with money” who are supposedly “funding” Antifa are the real point. And, like a lot of the White House’s output at the moment, it is intended to intimidate as many people as possible into silence.

In their little room with their teeny little microphones, a bunch of very important people in heavy makeup entered into a collective delusion today. They’re desperate for everybody else to join them. But there are some facts that just won’t un-fact. And for those of us who fancy ourselves OK with words, let’s remember that, no matter how much you twist it, being anti-anti-fascism means being fascist, even — especially — in the Weimar Republic. That’s just elementary logic.”

Heather Cox Richardson

https://www.facebook.com/heathercoxrichardson

October 8, 2025 (Wednesday)

     Yesterday, journalists observed members of the Texas National Guard at a U.S. Army Reserve Center in Elwood, Illinois, about 55 miles (89 kilometers) southwest of Chicago. This morning, the Defense Department announced the federal activation of about 200 soldiers from the Texas National Guard and about 300 from the Illinois National Guard, saying they would be protecting U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents and other federal agents “who are performing federal functions, including the enforcement of federal law, and to protect federal property.”

     The statement said the National Guard soldiers “are under federal command and control in a Title 10 status.” The section of the legal code to which the announcement pointed was the one permitting the president to call into federal service members of the National Guard whenever the U.S. is invaded or in danger of invasion by a foreign nation, there is a rebellion or danger of a rebellion against the authority of the U.S. government, or the president cannot execute the laws of the United States with the power of regular law enforcement.

     It is this power under Title 10 that White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller yesterday claimed was “plenary,” or absolute. The idea that exceptions to the rule of law reveal who is really in charge of the government was central to the political philosophy of German political theorist Carl Schmitt, who joined the Nazis and whose work is increasingly popular among the radical right in the U.S. these days. Since taking office in January, Trump has declared at least eight national emergencies that the administration has used to justify the use of emergency powers.

     As J.V. Last of The Bulwark laid out clearly last night, there is no crisis in Chicago that makes it necessary for the administration to send in National Guard troops. Last points out that any instability in Chicago has been caused by the administration’s surge of federal agents into the city, where they shot and killed Chicago resident Silverio Villegas González; raided and ransacked an apartment building, leaving residents—including U.S. citizens and children—bound outside for hours; shot an unarmed woman, Marimar Martinez; and aimed a weapon at a resident who was simply recording what the agent was doing, In each case, the government initially insisted the federal agents either were under attack or were rounding up “the worst of the worst,” but subsequent information has showed the federal agents were the aggressors in each situation.

     Federal agents have held journalists, who are now suing ICE and the Department of Homeland Security for the use of “extreme force” against them, and pummeled them with tear gas and pepper spray. As Last notes, local police chief Thomas Mills has testified that the “use of chemical agents by federal agents at the ICE facility in Broadview has often been arbitrary and indiscriminate. At times it is used when the crowd is as small as ten people.”

Illinois governor J.B. Pritzker warned that the administration is deliberately trying to “cause chaos, create fear and confusion, make it seem like peaceful protesters are a mob by firing gas pellets and tear gas canisters at them. Why? To create the pretext for invoking the Insurrection Act so that he can send military troops to our city.”

     As Joseph Nunn of the Brennan Center explained earlier this year, the Insurrection Act brings together a number of laws Congress passed between 1792 and 1871. They make up sections 251 through 255 in Title 10 of the United States Code. Together, they suspend the Posse Comitatus Act that prohibits the U.S. military from taking part in civilian law enforcement.

     The Insurrection Act permits the president to deploy troops to suppress “any insurrection, domestic violence, unlawful combination, or conspiracy” in a state that “opposes or obstructs the execution of the laws of the United States or impedes the course of justice under those laws.”

     Courtney Kube, Katherine Doyle, Carol E. Lee, and Garrett Haake of NBC News report today that White House officials, led by White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller, have been having increasingly serious discussions about having Trump invoke the act.

     This morning, President Donald J. Trump’s social media account posted: “Chicago Mayor should be in jail for failing to protect Ice [sic] Officers! Governor Pritzker also!”

     But Pritzker is standing up to the administration.

     “I will not back down,” he posted. “Trump is now calling for the arrest of elected representatives checking his power. What else is left on the path to full-blown authoritarianism?”

     “His masked agents already are grabbing people off the street. Separating children from their parents. Creating fear. Taking people for ‘how they look.’ Making people feel they need to carry citizenship papers. Invading our state with military troops. Sending in war helicopters in the middle of the night. Arresting elected officials asking questions. We must all stand up and speak out.”

     In an interview with MSNBC senior political correspondent Jacob Soboroff, Pritzker noted that Trump, who is a convicted felon, has a lot of nerve calling for Pritzker’s arrest. “[T]his guy’s unhinged. He’s insecure, he’s a wannabe dictator.” Pritzker said directly to Trump: “If you come for my people, you come through me. So come and get me…. We’ve done nothing wrong here and…it’s Donald Trump that is breaching the Constitution, breaking the law.”

     Illinois has sued to stop the administration from sending federalized National Guard troops from any state to Illinois, “because it is unconstitutional,” Pritzker said. “[I]t’s important to recognize that the Trump administration doesn’t seem to respect any laws in the United States. They just do what they want to do, and they’ll keep doing it unless someone stops them. Here in Illinois, we’re stopping it. We’re doing everything that we can to push back.”

     The administration is engaging in “a show of force,” Pritzker said, because it “wants to militarize major cities across the United States, especially blue cities in blue states, because he wants us to get used to the idea of military on the streets” before the 2026 elections. “I believe that he’s going to post people outside of ballot boxes and polling places. And if he needs to in order to control those elections, he’ll assume control of the ballot boxes” and let the administration count the results. Pritzker said we will have free and fair elections in 2026, “if we all stand up and speak out.”

     Today the White House tried harder than ever to push the idea that the country is consumed by violence from the “Radical Left.” This afternoon a press release from the White House claimed that “[f]or years, an Antifa-led hellfire has turned Portland into a wasteland of firebombs, beatings, and brazen attacks on federal officers and property—yet the Fake News remains in shameful denial about the Radical Left’s reign of terror.” In fact, before Trump ordered troops into the city, federal agents described the small protests at the ICE facility as “low energy,” consisting of people standing in front of vehicles, raising a middle finger, and playing loud music.

     To push the administration’s narrative, Trump held an “Antifa Roundtable” at the White House this afternoon. There, far-right influencers tried to make the case that “antifa” is real and has harassed them, although as The Guardian noted, many of those influencers feed their media channels by confronting protesters and filming the responses they’ve provoked. The press release claimed  that “terrorists” have “laid siege” to the ICE office in Portland, Oregon, and at the meeting, Trump claimed that “paid anarchists” want to “destroy our country.” Bizarrely, he claimed that “I don’t know what could be worse than Portland. You don’t even have stores anymore. They don’t even put glass up. They put plywood on their windows.”

     Antifa is a term used by the far right to define anyone who does not support MAGA: it means “antifascist.” During the meeting, influencer Jack Posobiec—a proponent of the Pizzagate conspiracy theory—warned that “Antifa” went back all the way to Germany’s Weimar Republic. As Holly Baxter of The Independent pointed out, “it is absolutely true that there were anti-fascist protesters in the Weimar Republic. If you’ll remember, those were the people taking issue with the early versions of the Nazis.”

              References

Discourse and Truth: The Problematization of Parrhesia, by Michel Foucault

(why we must question, bear witness, and remember)

The Psychopathic God, Robert G.L. Waite (How I parse the meanings of current events and the futures that unfold from them)

The Painted Bird, Jerzy Kosiński (How I imagined myself as a teenager coping with trauma as an origin story)

                       My Kit For Hope:

The Myth of Sisyphus, by Albert Camus

The Old Man and the Sea, by Ernest Hemingway

The Trial of Socrates, by I.F. Stone

Invictus, by William Ernest Henley

October 8 2025 On the War of Israel Versus Humanity

Israel unleashes the Nothing to consume us all in tides of nihilistic savagery, atrocities, terror, ethnic cleansing and genocide, fiendishly designed by Hitler and Franco as the doctrine of Total War and tested at Guernica to subjugate us through abjection, despair, and learned helplessness, for Israel is an empire of dehumanization and theft of the soul.

     All of this I defy.  

      In Palestine and Lebanon, and throughout a world shadowed by fascisms of blood, faith, and soil and imprisoned, Occupied, or in the path of imperial conquest and dominion by carceral states of force and control, enemies of humankind and our universal human rights sow division, weaponizing ideas of faith, race, and national identity in service to power.

      This we must resist.

      When they come for us, as those who would enslave us always have and will, let them find not a humankind which has abandoned hope and each other, but a United Humankind and a band of brothers, sisters, and others who are unconquerable in solidarity and refusal to submit. Why must we be each other’s jailors, and not each other’s liberators?

      This let us defend.

     “When there is no hope, one can do impossible things, glorious things”; so said Jean Genet to me in Beirut 1982, as we refused to surrender to IDF and were about to be burned alive as they had set fire to our cafe. I have lived by this principle for forty three years of liberation struggle, as the nations of Lebanon and Palestine do now, and I with them once again and always.

      This I advise as a principle of action, with one thing more; Solidarity. If we abandon not our fellows, and refuse to submit, we become Unconquered and free. And we will one day seize power from those who would enslave us. For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future. 

     As I wrote in my post of October 17 2023, Chaos Is the Great Hope of the Powerless: Case of the Hamas-Israel War; A wise friend has questioned my valorization of Chaos as a principle of change in the context of Black Saturday, a term which describes the Hamas attack on Israel and the immense forces of terror, death, destruction, fracture, grief, rage, and revenge it unleashed, becoming a single tide of darkness.

     Thank you once again for your kindness and your wisdom.

     In this moment of tragedy I am thinking of Chaos as a disruptive force of fracture and change which has stripped us bare of our ideologies to reveal the fragile humanity beneath, and may be leveraged for liberty or tyranny by how we respond as a species and global civilization. As Guillermo del Toro writes in Carnival Row, “Chaos is the great hope of the powerless”.

     What do I hope for now, for the peoples of Israel and Palestine? That both may unite to free each other, but first we will need universal humanitarian aid to any one on either side of these lines of division, and a Reckoning for the war crimes of both Hamas and Israel. For Israel took the bait, and gave Hamas the victory; they are now equal as war criminals without legitimacy.

    Except for this one critical and determinative truth; there is no right of defense against a people you are Occupying.

    Israel took the bait, and the world is calling them out for war crimes; this may be end of the Netanyahu alt right regime and the dawn of a new Middle East. I was absolutely expecting Biden and allies to enable Israel’s Final Solution to the Palestinian Problem; in this I rejoice to be wrong about human nature, should the noises Genocide Joe makes become meaningful beyond performative responsibility avoidance. Maybe the idea of human rights is not dead. As my mother used to sing to students who asked her to make authorizing statements about anything, artifact of a Shakespeare in Thirty Minutes theatrical show that toured nationally with some of her students in it, bouncing her open hands left and right; Maybe, maybe not, Maybe, maybe not.

     No one seems to have noticed publicly that this attack means Israeli intelligence has been infiltrated. It is also possible that unknown puppetmasters have infiltrated and seized control of both Hamas and Israel, for purposes which are unclear and antithetical to the interests and well being of either. We wander lost in a Wilderness of Mirrors, friends.

      What Reckoning, for crimes against humanity by an organization of terror which has long been a vanguard of anticolonial revolutionary struggle under the imposed conditions of Occupation, slavery, and a genocidal Blockade?

      Not the totalization of the general population of Palestinians in a genocidal campaign of ethnic cleansing as Netanyahu wishes and Hamas intends as a strategy of delegitimation of the Israel state in the moral equivalence of terror, for if Israel, her patron America, and the international community accept the terms of struggle offered by Hamas they too become organizations of terror, and Hamas wins.

     This is a decolonial revolution, and victory goes to the side who can establish the legitimacy and moral supremacy of their story. As my father taught me, Never play someone else’s game.

     Hamas also wishes in this provocation to weld the peoples of Gaza to them; this is a primary strategy of fascism and tyranny, to make the people in whose name you claim to act complicit in unforgiveable crimes. Always beware those who claim to speak and act in your name as a strategy of your subjugation.

     A third layer of meaning here is the ambiguity of the geopolitical and world-historical forces beyond the Holy Land; Russia, her ally Iran and the Iranian Dominion of Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen, especially the Assad regime of Syria which has sent forces into Israel as a client state of Russia and Iran, and Hezbollah, which offers many of the social services of a government and may be in the process of emergence as an independent state, or a true empire in the transnational sense like the Holy Roman Empire. The great question here is; has Russia opened a new front of her plan of global conquest and made this a theatre of World War Three?

      How does one answer all of this? How bring a Reckoning for the terror of Hamas without authorizing and becoming complicit in the greater terror of Israel’s looming genocide of the Palestinians?

       The forms that might take give me pause, for they will determine our future, and though I know what I myself must do, I do not like it, and am calling out here in my journals, where I work through the consequences of my decisions before acting on them, for unknown possibilities I myself cannot envision.

     Yes, my friend, Chaos has profoundly destructive forms; death among them, ruin and civilizational collapse, the negation of all we have claimed as our identity, but all are also measures of the adaptive range of systems, and can give birth to new forms from this liberated energy. And as you point out, all forces operate in opposite directions at once, creating their own opposition. These are not moral forces in balance, but ambivalent forces which contain each other in recursion.

     So, while our nations try to shatter each other’s truths with overwhelming force and mass terror, I must find a path of least force to salvage what I can of our humanity, and I hope I will not fail as I did at Mariupol and Panjshir.

    This may be all we have as humans lost in chasms of darkness and a Wilderness of Mirrors, this refusal to abandon each other to dehumanization, but like our refusal to submit to authority it is a power which cannot be taken from us, even in imposed conditions of struggle designed to produce abjection and learned helplessness, or rage and tribalization as identity politics and the manufacture of consent to be fed into engines of death for the wealth, power, and privilege of hegemonic elites and tyrannies.

     Such ephemeral and insubstantial things, like whispered prayers to abyssal unknowns, figments of love, hope, faith, which belong to the shadows, the delusions of grandeur of beasts harnessed to systems of oppression by others who yet dream that we might become more.

    Dream with me.

     Embrace our absurdity as flawed things wrestling with immense forces of falsification, commodification, and dehumanization in a mad quest to become human, under imposed conditions of struggle typified by atrocities designed to produce abjection, learned helplessness, and despair, as we are consumed by the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force in service to elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege whose primary weapon is division and hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness as identity politics and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.

     Against all of this we have only our solidarity with each other, the redemptive power of love, our refusal to submit or to believe and trust authority which frees us as Unconquered and self created beings and Living Autonomous Zones, and our poetic vision in the reimagination and transformation of ourselves. Powers which cannot be taken from us, and which can seize the power of those who would enslave us.

     This is why I practice the art of believing impossible things, but only those I myself have chosen or created. And crucially, act to make them real. And in this case we must bring a Reckoning to the perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity regardless of who they may be or in the name of what cause they act, and silence the drums of war.

     Dream with me, but act in solidarity to make it real.

     As the Mad Hatter says to Alice; “That is an excellent practice, but right now you might want to focus on the Jabberwock.” 

    Just so.

Confronting the Jabberwock

Young lives cut short on an unimaginable scale: the 18,457 children on Gaza’s list of war dead

https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2025/oct/08/young-lives-cut-short-on-an-unimaginable-scale-the-18457-children-on-gazas-list-of-war-dead

We fear what Israel will do to us if they seize our ship. But we are not turning back, Naoise Dolan

Polls and politics point to a sea change in US views on Israel. Will it matter?

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/oct/08/us-israel-relationship?fbclid=IwY2xjawNT38FleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHuoOMI3Wv5KtbDO4Srakz59f9pYVDoN-1ZtJa2D4xgUhUOyiv4ypuecPZjFw_aem_9Dr8-CNuRjwjtFOwiyGH1Q

               Palestine, a retrospective of my writing in 2025

September 28 2025 Restoring the Balance: Palestine, Israel, and the Anniversary of the Second Intifada

September 27 2025 A Martyr of Liberty and AntiColonial Struggle: In Memorium of Hassan Nasrallah, on the Anniversary of His Assassination

September 22 2025 On This 80th Anniversary of the UN, the United Nations and European Union Recognize Palestine, and L’Shanah Tovah

August 11 2025 Israel’s War On Truth: the Assassination Campaign Against Journalists

August 3 2025 Tisha B’Av Tyranny and Resistance: A Song of al-Quds and Jerusalem

July 28 2025 Plan 2028 Part Four: Restore America As A Guarantor of Our Universal Human Rights; the Case of Palestine

June 21 2025 We Balance the Terror of Our Nothingness With the Joy of Total Freedom, the Flaws of Our Humanity With the Redemptive Power of Love, and the Brokenness of the World With Our Absurd Hope For the Limitless Possibilities of Becoming Human: On Sartre’s Birthday, And A Eulogy

June 5 2025 Fifty Eight Years of Occupation, Theocratic State Terror, and Israeli Fascisms of Blood, Faith, and Soil: Anniversary of the Fall of Jerusalem In the 1967 Six Day War

June 2 2025 Greta Thunberg Runs The Israeli Blockade of Humanitarian Aid To Gaza With the Freedom Flotilla Coalition

May 29 2025 Anniversary of the Final Day of the Third Intifada of 2021: On The Origins of Evil in Fear, Power, and Force; Existential Questions In the Shadow of the Israeli Genocide of the Palestinians As the World Does Nothing to Silence the Rain of Death

May 23 2025 Anniversary of the International Criminal Court Issue of Arrest Warrant For Netanyahu and Charge of Leaders of Israel and Hamas Equally With Crimes Against Humanity In the Gaza War

May 15 2025 On This Anniversary of Nakba Day, Choose Love Over Hate and Solidarity Over Division

May 14 2025 America Falls With Our Failure of Empathy, Abandonment of Our Universal Human Rights, Cowardice in Confronting Evil, and Complicity in Genocide: Anniversary of Israel’s 2024 Rafah Campaign

May 11 2025 Anniversary of the Third Intifada of 2021, Part Two

May 10 2025 Anniversary of the Third Intifada of 2021, Now Ongoing In the Tenth Theatre of World War Three Which Contains and Supersedes the Gaza War

April 12 2025 This Passover, Stand Against Genocide. This Passover, Stand With the Children: the Peace and Divestiture Protests and Occupations

March 30 2025 Eid al Fitr

March 29 2025 A Two Front War Against Democracy In Palestine and America: the Case of Rumeysa Ozturk

March 28 2025 Witness of the Martyr Hossam Shabat, and His Eulogy By Sharif Abdel Kouddous

March 27 2025 Laylat al-Qadr Mubarak: A Joyful Night of Poetic Vision and the Reimagination and Transformation of Our Infinite Possibilities of Becoming Human

March 19 2025 Tyrants Attack In Campaign Of Genocide: Netanyahu Bombs Civilian Aid Corridor In Gaza To Divide It Into Bantustans As Trump Bombs Yemen To Break Our Counter Blockade of the Israeli Blockade of Humanitarian Aid

March 14 2025 On Purim: What Do We Mean When We Use the Phrase; “Never Again!”

March 1 2025 Ramadan Mubarak: In a Time of Terror and War, Rituals of Interdependence, Solidarity, Mercy, and Compassion and Allegories of the Redemptive and Transformative Power of Love in Healing the Wounds of Our Humanity and the Brokenness of the World

February 8 2025 Trump Dreams of A New Crusader Kingdom In Gaza As A Co Conspirator In Netanyahu’s Zionist Ethnic Cleansing and Genocide of the Palestinians

January 16 2025 Ceasefire In the Gaza War

January 3 2025 Whereas 2024 Was the Year Israel Lost Its Legitimacy, This Can Be the Year We Bring Change

Arabic

6 أكتوبر 2024 حول حرب إسرائيل ضد الإنسانية

تطلق إسرائيل العنان للعدم لتلتهمنا جميعًا في موجات من الوحشية العدمية والفظائع والإرهاب والتطهير العرقي والإبادة الجماعية، التي صممها هتلر وفرانكو بوحشية باعتبارها مبدأ الحرب الشاملة واختبرتها في جيرنيكا لإخضاعنا من خلال الذل واليأس والعجز المكتسب، لأن إسرائيل إمبراطورية نزع الإنسانية وسرقة الروح.

أتحدى كل هذا.

في فلسطين ولبنان، وفي جميع أنحاء العالم الذي تخيم عليه فاشيات الدم والإيمان والأرض والسجن والاحتلال، أو في طريق الغزو الإمبراطوري والهيمنة من قبل دول السجن والقوة والسيطرة، يزرع أعداء البشرية وحقوق الإنسان العالمية الانقسام، ويسلحون أفكار الإيمان والعرق والهوية الوطنية في خدمة السلطة.

هذا يجب أن نقاومه.

عندما يأتون إلينا، كما فعل أولئك الذين يريدون استعبادنا دائمًا وسيفعلون، فلن يجدوا بشرًا تخلوا عن الأمل وعن بعضهم البعض، بل بشرًا متحدين ومجموعة من الإخوة والأخوات وغيرهم ممن لا يمكن قهرهم في التضامن ورفض الاستسلام. لماذا يجب أن نكون سجانين لبعضنا البعض، وليس محررين لبعضنا البعض؟

دعونا ندافع عن هذا.

Hebrew

6 באוקטובר 2024 על מלחמת ישראל מול האנושות

ישראל משחררת את הכלום כדי לצרוך את כולנו בגאות של פראות ניהיליסטית, זוועות, טרור, טיהור אתני ורצח עם, שתוכנן באכזריות על ידי היטלר ופרנקו כדוקטרינת המלחמה הטוטאלית ונבדקה בגרניקה כדי להכניע אותנו באמצעות חוסר אונים, ייאוש וחוסר אונים נלמד. , כי ישראל היא אימפריה של דה-הומניזציה וגניבת נפש.

 את כל זה אני מתריס.

 בפלסטין ולבנון, וברחבי העולם המוצל על ידי פשיזם של דם, אמונה ואדמה וכלואים, כבושים, או בדרך של כיבוש ושליטה אימפריאלית על ידי מדינות קרסראליות של כוח ושליטה, אויבי המין האנושי וזכויות האדם האוניברסאליות שלנו זורעים. חלוקה, מימוש רעיונות של אמונה, גזע וזהות לאומית בשירות לשלטון.

 לזה עלינו להתנגד.

 כשהם באים בשבילנו, כפי שתמיד עשו וירצו מי שיעבדו אותנו, הבה ימצאו לא מין אנושי שנטש את התקווה וזה את זה, אלא המין האנושי המאוחד וחבורת אחים, אחיות ואחרים שאי אפשר לכבוש בסולידריות. וסירוב להגיש. מדוע עלינו להיות כלואים זה של זה, ולא המשחררים זה של זה?

 זה נותן לנו להגן.

Progressive Democrats bring resolution calling for ceasefire in Israel-Hamas war

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/oct/16/house-democrats-urge-biden-ceasefire-israel-hamas?CMP=share_btn_link

Joe Biden Says He Is ‘Outraged’ After Blast At Gaza City Hospital

“The United States stands unequivocally for the protection of civilian life during conflict,” the president said.

EU leaders vow unified effort to mitigate humanitarian crisis in Gaza

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/oct/17/eu-leaders-vow-unified-effort-to-mitigate-humanitarian-crisis-in-gaza?CMP=share_btn_link

The deadly stakes of a ground invasion of Gaza | podcast

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Standing up for Palestine is also standing up to save the west from the worst of itself, by Moustafa Bayoumi

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Letter signed by 178 members of US’s most prestigious law faculties calls Israeli reaction to Hamas attack ‘a moral catastrophe’

‘He’s unfit’: Israel fiercely divided over Netanyahu’s hostage response

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As Israel prepared a likely ground offensive into Gaza that would mean deadly house-to-house fighting, fears rose over the conflict spreading.

The peril now facing us: Israel invades, Iran intervenes – and this war goes global, Simon Tisdall

October 7 2025 We Become A Hobgoblin’s Broken Mirror: Black Saturday

     In Palestine and Lebanon, our taxes buy the deaths of children. And their mothers, among other civilian noncombatants.

     My estimate of the Palestinian dead is 800,000, around one third of the population; this from the witness of my own eyes, having fought in liberation struggle throughout this terrible war of terror against hope, hate against love, and steel against flesh.

     Among all of the negation of our truths which Israel’s War Against Humanity has wrought, here are two truths which emerge from the legacies of our unfolding history we will never again be able to unsee or to avoid confrontation with; there is no right of defense against a people you are Occupying, and no moral equivalence between the violence used by a slavemaster and the violence used by a slave to break his chains.

      In the face of mass protests throughout America and the world, met with repression of dissent and propaganda by the state and both our political parties in a Great Wall of Silence, we persist in refusing to de escalate the conflict using the Boycott, Divestiture, and Sanction of Israel to end a genocide in which we are complicit.

     America has abandoned our principles of universal rights and our duty of care for others, and any pretense to morality or legitimacy as a democracy; this was among the many goals of Black Saturday, and both Israel and America took the bait.

     Where the Party of Treason and Tyranny is an enthusiastic sponsor of autocracies and state terror globally including Israel, the Democratic Party has maintained a strategic silence regarding our complicity in genocide and crimes against humanity, refusing to acknowledge it as a historical fact or the peace movement which drove Genocide Joe out of nation’s election, at a critical Defining Moment of our nation and with the future of democracy at stake, but replaced him with an overseer of the carceral state who wishes to rain doom upon the helpless migrants at our border and on the Palestinians whose nation is a Bantustan of slave labor and a concentration camp Occupied by an enemy to whom only their fellow Jews are truly human.

      I’m calling her Kommandant Kamala, as the salvation of both the Israelis and the Palestinians as equals and fellow human beings never became the center of her campaign, rather than enforcement of our dominion at our border and in our colony of Israel.

      Traitor Trump is worse than either Genocide Joe or Kommandant Kamala, for he believes in nothing and wishes only to amass wealth by building a riviera of casinos for elites on the bones of a people.

      The first rule of American politics is; nobody messes with the grift.

       In America, both our political parties betrayed us and abandoned the idea of our universal human rights, which was among the primary goals of Netanyahu when he committed this atrocity in collusion with Hamas. Sadly there was nothing new in this, not in seventy years of Israeli tyranny and terror sponsored by American taxes, vast military aid, and impunity conferred by our diplomatic cover and permission. No velvet glove, just the iron fist.

      Of course this is due to the nature and dynamics of power, and the recursive forces of fear, power, and force which act to centralize power to authority and subjugate slave castes through fear, thought control, and violence. All states are embodied violence, and in this democracies are proving no better than tyrannies.

     We have changed so little since the Pharaohs and priest-kings of the first city-states set themselves above all others as interpreters and spokesmen of the gods, and hired brutal thugs with aristocratic titles to keep the slaves at their work. I was hoping we were better than that.

     Civilization falls with the derelict antiquity of Israel and a Holy Land long abandoned by any merciful god, consumed by The Nothing we have summoned with the rain of death and terror, as our capacity for empathy withers under forces of degradation and dehumanization. Soon we too will become nothing, like the children we murder from a sanitized remove, for whom we feel no pity, mercy, or compassion, as they are not white and therefore beyond the circle of belonging and otherness on which our elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege are constructed.

    The enemies of liberty wish to enslave us through divisions of ethnicity, faith, and historical national identity, categories of authorized identity largely constructed by elites in service to power, and through strategies of commodification, falsification, and dehumanization, to hollow out the values of democracy through subversion and capture of our ownership of ourselves and of human being, meaning, and value. This too we must Resist.

     This has been a terrible two years as our humanity becomes a Hobgoblin’s Broken Mirror; that which unites us as human beings has been shattered, and we are captive in the strange reflected images of its discontiguous surfaces. But we need not let this stand.

    Among the first questions which confront us in bringing a Reckoning to any systems of oppression, tyranny and carceral states of force and control, fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, subjugation to hegemonic elites of wealth, power, and privilege, and violations of our universal human rights is that of just cause or casus belli; who is responsible for these crimes against humanity?

     Within days of Black Saturday I was at the scene hunting the perpetrators, and what I found was a nest of vipers. What happened was a set of recursive and interdependent causes allied in a primary event of fracture and disruption which remain occluded still; including a coup within Hamas against its leadership, especially those targeted for assassination later by Israel on a false claim of having ordered the attack, by a Hamas faction opposed to peace in conspiracy with Netanyahu’s regime perpetrated this tragedy, but not alone. Several other groups, at least two whom are nominally enemies, a criminal syndicate with no political ideology whatever, plus a IDF Recon team, Sayaret Shaked as I knew it in Lebanon long ago or a successor force, which specializes in committing atrocities against Islamic groups while disguised as Arabs to sow division, were in the lead elements of the attack force, and joined quickly by opportunists of various kinds. Within days the special operations forces of several nations were in the mix, including allies of Palestine from the Iranian Dominion of Lebanon, Yemen, Syria, and Iraq as well as Russian intelligence and special operations forces, possibly with some of their African allies including Sudan’s RSF. This means Hamas cannot free all the hostages, because some are held by groups beyond their control including Israeli agents.

      But there is more, much more; an unknown third party infiltrated both Israeli and Palestinian organizations to play them off against each other for purposes I cannot guess but are obviously inimical to both, and to global peace and security. This is a long game, and our opponent as yet remains in the shadows.

     Who has both the skill and the motive to do this?  Cui bono?

     Netanyahu benefits, because this keeps him in power and gives him a causus belli for the imperial conquest and dominion of the Middle East and the Final Solution of the Palestinians; and his key ally Trump benefits in our election by staining the armour of Biden and Harris with cruelty and complicity in genocide, and in dividing the Left vote through ideological fracture, though both are trapped by decades old policies and alliances much as the belligerents of World War One were trapped in a system of alliances and set piece strategies which ensnared them with the assassination of the Archduke and brought the utter collapse of the old world of the aristocracy it was designed to protect, and kept in check by the vast wealth and political power of AIPAC and other cabals of wealth and power, and both Trump and Netanyahu benefit by making the idea of human rights meaningless, as does Trump’s puppetmaster Putin and other tyrants of the Fourth Reich or otherwise.

      But the legitimacy of Israel and America are a cost no one in either nations governments or intelligence and special operations communities would trade for these wins, and though the Fourth Reich, by which I mean a network of descendants of actual Nazis who have infiltrated the American state and others for seventy years, of which Trump is a figurehead and the de facto Fuhrer, clearly has the Long Game plans, the resources, and the genius, evil though it may be, to do this, no Nazi would ever help the Zionist state of Israel become an empire. This leaves the Russian FSB and its other intelligence agencies and Spetznaz forces, also with both the patience or vision, resources, and skill to do this, which may have been developing for decades; but Russia is committed to advancing her ally Iran’s dominion of the Middle East, which makes her the primary enemy of Israel and the Arab-American Alliance, and we have fought savage proxy wars in Syria and elsewhere to prove it.

     No, our nemesis and the true perpetrator of Black Saturday is not Russia or Iran, nor the Fourth Reich, and only partially Trump and Netanyahu equally with the jihadist faction of Hamas which I believe to originate with its blood enemy and rival for control of Gaza Al Qaeda; we face an unknown enemy willing to engineer a genocide to advance its mysterious goals, and all I can tell you about them is that they are far from done with us.

     The identification, exposure, and destruction of this unknown enemy and countering its interventions in human history is now my primary long range goal. Though we must also combat and bring a Reckoning for fascism and the black tide of identitarian nationalism and tyranny which threatens to engulf us, which is related to our unknown enemy in ambiguous ways.

     We live in interesting times.

      Where are we at now?

     A major objective of the attack was to spike the peace and solidarity with Palestine movements in Israel. Its a major reason why the Netanyahu regime conspired in the attack and why it targeted peaceniks. The result is an Israel without a Left, and a casus belli for the conquest of her neighbors and the centralization of power to the state. Many elements created the tragedy, but service to power was the reason Israel opened the gate, literally, and sent an IDF recon unit disguised as Arabs to provoke atrocities. This was authorized personally by Netanyahu and others at the top command of the state.

     None of this can minimize the crimes of others involved, but neither Hamas, Israeli agents inside Hamas, al Qaeda, Iranian allied elements, nor Assad regime agents and Russian intelligence and special operations forces, all of whom were involved, are responsible alone. Hezbollah and others cheered them on afterward, but Lebanon had nothing to do with it, and factionalized as she is may not be capable of foreign adventurism of this kind; Israeli has certainly worked hard to ensure it.

     Of the actual perpetrators, we have liberated Syria and brought a Reckoning to the Russian directed and Iranian connected component of this crime, the al Qaeda organization in Palestine was nearly wiped out by Hamas before the event, some of which actions I participated in, and conflicts with Iranian forces in Yemen destroyed their regional threat, and many of the individual perpetrators, both Israeli and others, are now dead from fighting each other or from internal conflicts. This leaves the Israeli regime and high command, who must be tried for war crimes and publicly brought to justice to restore the international rule of law and the idea of human rights on which democracy depends, and their terrible campaign of racist and theocratic genocide and imperial conquest and dominion to be ended through Boycott, Divestiture, and Sanction. In the end there will be peace only when there is justice, and I believe we must create a future secular state of United Israel and Palestine in which all citizens are equal.

     Let us return to First Principles with a simple question; Who is suffering and in need of mercy? It is a similar question to the one I ask to determine when and how to use force and violence, Who holds power?, but with a very different direction as to the unfolding of our future.

     Here in a Holy Land divided by the sectarian particulars of how to be human together in accord with the will of the Infinite as universal brotherhood and love, crimes which define the limits of the human are perpetrated against our most innocent, utterly powerless, and incapable of threatening anyone; children. Children whom the enemy of our humanity, the state of Israel and its sponsors including America, either brutalize and kill with glee in the hysteria of power or refuse to see and recognize in silence and complicity. And our history surfaces one figure to represent all of the children sacrificed to power and hate, and doomed by the complicity of silence.

     I ask you now, all of humankind, to abandon the path of our dehumanization and renounce genocide, ethnic cleansing, wars of conquest and dominion, and crimes against humanity.

      I ask, I beg, I demand; I ask you in the name of Anne Frank.

     As I wrote in my post of October 10 2024, Black Saturday: A Nation Divided Against Itself In Service To Power By Weaponized History, Faith, Race, and National Identity; Palestine Versus Israel, Liberation Struggle Versus Imperial Colonial Occupation, Round Ad Nauseum In An Endless Litany of Woes, Atrocities, and Horrors;

Forward: to my comrades in the Palestinian Resistance:

     Hello everyone;

    I have some thoughts on the recent events in Gaza, Gaza where I have fought  and lost someone I loved, and actions by Hamas whom I have fought alongside and count as my brothers in revolutionary struggle; actions of October 7 or Black Saturday which include the taking of hostages and murder of families, war crimes which have made peace impossible in the near future and have delegitimized the cause of liberation of Palestine by making it synonymous with dehumanization and atrocities. Such is the nature of power, and of fear weaponized in service to power.

    This now is my Resistance in the cause of the peoples of Palestine and Israel, a people divided by history and sectarian theocratic terror. I question the origins and motives of such actions, which trade a tactical goal of demonstrating that Netanyahu’s alt-right monsters cannot deliver the security by which they subjugate Israel, for a strategic one of legitimacy, and will not only weld American support to the tyrant but grant him permission and immunity for the Final Solution of the Palestinian problem he has long dreamed of.

     How can we salvage something of our humanity from this?

     Herein I invite question, and dreams of a better future than we have the past.

     Thank you for hearing me.

     Hamas has brought the Chaos to the American Empire and disrupted the legitimation of Israel by the Arab American Alliance versus the Imperial Dominion of Iran, and in reaction to the relentless genocide of the Palestinians by the state of Israel now captured by Netanyahu and his alt right band of thieves.

     Here now is the fulcrum of change and reckoning for seventy years of Israeli state terror and imperial conquest in an amoral and loathsome apartheid regime which inverts the values of its founding by becoming the death camps its citizens escaped, and betrays the hope and ideal of a refuge from hate and sectarian division as a reflection of the Nazis from whom they have internalized oppression as fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.

     Hamas has shattered all of this, potentially, with the myth of state surveillance and control as useful and effective means of subjugation of the slave castes of any state, and the myth of the invincibility and supremacy of Israeli intelligence and military hegemony of which it is a figure of the might of carceral states, tyrannies, and empires, and the calculated reprisals by Israel which will follow are designed by Hamas in this provocation to delegitimize Israel and fracture the solidarity of her allies and collaborators in terror, of which America remains the principal sponsor and villain.

     But the purposes of Israel in collaborating with Hamas in this crime against their own citizens are very different, and it remains to be seen which of these futures will become real; a free and independent Palestine as Hamas wishes, or a Middle Eastern Sparta and an Empire of Greater Israel as the Netanyahu regime wishes.

      In either case, the Rashomon Gate is open, and we must write our own future stories or others will write them for us.

     So many of the reactions to this tragedy both here among my friends and in the news media seem baffled, caught in the forks of a classic dilemma in which our heroes and our villains trade places, for in this stunning slave rebellion wherein the victims of Occupation and soon genocide and erasure have attacked their masters, the Wretched of the Earth with whom we might normally empathize have violated two of our most cherished moral values and rules of conduct; they are not defending but attacking, which makes justifications for war and the use of social force irrelevant though this ahistorical interpretation of events ignores seventy years of oppression and authorizes the conqueror by classifying the liberation struggle of their victims as terrorism, an argument we can therefore nullify as pro Israeli misdirection and the apologetics of power, and a second and far more serious point; Hamas has taken hostages and killed civilians including children, war crimes which violate our universal human rights and place the perpetrators beyond all laws and all limits.

      In this the perpetrators of Black Saturday have offered moral equivalence to Israel, and Israel has taken the bait. Which of them will be harmed more by this is in question, especially regarding internal Israeli society and the state, but both will be harmed greatly.

     A friend has written an apology for statements born of compassion which might be confused with support of Israel as a state rather than as a people, a distinction which makes all the difference; and to this I have written the following reply:

     There are no good guys in this story, just a people divided by history brutalizing each other with a savagery that threatens our humanity itself. I have fought in Gaza and lost someone there, and from my witness of history I say there is only one kind of truth which does not become a Rashomon Gate when faith is weaponized in service to power by those who would enslave us, and this is true of both sides in this or any war; Who is bleeding? Who is suffering? Who requires acts of grace and mercy? 

     Not who merits compassion, for often there are no innocent, and as Shaw teaches us in Pygmalion with the iconic speech of Alfred Doolittle this places a moral burden on victims which is unjust; merely who is suffering and needs our help, in this moment, always the only time we have.

     Solidarity of action, resistance, and liberation struggle all come after this; Tikkun Olam, a Jewish concept of reparative justice and praxis or the action of values, which I often describe as healing the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     You have nothing to apologize for; states work very hard to confuse and conflate legitimation of the state with defense of those in whose name it claims to act, using narratives of victimization, for who wears the white hat is a hero and beyond question. All states do this, for it is the nature of power to become centralized to authority as force and control. Among the true horrors of identity politics is awakening to realize that one is the beneficiary of a genocide, of slavery, of patriarchy, of unequal power in any form.

     So we are lost in Atherton’s Wilderness of Mirrors; lies, illusions, rewritten histories, falsification. But it is my fate to question all things, and many of them do not bear the test of unbelief.

     Always pay attention to the man behind the curtain.

     In this case I question the origins and motives of a blitzkreig which demonstrates the vulnerability of Israel, a tactical objective, at the cost of strategic goals; the immediate results include unifying global support of Israel and dividing the crucial solidarity between the anti-Netanyahu democracy and peace movements within Israel from the liberation struggle of their slave caste, the Palestinians, which was until this disruptive event in the process of becoming one united nation.

     Cui Bono? Neither Palestinians nor Israelis, though in the imperial totalitarian state of Israel and its fascisms of blood, faith, and soil they share a common enemy. Netanyahu and his regime benefit, though his promise of security for the people of Israel has been proven illusory and the feared Israeli intelligence and military a paper tiger as Hamas intended; whether this weakens or strengthens his hand is yet to be seen.

     Security is an illusion, one convenient for tyrants in the manufacture of consent to be subjugated. In this area of liberation struggle the victory of Hamas in breaching the Wall has been an unambiguous good.

     Bring down the Wall, all the walls. Not only the walls of our borders and prisons, but the walls of ideas between peoples most of all. In the long run, only this will bring us peace and a United Humankind.

     To make an idea about a kind of people is an act of violence.

     No matter where you begin with divisions of belonging and exclusionary otherness, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     Why, O Israel, reproduce the conditions of your historic trauma as the prison guards, with others cast in your former role? Why, when we could be guarantors of each other’s universal human rights in a free society of equals? Why must we be each other’s jailers, and not each other’s liberators?

     Let us emerge from the legacies of our history, and create ourselves anew.

     What happens next?

     Disruptive and polarizing events often confront us with a choice; who is your white hat and who your black hat in this story? Whose play will you back when they enter the arena at high noon? We will begin to become human when we free ourselves of this tyranny of good and evil, so vulnerable to the lies and misdirection of those who would enslave us and who claim to speak and act in our name, especially in theocracies. For as Voltaire wrote; “Those who can make us believe absurdities can make us commit atrocities”. Gott Mitt Uns; it is the most terrible battlecry, for it authorizes anything.

       Today the empire begins to strike back, as Biden declares that America will stand with Israel, with the state in exacting revenge through conquest and not with her people in freeing the hostages mind you, in the abominable reprisals Netanyahu promises, having been handed by his enemies immunity and sanction for the Final Solution to the Palestinian Problem he has so long dreamed of. Both this immediate trigger event of Total War as a doctrine created by Hitler and Franco and tested at Guernica and the conditions which created it are consequences of American complicity, for we as a nation have failed to enact the Boycott, Divest, and Sanction policies against Israeli state terror and tyranny which might have prevented it, and if we are to be liberators and not conquerors we must at minimum now pressure Israel to lift the Blockade of Gaza and recognize Hamas as its legitimate government. Let us send humanitarian aid, not armies.

      If we send warships to help Israel conquer Palestine, and not humanitarian aid to the Palestinians, America loses and our enemies win. 

      Netanyahu and Biden have declared intentions to answer force and fear with greater force and fear, as Israel accepts the offer of the moral equivalence of terror by her partner in this dance, Hamas. This will bring not lesser but greater terror, not democracy and a free society of equals but the centralization of power to totalitarian states of force and control. From the perspective of Israel and America or of any state, this is the true purpose of external threats.

     As my father once said; “Politics is the art of fear, and fear is the basis of human exchange. Fear is an untrustworthy servant and a terrible master; so, whose instrument will it be?”

     Of the recursive forces of fear, power, and force which are the true origin of evil and of its forms as violence, war, and police states, I say to you this one true thing; fear and force cannot answer fear and force. Only love can do this, and the redemptive power of love can free us from the Wagnerian Ring of Power, from falsification, commodification, and dehumanization.

     Why are we each others jailors, and not each others liberators?

       Here is the memorial I wrote for my friend, assassinated in Gaza by an Israeli sniper during the fighting in 2021; June 21 2022, We Balance the Terror of Our Nothingness With the Joy of Total Freedom, the Flaws of Our Humanity With the Redemptive Power of Love, and the Brokenness of the World With Our Absurd Hope For the Limitless Possibilities of Becoming Human; Death is the ultimate life disruptive event, the mirror image of Chaos as creative force and the adaptive potential of a system.

     This day I have re-enacted the stages of grief process as I relive an event of a year ago, caught in the labyrinth of its story, and as always with such complexes of memory, history, and identity I emerge through its passage with changed perspective.

     Some stories can shatter our lives, but also free us from the legacies of history and the limits of our former selves.

    This is a story which has become interwoven with my annual reading of Sartre’s works in celebration of his birthday, a juxtaposition which I find wholly appropriate, illuminating, and strangely hopeful.

    Are we not the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others? 

     We choose our friends and lovers from among those reflections which embody qualities we wish to assimilate to ourselves or fully integrate into our consciousness and personality; and it is the interface between these two bounded realms, the Ideal and the Real, which I am driven to interrogate today.

     Here is where the art of questioning lives, at the intersection of Socratic method and classical rhetoric, the dialectics of history, and the problematization of our motives, feelings, and processes of ideation through the methods of psychotherapy.

      We speak of the juxtaposition of imaginal and actual realms of being as a form of Dadaist collage as pioneered by Tristan Tzara and instrumentalized as methodology by William S. Burroughs which creates the universe of our experience, of the discontiguous, relative, ambiguous, and ephemeral nature of truth described by Akutagawa in Rashomon Gate and the methods of fiction exemplified by Raymond Queneau  as applied to identity and self construal, and idealizations of masculine and feminine beauty as dyadic forces of the psyche which work themselves out through our relationships with ourselves and with others. These three parallel and interdependent processes shape who we become, and how we instrumentalize others in our self creation.

     We must first own the fact that dealing with our memories of someone is not the same as the lived experience of our history; it is all one sided and has been moved into an interior space of performance, and in which reimagination and transformation is ongoing. The map is not the territory, as Alfred Korzybski teaches us, nor is our idea of a person equal to the actual person themselves.

     What parts of myself do I embody as a figural space into which to grow in the character whom I have thought of as Cleopatra, with all of the ambivalence, power, legacies of cultural history, and liminality such an identification implies, how do I imagine her now, and what kind of story have I cast us in?

     I think of her now in terms of Rachel McAdams’ wily, sophisticated, and transgressive Irene Adler in Sherlock Holmes, as she became throughout the twelve years of our work in liberation struggle for the independence of Palestine, with elements of Millie Bobby Brown’s fearless, brilliant, and utterly without boundaries Enola Holmes as she began, bearing onward the colours of a beloved and presumed martyred family member in the course of investigating his disappearance. I am reasonably certain that this is not how she saw herself.

     For illumination as to how a Palestinian woman might imagine herself, the characters she may choose to play as role models and the stories she may embody as ritual enactments, even a highly unusual one such as she, we may look to the wonderfully rich culture of Palestine’s female film directors and authors; of auteurs Annemarie Jacir, Maysaloun Hamoud, Mai Masri, and Farah Nabulsi, and of novelists Susan Abulhawa, Liana Badr, Ghada Karmi, Sahar Khalifeh, Hala Alyan, and Sahar Mustafah.

     Bearing in mind that all such reading lists are nothing less than a set of authorized identities. As Margaret Atwood so splendidly demonstrates in her works, our intertexts are primary in the construction of our identities, including those of sex and gender, as mimesis and as dialectical processes of history.

     And this is where it never ceases to be fascinating, the study of human being, meaning, and value and the limitless possibilities of becoming human. For in the sphere of our relationships with others, parallel and interdependent with our relationships between the masculine and feminine halves of our psyche, each co-evolves with the other in recursive processes of growth and adaptation to change in the construction of identity.

     I say again; we interpret the actions of others and form relationships on the basis of our self-construal and ideas of ourselves, and we use our relations with real people to shape who we wish to become.

       How does this work out in real life? As a personal example of the discontiguous gaps of meaning in the interfaces between bounded realms of masculine and feminine personae, a free space of creative play, I offer the artifacts of memory of a figure which may or may not align with the martyr I know only by her Code Name: Cleopatra.

      Of the Last Stand in which we met and forged an alliance, betrayed and caught in a trap which we turned against our enemies who had trapped themselves in with us, which I think of as the final battle scene in the film Mr & Mrs Smith, this operatic quest was set in motion by the conflict of dominion between Hamas and al Qaeda in Gaza during August of 2009, during which the forces of light prevailed over those of darkness in the victory of Hamas, with Israel playing each against the other through infiltration agents, spies, deniable assets, and use of a special Recon team masquerading as various Arab factions to commit atrocities against presumed rival Arab groups in a classic policy of divide and conquer. This space of play was complicated by clan vendettas such as hers, and the usual political and religious fragmentation, crime syndicates, mercenary forces, tribalism, corruption, and the shadow wars of foreign states.

     Our paths crossed several times over the next twelve years, always in memorable circumstances, sometimes as allies and others as rivals, often as both. Which of these is the real and true version of her, or of myself? Such iterations of our images are without number, like the captured and distorted selves in funhouse mirrors aligned to reflect into infinity.

     Wilderness of Mirrors, a phrase from T.S. Eliot’s Gerontin, is one I use to describe the pathology of falsification of ourselves through propaganda, lies and illusions, rewritten histories, state secrets, alternate realities, authoritarian faith which devours truths. This I contrast with its opposite, journalism and the witness of history as the sacred quest to pursue the truth. We are made counterfeits of ourselves by systems of elite hegemonic power such as patriarchy, and by those who would enslave us, through capture of our stories as theft of the soul.

     James Angleton, evil genius of the C.I.A.’s Counterintelligence Service on whom John Le Carre based his character of George Smiley, infamously used the phrase in this sense as well, and it has become universalized throughout the intelligence community he shaped and influenced during the Second World War and its aftermath the Cold War. Writing in reference to David Martin’s biography of himself entitled Wilderness of Mirrors, Angleton described it as a “myriad of stratagems, deceptions, artifices, and all the other devices of disinformation which the Soviet bloc and its coordinated intelligence services use to confuse and split the West … an ever fluid landscape where fact and illusion merge.” And of course, everything he ascribed to the Soviets was true of himself, his own agency, and America as well, and of all states, for all are houses of illusion.

     The Netflix telenovela Operation Mincemeat uses the phrase, in a story about the creation of a fictitious officer bearing documents designed to trick the Nazis into preparing for the invasion of Europe somewhere other than Sicily, a series I watched with rapt attention because each of us is created by our stories exactly like this false identity attached to the body of a derelict. Within each of us, a team of authors, archetypes and transpersonal figures like the anima which concerns us here, create our personae through stories, a network of memories, histories, and identity; and they do so for their own purposes, which we do not always understand.  

     As T. S. Eliot has written in Gerontin, “After such knowledge, what forgiveness? Think now

History has many cunning passages, contrived corridors

And issues, deceives with whispering ambitions,

Guides us by vanities”

      We are such stuff as dreams are made on, as Shakespeare teaches us in Act IV, Scene 1 of The Tempest, a line spoken by Ariel. For if we are ephemeral and insubstantial beings, constructions of our stories, this also means that the ontological nature of human being is a ground of struggle which can be claimed by seizures of power.

      The first question to ask of a story is, whose story is this?

      Always there remains the struggle between the stories we tell about ourselves and those told about us by others; the masks we make for ourselves and those made for us by others.

      This is the first revolution in which we all must fight, the struggle for ownership of ourselves.

      Who then shall we become? Asks our self of surfaces, images, and masks which each moment negotiates our boundaries with others. 

     To which our secret self, the self of darkness and of passion, the self that lives beyond the mirror and knows no limits, unbound by time and space and infinite in possibilities, replies; Who do you want to become? 

     As I wrote in my post of June 21 2021, The Hope of Humankind: On Becoming Living Autonomous Zones as Agents of Chaos and Transformative Change; A friend has written in despair of our significance and hope for the liberation of humankind, of the impactfulness of our lives and our struggles which balance the flaws of our humanity against the monstrous and vast forces of a system of dehumanization, falsification, and commodification; for to be human is to live in a state of existential crisis and struggle for the ownership of ourselves.

     Today is the birthday of Jean Paul Sartre, and so this event finds me reading once again his magnificent reimagination of Jean Genet in Saint Genet: Actor and Martyr; Genet who set me on my life’s path with the Oath of the Resistance in Beirut during the summer of 1982.

     Israeli soldiers had set fire to the houses on my street, and called for people to come out and surrender. They were blindfolding the children of those who did and using them as human shields.

     We had no other weapon than the empty bottle of champagne we had just finished with our breakfast of strawberry crepes; I asked “Any ideas?”, at which he shrugged and said “Fix bayonets?”

     And then he gave me a principle of action by which I have lived for thirty nine years now; “When there is no hope, one is free to do impossible things, glorious things.”

     He asked me if I was going to surrender, and I said no; he smiled and replied, “Nor will I.” And so he swore me to the Oath he devised in 1940 in Paris at the beginning of the Occupation for such friends as he could gather, reworded from the oath he had taken as a Legionnaire. He said it was the finest thing he ever stole; “We swear our loyalty to each other, to resist and yield not, and abandon not our fellows.” So it was that I became the bearer of a tradition now over eighty years old and forged in the most fearsome and terrible conflict the world has ever known, shortly before I expected to be burned alive in the second of my many Last Stands.

     This was the moment of my forging, this decision to choose death over subjugation, and ever since being struck by it I have been a bell, ringing. And like the Liberty Bell with its iconic crack, I am broken open to the suffering of others and the flaws of our humanity. This has been the greatest gift I have ever been given, this empathy borne of a sacred wound, and I shall never cease the call to liberty, nor hesitate to answer as I am able the call for solidarity with others.

     This morning I awoke to a call to identify the body of a friend missing and believed killed in Gaza by Israeli terrorists in the savage street fighting which followed the rocket attacks of last week, which I was unable to do; I searched for my friend in this sad and ruined form, like the skin of a wild thing which has sung itself utterly away, and could recognize nothing.

    Where is my friend, agile, lithe, mercurial, fearless, insightful and quick witted, who always had four scenarios running and three escape routes, who survived against impossible odds through improvisation and leveraging chaos, whose vision could discern true motives within the secret chambers of the human heart and play them like an instrument as songs of rapture and terror, who chameleon-like and protean could shift identities as needed and behind their masks move among her enemies unseen?

      I never knew her true name; perhaps she no longer had one, as is true for so many of us who play the Great Game of futures and the possibilities of becoming human, a term popularized by Rudyard Kipling in the novel Kim. My own names are numberless as the stars, like those of an actor who has played multitudes of roles in films and theatres of many kinds.

     She first entered my orbit during the victorious struggle of Hamas against al Qaeda for dominion of Gaza in August of 2009 in Rafah, an Egyptian Palestinian drawn into the maelstrom of war like countless others by family duty and vendetta.

    Yet she said no to Israeli authority at great peril when she could have said yes and become a slave, stood in solidarity with others when she could have run; this was a choice, one which confers agency, autonomy, and self-ownership as a seizure of power in a limited and deterministic context. Refusal to submit is the primary human act, one which cannot be taken from us, wherein we become Unconquered and free, and able to liberate others.

     So it is that we may escape the wilderness of mirrors in which we wander, a realm of lies and illusions, captured and distorted images, falsification and the theft of the soul. For the authentic self, the image which we seize and claim as our own, flies free of its mad circus of seductions and traps. Hence we achieve our true selves and form, in rapture and exaltation as beings of our own uniqueness.

    Impossible that such grandeur could be reduced to its material form, like the abandoned shell of a fantastic sea creature which has grown beyond its limits and moved on, to realms unknown.

     The lines spoken by Hamlet while holding the skull of his friend Yorick came unbidden to my thoughts; “Here hung those lips that I have kissed I know not how oft. Where be your gibes now? your gambols? your songs? your flashes of merriment, that were wont to set the table on a roar? Not one now, to mock your own grinning?”

     For twelve years you danced with death, and danced away laughing, until today.

     Farewell, my friend; I’ll see you in the eyes of the defiant ones, who bear your fire onward into the unknown, and with it I hope your laughter. Our successors will need both fire and laughter, if the future we win for them is to be equal to its price, and worth living in.

     Our lives are like the dragon’s teeth sown in the earth by the Phoenician prince Cadmus from which warriors arise; from each, multitudes. For we live on as echoes and reflections in the lives of others, in the consequences and effects of our actions, in the good we can do for others which gathers force over time, and in the meaning, value, and possibilities we create.

     How can choosing death and freedom be better than submission to authority and its weaponization of fear and force?

     My experience of accepting death in confronting force and violence finds parallels in the mock executions of Fyodor Dostoevsky and Maurice Blanchot, and I’m not done challenging state terror and tyranny and forces of repression. I’m going to stand between people with guns and their victims in future, as I have many times in past, and here I find resilience among my motivating and informing sources; Sartre’s total freedom won by refusal to submit, and Camus’ rebellion against authority which renders force meaningless when met by disobedience, give me the ability to claw my way out of the ruins and make yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory or even survival.

     And all who are mortal share these burdens with me. In this all who resist subjugation by authority are alike as Living Autonomous Zones, bearing seeds of change; we can say with the figure of Loki; “I am burdened with glorious purpose.”

     We are all Nikolai Gogol’s hero in Diary of a Madman, caught in the wheels of a great machine he services, like Charlie Chaplin in his film Modern Times. But we know that we are trapped and enslaved, and we know how and why; we know the secrets of our condition which our masters would keep silent, and in refusing to be silent we can free ourselves and our fellows. This Michel Foucault called truth telling; a poetic vision of reimagination and sacred calling to pursue the truth which bears transformative power.

     So here I offer all of you words of hope for moments of despair, the horror of meaninglessness, the grief of loss, and the guilt of survivorship.

     Your voice has defied our nothingness, and resounds throughout the chasms of a hostile and dehumanizing world; gathering force and transformative power as it finds a thousand echoes, and begins to awaken refusal to submit to authority and to heal the pathology of our falsification and disconnectedness. 

    The voice of even one human being who bears a wound of humanity which opens him to the pain of others and who places his life in the balance with those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth, the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, who in resistance to tyranny and terror, force and control, becomes unconquered and free, such a voice of liberation is unstoppable as the tides, an agent of reimagination and transformation which seizes the gates of our prisons and frees the limitless possibilities of becoming human.

    Despair not and be joyful, for we who are Living Autonomous Zones help others break the chains of their enslavement simply by condition of being as well as action; for we violate norms, transgress boundaries of the Forbidden, expose the lies and illusions of authority, and render the forces of repression powerless to compel obedience.

      This is the primary revolutionary struggle which precedes and underlies all else; the seizure of ownership of ourselves from those who would enslave us.  

     Such is the hope of humankind.

                  Through a Lens, Darkly: The Anniversary of 2025

Two Years of Genocide: Reporting and Surviving in Gaza  The Stream- Al Jazeera

Gaza Faces Renewed Displacement and Bombardment Amid Escalating Conflict

Al Jazeera October 3 2025

Israel intensifies Gaza bombardment for a second day despite US pressure to stop  Al Jazeera October 5 2025

Witness of Greta Thunberg, the girl who cannot lie

https://www.facebook.com/share/v/16VGA3wimW

The ruin of Gaza: how Israel’s two-year assault has devastated the territory

https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2025/oct/07/the-ruin-of-gaza-how-israel-two-year-assault-has-devastated-the-territory

A place of ghosts and memories: kibbutz residents ponder return after 7 October

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/oct/07/kibbutz-residents-ponder-return-home-after-hamas-attack-israel?fbclid=IwY2xjawNSHzJleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHh-JCUwaVi0WJHFnj_d54syItwHiK4QAvclR4Sr-PH1jOANAEY9b1lZvMVF3_aem_UbujkxUArc1vHEYx1ckwKA

The Zionist consensus among US Jews has collapsed. Something new is emerging

https://www.theguardian.com/world/commentisfree/2025/oct/07/american-jews-zionism

Diplomacy’s lowest point: how the Israel-Gaza conflict was mishandled

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/oct/07/diplomacy-lowest-point-how-the-israel-gaza-conflict-was-mishandled

Disappearing people, disappearing morals – how two years has changed Gaza and Israel

Two years after 7 October and the kidnap of my parents, hate is in fashion. For all our sakes, we need compassion

Israel and Hamas begin indirect talks as hopes rise of ending Gaza war

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/oct/06/israel-hamas-begin-indirect-talks-hopes-rise-ending-gaza-war

How likely is it that Trump’s Gaza plan will work?

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/oct/05/how-likely-trump-gaza-plan-work

Mamdani’s statement on October 7 anniversary draws ire from Israel

New York City’s mayoral candidate criticized after he commemorates Israeli victims and Palestinian war victims

         The Order That Was Fractured

Echoes of a Lost Gaza   Al Jazeera documentary

Palestine Before the Gaza War

Jenin, Jenin  

Gaza Mon Amour – Official US Trailer

The Time That Remains

Salt of the Sea

             Scratchings on the Wall of History, like the nail marks on a coffin lid by someone who has been buried alive

No Other Land

From Ground Zero

One year of Israel’s war on Gaza: A war of firsts  Al Jazeera documentary

Marking a year since 7 October attacks – in pictures

https://www.theguardian.com/world/gallery/2024/oct/07/marking-a-year-since-7-october-attacks-in-pictures?CMP=share_btn_link

One year on, Gazan families mourn their dead and question what future holds

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/oct/02/one-year-on-gazan-families-mourn-their-dead-and-question-what-future-holds?CMP=share_btn_url

US Jewish groups mark 7 October anniversary amid growing fractures

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/oct/02/jewish-groups-7-october-anniversary?CMP=share_btn_url

World leaders mark first anniversary of 7 October attack on Israel

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/oct/07/world-leaders-first-anniversary-7-october-hamas-attack-israel?CMP=share_btn_url

‘The pain will never leave’: Nova massacre survivors return to site one year on

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/oct/07/nova-festival-massacre-mourners-return-7-october-anniversary?CMP=share_btn_url

In the midst of war, Benjamin Netanyahu is a liability who can only make things worse. He must go, by Simon Tisdall

Hamas attack has abruptly altered the picture for Middle East diplomacy, by

Patrick Wintour

Israel attack is Hamas imposing itself on wider Middle East diplomacy, by

Peter Beaumont

Down with Netanyahu’s government! Stop the imperialist-backed Zionist onslaught against Gaza!

https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2023/10/09/gvpr-o09.html?fbclid=IwAR0G56NTO0n5kUzpqqbQ1H5g_FDAMbv2iBvPYhWllg6Yv_2xfEm_GQi151o

                References

Tear Down the Wall, by Pink Floyd

Diary of Anne Frank full movie 2009

Operation Mincemeat Netflix trailer

Charlie Chaplin in The Factory

Song: “Monster” – Imagine Dragons (cover by Runaground on youtube)

With film montage of Marvel’s Loki

     Here I offer all of you words of hope for moments of despair, the horror of meaninglessness, the grief of loss, and the guilt of survivorship.

Zazie in the Metro, by Raymond Queneau

Rashōmon and Seventeen Other Stories, by Ryūnosuke Akutagawa, Jay Rubin (Translator), Haruki Murakami (Introduction), Yoshihiro Tatsumi (Illustrator)

The Posthuman Dada Guide: Tzara & Lenin Play Chess, by Andrei Codrescu

Shift Linguals: Cut-Up Narratives from William S. Burroughs to the Present,

by Edward S. Robinson

Mosaic of Juxtaposition: William S. Burroughs’ Narrative Revolution,

by Micheal Sean Bolton

Word Cultures: Radical Theory and Practice in William S. Burroughs’ Fiction,

by Robin Lydenberg, William S. Burroughs

Hamlet: Screenplay, Introduction And Film Diary, by Kenneth Branagh (introduction and screenplay), William Shakespeare

Saint Genet: Actor and Martyr, by Jean-Paul Sartre

The Wretched of the Earth, by Frantz Fanon, Jean-Paul Sartre (Preface)

Kipling’s Kim, a Longman Cultural Edition, by Tricia Lootens, Rudyard Kipling

Diary of a Madman and Other Stories, by Nikolai Gogol

Parrhesia

Discourse and Truth: The Problematization of Parrhesia, by Michel Foucault

The Marriage of Cadmus and Harmony, by Roberto Calasso

The Idiot, by Fyodor Dostoevsky, Anna Brailovsky (Translator)

The Instant of My Death / Demeure: Fiction and Testimony, by Maurice Blanchot, Jacques Derrida

Science and Sanity: An Introduction to Non-Aristotelian Systems and General Semantics, by Alfred Korzybski

The Rebel: An Essay on Man in Revolt, by Albert Camus

A Life Worth Living: Albert Camus and the Quest for Meaning, by Robert Zaretsky

Gerontin, by T.S. Eliot

https://www.poetryfoundation.org/poems/47254/gerontion

Wilderness of Mirrors: Intrigue, Deception, and the Secrets that Destroyed Two of the Cold War’s Most Important Agents, by David C. Martin

The Tempest, by William Shakespeare

The Wilderness of Mirrors; why are we each others jailors, and not each others liberators?

           Negotiating the Interface Between Bounded Realms, a Study in Film and Literature: the Anima or Inner Woman of my Platonic Ideal Versus the Ghosts of Memory of a Lost Friend

How I remember our meeting, betrayed and standing together against the world: Mr & Mrs Smith final gunfight scene https://youtu.be/zIxGhLILsNs

            How I imagine her now:

Rachel McAdams’ Irene Adler in Sherlock Holmes Montage to Britney Spears’ version of Bobby Brown’s My Perogative

Enola Holmes Montage to Fifth Harmony’s That’s My Girl

Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams and Distortions, by Lucy Hughes-Hallett

          How Palestinian Women Imagine Themselves, in Film:

Salt of the Sea, film by Annemarie Jacir

In Between, film by Maysaloun Hamoud

The Present, film by Farah Nabulsi

3000 Nights, film by Mai Masri

Soraida, a Woman of Palestine, documentary film by Tahani Rached

           How Palestinian Women Imagine Themselves, in Literature:

Mornings in Jenin, by Susan Abulhawa

Against the Loveless World: A Novel, by Susan Abulhawa

The Eye of the Mirror, by Liana Badr

In Search of Fatima: A Palestinian Story, by Ghada Karmi

Passage to the Plaza, by Sahar Khalifeh

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/52061970-passage-to-the-plaza

Salt Houses, by Hala Alyan

The Beauty of Your Face, by Sahar Mustafah

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/45894170-the-beauty-of-your-face

19 Varieties of Gazelle: Poems of the Middle East, by Naomi Shihab Nye

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/342068.19_Varieties_of_Gazelle

Arabic

7 أكتوبر 2025 نصبح مرآة مكسورة لغول

في فلسطين ولبنان، تشتري ضرائبنا موت الأطفال. وأمهاتهم، من بين المدنيين غير المقاتلين الآخرين.

من بين كل إنكار حقائقنا الذي أحدثته حرب إسرائيل ضد الإنسانية، هناك حقيقتان تنبثقان من إرث تاريخنا المتكشف لن نتمكن أبدًا من تجاهلهما أو تجنب المواجهة معهما؛ لا يوجد حق للدفاع ضد شعب تحتله، ولا يوجد تكافؤ أخلاقي بين العنف الذي يستخدمه سيد العبيد والعنف الذي يستخدمه العبد لكسر سلاسله.

في مواجهة الاحتجاجات الجماهيرية في جميع أنحاء أمريكا والعالم، والتي قوبلت بقمع المعارضة والدعاية من قبل الدولة وكلا حزبينا السياسيين في جدار الصمت العظيم، نستمر في رفض تصعيد الصراع باستخدام مقاطعة وسحب الاستثمارات وفرض العقوبات على إسرائيل لإنهاء الإبادة الجماعية التي نحن متواطئون فيها.

لقد تخلت أمريكا عن مبادئنا المتعلقة بالحقوق العالمية وواجبنا في رعاية الآخرين، وأي تظاهر بالأخلاق أو الشرعية كديمقراطية؛ وكان هذا من بين الأهداف العديدة للسبت الأسود، وقد ابتلعت كل من إسرائيل وأمريكا الطُعم.

حيث يعتبر حزب الخيانة والاستبداد راعيًا متحمسًا للأنظمة الاستبدادية والإرهاب الدولي على مستوى العالم بما في ذلك إسرائيل، فقد حافظ الحزب الديمقراطي على صمت استراتيجي فيما يتعلق بتواطؤنا في الإبادة الجماعية والجرائم ضد الإنسانية، رافضًا الاعتراف بها كحقيقة تاريخية أو حركة السلام التي طردت جو من الانتخابات ولكنها استبدلته بمشرف على الدولة السجنية التي ترغب في إنزال الدمار على المهاجرين العاجزين على حدودنا وعلى الفلسطينيين الذين تعتبر دولتهم بانتوستانًا للعمل القسري ومعسكر اعتقال يحتلها عدو لا يعتبره سوى إخوانهم اليهود بشرًا حقيقيين.

إنني أطلق عليها لقب القائدة كامالا، ما لم يكن خلاص الإسرائيليين والفلسطينيين باعتبارهم متساوين وبشراً مثلها يصبح محور حملتها، بدلاً من فرض هيمنتنا على حدودنا وفي مستعمرتنا إسرائيل.

وبالطبع يرجع هذا إلى طبيعة القوة وديناميكياتها، والقوى المتكررة للخوف والقوة والعنف التي تعمل على تركيز القوة في يد السلطة وإخضاع طبقات العبيد من خلال الخوف والسيطرة على الفكر والعنف. إن كل الدول تجسد العنف، وفي هذا لا تختلف الديمقراطيات عن الطغيان.

لقد تغيرنا قليلاً منذ وضع الفراعنة والملوك الكهنة في دول المدن الأولى أنفسهم فوق كل الآخرين كمترجمين ومتحدثين باسم الآلهة، واستأجروا بلطجية وحشيين يحملون ألقاباً أرستقراطية لإبقاء العبيد في عملهم. كنت أتمنى أن نكون أفضل من ذلك.

إن الحضارة تنهار مع سقوط فلسطين ولبنان، حيث تذبل قدرتنا على التعاطف تحت قوى الإهانة والنزعة الإنسانية. وسرعان ما نصبح نحن أيضاً لا شيء، مثل الأطفال الذين نقتلهم من مكان معقم، والذين لا نشعر تجاههم بالشفقة أو الرحمة أو التعاطف، لأنهم ليسوا من ذوي البشرة البيضاء وبالتالي خارج دائرة الانتماء والاختلاف التي بنيت عليها هيمنتنا النخبوية على الثروة والسلطة والامتياز.

إن أعداء الحرية يرغبون في استعبادنا من خلال الانقسامات العرقية والإيمانية والهوية الوطنية التاريخية، ومن خلال استراتيجيات التسليع والتزوير والنزعة الإنسانية، لتفريغ قيم الديمقراطية من خلال التخريب والاستيلاء على ملكيتنا لأنفسنا وللوجود البشري والمعنى والقيمة. وهذا أيضاً يجب أن نقاومه.

لقد كان هذا عاماً رهيباً حيث أصبحت إنسانيتنا مرآة مكسورة؛ لقد تحطم ما يوحدنا كبشر، وأصبحنا أسرى للصور المنعكسة الغريبة لأسطحه المتفرقة. ولكن لا ينبغي لنا أن ندع هذا الأمر قائماً.

من بين الأسئلة الأولى التي تواجهنا في محاسبة أي أنظمة قمع واستبداد ودول سجنية تعتمد على القوة والسيطرة، وفاشية الدم والإيمان والأرض، والخضوع للنخب المهيمنة القائمة على الثروة والسلطة والامتياز، وانتهاكات حقوق الإنسان العالمية، هو السؤال عن السبب العادل أو ذريعة الحرب؛ من المسؤول عن هذه الجرائم ضد الإنسانية؟

بعد أيام من السبت الأسود، كنت في مكان الحادث أطارد الجناة، وما وجدته كان عشًا من الأفاعي. ما حدث كان مجموعة من الأسباب المتكررة والمترابطة المتحالفة في حدث أساسي من الانقسام والاضطراب الذي لا يزال مخفيًا حتى الآن؛ بما في ذلك الانقلاب داخل حماس ضد قياداتها، وخاصة أولئك المستهدفين بالاغتيال لاحقًا من قبل إسرائيل بناءً على ادعاء كاذب بأنهم أمروا بالهجوم، من قبل فصيل حماس المعارض للسلام بالتآمر مع نظام نتنياهو الذي ارتكب هذه المأساة، ولكن ليس وحده. هناك العديد من المجموعات الأخرى، اثنتان منها على الأقل أعداء ظاهريًا، وعصابة إجرامية ليس لها أيديولوجية سياسية على الإطلاق، بالإضافة إلى فريق استطلاع تابع لجيش الدفاع الإسرائيلي، أو فرقة شاكيد أو قوة خليفة، والتي تتخصص في ارتكاب الفظائع ضد الجماعات الإسلامية بينما تتخفى في هيئة عرب لزرع الانقسام.

ولكن هناك المزيد، المزيد والمزيد؛ فقد تسلل طرف ثالث غير معروف إلى كل من المنظمات الإسرائيلية والفلسطينية لتأليبهما ضد بعضهما البعض لأغراض لا أستطيع تخمينها ولكنها معادية لكليهما وللسلام والأمن العالميين. هذه لعبة طويلة، ولا يزال خصمنا في الظل حتى الآن.

من لديه المهارة والدافع للقيام بذلك؟ من المستفيد؟

نتنياهو يستفيد، لأن هذا يبقيه في السلطة ويعطيه سببًا للحرب من أجل الغزو الإمبراطوري والسيطرة على الشرق الأوسط والحل النهائي للفلسطينيين؛ ويستفيد حليفه الرئيسي ترامب في انتخاباتنا من تلطيخ درع بايدن وهاريس بالقسوة والتواطؤ في الإبادة الجماعية، على الرغم من أن كلاهما محاصر بسياسات وتحالفات عمرها عقود من الزمان ويخضع لسيطرة الثروة الهائلة والقوة السياسية للجنة الشؤون العامة الأمريكية الإسرائيلية، ويستفيد كل من ترامب ونتنياهو من جعل فكرة حقوق الإنسان بلا معنى.

لكن شرعية إسرائيل وأمريكا هي تكلفة لا يمكن لأحد في حكومات الدول أو مجتمعات الاستخبارات والعمليات الخاصة أن يتاجر بها من أجل هذه الانتصارات، وعلى الرغم من أن الرايخ الرابع، الذي أعني به شبكة من أحفاد النازيين الفعليين الذين تسللوا إلى الدولة الأمريكية وغيرها لمدة سبعين عامًا، والتي يعد ترامب زعيمها والزعيم الفعلي لها، لديه بوضوح خطط طويلة المدى والموارد والعبقرية، مهما كانت شريرة، للقيام بذلك، فلن يساعد أي نازي دولة إسرائيل الصهيونية على أن تصبح إمبراطورية. وهذا يترك جهاز الأمن الفيدرالي الروسي ووكالات الاستخبارات الأخرى وقوات سبيتزناز، أيضًا مع الصبر أو الرؤية والموارد والمهارة للقيام بذلك، والتي ربما كانت تتطور لعقود من الزمن؛ ولكن روسيا ملتزمة بتعزيز هيمنة حليفتها إيران على الشرق الأوسط، وهو ما يجعلها العدو الأول لإسرائيل والتحالف العربي الأميركي، وقد خاضنا حروباً بالوكالة وحشية في سوريا وأماكن أخرى لإثبات ذلك.

لا، إن عدونا الحقيقي والجاني الحقيقي لأحداث السبت الأسود ليس روسيا أو إيران، ولا الرايخ الرابع، بل ترامب ونتنياهو بشكل جزئي ومباشر على قدم المساواة مع الفصيل الجهادي حماس الذي أعتقد أنه نشأ مع عدوها اللدود ومنافسها على السيطرة على غزة القاعدة؛ نحن نواجه عدواً مجهولاً على استعداد للهندسة لإبادة جماعية لتعزيز أهدافه الغامضة، وكل ما يمكنني أن أخبرك به عنهم هو أنهم بعيدون كل البعد عن الانتهاء منا.

نحن نعيش في أوقات مثيرة للاهتمام.

دعونا نعود إلى المبادئ الأولى بسؤال بسيط؛ من يعاني ويحتاج إلى الرحمة؟ إنه سؤال مشابه للسؤال الذي أطرحه لتحديد متى وكيف نستخدم القوة والعنف، من يملك السلطة؟، ولكن باتجاه مختلف تمامًا فيما يتعلق بتطور مستقبلنا.

هنا في أرض مقدسة مقسمة حسب التفاصيل الطائفية لكيفية أن نكون بشرًا معًا وفقًا لإرادة اللانهائي كأخوة وحب عالميين، تُرتكب جرائم تحدد حدود الإنسان ضد أبريائنا، وعجزنا التام، وغير قادرين على تهديد أي شخص؛ الأطفال. أطفال يعذبهم ويقتلهم عدو إنسانيتنا، دولة إسرائيل ورعاتها بما في ذلك أمريكا، بسرور في هستيريا القوة أو يرفضون رؤيتهم والتعرف عليهم بالتواطؤ. ويبرز تاريخنا شخصية واحدة تمثل كل الأطفال الذين ضحوا بالسلطة والكراهية، وحُكم عليهم بالموت بتواطؤ الصمت.

أطلب منكم الآن، كل البشرية، التخلي عن مسار نزع الإنسانية عنا والتخلي عن الإبادة الجماعية والتطهير العرقي وحروب الفتح والسيطرة والجرائم ضد الإنسانية.

أطلب، وأتوسل، وأطالب؛ أطلب منكم باسم آن فرانك.

Hebrew

באוקטובר 2024 אנחנו הופכים למראה השבורה

בפלסטין ובלבנון, המיסים שלנו קונים מוות של ילדים. והאמהות שלהם, בין אזרחים אחרים שאינם לוחמים.

 בין כל שלילת האמיתות שלנו שחוללה מלחמת ישראל נגד האנושות, הנה שתי אמיתות שעולות מתוך מורשת ההיסטוריה המתגלגלת שלנו, שלעולם לא נוכל שוב להתעלם או להימנע מעימות איתן; אין זכות הגנה נגד עם שאתה כובש, ואין שוויון ערך מוסרי בין האלימות שמשתמש באדון עבדים לבין האלימות שמשתמש עבד כדי לשבור את שלשלאותיו.

 לנוכח הפגנות המוניות ברחבי אמריקה והעולם, שנתקלו בדיכוי של התנגדות ותעמולה על ידי המדינה ושתי המפלגות הפוליטיות שלנו בחומה גדולה של שתיקה, אנו ממשיכים לסרב להסלים את הסכסוך באמצעות החרם, ההסרה וההסרה. סנקציה של ישראל לסיום רצח עם שאנו שותפים בו.

 אמריקה נטשה את עקרונות הזכויות האוניברסליות שלנו וחובתנו לדאוג לאחרים, וכל יומרה למוסר או לגיטימציה כדמוקרטיה; זה היה בין השערים הרבים של השבת השחורה, וגם ישראל וגם אמריקה לקחו את הפיתיון.

 כאשר מפלגת הבגידה והעריצות היא נותנת חסות נלהבת לאוטוקרטיות וטרור מדינות ברחבי העולם כולל ישראל, המפלגה הדמוקרטית שמרה על שתיקה אסטרטגית בנוגע לשותפותנו ברצח עם ופשעים נגד האנושות, ומסרבת להכיר בכך כעובדה היסטורית או כתנועת השלום. מה שהוציא את רצח העם ג’ו מהבחירות אך החליף אותו במשגיח על המדינה הגופנית שרוצה להמטיר אבדון על המהגרים חסרי האונים בגבולנו ועל הפלסטינים שאומתם היא בנטוסטן של עבודת עבדות ומחנה ריכוז שנכבש על ידי אויב שרק אחיהם היהודים הם בני אדם באמת.

 אני קורא לה קומנדנט קמאלה, אלא אם כן, כמובן, הגאולה של הישראלים והפלסטינים כבני-אדם שווים ועמיתים תהפוך למרכז הקמפיין שלה, ולא אכיפת השליטה שלנו בגבולנו ובמושבה שלנו ישראל.

 כמובן שהדבר נובע מהטבע והדינמיקה של הכוח, והכוחות הרקורסיבים של פחד, כוח וכוח הפועלים לריכוז כוח לסמכות ולהכפיף את קסטות העבדים באמצעות פחד, שליטה במחשבות ואלימות. כל המדינות מגולמות באלימות, ובכך דמוקרטיות אינן טובות יותר מעריצות.

 השתנינו מעט מאז שהפרעונים והכוהנים-מלכים של הערים הראשונות הציבו את עצמם מעל כולם כמתורגמנים ודוברי האלים, ושכרו בריונים אכזריים בעלי תארים אצולה כדי לשמור על העבדים בעבודתם. קיוויתי שאנחנו יותר טובים מזה.

 הציוויליזציה נופלת עם העת העתיקה הנטושה של פלסטין ולבנון, כאשר יכולת האמפתיה שלנו קמלה תחת כוחות של השפלה ודה-הומניזציה. בקרוב גם אנחנו נהיה כלום, כמו הילדים שאנו רוצחים ממקום מחוטא, שאין אנו חשים כלפיהם רחמים, רחמים או חמלה, מכיוון שהם לא לבנים ולכן מעבר למעגל השייכות והאחרות שעליו ההגמוניות האליטה שלנו של העושר, נבנים כוח וזכות.

 אויבי החירות מבקשים לשעבד אותנו באמצעות חלוקות של אתניות, אמונה וזהות לאומית היסטורית, ובאמצעות אסטרטגיות של סחורה, זיוף ודה-הומניזציה, לחלול את ערכי הדמוקרטיה באמצעות חתרנות ותפיסת הבעלות שלנו על עצמנו ועל האדם. הוויה, משמעות וערך. גם לזה עלינו להתנגד.

 זו הייתה שנה נוראית כשהאנושות שלנו הופכת למראה השבורה של הובגובלין; מה שמאחד אותנו כבני אדם התנפץ, ואנו שבויים בתמונות המשתקפות המוזרות של משטחיו הבלתי רציפים. אבל אנחנו לא צריכים לתת לזה לעמוד.

 בין השאלות הראשונות העומדות בפנינו בהבאת חשבון נפש לכל מערכות של דיכוי, עריצות ומצבים קרסראליים של כוח ושליטה, פשיזם של דם, אמונה ואדמה, הכנעה לאליטות ההגמוניות של עושר, כוח וזכות, והפרות של זכויות האדם האוניברסאליות שלנו הן של סיבה צודקת או קאזוס באלי; מי אחראי לפשעים האלה נגד האנושות?

 בתוך ימים של שבת השחורה הייתי במקום לצוד את העבריינים, ומה שמצאתי היה קן של צפעים. מה שקרה היה קבוצה של סיבות רקורסיביות ותלויות הדדיות הקשורות באירוע ראשוני של שבר והפרעה, שנותרו עדיין חסומות; לרבות הפיכה בתוך חמאס נגד הנהגתו, במיוחד אלו שנועדו להתנקשות מאוחר יותר על ידי ישראל בטענה שקרית שהזמינה את התקיפה, על ידי פלג חמאס המתנגד לשלום בקנוניה עם משטרו של נתניהו שביצע את הטרגדיה הזו, אך לא לבד. כמה קבוצות אחרות, לפחות שניים אויבים למיניהם, סינדיקט פלילי ללא אידיאולוגיה פוליטית כלשהי, פלוס צוות סיור של צה”ל, סיירת שקד או כוח יורש, המתמחה בביצוע זוועות נגד קבוצות איסלאמיות בעודם מחופשים לערבים כדי לזרוע חילוקי דעות.

יון, היו בגורמים המובילים של כוח התקיפה, והצטרפו אליהם במהירות אופורטוניסטים מסוגים שונים. תוך ימים ספורים היו כוחות המבצעים המיוחדים של כמה מדינות מעורבות, כולל בעלות בריתה של פלסטין מהדומיניון האיראני של לבנון, תימן, סוריה ועיראק וכן כוחות מודיעין ומבצעים מיוחדים הרוסיים, אולי עם כמה מבעלי בריתם האפריקאים. המשמעות היא שחמאס לא יכול לשחרר את כל החטופים, מכיוון שחלקם מוחזקים על ידי קבוצות שאינן בשליטתם.

 אבל יש עוד, הרבה יותר; צד שלישי לא ידוע חדר לארגונים ישראליים ופלסטינים כאחד כדי לשחק אותם זה מול זה למטרות שאינני יכול לנחש אך הן ללא ספק עוינות לשניהם, ולשלום ולביטחון העולמיים. זה משחק ארוך, והיריב שלנו עדיין נשאר בצל.

 למי יש גם את המיומנות וגם את המניע לעשות זאת? קוי בונו?

 נתניהו מרוויח, כי זה מחזיק אותו בשלטון ונותן לו סיבת באלי לכיבוש האימפריאלי והשליטה במזרח התיכון ולפתרון הסופי של הפלסטינים; ובן בריתו המרכזי טראמפ מרוויח בבחירות שלנו בכך שהוא מכתים את השריון של ביידן והאריס באכזריות ושותפות ברצח עם, אם כי שניהם לכודים במדיניות ובריתות בנות עשרות שנים ונשמרות על ידי העושר העצום והכוח הפוליטי של אייפא”ק, ושניהם. טראמפ ונתניהו מרוויחים בכך שהם הופכים את רעיון זכויות האדם לחסר משמעות.

 אבל הלגיטימיות של ישראל ואמריקה היא עלות שאף אחד בממשלות או בקהילות מודיעין ומבצעים מיוחדים לא יסחר תמורת הזכיות הללו, ולמרות הרייך הרביעי, שבאמצעותו אני מתכוון לרשת של צאצאים של נאצים אמיתיים שחדרו לאמריקאים. מדינה ואחרות במשך שבעים שנה, שטראמפ הוא דמות דמות שלהן ולפיהרר דה פקטו, יש בבירור את תוכניות המשחק הארוך, המשאבים והגאונות, גם אם היא רעה, לעשות זאת, אף נאצי לעולם לא יעזור לציוני. מדינת ישראל הפכה לאימפריה. זה משאיר את ה-FSB הרוסי וסוכנויות מודיעין אחרות וכוחות ספצנאז, גם עם הסבלנות או החזון, המשאבים והמיומנות לעשות זאת, שאולי התפתחו במשך עשרות שנים; אבל רוסיה מחויבת לקדם את השליטה האיראנית של איראן במזרח התיכון, מה שהופך אותה לאויבת העיקרית של ישראל והברית הערבית-אמריקאית, ונלחמנו במלחמות פרוקסי פראיות בסוריה ובמקומות אחרים כדי להוכיח זאת.

 לא, הנמסיס שלנו והמבצע האמיתי של השבת השחורה הוא לא רוסיה או איראן, ולא הרייך הרביעי, ורק באופן חלקי ומישיר טראמפ ונתניהו באותה מידה עם הפלג הג’יהאדיסטי של חמאס, שלדעתי מקורו באויב הדם שלו ויריבו לשליטה של אל-קאעידה בעזה; אנו עומדים בפני אויב לא ידוע שמוכן להנדס רצח עם כדי לקדם את מטרותיו המסתוריות, וכל מה שאני יכול לומר לך עליהם הוא שהם רחוקים מלהסתיים איתנו.

 אנחנו חיים בזמנים מעניינים.

 הבה נחזור לעקרונות הראשונים בשאלה פשוטה; מי סובל וזקוק לרחמים? זו שאלה דומה לשאלה שאני שואל כדי לקבוע מתי וכיצד להשתמש בכוח ובאלימות, מי מחזיק בכוח?, אבל עם כיוון שונה מאוד לגבי התפתחות העתיד שלנו.

 כאן בארץ קדושה מחולקת לפי הפרטים העדתיים של איך להיות אנושיים יחד בהתאם לרצון האינסופי כאחווה ואהבה אוניברסליים, פשעים המגדירים את גבולות האדם מבוצעים נגד התמימים ביותר שלנו, חסרי הכוח וחסרי היכולת שלנו. של איומים על מישהו; יְלָדִים. ילדים שהאויב של האנושות שלנו, מדינת ישראל ונותני החסות שלה כולל אמריקה, או מתאכזרים והורגים בשמחה בהיסטריה של הכוח או מסרבים לראות ולהכיר בשותפות. וההיסטוריה שלנו מעלה דמות אחת שמייצגת את כל הילדים שהוקרבו לכוח ולשנאה, ונידונו בשל שותפות השתיקה.

 אני מבקש מכם כעת, כל המין האנושי, לנטוש את נתיב הדה-הומניזציה שלנו ולוותר על רצח עם, טיהור אתני, מלחמות כיבוש ושליטה ופשעים נגד האנושות.

 אני שואל, אני מתחנן, אני דורש; אני שואל אותך בשם אנה פרנק.

October 6 2025 Love as a Divine Madness: a Celebration of Mad Hatter Day  

     We celebrate the beginning of the Halloween season, wherein we let our demons out to play, a time of masquerades, the performance of secret identities, violations of normality and transgressions of the boundaries of the Forbidden, reversals of order, the embrace of our monstrosity, of the reimagination and transformation of ourselves, and the pursuit of new truths through ecstatic trance and poetic vision, with our new national holiday of amok time, Mad Hatter Day.

     The Mad Hatter acts as a psychopomp or guide of the soul in Alice in Wonderland, and Alice is a Holy Fool like Parsifal, but he and Alice are also figures of a single whole person and the story one of hierosgamos or heavenly marriage; like Catherine and Heathcliff in Wuthering Heights, a myth into which Sylvia Plath and Ted Hughes cast themselves so disastrously.

     Jean Cocteau’s Beauty and the Beast interrogates this myth of idealizations of authorized masculinity and femininity as Freudian horror and Sadeian transgression. But it is also a primary myth of reimagination and transformation which signposts the inherent fluidity of identities of sex and gender.

     What does love do? Love sublimes us into a unitary being, erases our limits as individuals defined by our form and liberates us from the event horizon of our flesh.

     Love is a madness, but it is a madness which bears redemptive and transformational power, and a force of liberation which can return to us our true selves and allow us to transcend the limits of our form and inhabit the imaginal spaces of others.

     Love also reveals to us our true selves; a lover has the power to see the truth of others, and to reveal to others their true selves, and models thereby an ideal of human relationships. We choose partners who can help us become the person we want to be, and who embody qualities we wish to assimilate to ourselves; a healthy relationship returns to us and helps us discover our true and best selves. To love is to transform others by the power of our vision to see who they truly are and set them free.

     A lover is both a Pythian seer of truths who like Michelangelo can free us as images captive within the matrix of our bodies and our material and social context, who in naming us like Adam naming the beasts defines our truth, and an inverted figure of Medusa, goddess and monster, a victim cursed for the crimes of her abuser like Hester Prynne in The Scarlet Letter, and whose power to turn men to stone appropriates the dehumanizing and objectifying power of the Male Gaze and transforms it into the power to see others true selves and release them to be free, and to mutually assimilate the qualities of the other and transform them both.

     Love is a divine madness which defiles and exalts, reveals truths and confers authenticity, and the redemptive power of love can make glorious and beautiful the flaws of our humanity and bring healing to the brokenness of the world and the pathology of our disconnectedness.

     As I wrote in my celebration of Lewis Carroll, I Sing of Madness, Vision, and Love: Lewis Carroll, on his birthday January 27; I practice the art of believing “six impossible things before breakfast”, but only those I claim or create myself; this is my faith, though if asked directly I normally quote either Keats; “I am certain of nothing but of the holiness of the Heart’s affections and the truth of Imagination—What the imagination seizes as Beauty must be truth—whether it existed before or not—for I have the same Idea of all our Passions as of Love they are all in their sublime, creative of essential Beauty”, or Rumi; “Let the beauty you love be what you do”, depending on who is asking, and in what language and nation.

    To Lewis Carroll, Surrealist and philosopher of poetic vision, we are indebted for this primary insight which reconciles the transcendent truth of Keats and Romantic Idealism as developments of the western mystery tradition from Plato with those truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh.

    His great book Alice in Wonderland, like Mozart’s Magic Flute, encodes the mystery tradition, for which his primary sources are Plato, the Biblical Book of John the Evangelist which forges a faith of the Logos, and Coleridge’s Primary Imagination; but he also attempted to write a Summa Theologiae or seed of becoming human which can unfold itself within the mind of its readers as transformation and transcendence.

     Dense with word games of the Italo Calvino-Georges Perec variety and mathematical-philosophical puzzles which are satirical metacommentary on the great thinkers of his time, Alice in Wonderland is intended to transmit the whole of a classical education, but is also a Socratic dialog which questions the premises of our civilization. Few such total reimaginations have ever been attempted.

    I discovered Wonderland through the brilliant work of the mathematician Martin Gardner, which has been updated as The Annotated Alice: The Definitive Edition, when as a sophomore in high school I joined a reading group at the local university, carried along in the wake of my best friend, four years older than myself and a former Forensics student of my father, Doc (given name Brad) Hannink.

     This occurred during my teenage James Joyce-Ludwig Wittgenstein fandom and immersion in magic, a special form of seeking hidden realms of wonder behind the mirage of the world as performed in my father’s underground theatre as a form of Surrealist ceremonial magic and like a Frankenstein’s monster made of unlike parts, our family faith and history which combines voodoo, werewolf mythology, and bent versions of Grimm’s fairytales from our Bavarian origins with his Beatnik friend William S. Burroughs’ Chaos magic which assimilated medieval ceremonial magic, Crowley, and Lovecraft into Bataille’s Acephale cult of Nietzsche, both related to a love of languages and the occult as hidden systems of meaning. These enthusiasms of my youth foundered by my senior year on my failure to teach myself to read Kabbalah, as I discovered it is written not in Hebrew but in languages I could find no one to converse with or learn from, Aramaic and Andalusi Romance.

      But as a fifteen year old steeped in the occult, the iconography of Surrealism, the esotericism of Finnegan’s Wake, Korzybski’s General Semantics, and the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, paradigms in which secret worlds lay behind this one which operate by different laws as informing, motivating, and shaping forces of our own, I loved that Alice always questioned authority and regarded her as an anarchist hero and a figure of Socrates, and this remains the primary meaning of the work for me. Alice enacts parrhesia, what Foucault called truth telling, and I saw in her someone I wished to become.

      As I wrote in my post of January 8 2022, Let Us Bring A Reckoning; Politics is the art of fear as the basis of exchange and the origin of authority and unequal power as systemic evil in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, as balanced with the desire to belong, but it is also about poetic vision as reimagination and transformation; to dream an impossible thing and make it real, as Washington did in crossing the Delaware to create America and as Alice teaches us when recounting the Six Impossible Things in her battle with the Jabberwocky. Herein the inherent human power of reimagination is deployed as a strategy of revolution against overwhelming force and tyranny.

      On the way to fight a dragon, and seeing it for the first terrible time, Alice remarks to the Mad Hatter in Tim Burton’s beautiful film; “That’s impossible.”

    To which the Hatter says, “Only if you believe it is.”

    “Sometimes, I believe in six impossible things before breakfast.”

     “That is an excellent practice, but just now, you really might want to focus on the Jabberwocky.”

     Just so.

      Kobo Abe takes tea at the Mad Hatter’s of an afternoon; Gogol has set his words on fire and is made of a holy light which is used in place of a chandelier, Kafka elicits squeals of delight from Alice with his hideous Gregor Samsa form, Klimt’s giant apelike Typhoeus and his daughters Madness, Illness, and Death run amok in ecstatic Bacchic dance with the Triple Goddess Lasciviousness, Wantonness, and Intemperance while Lovecraft tries to put something with tentacles back in its box.

     There is always an empty chair for you.

      Here follows some things I have written for the Festival of the Mad Hatter, which I celebrate as a three week Orphic vision quest which begins the month of Halloween, in three stages of one week celebrating madness as love, transgression, and vision, beginning on the National Mad Hatter Day of October 6 followed by stages on the second and third Sundays of the month, this year today, the 12th, and 19th.

     This week I celebrate madness as love, with all of its redemptive and transformational power, and perform acts of love as solidarity in resistance and liberation struggle where ever men hunger to be free.

      This is my special madness, this loyalty to and solidarity with my fellow human beings in revolutionary struggle against systems of oppression and  tyranny, of commodification, falsification, and dehumanization; but the world is also mad, and my path is to place my life in the balance with all those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, and to become a fulcrum and change the balance of power in the world.

       I write to you from a hell of nightmares, death, atrocities, and terror dreamed by an Israel which defines the limits of the human and has become, in reproducing the conditions her people once escaped, a museum of private Holocausts.

     Here and elsewhere I Resist tyranny and terror to claw back something of our humanity from the darkness.

      No matter where you begin with divisions of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, with fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, with the subversion of our equality and the abandonment of our principle of universal human rights, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     There are no Israelis, no Palestinians; only people like ourselves, and the choices we make about how to be human together.

     In the end, all that matters is what you do with your fear, and how you use your power; do something beautiful with yours.

     As I wrote in my post of July 18 2021, Of Love and Desire as Forces of Autonomy and Liberation; In my previous journal entry of yesterday I provided a brief outline of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator test as a tool of discovery and description of the processes of masculinity and femininity as interdependent aspects of a whole personality, in the context of gender identity and performance.

      So we come to the final category of our interest here, sexual orientation. The most important thing to know about human sexuality as a dimension of experience is that it involves the whole person. Whereas a personality test can tell you who you are, and who others are or wish to represent themselves as, it cannot tell you who or what you desire. Desire remains ambiguous, and that is its great power as a force of liberation and autonomy. 

     The second is that desire is uncontrollable as the tides, an inherently anarchic and chaotic force of nature which is nonvolitional and for which we cannot be held responsible, unlike our actions toward others.

    In this I speak to you of truths which are immanent in nature and written in our flesh; we must claim our truths and celebrate what Walt Whitman called the songs of ourselves as victorious seizures of power, freedom, and joy.

     Love and desire are innate capacities of reimagination and transformative rebirth, which like Dorothy’s magic ruby slippers cannot be taken from us and bear the power to send us home to our heart’s desire, to restore to us the self  which is truly ours.

      My flesh is a map of private holocausts, written with silent screams, nameless loves, causes lost and won and both purchased with horror, pain, grief, life, and far too often that of others and not my own, ephemeral signs of our secret histories and the lies and illusions which capture and distort our images in a wilderness of mirrors and the pathologies of our falsification and disconnectedness.

     We have but one escape from the limits of our flesh and the flags of our skin; and this is love. In love we transcend ourselves and become exalted; through the redemptive power of love we may heal the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     As I wrote in my post of March 13 2021, A Year of Quarantine in Retrospect;

The quality of our humanity is not fixed, but always in motion, like the turbulent systems da Vinci studied in his fountain and which later with new mathematics came to be described as chaos theory. Identity is a process which is fluid, and our emotions are instruments with which it creates itself.

      We create ourselves over time, through our history of defining moments; human being is a prochronism, a history expressed in our form of how we solved problems of adaptation. What we call our self or our soul is no different in kind from the exoskeleton of an insect or the shell of a sea creature.

     And we create ourselves through our interdependence with others, our relationships, friends, families, communities, and the systems of signs thereof. 

     Human being has in this scheme three orders of relationships; persona, history, and interdependence, and all of it is in motion, dynamic and inherently unstable.

     Impermanence is the defining quality of nature and the material universe; so also is the controlling metaphor and condition of human nature, being, and identity our ephemeral, transitory, and protean forms. Nature is a mirror which reflects itself, and like the Hobgoblin’ fragmented mirror in Hans Christian Andersen’s The Snow Queen, reveals endless possibilities of becoming human; the inward and outward halves of the cosmos also create and define each other in mutual coevolution, like Escher’s Drawing Hands.

    Humans are naturally polyamorous in the sense that we are animals which can enjoy all pleasure and are enculturated to be otherwise; we are shaped by sociohistorical forces in the sphere of gender identity and sexual orientation to deny our true nature. It is normality which is deviant, and from which misogyny, the system of Patriarchy, and other destructive illnesses of the spirit arise; fear weaponized in service to power, fear of otherness but also of nature and ourselves. Here is the true origin of evil as the social use of force and violence in self-hatred.

     As Goethe wrote in Faust; “Let us extend our lives through our bodies in all directions possible”.

     For me the origin of human evil is in unequal relationships and the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, pathologies of violence and dominion which as with the figure of Alberich the dwarf require the renunciation of love as their price; not in the Violation of Normality and its taboos, the Transgression of the Forbidden, or the Defiance of Authority, three things I count as sacred acts in pursuit of the truth of ourselves, but in the systemic and structural injustices and inequalities of hegemonic elites, their lies and illusions which falsify us and steal our souls, and the state tyranny and terror of brutal force and control which we must resist and refuse to submit to, that we may become autonomous and free as self- created and self-owned beings; for power and force are meaningless when met with disobedience, and in the moment of our refusal to submit to authority we become Unconquered and free. 

     I say again; human sexual orientation is not a spectrum with endpoint limits, for whatever you imagine as the most extreme transgressions in any direction becomes a boundary of the Forbidden which I guarantee you others have violated and exceeded, and also implies moral judgement when it is impolite to ick someone else’s yum and is moreover an illusion in a universe where good and evil do not exist beyond our actions toward others, but a Moebius Loop of infinite possibilities, and we are born and exist by nature everywhere along it at once. All else is limitation and control imposed artificially as dominion, captivity, and falsification by authorized identities, or a seizure of power and self-ownership in revolutionary struggle against such narratives, hierarchies, and divisions.

     Writing of love in Letters to Milena, Franz Kafka gives us this witness; “I wish the world were ending tomorrow. Then I could take the next train, arrive at your door in Vienna, and say, Come with me, Milena. We are going to love each other without scruples or fear or restraint. Because the world is ending tomorrow.

    Perhaps we don’t love unreasonably because we think we have time, or have to reckon with time. But what if we don’t have time? Or what if time, as we know it, is irrelevant? Ah, if only the world were ending tomorrow. We could help each other very much.”

     Here is the true origin of Nietzsche’s idea of Eternal Return as a test and praxis of Authenticity, and it recalls to me something I once said to Jean Genet. He had sat down at my table after my friends and I made our morning race against death, crossing a sniper alley to reach a cafe in Beirut that had the best strawberry crepes in the world.

     “I’m told you do this every day, steal breakfast from death.”

     To which I replied, “It’s a poor man who loves nothing beyond reason, and has no pleasures worth dying for.”

     He smiled and said,” I agree”; this was the beginning of our conversations at breakfast in the days of the terrible siege, which would reset the path of my life. He saw me, Genet did, and set me free to create and discover my true self on the path of the Resistance.

      My wish for all of us is that we may find such friends who can reveal to us our true selves and offer figural spaces into which to grow; such is my functional definition of love.

     Through love and desire we pursue a sacred calling to discover our truths, truths which are immanent in nature and written in our flesh. Herein also we escape the limits of our flesh as we become sublimed and exalted in unification with others, who free our captive images from the wilderness of mirrors which falsify us. Love is an instrument with which we may liberate and empower each other and restore to one another our autonomy and authenticity.

     Love and desire are forces of liberation, uncontrollable as the tides and inherently anarchic. They are our most powerful weapons against authority and tyranny; for they can neither be taken from us nor limited.

      Love like you have laughed in the face of your executioner, for this is exactly what love is. 

       Herein I cite a marvelous article by Babette Babich, professor of philosophy at Fordham University in New York City. Of her exploration of the kinds of love, she writes in The Philosophical Salon of the Los Angeles Review of Books; “I was trying to go beyond the four in question, to xenia, the rights of a guest, a key notion for a political theorist. It refers to the love of the stranger, which is crucial today in an age of migrant crises and which entails the hospitality we owe the guest. The principle of hospitality is important in the Bible, where Abraham hosts strangers who turn out to be Jehovah and his angels. It is also related in Greek myth, where an old couple, Philémon und Baucis, sacrifice all they have to host two vagabonds, offering kindness to gods in disguise: Zeus and Hermes, the god who mediates all encounters between the mortal and the divine.

     The classical list, as C.S. Lewis and others detail it, is: storgē, love of the home or the family; philia or friendship, which we hear in philosophy as love of wisdom; eros which is what we’re most interested in — taking us back to the #metoo movement, including questions of men and women in love. (One of the reasons we continue to find Alan Rickman’s betrayal of Emma Thompson in the 2003 Love, Actually so disquieting is that this is a compound betrayal of storgē/philia/eros.)  — And then there is agapē, a pure, specifically selfless love, in contrast to eros, which is anything but selfless.  Agapē is anticlimactic, and even St. Augustine, praying for grace, prayed to be perfect but, as he famously wrote, not yet.

     The hierarchy of kinds of love mirrors — to tell a fanciful, proto-evolutionary story — the story of our lives. We’re born into storgē, family love, the love of home and hearth. That can be conflicted to be sure, as Robert Frost reminds us: ‘Home is the place where, when you have to go there, / They have to take you in.’

     Thus, we’ve just gone through the holiday season dedicated to storgē, as also reflected in Love, Actually and the 1946, It’s a Wonderful Life.  Philia, friendship, is included in marriage, as well as at school. Then, there is the theme of love matters at university, and eros—hence, the connection to St. Valentine’s day. Finally, some of us reach agapē, pure love, love for its own sake, love of god especially.

     I emphasized, as Plato and Augustine do, that we all want love, and it is love that draws us upward as Goethe notes, improving everything about the world and about ourselves. I also pointed to the sharper, darker sides of love: that it can break us, or bend us down, to use Hölderlin’s language for love’s near and future danger to us.

     Falling in erotic love is like falling into a maelstrom of intoxication, and there are always low points: the Greek poet, Anacreon compares it to being knocked flat by a blacksmith’s hammer, as Anne Carson cites him in her book, Eros, the Bittersweet. ‘Sweetbitter’ is the Greek glukúpikron in Sappho’s poem to Eros: a word order inverting our English convention and so much truer to life: glukú sweet, pikron, bitter.  Thus, the Greeks emphasized the negativity or visceral disaster that is the impact of love. As Archilochus writes: it rips your lungs out. Actually.

     And we’re all for it: we long for it, we want it. Eros undoes us, and the same lyric where we encountered the word, glukúpikron, we find lusimélēs, limbs dissolved, mingling one into another. The song originally recorded by the Big Bopper, Chantilly Lace in 1958, and featured in several films, including the 1973, American Graffiti, rhymes the intoxication effected by Chantilly, her walk, her laugh — the Greeks have the same enthusiasms — and the results that ‘make the world go round,’ transforming the singer, unhinging him, lusimélēs, the modern poet’s phrase make me feel real loose, indeed, make me act so funny, make me spend my money, punctuated. And that is the point of it: that’s what I like.

     Eros is dangerous, Plato tells us. He is the oldest god, he is the youngest god, and everything about him is dyadic, despite, or more accurately, because of the dangers.  Michel Foucault wrote about dietetics and strategies that might enhance the positive and reduce the negative, but, in the end, Cupid’s arrow is an engine of death, and talking of that takes us to Freud.

     I looked to philia to highlight what love actually does, and I spoke of Nietzsche on love as a hermeneutic tactic along with one of Fordham’s teachers from a few decades before my time, Dietrich von Hildebrand, because, in addition to ideals closer to agapē, he spoke of intentio benevolentiae to highlight the generosity Nietzsche emphasized. This is the generosity we can bring to everything we want to understand whether books, events, or people.

     When we love, we give the other the benefit of the doubt, cut them all kinds of breaks.  When we fail to love, we lack generosity and what is more, we are prone to resentment, disdain, anger.  Love is about generosity. It is about not minding faults, and the love of wisdom, philosophy, is or can be, beyond analytic anger, hermeneutically generous in the same way: faults and all.”

What is to be done? Alice Slays the Jabberwocky:

Jefferson Airplane – Go ask Alice

The hatter recites the jabberwocky poem

http://thephilosophicalsalon.com/twitter-hearts-and-valentines-day-on-philosophy-and-love/

https://www.brainpickings.org/2016/09/02/salvador-dali-alices-adventures-in-wonderland/?fbclid=IwAR2xHm6rl0zJS-zpldZ42KMqNJMYPfwpjzOTx9ZBwxyFDIoJZFYH3hIw7bQ

                       Lewis Carroll, a reading list

The Making of Lewis Carroll’s Alice and the Invention of Wonderland, Peter Hunt

The Annotated Alice: The Definitive Edition, Lewis Carroll, Martin Gardner

 (Introduction and notes), John Tenniel (Illustrator)

Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland Decoded: The Full Text of Lewis Carroll’s Novel with its Many Hidden Meanings Revealed, by David Day

Behind the Looking-Glass: Reflections on the Myth of Lewis Carroll,

Sherry L. Ackerman, Karoline Leach

Alice in Space: The Sideways Victorian World of Lewis Carroll, by Gillian Beer

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/29362357-alice-in-space?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_78

    The Nonsense of Kant and Lewis Carroll: Unexpected Essays on Philosophy, Art, Life, and Death, by Ben-Ami Scharfstein

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/18526677-the-nonsense-of-kant-and-lewis-carroll?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_121

Alice’s Adventures: Lewis Carroll in Popular Culture, Will Brooker

October 5 2025 Let Us Be Wolfmen: Embrace the Wildness of Nature and the Wildness of Ourselves

    On these Nights of the full moon, a cosmic event of enormous powers of change and transformative rebirth, let us embrace our monstrosity as Bringers of Chaos in the destabilization of Order, disbelief and disobedience of Authority, subversions of Law which serves power, violations of normality and other people’s ideas of virtue, transgressions of the Forbidden, and seizures of power from Authority in revolutionary struggle.

     To all those who would enslave us as tyrants of unequal power, let us bring a Reckoning. 

     Now is the time of the Wolf and of the sacred hunt as love and as solidarity in liberation struggle, dyadic forces of the embrace of nature. Here is a ground of struggle signified by the figure of the wolfman as embodiment of our true nature uncorrupted by the subversions, lies, and falsifications of Authority; the image of human nature and our best selves.

    Who are we when liberated from the legacies of our history and systems of unequal power? What is this truth we pursue, in the pursuit of those truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh?

     As I wrote in my post of February 14 2022, On the Redemptive and Transformational Power of Love: the Case of Valentine’s Day and the Festival of the Wolf; Valentine’s Day is a holiday we can celebrate as an unambiguous good, without conflicted historical legacies; named in honor of a man who was executed on February 14 278 AD for performing gay marriages in defiance of Imperial law, adelphopoiesis or brother-making which refers to his marrying Roman soldiers not to their girlfriends but to one another, the wedding of same sex couples legal under Christian law which Emperor Claudius II forbid as related by John Boswell in his Same Sex Unions in Premodern Europe.

      The modern custom of sending messages to one’s lover, whether a forbidden love or not, originated in 1415, with a message sent by Charles, Duke of Orleans to his wife while he was imprisoned in the Tower of London.

      So we have in one holiday defiance of authority, transgression of the Forbidden, and the injunction to seize the gates of our prisons and be free.

     But this holiday is far more ancient, dating from the sixth century BC and encoding the historical memories of primordial rites of fertility called Lupercalia, the Festival of the Wolf. Rites which echo through our flesh and find form not only as Valentine’s Day as a celebration of the uncontrollable and liberating power of love which exalts us like a madness, but also as a form of the Wild Hunt which we know as the story of Red Riding Hood and the Wolf.

Angela Carter got it nearly right in The Company of Wolves; so also with season two, episode three of The Chilling Adventures of Sabrina.

     Midnight approaches, and as I ready my wolfskin for the sacred Hunt I think not of the ravishment of our passion but of the redemptive and transformative power of love, of its unique function as a force of healing and reconnection, and of transgression of the Forbidden and defiance of authority as a seizure of power over the ownership of oneself.

     Of this I have written tonight a spell of poetic vision, awakening, and transformation, which I share with you here. Good hunting to you all.

          Love Triumphs Over Time

     When first I learned of love,

And realized that in loving others we humans were not merely escaping

the boundaries of our lives and the flags of our skins

As transcendence, rapture, and exaltation

But discovering ourselves and those truths written in our flesh

And the limitless possibilities of becoming human

Among the unknown topologies of being marked Here Be Dragons

In the empty spaces of the maps of our Imagination

Beyond the doors of the Forbidden

Where truths are forged,

     And in the years since I have always known this one true thing;

We are more ourselves when we are with others

Who see our truths and make them real

Because humans are not designed to be alone

For we are doors which open one another

And restore each other to ourselves in an indifferent world

When we are savaged and broken and lost;

     Love is the greatest power of all the forces

which shape, motivate, and inform living things

Love creates, love redeems, love transforms,

Love triumphs over the pathology of our disconnectedness

From Beauty, from the Infinite, and from the community of humankind;

Love triumphs over Time.

    Thus for the embrace of the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves as love; also it manifests as solidarity in Resistance, seizures of power, and revolutionary struggle. As I wrote in my post of May 24 2022 The Problematization of Tuesday: Why Do We Celebrate Tyr’s Binding of Fenris One Day Each Week?;

     How much of our humanity are we willing to sacrifice in order to confront and limit evil?

     This is always the true question of Resistance; not of the origin of evil in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, of the renouncement of love as the cost of power nor the redemptive power of love to free us from its grip and from those who would enslave us, not of our dehumanization, commodification, and falsification as theft of the soul nor of our power to become Unconquered and free in refusal to submit to authority, not of addiction to power and the hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness of hegemonic elites of wealth, power, and privilege and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil nor of seizures of power and revolutionary struggle for the ownership of ourselves against authorized identities of unequal power. The questions we must face are simply this; how much of ourselves are we willing to trade for our liberty?  How much of our humanity can we trade to secure the humanity of us all, without becoming something less than human?

     Resistance is always War to the Knife, under imposed conditions of struggle against those who do not recognize us as fellow human beings, and who have shifted the ground of struggle beyond all limits and all laws, beyond the limits of the human and the boundaries of the Forbidden to subvert and degrade our humanity and all human being, meaning, and value, and here is where we must meet them.

     This is a space I know well, and have lived in since Jean Genet swore me to the Oath of the Resistance in 1982 Beirut, and from which I speak to you now. I am become the Abyss which gazes back into you.

     Who so ever acts to subjugate us beyond all laws and all limits may hide behind none. I am a hunter of tyrants and fascists, and mine is a hunter’s morality. Anything which takes away our power to resist is a lie of the enemy; and here I mean the false moral equivalence of the violence used by the slave master and the violence used by the slave to break his chains, as Trotsky teaches us in Their Morals and Ours. Let us give to fascists, tyrants, and all those who would enslave us the only reply it merits; Never Again!

     Here the myth of Fenris and Tyr may illuminate us, for in sacrificing his hand to bind the wolf which represents his animal nature as all devouring need there is an exchange of qualities, a hierosgamos and transformative rebirth as they unite and become dyadic forces. It is a myth which reflects and refers to the human transformation of wolves into dogs, our competitors as apex predators into partners in hunting and war, the key event of domestication which gave us a crucial edge in survival over our own predators, and in which the breaking of the oaths and bindings which create and sustain the universe, human nature, and civilization are part of the processes of self creation and transformative rebirth, the work of Chaos in the reinvention of the world and our liberation from imposed orders of meaning and authorized identities.

     Of Chaos as the principle of freedom I have written often and will again, for I am a Bringer of Chaos and a maker of mischief for tyrants; but here I wish to speak to you of the true nature of the myth of the Binding of Fenris as a metaphor and allegory of our primary ground of struggle as our relationship with the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves.

   For there are two paths we can travel in this; that of control and domination of our nature, as Freud described us with his delicious phrase as “polymorphosly perverse”, chthonic forces to be surmounted and harnessed in becoming adults, or that of Jung, who wrote of shadow work as unification with our monstrosity, especially that which provokes disgust, revulsion, fear, and horror in us.

    Here is a myth we can interpret and live as binding our animal nature in terms of domination of nature, or as binding together with our animal nature as equal partners in interdependence and as a primary human act of becoming. One leads to exploitation of nature, doomed attempts to control nature, and inevitably to our own extinction; the other to harmony, interdependence, and a sustainable civilization.

      First we must situate the figure of Fenris as an archetypal wolf in the context of our fear of nature and its myths and allegories, and then interrogate the consequences of our denial of our own nature for how we have chosen to be human together.

     As I wrote in my post of October 27 2021, Of Monsters, Freaks, the Limits of the Human and the Tyranny of Normality: the Figure of the Werewolf As Controlling Metaphor For the Wildness of Nature and the Wildness of Ourselves; Many of our modern pathologies of disconnectedness from our nature and from one another are born of the need for control and of fear of our inchoate passions as threatening otherness, an internalized oppression which has riven the human soul, divided and abstracted us from ourselves as part of the processes of nature.

     This is a madness of inauthenticity, power, dominance, vanity, greed, myths which valorize war and authorize elite hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness as fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, all of which arise from an Original Lie of separation from and ownership of nature as in the allegory of Adam Naming the Beasts.

     Patriarchy, racism, sectarian division, and other identitarian forms of power, operating in mutual interdependence with capitalism and its prefigural developmental stages of elite hegemony and political forms aristocratic monarchy and nationalist imperialism, all find anchorages in civilization as control of threatening nature and our fear and hatred of ourselves.

     Jung described the primal disunity we must heal within ourselves; “The psychological rule says that when an inner situation is not made conscious, it happens outside, as fate. That is to say, when the individual remains undivided and does not become conscious of his inner contradictions, the world must perforce act out the conflict and become torn into opposite halves.” He was speaking of psychosis and the work of reintegration and becoming human, but it applies equally to dialectical civilizational processes of history wherein we have found ourselves conflicted and at war with nature on multiple fronts. Here Jung has given us a great power; how we may free ourselves of the legacies of our history and authorized identities, and escape the limits of time and fate as the unfolding of design beyond our own choosing. Like the works of Gertrude Stein, Jung describes a process of liberation and self-creation as a teleological revolution which unbinds us from the laws of the universe with which Authority seeks to harness our nature in service to power.

     Here I think also of Camille Paglia’s magisterial critique of Patriarchy as a civilizational task of controlling nature, Sexual Personae: Art and Decadence from Nefertiti to Emily Dickinson.  In the case of Emily Dickinson, metaphysical ax murderess whose poetry is a savage and relentless struggle with Patriarchy and avenging of its countless victims, she writes;” Even the best critical writing on Emily Dickinson underestimates her. She is frightening. To come to her directly from Dante, Spenser, Blake, and Baudelaire is to find her sadomasochism obvious and flagrant. Birds, bees, and amputated hands are the dizzy stuff of this poetry. Dickinson is like the homosexual cultist draping himself in black leather and chains to bring the idea of masculinity into aggressive visibility.”

    Personally I adore Emily Dickinson as a figure of Liberty; she reminds me of an ancestor of mine who was a member of the Paris Commune, an anarchist revolutionary, abolitionist, and suffragette called the Red Queen in reference to the character from Alice in Wonderland, after her preferred method of assassination. Once the true nature of our captivity and enslavement by elites has been realized, and Authority exposed as a seducer and betrayer whose apologetics of power are but lies and illusions, the choice between freedom and rebellion or dehumanization and subjugation becomes horribly clear, a chiaroscuro of terror and the grandeur of resistance.

    So also with the plunder and capitalist exploitation of our common natural resources in service to wealth and power which is driving the existential threat of ecological collapse and human extinction, for it is rooted in the same fear, drive to dominance and control, and internalized oppression as in the sexual terror of Patriarchy or the white supremacist terror which threatens our democracy. 

    Our lives become expressions of the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others. This I call the Narrative Theory of Identity, and in the context of liberation and revolutionary struggle to win a reimagined humanity which heals our disunity with nature through the embrace of our otherness and our true and authentic selves which dwell among the chasms of darkness of our passions, through transgression of the boundaries of the Forbidden, refusal to submit to Authority, violations of normality and other people’s ideas of virtue, and other Acts of Chaos and Transformation, we may heal the flaws of our humanity, the brokenness of the world, and the origins of evil in the Wagnerian  Ring of fear, power, and force which Schiller identifies as “the disgodding of nature.”

    We are beasts with the souls of beasts, and this is not a degradation but an exaltation and a glorious thing, for nature is beautiful and so are we.

     Here I look to stories of our own to balance those of submission to Authority and denial and control of our nature. William S. Burroughs, whose bizarre fairytales haunted the nights of my youth, forged such a myth in his novel The Wild Boys, which I describe in my celebration of his work as follows; The Wild Boys envisions feral youths in rebellion against the Authority that created them, set in a dystopian future in which man’s animal nature has been  betrayed by civilization but which also has the power to redeem him, the final part of his Anarchist trilogy which extends his recurrent theme of werewolves as symbolic of our essential wildness and unconquerable nature and a type of Nietzschean Superman; beyond good and evil.

     As he wrote it during the period of his visits, I have often wondered how much of it was drawn from his conversations with my father, who mythologized our family history with the absurd claim that we are not human but werewolves, beings of the Wild Hunt, otherness, magic, and darkness, unbound by any law and with the blood of ancient terrors in our veins; historically our family had been driven out of Bavaria in 1586 at the start of a forty-four year period of witchcraft persecutions and the savage Cologne War and Protestant Expulsion, a prelude to the Thirty Years War which killed a third of European peoples among its theocratic horrors and is a direct cause of America’s principle of Separation of Church and State and why a secular state is foundational to any democracy. Martin Luther, then a notorious witch hunter and torturer of innocents, called us Drachenbraute, Brides of the Dragon, a unique term of Othering which I regard as an ancestral title of splendid grandeur and a cherished legacy of my family history.

     The Wild Boys extends the Enlightenment ideal of the natural man as uncorrupted by civilization and unlimited by its boundaries, as truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh, a historical development and like the Toad which Nietzsche feared he must swallow and Burroughs claimed to be possessed by a line of succession from Rousseau to de Sade to Nietzsche to Bataille to Burroughs and then myself, in a reversal of Freud’s ideology of civilization as restraint and control of our nature.

     David Bowie created his character of Ziggy Stardust based on The Wild Boys; Anthony Burgess’s A Clockwork Orange and H.G. Wells’ The Island of Doctor Moreau here mingle and intertwine. Certainly it is among the many stories I have adopted as part of my personal myth and identity, which include Milton’s rebel angel, the visions of William Blake, Mary Shelly’s Frankenstein, Cocteau’s film Beauty and the Beast, and the iconography of Hieronymus Bosch and of Gustav Klimt’s Beethoven Frieze as pantheon and ancestral origins with the wonderful image of the titan Typhoeus as a chthonic ape with his three gorgon daughters Madness, Illness, and Death to one side and the triple goddess of Lasciviousness, Wantonness, and Intemperance to the other; really, what more could one ask for? 

     Such myths offer models of harmony with nature in the figure of the werewolf as a controlling metaphor for the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves. Rather than a thing of clay animated as the toy of a tyrant God of alien and unfathomable motives who seeks to bind our nature to his laws as in the Abrahamic faiths, we can free ourselves from the dehumanizing legacies of our Patriarchal and Authoritarian histories by looking to counter-narratives of freedom, such as the werewolf defined as a being of wildness and uncorrupted nature.

      Myths about were beings tell us how we humans view ourselves and our relationship with the natural world in specific historical contexts.

    The bite of transformation is an interesting metaphor, especially as a metaphor of coming out and of truths written in our flesh, and is akin to other forms of the medical model of madness which describes transpersonal and other states of awareness as a degradation or dehumanization rather than participation in something greater than we are, and as an intrusive force from outside rather than a sign of our natural condition, which Freud so deliciously termed polymorphosly perverse; allegories and metaphors of the desacralization of nature and the falsification of ourselves, part of the story of the human cost of the industrial and authoritarian age like the loss of magic.

      In terms of story, there are many unexplored possibilities for the reimagination of were beings as heroes of authentic being versus normality and the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue, and champions of the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased.

     Like the exhibitions in a carnival freak show, monsters help us define our limits and establish boundaries and normalities by providing examples of the truly other.

     What is human?

      Transgression explores and redefines our boundaries; indeed is necessary to growth and the discovery of possibilities of being. Let us parse the meaning of our reactions to violations of norms and to the truly other with great care, particularly with regard to the use of social force and control to authorize normality and codify virtue.

     As the anthropologist Sam Dubal relates in his book Against Humanity: Lessons from the Lord’s Resistance Army, modern Uganda provides a case study of the tribal warrior societies our werewolf myths are based on, a group who modeled themselves on gorilla warbands to achieve a higher state of being than human and reawaken our connection with nature and our natural selves, and whose acts of terror were in part ritual transgressions of the Forbidden. While the anticolonial warriors of the 19th century Leopard Society in Africa, Boxers in China, or Thugee in India may not be accessible to us, in the LRA we have ready examples of the use of savaging and primalism in war, such as I grew up with as a family legacy, and in the struggle of enslaved peoples to free themselves from the dehumanization of our civilization as imperialism and capitalism.

      When thinking about werewolves we must place our mythologies in the context of stories told about them as monsters and figures of terror by their enemies, just as the Christians did the Viking berserkergangr with whom they struggled for dominion of Europe, a civilizational conflict of tyranny versus liberty.

      The people they fought for tell different stories; in Romania they still perform the Bear Dance in honor of an ancestor of mine, a deified Roman general whose name, Laelianus, is on Trajan’s Column in Rome.

     All divisions and hierarchies of exclusionary otherness authorized by those who would enslave us demonize the many in service to the power of the few.

     To make an idea about a kind of people is an act of violence.

      How we imagine and honor the wildness of ourselves is reflected in how we imagine and honor the wildness of nature; our idea of the werewolf reflects our relationship with our animal nature, and with nature itself. If you think of your animal nature as evil, hostile, subhuman, barbaric, a thing of bottomless appetites to be controlled as Freud conceptualized what he provocatively called our polymorphously perverse nature, it is a fearsome thing, a degradation checked only by the restraining force of law; the doctrine of the innate depravity of man, corollary of original sin, being the basis of all law and of the carceral state, an idea very useful in the centralization of power and subjugating us to authority.

     But if instead our freedom and wildness is beautiful, and nature to be celebrated rather than feared, humankind is restored to wholeness and harmony with nature. This is perhaps a better way to study the idea of our wildness and harmony as animals and beings of nature expressive of its forces; look inside yourself and question your feelings and ideas about sex, death, and the possibilities of becoming human in a universe of imposed conditions which owe nothing to normality and other peoples ideas of virtue, and in which good and evil as absolutes or inherent laws of nature do not exist, for these are human words and become real only through our actions.

     To be a Wolfman is to be without limit and free, Living Autonomous Zones, to transgress the boundaries of the Forbidden and dwell among the unknowns of our maps of human being, meaning, and value. To live in harmony with our nature is to abandon dominion and live as one wild thing among others in a free society of equals, without tyrants, elites, or inequalities, for all living beings are equal and merit honor, especially the ones we must consume or meet in battle as brother warriors to find the truth of ourselves.

      Do not be deceived by the lies and illusions of those who would enslave us and steal our souls; our wildness is a thing not of terror or debasement, but of freedom and of beauty; and it awaits within you as a wisdom of your own darkness, which holds nothing which is not yours. Claim your wildness, and be free.

     As written by Octave Mirbeau in The Torture Garden; “Monsters, monsters! But there are no monsters! What you call monsters are superior forms, or forms beyond your understanding. Aren’t the gods monsters? Isn’t a man of genius a monster, like a tiger or a spider, like all individuals who live beyond social lies, in the dazzling and divine immortality of things? Why, I too then-am a monster!”

      I question and challenge the idea of normality, the authorization of identities, and the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue.

     One could think of the Binding of Fenris as slavery, abjection, degradation to an animal state or pathological denial of our nature which results in unequal social power as patriarchy, hegemonic elites, capitalism and ecological devastation; or its mirror reverse, marriage, interdependence, and harmony with nature.

     When you begin to question the boundary and interface between normality as authorized identity and transgression as seizure of power, between subjugation and liberty, the grotesque and the beautiful, idealizations of masculinity and femininity, of madness and its forms as love, transgression, and poetic vision, and to challenge the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue, you enter my world, the place of unknowns and the limitless possibilities of becoming human, marked Here Be Dragons on our maps of human being, meaning, and value.

     As we glory in the liminal time of this year’s Halloween celebrations, I say to you all, my brothers, sisters, and others; Welcome to freedom and its wonders and terrors; to reimagination, transformation, and discovery. May the new truths you forge bring you joy.

     Thus I write of the wolf that lives within us, in celebration of Halloween; sometimes you have to let your demons out to dance.

Chilling Adventures Of Sabrina | Lupercalia 3rd Event Hunt

Warren Zevon – Werewolves Of London (Official Music Video)

Little Red Riding Hood -sung by Amanda Seyfried

Red Riding Hood trailer for film starring Amanda Seyfried

The Company of Wolves, Angela Carter

The Wolfman, trailer for 2004 film starring Anthony Hopkins & Benicio del Toro

The Wolfman:  Benicio del Toro Transforming Into a Werewolf and Rampaging Through London

An American Werewolf in Paris film trailer

Critique of the Disney Special Werewolf By Night

A Study of Primalism: Buffy the Vampire Slayer season one, episode 6 The Pack

A Study of Savaging: Hold the Dark film trailer

She-Wolf: A Cultural History of Female Werewolves, Hannah Priest (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/23529039-she-wolf

Phases of the Moon: A Cultural History of the Werewolf Film, Craig Ian Mann

The Werewolf in Lore and Legend, Montague Summers

Werewolf Histories, Willem de Blécourt  (Editor)

The Book of Werewolves, Sabine Baring-Gould

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1534461.The_Book_of_Werewolves

Monsters of the Gévaudan: The Making of a Beast, Jay M. Smith

1961 Hammer film The Curse of the Werewolf

https://archive.org/details/the-curse-of-the-werewolf

The Werewolf of Paris, Guy Endore (novel on which the 1961 Hammer film The Curse of the Werewolf was based)

The Island of Doctor Moreau, by H.G. Wells, Margaret Atwood (Introduction)

The Wild Boys: A Book of the Dead, by William S. Burroughs

Ziggy Stardust and the Spiders from Mars: The Motion Picture

https://ok.ru/video/363578067518

Against Humanity: Lessons from the Lord’s Resistance Army, by Sam Dubal

Sexual Personae: Art and Decadence from Nefertiti to Emily Dickinson, by Camille Paglia

The Torture Garden, by Octave Mirbeau

The Hieronymus Bosch Tarot Deck Walkthrough by Travis McHenry.

Martin Luther’s idea of witches as Drachenbraute

https://aeon.co/essays/how-economic-behaviour-drove-witch-hunts-in-pre-modern-germany

Romania’s Bear Festival

Tibetan Buddhist Cham Dance

October 4 2025 61st Anniversary of the Berkeley Free Speech Movement

     This October we celebrate the 61th anniversary of the Berkeley Free Speech Movement, in which students challenged and triumphed over the gatekeepers of authorized identities and access to power in our society, the hierarchs of the university system. Today marks the first mass protests at Sproul Hall; but the struggle for freedoms of speech and of the press, the right to expose and protest injustice and of freedom of information, the right to test, witness, and tell truths, neither begins nor ends with the courage of the people in mass action throughout that pivotal fall semester on a university campus, but belongs to all of us, everywhere and at all times, as a common legacy of humankind.

     Among the transformations of meaning and value won for us by the students who risked their futures to win a better future for all of us is the championing and valorization of our rights of free speech and of protest which informed and enervated all subsequent movements for social justice as a liberating force, a reclaiming of education as a Platonic Ideal and democratizing force which derives from the Greek educatus, meaning to bring forth rather than to stuff in facts and obedience to authority, the seizure of power by students as the owners of their own public institutions, structures, systems, processes, and outcomes and products of education from hegemonic forms of elite membership and power in the academic sphere as the key means of producing citizens needed for democracy and a public life of co-ownership of our government, and finally the revisioning of education as both truth telling and witness as a sacred calling to pursue the truth.

    There is a demonstration I performed every year on the first day of Forensics class at Sonoma Valley High School which I call Becoming a Fulcrum, and which you may find relevant to our work in electoral process and revolutionary struggle; “This is a fulcrum” I would say, placing an object on my desk, and placing an oblong object across it, “it balances a lever. When your parents ask you what you are learning in Forensics, tell them you are learning to become a fulcrum, and change the balance of power in the world.”

   For the best explication of why democracy matters, why the idea of a free society of equals lies at the heart of our liberty and of human being, meaning, and value, why it is the one thing we must never abandon or lose hope of making real, read I.F. Stone’s magisterial The Trial of Socrates. For each of us stands in the shadow of Socrates and must face with him the choice between submission to authority and freedom, regardless of its cost.

    As described by the co leader of the Free Speech Movement in his book Hal Draper’s Berkeley: The Student Revolt, with an introduction by Mario Savio; “In a dynamic conflict, there is not merely a majority and a minority: the opposition is not a homogeneous whole. A section may be neutralized, dropping opposition altogether, without coming over to the active side. Another section, while remaining in opposition, may be so infected by uncertainty — so tacitly impressed by the appeal of the position which it formally opposes — that its opposition is enervated in practice. Just as a given force exercises a leverage proportional to its distance from the fulcrum, so a fighting force exercises a leverage in conflict which is proportional not simply to its numbers but also to the strength of its convictions and the firmness of its followers.”

    In the immortal words of Mario Savio that began a generational reimagination and transformation of America and our civilization; “There is a time when the operation of the machine becomes so odious, makes you so sick at heart, that you can’t take part; you can’t even passively take part, and you’ve got to put your bodies upon the gears and upon the wheels, upon the levers, upon all the apparatus, and you’ve got to make it stop. And you’ve got to indicate to the people who run it, to the people who own it, that unless you’re free, the machine will be prevented from working at all!”

Mario Savio’s Put Your Bodies Upon the Gears speech

Charlie Chaplin’s The Factory

50th Anniversary Free Speech Movement UC Berkeley, film by Diane Sharp

            What is education for?

The Trial of Socrates, I.F. Stone

Discourse and Truth: The Problematization of Parrhesia, Michel Foucault

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/18631427-discourse-and-truth?ref=nav_sb_ss_2_9

          Free Speech and Our Universities As a Forge of American Democracy, a retrospective of my writing

December 11 2023 What is Hate Speech? What is Anti-Semitism? Who Decides What Is Permitted, and How Shall We Enforce Limits On Each Other’s Freedoms? Case of the Repression of Dissent By Universities Beholden to Special Interest Money

March 11 2025 Free Speech Versus State Sponsorship of Genocide and Repression of Dissent: Case of Mahmoud Khalil

April 12 2025 This Passover, Stand Against Genocide. This Passover, Stand With the Children: the Peace and Divestiture Protests and Occupations

              The Free Speech Movement of 1964 UC Berkeley, a reading list

Berkeley: The New Student Revolt, Hal Draper, Mario Savio (Prologue)

Fifty Years of Free Speech: Perspectives on the Movement That Revolutionized Berkeley, The Daily Californian (Creator), Meg Elison

The Free Speech Movement: Reflections on Berkeley in the 1960s, Robert Cohen (Editor), Reginald E. Zelnik (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1054536.The_Free_Speech_Movement

Essential Mario Savio, Robert Cohen (Editor)

Freedom’s Orator: Mario Savio and the Radical Legacy of the 1960s, Robert Cohen

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/6794746-freedom-s-orator

https://jacobinmag.com/2020/09/berkeley-free-speech-movement-hal-draper

October 3 2025 Fourth Anniversary of the Women’s March for Reproductive Rights and Freedom of Bodily Autonomy

      Institutionalized sexual terror and state tyranny in the legislative assault on women’s reproductive rights and the primary freedom of bodily autonomy were challenged in a mass action on October Second of 2021 throughout America, organized by the Women’s March and coordinated with the riveting testimony in Congress of three of our representatives who have had abortions, Cori Bush, Pramila Jayapal, and Barbara Lee.

     There is no freedom without that of bodily autonomy.

      We continue to hold such national marches each and every year until we are all truly equal under the law as guaranteed by our Constitution and in our society as perform our stewardship of each other as co owners of the state and guarantors of each other’s universal human rights, the right of self ownership of our own bodies and of access to healthcare as a precondition of the right to life first among them.

     We can triumph over this wave of theft of our liberty which seeks to redefine the relationship of individuals to the state and render citizenship meaningless if we act in solidarity with coordinated mass action and legislative process. As the Oath of the Resistance given to me in 1982 in Beirut by Jean Genet goes; “We swear our loyalty to each other, to resist and yield not, and abandon not our fellows.”

     For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.

     As reported by CNN; “Abortion rights activists are gathering at more than 600 marches across the US, holding placards and banners that read, “My mind, my body, my choice” and “Legal abortion for health and life,” as they demand reproductive freedoms.

     The “Rally for Abortion Justice” marches follow the anti-abortion bill in Texas that bans abortions after six weeks — before many women know they have conceived — with no exceptions for rape or incest.

     The Supreme Court, which returns Monday, denied a request to block the Texas measure, and activists now fear it will empower other states to follow suit.

     “Simply put: We are witnessing the most dire threat to abortion access in our lifetime,” the Women’s March website reads.

     The Women’s March is organizing the rallies in partnership with more than 90 groups, including Planned Parenthood Federation of America, a nonprofit that provides reproductive health care, and the Center for American Progress, a progressive public policy research and advocacy organization.”

     As written by Candice Norwood in The 19th; “Beyond Texas’ abortion law, state lawmakers have introduced hundreds of restrictive bills over the last several years. In December, the Supreme Court will hear a case out of Mississippi that directly targets Roe v. Wade. During the committee hearing on Thursday, Rep. Judy Chu spoke about her bill, the Women’s Health Protection Act, that would codify the right to abortion access.

     “I’m so proud that last week the House took the historic step of passing the legislation,” Chu said. “In fact, it was the first affirmative abortion rights bill in nearly 25 years, and it shows the American people that we will not abandon them.”

       As written by Emma Specter in Vogue; “Democratic representatives Cori Bush (Mo.), Pramila Jayapal (Wash.), and Barbara Lee (Calif.) about their own abortions.

     “In the summer of 1994, I was raped, I became pregnant, and I chose to have an abortion,” said Bush, explaining that she lived through an experience of sexual assault while on a church trip at age 17. “To all the Black women and girls who have had abortions and will have abortions, we have nothing to be ashamed of.” Jayapal noted that she sought out her own abortion when she was a young mother of a sick child attempting to deal with postpartum depression; her doctor told her that carrying a second child to term would be risky for both her and the baby. “I very much wanted to have more children, but I simply could not imagine going through that again,” Jayapal told the panel. Lee’s pregnancy occurred before abortion was even legal in the U.S., so her mother sent her to a friend in Texas who arranged for a “back alley” procedure at a clinic in Mexico. “A lot of girls and women in my generation didn’t make it—they died from unsafe abortions,” she said. “In the 1960s, unsafe septic abortions were the primary killer of African American women.”

     Hopefully, as Democrats seek to codify Roe v. Wade, the rest of this country’s predominantly male lawmakers can be as courageous in protecting women’s reproductive rights as Bush, Jayapal, and Lee were in discussing their own extremely personal experiences with abortion.”

     As I wrote in my post of September 5 2021, State Theft of Freedom as Bodily Autonomy: Case of the Texas Abortion Ban; Texas has outlawed all abortion, the Supreme Court has failed to overrule Texas and uphold freedom as our right of bodily autonomy, and patriarchs of Gideonite fundamentalist organizations of sexual terror and subversion of religious freedom are mobilized to enforce it. 

     This in parallel with Texas’ theft of voting rights and citizenship from nonwhite persons as institutionalized white supremacist terror.

     Texas is our Heart of Darkness. We must liberate the peoples of Texas from the grip of Patriarchy and white supremacy and a legislature of subversion of democracy and of fascist state tyranny and terror.

     And the most horrific thing in all of this is that Texas is not an abnormality in American politics, merely the most extreme and clearly evil example of a general condition, our dehumanization and subjugation by elites through the weaponization of fear and the infiltration and subversion of democracy by the Fourth Reich.

     I call for the abolition of the Republican Party as an organization of treason and racist and sexual terror, the proscription of its members from holding or running for any public office, the nationalization of its assets, and the revocation of citizenship and exile of its members and representatives on the grounds that there are no conditions in which the rest of us will be safe if those who would enslave us are not purged from the herd.

      Perhaps Afghanistan will welcome them as refugees; Republican ideas about women and racial tribalism would fit right in with that of the Taliban, one ethnic theocratic group among many. Actually, I wonder if they are really the same people as the Taliban whom they resemble, and just trade their cowboy hats for wool Pakol berets when they fly back and forth. 

      Let them go elsewhere and enslave each other, but we must not allow them to enslave us.

     As I wrote in my post of July 22 2021, Systemic Failures of Unequal Power: the Case of Abortion; To an article in the Washington Post calling out the Texas abortion ban as a canary in the coal mine for legislating away our freedoms, I commented; “There is no freedom without that of bodily autonomy.”

    I received a reply; “There is no freedom without personal responsibility.” This claim was supported by references to abortion as demonic child sacrifice, somewhat beyond the scope of reasonable argument.

     Here is my refutation to ideas of personal responsibility:

     I do not believe in the idea of the innate depravity of man on which our legal system is based as an extension of the doctrine of original sin, or its formulation by Freud as a polymorphosly perverse human nature which must be controlled rather than celebrated and explored, all versions of the Talmudic concept of the yetzer hara, the evil impulse; humans without the restraining force of law do not devolve to atavisms of ruthless barbarism and become dehumanized, but instead become prosocial and mutually interdependent so long as power is not the only thing which has meaning nor fear and its children  force and control the only means of exchange.

     Nor do I believe in law and order; law serves power and order appropriates; chaos autonomizes.

     There is no just authority.

     I believe in history, and in justice as revolutionary struggle.

     I find the origins of evil not in an evil impulse to be controlled, but in the systems and structures of unequal power; hence responsibility is not personal but social and belongs to us all.

      Fear is a co-equal origin of evil, for it is overwhelming and generalized fear coupled with submission to authority which allows fear to be weaponized in service to power, through divisions of exclusionary otherness and elite membership and belonging. Hence arise fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, and the centralization of power and the immunity of authority in a totalitarian carceral state of force and control.

     There is no basis for trying anyone for a crime, when we should be seeking to redress the interdependent, relational, recursive, and holistically distributed causes of our failure which produced it.

     Crime is a symptom of the failure of social systems, not of the unfitness or degeneracy of individuals whose choices are the products of forces they are the victims of; clearly perpetrators share in the responsibility for their actions, though not exclusively. They are simply the last domino to fall in a cascade failure of unequal and unjust initial conditions, and we must change those conditions to restore the balance.

     Crime is an illness of unequal power. Perpetrators are also victims; this does not imply moral equivalence between victims and their abusers. We must heal the flaws of our humanity, rather than punish transgression which centralizes power to an authoritarian carceral state of prisons and police.

     It is not the perpetrator who must answer to us, but we who must answer for them.

     If the purpose of government is to secure those rights which we cannot secure for ourselves, then justice negotiates and guarantees that no person’s liberty infringes on that of any other.

     What are the realistic alternatives to the social use of force? Processes of healing and restorative justice provide models and solutions; therapy not punishment, schools and hospitals not prisons. We all bear sacred wounds which can open us to the pain of others, and it is how we respond to the brokenness of the world and to the flaws, wounds, and pain of others which defines us. We humans are beautiful not in spite of our flaws, but because of them. If a tribe comes together to meet the challenges of its members actions and consequences for the lives of others when they are signs of trauma and crisis or harmful to others, to engage in healing process and restore the balance of power, we become a social organism which can heal itself, without the social use of force or vilification.

     And we can bring the redemptive power of love as healing and revisioning to bear on the issues we face in the world which are more terrible still, and which will require a united front of diverse and unlike persons to find answers. Let us discover our best selves in our kindness to others.

     The question we must ask is not if a thing is good or evil, but why it exists.

     Abortion is a symptom of our failure to confront and dismantle patriarchy; it is a fracture point of a flawed system which acts to relieve pressure, avoid change, and maintain unequal and unjust elite hegemonic power. Change the balance of power, giving women full control of their sexuality, and equality of social agency in general, and much of the nonmedical need for abortion vanishes; a solution I much prefer to the tyranny and state terror of enforcing other people’s ideas of virtue.

     Patriarchy is a special form of faith weaponized in service to power, and male dominion and control over women looks to Abrahamic faith for an apologetics of tyranny.

     As I wrote in my post of March 4 2020, Supreme Court Hears Access to Abortion Case; A Louisiana law which requires a doctor to have admitting privileges in a hospital within 30 miles has been used to deny access to abortions, one of a whirlwind of such laws designed to transfer the rights of self-governance and bodily autonomy from women to the state and the Patriarchy.

     At stake here are issues affecting every American citizen and other persons within the boundaries of our law; freedom and dehumanization as a means of  enslavement, and our universal human right of access to healthcare as a precondition of our right to life.

     How can the Gideonite fundamentalists and atavistic forces of Patriarchy deny the right of bodily autonomy, the first of all rights of property, our right to choose our own use of that body which speaks to the definition of being human and to the fundamental rights of a citizen in a democracy as a voting co-owner of our government, on the basis of our right to life which derives both from our citizenship and our humanity as a natural condition, when the right of the mother to life precedes that of her fetus and renders her the sole medical authorizing party in any such matter?

     Only a woman’s right to choose her own destiny matters here, and no state or any other authority which operates in the place of a father or husband under the Patriarchal legal fiction of in loco parentis, nor the will or judgement of any other persons especially actual fathers and husbands, has any just role in a free society of equals; all else is slavery.

      If one abrogates the separation of church and state and claims Biblical authority as a justification for government policy, surely an act of hubris if not madness, on abortion and for a definition of life, life clearly begins with breath. 

     As William Tyndale wrote in his beautiful poetic reimagination of traditional sources published as the King James Bible; “And the Lord God formed man of the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life; and man became a living soul,” Genesis 2:7.

     This is reinforced elsewhere; “By the word of the LORD the heavens were made, And by the breath of His mouth all their host” Psalms 33:6. And again; “Thus saith the Lord God; Come from the four winds, O breath, and breathe upon these slain, that they may live. So I prophesied as he commanded me, and the breath came into them, and they lived,” Ezekiel 10.  And yet again; “If he should set his heart to it and gather to himself his spirit and his breath, all flesh would perish together, and man would return to dust,” Job 34: 14-15.

     Plus there’s the abortion method authorized in Numbers 5:11-31, the Ordeal of the Bitter Water, and the penalty for causing an abortion outside of this ritual such as by a violent blow, which is a fine paid to the woman’s husband because it is a crime against property or future economic benefit and not a crime against person as there is no life before breath or natural birth. Abrahamic faiths regard as human only those who have been ensouled at first breath upon being born; prior to birth we are not human but part of the mother’s body; a fetus has no rights other than hers. This is because Abrahamic faiths regard the body as an organic machine and not a person until it is animated with a soul.

     To argue that abortion is murder is to argue that there is no soul, that we are human prior to the animating breath of the Infinite, and that as mere beasts and organic machines each of our cells are individually sacrosanct and legally persons. Haircuts are murder in this absurd construction.

      Let us not mistake the purpose and intention of those who would seize women’s power of bodily autonomy as both a human being and a citizen; this has nothing to do with faith, and everything to do with power.

Find or Organize an event for October 18 No Kings Day

https://action.womensmarch.com/local?page=2

Together We Rise: Behind the Scenes at the Protest Heard Around the World,

Rowan Blanchard, Jamia Wilson (Contributor)

Women Who March  CNN documentary

https://www.cnn.com/interactive/2018/politics/women-who-march-the-movement/

October 2 2025 Seventh Anniversary of the Khashoggi Assassination, Martyr in the Sacred Calling of Journalism to Pursue the Truth

Seven years ago today the state of Saudi Arabia, its head of state Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and his criminal conspirators Saud al-Qahtani and Ahmed al-Assiri, assassinated the Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi to silence his sacred calling to pursue the truth and to give witness, a crime against humanity for which the show trial of his killers ended with implicit exoneration of its masterminds and the sacrifice of their pawns to avoid sanction for this horrific crime of state terror and tyranny.

     It is a crime in which America is complicit as a conspirator after the fact, though Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, and his minions and collaborators may well have known beforehand and abetted the murder of a journalist by their principal ally in the region, key to our global empire and hegemony of wealth, power, and privilege through partnership with Saudi Arabia in control of oil as a strategic resource and in the war in Yemen to counter the Iranian conquest of the Arabian Peninsula and dominion of the Middle East.

     Herein I signpost that the conflict between the Arab-American Alliance and the Iranian Dominion is coextensive, parallel, and interdependent with both of the two other major ongoing wars in this region and the world; the Gaza War and the Israeli-American genocide of the Palestinians and the imperial conquest and dominion to create a Greater Israel as, in Netanyahu’s words, “a Middle Eastern Sparta” which bears elements of the antique Sunni-Shia conflict as it pits the Arab-America Alliance versus Iran and her client states Iraq, Lebanon, and Yemen, and formerly Syria but we liberated her from Putin’s grasp, and the Third World War as Russia attempts to reclaim her former empire, Iran being Russia’s principal ally. From the Arab perspective, they fight a war of survival against a pincer movement to conquer the whole of the Arabian peninsula, hammered by Shia forces in Yemen and Lebanon, and they use both Israel and America as dogs of war.

     My first thought upon hearing of this assassination was that if I were an Iranian agent, I could think of nothing which might drive a wedge between America and Saudi Arabia more effectively than this; the violation of one of our last ideals combined with the political assassination of a man under our protection, living in America and working for our finest and most iconic institution of truth, The Washington Post.

     Because the assassination also spiked the Crown Prince’s social reforms and movement toward Westernization, it may as easily be attributed to reactionary forces within the Saudi kingdom, which once famously included al Qaeda.

     Though the geopolitics of this are interesting in terms of regional conflicts and the great game of empires between Iran and the Arab-American Alliance, what concerns me is more primary; the foundational necessity of a free press,  free speech, rights of dissent, and freedoms of information to the project of democracy as a free society of equals, and as a balance to the falsification and theft of the soul of propaganda and tyranny.

     Our world is a wilderness of mirrors, distorted funhouse images, rewritten histories, filled with surfaces which capture and reflect, in which the witness of history and the sacred calling to pursue the truth must be beyond the power of the state, the elite, or of anyone to silence and erase, or we become forgeries of ourselves and shadow puppets of authority. Our authenticity and uniqueness, our ownership of ourselves, is put at risk and in question by propaganda and thought control, repression of dissent, dehumanization, and subjugation.

     We need what Foucault called truth tellers, not merely as guarantors of our liberty, but also of our humanity and the inviolability of our souls.

    Of the silencing of dissent in service to the authority of the state and of the tyranny of force and control I have written often, for it touches upon the origins of evil and the centrality of fear, power, and force as an engine of violence, inhumanity, dehumanization, and the theft of the soul.

      Herein I find another purpose in defining the nature of truth, and of journalism as a sacred calling to pursue the truth. And this provides us with a yardstick against which to measure the legitimacy of the state; the test of a government is its transparency, its tolerance of dissent as a feature of democratic process, the degree to which it upholds freedom of speech and of access to information, and its reverence for objective and testable truth as a keystone of freedom. 

     As I wrote in my post of September 8 2020, A War of Truth and Lies for the Dominion of Humankind: the Khashoggi Murder Trial Ends, and With It the Legitimacy of the Saudi Dynasty; A farcical show trial attempts to obscure the brutality and arrogance of unjust power of the Saudi monarchy as its proxies destroy Yemen to deny Iran a fortress on the Arabian Peninsula and a port with which to interdict oil shipping to the West. That the beneficiaries of American imperialism have given tacit approval for the Saudi murder of Khashoggi is entirely due to the purpose of the Arab-American Alliance in protecting our hegemony of world power through control of oil as a strategic resource, without which any nation ceases to function. The same mutual interests of wealth and power now protect the Saudi regime of feudal aristocratic privilege, its head of state Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and his criminal conspirators Saud al-Qahtani and Ahmed al-Assiri. 

     In this one gruesome crime of murder and dismemberment to silence the sacred calling to discover truth the Saudi regime has revealed the lie at its heart; it serves its own wealth and power, and exploits and dehumanizes those who fall within its dominion rather than protecting them. As the protection of pilgrims as seekers of truth is the justification for its existence and hegemony of power over access to sacred sites, this reveals the falseness of its legitimacy and exposes their true nature as an aristocracy of state terror and crimes against humanity.

     They have lied; not to forge peace, nor as a ruse of war, nor to safeguard the amity of relations between husband and wife, the three canonical exceptions in Islam to the injunction to give truthful witness in all things, but to protect personal wealth and power and to escape responsibility for a horrific crime. 

    There are possible interpretations and constructions of the idea of the state under Islamic law and in a culture built on verbal contracts, in which a trial wherein the agents of unjust power, state terror, and murder are held responsible for the crimes of those who commanded them while the mighty escape justice is without force of law and abrogates the authority of the government and its leadership to act as the nation’s Head of Islam. This voids all treaties, subverts all authority to make laws and especially to operate courts, and frees all citizens from obligation to abide by its pronouncements and decrees.

     In Hadith 54, Truthfulness, as written by Al-Bukhaari (6094) and Muslim (2607), Abdullah ibn Mas’ud (may Allāh be pleased with him) gave this witness; “The Prophet ṣallallāhu ‘alayhi wa sallam (peace and blessings of Allāh be upon him) said, “Truthfulness leads to righteousness and righteousness leads to Paradise. A man will keep speaking the truth and striving to speak the truth until he will be recorded with Allāh as a siddeeq (speaker of the truth).”

      What interests me in this today is the ideology of Islam as the path of becoming a Speaker of the Truth; I think of its parallels with Socratic method on which democracy is founded as a means of questioning authority which reveals and discovers hidden truths through reason, of Foucault’s truthtelling as a development of parrhesia, and of the idea of journalism as a sacred calling in pursuit and witness of truth. To be a journalist, a whistleblower, or a citizen protesting and calling out injustice is to be a pilgrim, and all such pursuit and witness of truth is an absolute right and a sacred duty.

     In choosing the path of tyranny and evil perpetrated for personal gain rather than the path of mercy and compassion for others, the Saudi monarchy has sacrificed its purity of purpose and become an instrument of the evil impulse in the struggle between good and evil within and for the soul of humankind.

     As I wrote in my post of October 2 2019 Anniversary of the Martyrdom of Jamal Khashoggi, Champion of Truth and Freedom; The House of Saud claims the throne of Arabia on the basis of its historical protection of the Pilgrimage and its holy places; ask then, how have they respected the house of the Infinite, our bodies, in this? How does the silencing of dissent fulfill the commandment to the faithful to learn throughout one’s entire life, no matter the source or where it leads? Or honor the sacred contract of one’s words? How can we trust the words of those who would keep the words of others from us? In the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, the royalty of Saudi Arabia has discredited itself and its reign. 

     In the words of his fiancée Hatice Cengiz writing in Time; “I can see that the day Jamal was killed was not simply the murder of a journalist. It was also the murder of fundamental values: human rights, the international rule of law, the norms of diplomacy.”

    As I wrote in my post of July 16 2022, America Chooses Power Over Principle: Biden’s Fist Bump With Tyranny; Or, Toadying to Tyrants: a Song of America;    What is this human rights and democracy? Balanced against our hegemonies of elite wealth, power, and privilege, our systemic patriarchy and white supremacy, our global imperial dominion?

     Nothing, it seems, only the lies and illusions of those who would enslave us.

     What does this mean? First, that Biden may have handed the next election to Trump, or rendered the differences between them meaningless. Second, that in sacrificing the moral high ground for the wealth required to maintain the state, the man we chose as our President and entrusted with the Restoration of America may have just signaled its incipient fall and robbed our democracy of its meaning and value.

     Odd, that; normally it’s the enemies of the state who stage performances of its delegitimation and subversion, as I have many times as a maker of mischief for tyrants. Perhaps we should reconsider Biden’s true motives, purposes, and role in the Fourth Reich’s plans to enslave us all to a tyrannical carceral state which embodies violence, repression of dissent, and authorized version of the truth, of our history, and of ourselves.

     As the line spoken by the antifascist hero Lt Aldo Raine goes in Inglorious Basterds, “I can’t abide it. Can you abide it?”

     As written by Simon Tisdall in The Guardian, in an article entitled What was Joe Biden thinking when he fist-bumped the Saudi Crown prince?; “Biden came to office determined to take a firmer line with the strongmen and autocrats beloved by Donald Trump. He had a particular enmity towards Prince Mohammed, the ambitious 36-year-old who deposed his uncle to become next in line as king, waged a ruinous war in Yemen, and locked up or killed his critics.

     On the campaign trail, in the aftermath of the gruesome murder of dissident journalist Jamal Khashoggi, Biden vowed to make Saudi Arabia a “pariah state”. He has since refused to speak to the crown prince directly, liaising instead with his ailing father, King Salman. Shortly after arriving in the White House, Biden released US intelligence findings – suppressed by Trump – which concluded that Prince Mohammed approved the operation targeting the Washington Post journalist at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul.

     When the US president brought up Khashoggi with the de facto Saudi ruler on Friday, the prince reportedly hit back, accusing Washington of hypocrisy by not investigating the killing of Palestinian-American journalist Shireen Abu Aqleh, and for allowing the abuse of inmates at Iraq’s Abu Ghraib prison.

     Yet Riyadh has been one of Washington’s closest strategic partners for decades for a reason that no US president can ignore. Biden has heard the siren song of the kingdom’s vast oil reserves: the war in Ukraine has unleashed chaos in global oil markets, and he can no longer refuse the call.”

     For myself; this is far more simple and direct, for we are captives now of an allegory from the dawn of history, in Genesis 25:29-34, wherein our universal human rights as a birthright inherent to our humanity have been sold for us by our betrayer, as did Esau for a mess of pottage.

     America has abdicated its role as a guarantor of our universal human rights, which leaves the United Nations as a court of final appeal.  Here follows the PEN America letter to the United Nations which you may sign in the link below

    Dear Secretary-General Guterres,

     As writers, journalists, artists, and Members of PEN America and the Authors Guild, we write to express our grave concern about the apparent horrific murder of Jamal Khashoggi, the Saudi journalist, Washington Post contributor, and U.S. resident who disappeared in Istanbul on October 2 after entering the Saudi Arabian consulate. If true, the murder of a journalist inside a diplomatic facility would constitute nothing less than an act of state terror intended to intimidate journalists, dissidents, and exiled critics the world over. The United Nations has rightly recognized the importance of ensuring the safety of journalists and fighting impunity for those who attack them with the publication of the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity, endorsed in 2012. In the spirit of that initiative, we respectfully call on you to immediately authorize an independent, international investigation into Jamal Khashoggi’s disappearance and apparent murder. 

     Since his disappearance, Turkish authorities have claimed to have evidence suggesting that Jamal Khashoggi was brutally murdered and dismembered inside the consulate, and that the operation was likely carried out by a team including individuals very close to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, making it look extremely likely that the Crown Prince was behind Khashoggi’s assassination. After weeks of denying any involvement in his disappearance, on October 19 Saudi Arabia admitted that Khashoggi was killed inside the consulate, claiming his death was the result of a “fight” during attempts to detain him. Global leaders have responded to the details of this admission with significant skepticism. More recently, Saudi authorities have said the murder was “premeditated,” though the details and culpability remain unclear.

     The violent murder of a prominent journalist and commentator on foreign soil is a grave violation of human rights and a disturbing escalation of the crackdown on dissent in Saudi Arabia, whose government in recent years has jailed numerous writers, journalists, human rights advocates, and lawyers in a sweeping assault on free expression and association. It is also yet another data point in a global trend that has seen an increasing number of journalists imprisoned and murdered for their work. As writers and journalists ourselves, we fear the potential chilling effect of this trend, at a moment when the work of all those who would speak and expose the truth has never been more important.

     The UN Plan of Action states: “The safety of journalists and the struggle against impunity for their killers are essential to preserve the fundamental right to freedom of expression, guaranteed by Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,” and goes on to say that attacks on journalists “[deprive] society as a whole of their journalistic contribution and [result] in a wider impact on press freedom where a climate of intimidation and violence leads to self censorship.” It is imperative that the United Nations send a clear, unquestionable message that a human rights violation of this gravity will not go without consequence.

     We therefore respectfully call on you to immediately authorize an independent, international investigation into the murder of Jamal Khashoggi that would lay the groundwork for identifying and holding accountable the perpetrators of this grievous crime.”

Arabic

2 أكتوبر 2025  الذكرى الرابعة لاغتيال خاشقجي ، الشهيد في الدعوة المقدسة للسعي إلى الحقيقة

      قبل أربع سنوات ، اغتالت اليوم دولة السعودية ، رئيسها ولي العهد الأمير محمد بن سلمان ومتآمريه المجرمين سعود القحطاني وأحمد العسيري ، صحفي الواشنطن بوست جمال خاشقجي لإسكات دعوته المقدسة لمتابعة الحقيقة و للإدلاء بالشهادة ، وهي جريمة ضد الإنسانية انتهت من أجلها المحاكمة الصورية لقتله بتبرئة ضمنية من مدبريها والتضحية ببيادقهم لتجنب العقاب على هذه الجريمة المروعة المتمثلة في إرهاب الدولة واستبدادها.

     إنها جريمة تتواطأ فيها أمريكا كمتآمر بعد وقوعها ، على الرغم من أن مهرج الإرهاب ، الخائن ترامب وأتباعه والمتعاونين معه ربما يكونون قد عرفوا مسبقًا وحرضوا على قتل صحفي على يد حليفهم الرئيسي في المنطقة ، مفتاح إمبراطوريتنا العالمية وهيمنة الثروة والسلطة والامتياز من خلال الشراكة مع المملكة العربية السعودية في السيطرة على النفط كمورد استراتيجي وفي الحرب في اليمن لمواجهة الغزو الإيراني لشبه الجزيرة العربية والهيمنة على الشرق الأوسط.

أول ما خطر في بالي عندما سمعت بهذا الاغتيال هو أنني لو كنت عميلاً إيرانياً، فلن أستطيع التفكير في أي شيء قد يدق إسفيناً بين أمريكا والمملكة العربية السعودية بشكل أكثر فعالية من هذا؛ انتهاك أحد مُثُلنا الأخيرة جنبًا إلى جنب مع الاغتيال السياسي لرجل تحت حمايتنا، يعيش في أمريكا ويعمل في أرقى مؤسسات الحقيقة وأكثرها شهرة، واشنطن بوست.

     على الرغم من أن الجغرافيا السياسية لهذا الأمر مثيرة للاهتمام من حيث الصراعات الإقليمية واللعبة الكبرى للإمبراطوريات بين إيران والتحالف العربي الأمريكي ، فإن ما يقلقني هو أكثر أهمية ؛ الضرورة الأساسية للصحافة الحرة وحرية التعبير وحرية الإعلام لمشروع الديمقراطية كمجتمع حر متساوٍ ، وكتوازن لتزوير وسرقة روح الدعاية والاستبداد.

     عالمنا عبارة عن برية من المرايا ، وصور مسرحية مشوهة ، وتاريخ مُعاد كتابته ، مليء بالأسطح التي تلتقط وتعكس ، حيث يجب أن تكون شهادة التاريخ والدعوة المقدسة للسعي وراء الحقيقة خارجة عن سلطة الدولة ، أو النخبة ، أو من أي شخص أن يصمت ويمحو ، أو نصبح مزيفين لأنفسنا ودمى في الظل للسلطة. إن أصالتنا وتفردنا ، وملكيتنا لأنفسنا ، معرضة للخطر والتساؤل عن طريق الدعاية والتحكم في الفكر ، وقمع المعارضة ، ونزع الصفة الإنسانية ، والقهر.

     نحن بحاجة إلى ما أسماه فوكو بقول الحقيقة ، ليس فقط كضامنين لحريتنا ، ولكن أيضًا لإنسانيتنا وحرمة أرواحنا.

    عن إسكات المعارضة في خدمة سلطة الدولة واستبداد القوة والسيطرة الذي كتبته كثيرًا ، لأنه يمس أصول الشر ومركزية الخوف والسلطة والقوة كمحرك للعنف ، اللاإنسانية ونزع الصفة الإنسانية وسرقة الروح.

      هنا أجد هدفًا آخر في تعريف طبيعة الحقيقة ، والصحافة على أنها دعوة مقدسة للسعي وراء الحقيقة. وهذا يوفر لنا معيارًا نقيس على أساسه شرعية الدولة ؛ إن اختبار الحكومة هو شفافيتها ، وتسامحها مع المعارضة كميزة للعملية الديمقراطية ، ودرجة دعمها لحرية التعبير والوصول إلى المعلومات ، وتقديسها للحقيقة الموضوعية والقابلة للاختبار باعتبارها حجر الأساس للحرية.

     كما كتبت في مقالتي بتاريخ 8 سبتمبر 2020 ، حرب الحقيقة والأكاذيب للسيطرة على البشرية: انتهاء محاكمة خاشقجي ، ومعها تنتهي شرعية الأسرة السعودية ؛ تحاول محاكمة استعراضية هزلية التعتيم على وحشية وغطرسة السلطة الظالمة للمملكة السعودية ، حيث يقوم وكلائها بتدمير اليمن لحرمان إيران من حصن في شبه الجزيرة العربية وميناء لمنع شحن النفط إلى الغرب. إن منح المستفيدين من الإمبريالية الأمريكية موافقة ضمنية على مقتل خاشقجي السعودي يعود بالكامل إلى هدف التحالف العربي الأمريكي في حماية هيمنتنا على القوة العالمية من خلال السيطرة على النفط كمورد استراتيجي ، والذي بدونه تتوقف أي دولة عن القيام بذلك. وظيفة. نفس المصالح المتبادلة للثروة والسلطة الآن تحمي النظام السعودي ذي الامتياز الأرستقراطي الإقطاعي ، ورئيس الدولة ولي العهد الأمير محمد بن سلمان ومتآمريه المجرمين سعود القحطاني وأحمد العسيري.

     في جريمة القتل البشعة هذه وتقطيع الأوصال لإسكات الدعوة المقدسة لاكتشاف الحقيقة ، كشف النظام السعودي الكذب في قلبه. إنها تخدم ثروتها وسلطتها ، وتستغل وتجرد من يقعون في نطاق سيطرتها وتجردهم من الإنسانية بدلاً من حمايتهم. بما أن حماية الحجاج كباحثين عن الحقيقة هي تبرير لوجودها وهيمنتها على الوصول إلى الأماكن المقدسة ، فإن هذا يكشف زيف شرعيتها ويكشف طبيعتها الحقيقية كأرستقراطية لإرهاب الدولة والجرائم ضد الإنسانية.

     لقد كذبوا. عدم إقامة السلام ، ولا كخدعة للحرب ، ولا للحفاظ على صداقة العلاقات بين الزوج والزوجة ، والاستثناءات الكنسية الثلاثة في الإسلام للأمر بإعطاء شهادة صادقة في كل شيء ، ولكن لحماية الثروة الشخصية والسلطة و الهروب من المسؤولية عن جريمة مروعة.

    هناك تفسيرات وإنشاءات محتملة لـ i بعد وقت قصير من وصوله إلى البيت الأبيض ، أصدر بايدن نتائج المخابرات الأمريكية – التي قمعها ترامب – والتي خلصت إلى أن الأمير محمد وافق على العملية التي تستهدف صحفي واشنطن بوست في القنصلية السعودية في اسطنبول.

     عندما أثار الرئيس الأمريكي خاشقجي مع الحاكم السعودي الفعلي يوم الجمعة ، ورد أن الأمير رد ، متهما واشنطن بالنفاق بعدم التحقيق في مقتل الصحفية الفلسطينية الأمريكية شيرين أبو عقله ، والسماح بإساءة معاملة النزلاء في سجن أبو عقل. سجن غريب.

     مع ذلك ، كانت الرياض من أقرب الشركاء الاستراتيجيين لواشنطن منذ عقود لسبب لا يمكن لأي رئيس أمريكي تجاهله. سمع بايدن نغمة الإنذار لاحتياطيات النفط الهائلة في المملكة: لقد أطلقت الحرب في أوكرانيا العنان للفوضى في أسواق النفط العالمية ، ولم يعد بإمكانه رفض المكالمة “.

     لنفسي هذا أكثر بساطة ومباشرة ، لأننا الآن أسرى قصة رمزية منذ فجر التاريخ ، في تكوين 25: 29-34 ، حيث تم بيع حقوق الإنسان العالمية لدينا باعتبارها حقًا موروثًا متأصلًا في إنسانيتنا من قبل خائننا. ، كما فعل عيسو في فوضى الطهي.

The Dissident film trailer

No accountability 5 years after Jamal Khashoggi’s murder

https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/world/no-accountability-5-years-after-jamal-khashoggi-s-murder/vi-AA1hBjIY?ocid=socialshare

Killing Khashoggi: How a Brutal Saudi Hit Job Unfolded/ New York TImes

Timeline of the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/2/26/timeline-of-the-murder-of-journalist-jamal-khashoggi

Inglorious Basterds final scene I Can’t Abide it

The Killing in the Consulate, by Jonathan Rugman

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/51118424-the-killing-in-the-consulate

Say Your Word, Then Leave: The Assassination of Jamal Khashoggi and the Power of the Truth, Karen Attiah

The True Story of Riad Khashoggi – Rebel Sheikh: Based on the Memoirs of Riad Khashoggi, Brother of Jamal Khashoggi, Delaney Alan

ADD YOUR NAME: JOIN 100 WRITERS, JOURNALISTS, ARTISTS, AND ACTIVISTS IN CALLING ON THE UNITED NATIONS TO INVESTIGATE THE MURDER OF JAMAL KHASHOGGI

https://pen.org/justice-for-jamal/

https://www.theguardian.com/film/2021/mar/05/the-dissident-review-jamal-khashoggi-saudi-author-murder-documentary?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/books/2019/nov/10/killing-in-the-consulate-jonathan-rugman-review-jamal-khashoggi?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2022/jul/16/oil-trumps-human-rights-as-biden-forced-to-compromise-in-middle-east?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/jul/15/saudi-arabia-exiles-dissidents-biden-crown-prince?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/the-saudi-sentences-in-jamal-khashoggis-murder-case-are-a-mockery-of-justice?

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/oct/02/aftershocks-from-jamal-khashoggis-still-shake-the-middle-east

https://www.cnn.com/2021/02/26/politics/biden-administration-khashoggi-report/index.html?fbclid=IwAR3REMhrjHv7D6dejA4VWBtIBfBwEW4dLueDAlwLe5d1hkcszDQLLVKPCVI

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/oct/10/alleged-saudi-hit-squad-linked-to-jamal-khashoggi-disappearance

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/nov/04/saudi-arabia-mass-arrests-of-dissidents-and-torture-allegations-continue

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/nov/19/saudi-accounts-emerge-of-ritz-carlton-night-of-the-beating

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/feb/06/saudi-arabia-using-secret-court-to-silence-dissent-amnesty-finds

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/05/washington-urges-riyadh-to-end-military-crackdown-in-sudan

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/jan/31/iran-saudi-arabia-joe-biden-cooperation

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/dec/23/jamal-khashoggi-timeline-of-key-events

2 أكتوبر 2021 ذكرى اغتيال خاشقجي

      قبل ثلاث سنوات ، اغتالت اليوم المملكة العربية السعودية ، رئيس دولتها ولي العهد الأمير محمد بن سلمان ومتآمريه المجرمين سعود القحطاني وأحمد العسيري ، صحفي الواشنطن بوست جمال خاشقجي لإسكات دعوته المقدسة لمتابعة الحقيقة و للإدلاء بالشهادة ، وهي جريمة ضد الإنسانية انتهت من أجلها المحاكمة الصورية لقتله بتبرئة ضمنية من مدبريها والتضحية ببيادقهم لتجنب العقاب على هذه الجريمة المروعة المتمثلة في إرهاب الدولة واستبدادها.

     إنها جريمة تتواطأ فيها أمريكا كمتآمر بعد وقوعها ، على الرغم من أن مهرجنا من الإرهاب ، الخائن ترامب ، وأتباعه والمتعاونين معه ربما يكونون قد عرفوا مسبقًا وحرضوا على قتل صحفي على يد حليفهم الرئيسي في المنطقة ، مفتاح إمبراطوريتنا العالمية وهيمنة الثروة والسلطة والامتياز من خلال الشراكة مع المملكة العربية السعودية في السيطرة على النفط كمورد استراتيجي وفي الحرب في اليمن لمواجهة الغزو الإيراني لشبه الجزيرة العربية والهيمنة على الشرق الأوسط.

     على الرغم من أن الجغرافيا السياسية لهذا الأمر مثيرة للاهتمام من حيث الصراعات الإقليمية ولعبة الإمبراطوريات الكبرى بين إيران والتحالف العربي الأمريكي ، فإن ما يقلقني هو أكثر أهمية ؛ الضرورة الأساسية للصحافة الحرة وحرية التعبير وحرية الإعلام لمشروع الديمقراطية كمجتمع حر متساوٍ ، وكتوازن لتزوير وسرقة روح الدعاية والاستبداد.

     عالمنا عبارة عن برية من المرايا ، وصور مسرحية مشوهة ، وتاريخ معاد كتابته ، مليء بالأسطح التي تلتقطها وتعكسها ، حيث يجب أن تكون شهادة التاريخ والدعوة المقدسة لمتابعة الحقيقة خارجة عن سلطة الدولة ، أو النخبة ، أو من أي شخص أن يصمت ويمحو ، أو نصبح مزيفين لأنفسنا ودمى في الظل للسلطة. إن أصالتنا وتفردنا ، وملكيتنا لأنفسنا ، معرضة للخطر والتساؤل عن طريق الدعاية والتحكم في الفكر ، وقمع المعارضة ، ونزع الصفة الإنسانية ، والقهر.

     نحن بحاجة إلى ما أسماه فوكو بقول الحقيقة ، ليس فقط كضامنين لحريتنا ، ولكن أيضًا لإنسانيتنا وحرمة أرواحنا.

https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/the-saudi-sentences-in-jamal-khashoggis-murder-case-are-a-mockery-of-justice?

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/oct/02/aftershocks-from-jamal-khashoggis-still-shake-the-middle-east

October 1 2025 Trump Stages His Own Ritual Humiliation: His Reprise of Hitler’s 1934 Imposition of the Fuhrer Oath On the Armed Forces Finds No Applause From Its Officers

      Preening and fussing with his signature orange stage makeup and the overcomb of his wretched failing coif, fake blonde as the rest of him is fake, Our Clown of Terror dreamed of re-enacting his role model Hitler’s 1934 imposition of the Fuhrer Oath, which changed the oath of the armed forces from one to a constitution to a personal and absolute allegiance to himself.

     Waddling onstage after Hegseth the Horrible attempted to warm up the audience with a rousing prayer to the White Christ and some unintelligible babble about a race and gender war and loosing the military against dissenters as forces of occupation, Trump was immediately unnerved by the total silence of the assembled officers. He blustered, threatened their jobs if they walked out, and declaimed his usual rambling diatribes, vulgarities, terroristic and white supremacist threats, and nonsense.

      No one clapped, no one cheered, no one bore him aloft on their shoulders as a champion of white privilege and the armed forces as its enforcer. He sputtered, mumbled like a deranged hobo at invisible boogeymen, and wandered away like a deflated and lost figment of macho tyranny that never was.

     On this day the tide of fascism may have turned.  

     It was glorious, the Silence of the Generals.

      Trump has no ravenous brutal hordes to unleash upon us all, with which to enforce our obedience and subjugation to his loathsome fascist regime, and his fantasies of military occupation of our cities in repression of dissent and resistance to his ICE white supremacist terror force and the ongoing campaign of ethnic cleansing can not become real, and this is because the one sector of society any tyrant must rule through has remained loyal to their oaths to the Constitution and to the idea of America as a democracy in which all citizens are equal under the law and co-owners of the state, and refused to be turned against civil society and enact the Fall of America.

     The significance of this victory cannot be overstated.

      America remains a Band of Brothers, guarantors of each others rights who leave no one behind and abandon not their fellows, and cannot be divided against each other.

       This, this, this.

       The loyalty of the Armed Forces may have just saved America, democracy, our rights as citizens and our parallel and interdependent universal human rights, presaged the Restoration of America and averted the Age of Tyrants and some eight centuries of global wars of imperial conquest and dominion fought with weapons of unimaginable horror and ending with human extinction.

     Nothing of this did I foresee, not in thousands of iterations of possible futures and alternate realities which I have lived, gamed out, and tested for chances of human survival relentlessly, in over sixty five years since I first realized our peril in a moment of consciousness outside of time as I lay Most Sincerely Dead in my mothers arms at Bloody Thursday, March 15 1969 People’s Park Berkeley, and beheld in a vision our myriad possible futures and the darkness which gathers to consume us.

      Every time we reach the Fuhrer Oath and Night of the Long Knives gates of possible futures, civil war engulfs America and we become a totalitarian empire of theocratic patriarchal sexual terror and white supremacist terror. Every time. But fortunately, something else happened instead.

      In so many wonderful and terrible ways, there is nothing more priceless in life than surprise.

     Here follows my initial reaction to the news of the summoning of the officers to a general meeting by Hegseth.

    When a boss with a fragile grip on his street enforcers calls for a sit down with everybody, you dont go unless you have leverage on him and maybe a guy in his crew who can take him out. If I went to such, it would be to stage a coup.

     This is a loyalty test, at worst Night of the Long Knives stuff. At best, some will subjugate themselves, some will be fired, and our military will be seized by a tyranny.

     Hegseth and Trump want to subvert and subjugate our military, so they can do the same to all of us. Trump intends to send them to occupy our cities and enforce obedience to his regime.

     Unique to America has been our armed forces, apolitical and sworn to the Constitution and not to a regime or a tyrant. If we lose this, America is fallen.

      This I wrote in reply to an article by someone far more optimistic than I who called this outcome correctly, speaking from a perspective within the culture of our military which is opaque to outsiders, Lt. Gen. Mark Hertling (Ret.), former  commander of U.S. Army Europe from 2011 to 2012. He also commanded 1st Armored Division in Germany and Multinational Division-North during the surge in Iraq from 2007 to 2009.    

     As he has written in The Bulwark, in an article entitled What to Expect at the Meeting of the Generals: This is not the kind of military audience Trump has addressed before; “ONE OF THE MOST CRITICAL ATTRIBUTES of any senior military leader is the ability to adapt. In combat, conditions change by the hour. The fog of war, the unexpected actions of an enemy, or the friction of weather, terrain, and myriad human factors all demand leaders who can adjust without losing sight of their mission and their values. The best generals and admirals know this because they’ve practiced it for years, and they have spent their careers either adapting or preparing to adapt—not only on the battlefield but in every professional setting.

     That ability has been tested the last several days, as hundreds of flag officers—generals and admirals serving around the globe—have been ordered, along with their senior enlisted advisors, to travel from their duty stations to Quantico to hear tomorrow from Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, and now, it was announced on Sunday, from President Donald Trump himself.

     How have they adapted? Well, at first, Tuesday’s gathering was billed as a seminar delivered by Secretary Hegseth on his views regarding the “warrior ethos,” a phrase he frequently invokes. But the officers and senior enlisted personnel who will gather in that room are already deeply familiar with that subject. The military ethos is not a slogan. It is a part of the professional culture built on four enduring elements: the oath to the Constitution, the various services’ values and creeds, and the four elements of the warrior ethos (I will always place the mission first. I will never accept defeat. I will never quit.

I will never leave a fallen comrade). Every officer and each enlisted person learns these norms from basic training or their first days at a service academy. Together, these elements are the base that reinforce the idea that service members fight not for party or president, but for the nation and its people, their units and their comrades.

     Later, anonymous voices from within the Pentagon described Hegseth’s real plans for this one-hour session in more grandiose terms: “It’s about getting the horses into the stable and whipping them into shape.” He reportedly wanted to read them what he expected of them, as though the warrior ethos were a groundbreaking innovation rather than the strength of the American military. That phrase—taking them to the stables—is more befitting a cowboy movie than a national security meeting, and it truthfully sparked unease among those who have actually led soldiers into combat over the last twenty years.

     It appears that when the event increasingly became a lightning rod over its staggering costs, the security risks of gathering every senior commander in one place, and the disruption to ongoing missions worldwide, the White House escalated it on Sunday. The president decided he too must speak to “his” generals. (I leave it to others to speculate whether having Trump address this audience was the plan all along.)

     I’ve watched President Trump address military audiences in the past. At the West Point graduation of the Class of 2025, cadets were reminded before the ceremony that they must remember their professional responsibilities while the president addressed them: remain disciplined, show no political bias, watch body language and facial expressions during the speech. I was seated facing the graduates, and they did exactly as I would expect them to do as new lieutenants. Even as the president veered into insulting the policies of past administrations, mocking former President Biden, and boasting about a rich friend’s “trophy wife,” the cadets kept their composure. Freshly commissioned second lieutenants, on the brink of careers of service, knew their duty was to project professionalism no matter what swirled around them. They showed they could adapt.

     The cadets were likely reminded to uphold their professional standards because of what Americans had seen a few weeks earlier. At Fort Bragg, Trump spoke to a carefully selected crowd of supportive young soldiers corralled into a televised backdrop. Their cheering and hooting, while wearing a uniform, violated both the professional creed and the Uniform Code of Military Justice. It was a troubling scene: indiscipline wrapped in partisan theater. Their actions harmed the reputation of the Army.

     This Tuesday’s audience will be different. These are not impressionable cadets or supporting soldiers who volunteer to be a backdrop. These are generals and admirals who have led troops into battle, commanded multinational alliances, and spent their professional careers steeped in the apolitical traditions of military service.

     I know many of these men and women. They are not an easy crowd to play to. Per protocol, they will be called to attention when the secretary and the president enter the auditorium, and they will assume that position again when their superiors leave. They will offer polite applause, but nothing more. Just like the Chiefs of Staff at the State of the Union address, they will not cheer for politics. That’s because they serve the Constitution. Their silence is not weakness—it is discipline, the kind of discipline that has carried them through war and loss. I believe they will maintain that silence and their poker faces; that is what I would do if in the audience. And those actions will speak volumes.

     If the president tries the same kind of speech he gave last week at the United Nations—veering into self-congratulation, derision of allies, and ridicule of adversaries in ways that play to a domestic political audience—the alarm inside that room will likely grow more palpable. These officers have sat across from NATO counterparts, briefed coalition partners in the Indo-Pacific, and negotiated with allies whose trust in America is essential. They will hear such rhetoric not as showmanship but as recklessness.

     What should Americans prepare to see when they watch this event? I hope it is our senior officers showing they know how to adapt to any environment, even this one, by falling back on the real ethos and values that guides their every action. I hope they will not become props or pawns. And I hope the loudest message they send is no message at all—only that they have the quiet, disciplined silence of professionals who know their oath is to the Constitution, not to a man.” 

      Brent Molnar described what happened on his Face Book page this way; “Quantico’s Verdict: Trump Meets the Sound of His Own Failure…

     Donald Trump strode into Quantico imagining a coronation. What he got was a tomb of silence. He expected the room to rise on cue. Instead, he met generals whose stillness spoke louder than any chant or clap ever could.

     From the very start, the tension was unbearable. “I’ve never walked into a room so silent before,” he confessed, his voice cracking under the weight of the quiet. Then came the pleading line: “If you want to applaud, you applaud.” That wasn’t authority speaking. It was the insecurity of a performer desperate to be carried by the crowd.

     What followed was no strategy session. It was Trump’s greatest hits of grievance politics. Obama wrecked the nation. Biden made it worse. Only Trump, imagining himself a president without limits, could restore greatness. It wasn’t a briefing. It was bad television with the volume turned down.

     The brass stayed unmoved. These are people who have stood under fire, written letters to grieving families, and buried their own. They’ve faced artillery with more composure than they offered Trump. Their silence was the judgment.

Then came Pete Hegseth, Trump’s self-styled “Secretary of War.” He thundered about “fat generals,” called for wars staged like reruns of Desert Storm, and waved scripture as though it were a battle plan. His act ended not in policy but in prayer, dragging the nation’s highest commanders into a forced revival meeting.

     In that instant, the Pentagon was reduced to a prop. Sacred duty blurred into spectacle. The wall between church and state dissolved into Trump’s ego, and the generals became unwilling extras in his pageant.

     Trump brags endlessly about sacking generals who “aren’t warriors.” But at Quantico, the only shot fired was silence. No applause. No nods. No polite acknowledgment. Just the hum of contempt that filled the room like static.

This was not a slip. It was an x-ray. Trump’s whole act depends on an audience. When the applause dries up, so does the illusion of power. At Quantico, the clapping machine broke, and he was stripped bare by the quiet.

     The military is far from flawless, but on this day they stood for something larger. They showed that silence can slice sharper than a jeer and stillness can hit harder than protest.

     Hegseth revealed himself as the zealot-in-chief, mistaking prophecy for orders. Trump exposed himself as the applause-addict-in-chief, lost without his audience. Together they offered only a cocktail of ego and extremism. The generals poured it back into the void.

     Quantico should not be filed away as an awkward meeting. It was a reckoning. Trump arrived demanding adoration. What he got was contempt. And that contempt, carried in silence, told more truth than all the screaming rallies he’s ever staged.”

     As described by Jown Olive on her Face Book page; “Unfortunately it’s not satire.

     Donald Trump walked into Quantico Tuesday expecting a rally. He got a funeral.

     The generals sat in perfect silence, faces locked in the kind of grim stillness that comes from years of watching idiots talk and choosing not to react. Trump, of course, couldn’t handle it. “I’ve never walked into a room so silent before,” he confessed, his voice trembling somewhere between wounded pride and panic. Then came the kicker: “If you want to applaud, you applaud.”

     This wasn’t leadership. This was a washed-up Vegas act begging the crowd to clap. The Commander-in-Chief turned into the Clapper-in-Chief, reduced to prodding the nation’s top brass like a sad carnival barker who forgot his punchline.

     A campaign rally in uniform.

     Instead of strategy, Trump delivered his usual medley of grievances: Barack Obama ruined everything, Joe Biden ruined it twice as hard, and only Donald J. Trump, self-proclaimed “two-term, maybe three-term president” could save America. It was less a military briefing than an episode of The Apprentice: Pentagon Edition.

     The generals, trained to withstand battlefield chaos, sat stone-faced through the barrage of nonsense. They have endured artillery fire with more enthusiasm.

     Enter Pete Hegseth, America’s Pastor-in-Arms. Trump’s “Secretary of War” took the podium with the intensity of a man who thinks Tom Clancy novels are actual military doctrine. He promised “fire and brimstone,” called for purges of “fat generals,” and announced he wants the next war to look exactly like the Gulf War, because apparently it’s still 1991 and CNN is running that same grainy footage of tanks in the desert.

     But Hegseth wasn’t done. He led them in prayer. Yes, prayer. The nation’s top generals, summoned by presidential ego, now folded into a forced altar call like extras at a megachurch revival. The separation of church and state? Obliterated. Constitution? Shredded. Jesus, apparently, is now Commander-in-Chief. Trump can play Vice.

     Weakness on parade

     Trump likes to brag about firing generals who “aren’t warriors.” But on Tuesday, the real firing squad was silence. Not one clap. Not one cheer. Just the steady hum of contempt vibrating off the brass like feedback from a dead microphone.

     These men and women have seen actual combat. They’ve buried soldiers. They’ve lived with the weight of real command. And now they’re expected to cheer for a man who brags about moving “a submarine or two” like it’s a toy in a bathtub, or who lectures about “two N-words” as though nuclear strategy were a stand-up routine.

     No wonder they didn’t clap.

    The pin-drop presidency

     What happened at Quantico wasn’t just awkward. It was diagnostic. Trump’s presidency is a hollow shell propped up by applause, and when the applause disappears, so does he.

     And Hegseth? He’s the zealot-in-chief, delivering sermons about war and Christ in equal measure, a man confusing the Book of Revelation with the Pentagon’s operations manual. Together, they make quite the duo: one desperate for claps, the other desperate for amens.

     The generals gave them neither.

     Instead, they gave silence, the most cutting judgment of all.” ~ Michael Jochum”

     What does this mean?

     As written by Moira Donegan in The Guardian, in an article entitled What do Trump and Hegseth’s inflammatory speeches to military generals signal? The Trump administration evidently seeks to transform the US military into a partisan tool of the president’s regime; “Shortly after Pete Hegseth, Donald Trump’s defense secretary, summoned all the military’s generals to Quantico, Virginia, from their positions around the world in an unusual demand for an in-person assembly, Ben Hodges, a retired general, took to social media to evoke a bit of history. “July 1935,” Hodges said. “German generals were called to a surprise assembly in Berlin and informed that their previous oath to the Weiman constitution was void and that they would be required to swear a personal oath to the Führer. Most generals took the new oath to keep their positions.” Hegseth’s account replied to Hodges post: “Cool story, General”.

     Yet when the meeting finally happened on Tuesday morning, the army generals and navy admirals were treated to a 45-minute speech by Hegseth, followed by a rambling, hour-long address by Trump, which confirmed at least some of what Hodges seemed to fear. The defense secretary emphasized the army’s appearance, decrying “fat troops” and “fat generals and admirals in the halls of the Pentagon”, and signaled his intent to reshape the military’s culture so as to purge “wokeness” and evoke a more masculine image. “No more identity months, DEI offices, dudes in dresses,” he said. “No more division, distraction and gender delusions. No more debris. As I’ve said before, and will say again: We are done. With that. Shit.” The military, Hegseth suggested, would become an advertisement for the Trump regime’s preferred cultural style, and this transformation will evidently involve many changes to what the armed forces look like when they are photographed.

     To this end, Hegseth announced that he would also be eliminating or drastically curtailing the equal opportunity, whistleblower, inspector general and complaint procedures that allow military personnel to report harassment and misconduct. The changes seemed designed to particularly roll back efforts undertaken over the course of the 2010s to reduce sexual assault in the military and end its impunity.

     “No more frivolous complaints, no more repeat complaints, no more anonymous complaints, no more smearing reputations,” Hegseth, who settled a lawsuit brought by a woman who accused him of sexual assault in 2020, said. (The settlement terms are confidential. Hegseth has said the allegations were false). “No more walking on eggshells.” One former official, speaking on the condition of anonymity, told CNN: “I think what this is, is people are sick and tired of not being able to make inappropriate or sexually explicit jokes at the staff meetings.” Hegseth, it seems, is committed to restoring this treasured freedom.

     Hegseth similarly declared that he would be changing procedures that have allowed the military to be more diverse – such as eliminating special permissions for soldiers to grow beards, frequently used by Black soldiers, and raising physical fitness standards for specialized, often high-pay and high-status combat roles to what Hegseth seemed to believe is a threshold only men will meet. Hegseth, who has opposed women serving in combat roles, said that candidates for such jobs will be held to the “highest male standard”, which he also said was “gender neutral”. “If that means no women qualify for some combat jobs, so be it,” Hegseth said. “That is not the intent,” he added, questionably. “But it could be the result.”

     As for the officers themselves, a group which included several Black men and women of various races, Hegseth seemed to offer what he evidently thought was a flattering assessment of their masculine violence and virility. “You kill people and break things for a living,” Hegseth said to the assembled generals. “You are not politically correct and do not necessarily belong always in polite society.” The speech was repetitive and heavy on moments of self-conscious macho posturing. “To our enemies,” Hegseth said at one point “FAFO” – or, fuck around and find out. The defense secretary paused, seeming to wait for applause, but nobody clapped.

     Trump, meanwhile, also signaled that he seeks to transform the military into a partisan tool of his regime, repeatedly telling the assembled leaders that they would be tasked with missions targeting Americans. “America is under invasion from within,” the president said. “We’re under invasion from within. No different than a foreign enemy, but more difficult in many ways because they don’t wear uniforms. At least when they’re wearing a uniform you can take them out. It’s war from within.” Trump, who just days ago deployed 200 national guard troops to Portland, Oregon, with orders to use “full force, if necessary” offered that he had instructed Hegseth to use American cities as “training grounds”.

     At other times, Trump meandered, as he often does, into off-script comments that were difficult to parse. “But they’re not going to stand in our way, ever again,” Trump said. “You’re not going to see four years like we had with Biden and that group of incompetent people that ran that should have never been there. Because we have the United States military, the best, the boldest, the bravest, that the world has ever seen, that the world has ever known.”

     Trump, like Hegseth, sometimes paused, seeming to expect the generals to clap or laugh. But the laughs were not forthcoming; the military audience was largely silent.

     There is something pathetic about Hegseth and Trump, who have schemed and failed their way into positions of power and prestige that are comically outsized to their character. It is telling that Hegseth is so preoccupied with making the military into a photogenic spectacle of masculine strength – an anxious fixation on surface and spectacle that only highlights the US’s declining influence abroad.

     It is telling, too, that Trump can barely string sentences together, appearing distracted, sleepy, and barely coherent as he tells the armed forces to train their guns on his own people. There is no pretext that can sustain the delusion that these are serious people, or that their instructions to the military come from any motive other than their own desire for narcissistic gratification.

     They do not want to be strong to pursue the nation’s interests; they do not want to be strong to pursue any principles; they certainly do not want to be strong so that they can ensure the safety of the innocent. They want to be strong so that they can look big and important on TV. And for that, they flew the generals in from around the world, at tremendous taxpayer expense, to force them to sit as a captive audience for a pair of speeches that sounded like poor imitations of an action movie monologue.

     But as Hodges suggested, the ostentatious idiocy of these men does not mean that the generals and admirals assembled will not follow their orders. These military leaders have received the signal that their troops are to become whiter and more male; they have received the instruction that their next missions will involve suppressing domestic dissent. They have a choice between following their orders and keeping their jobs, or following an abstract set of principles, and leaving them. Most of them will choose the former.

     The US military, for all its wreckage and violence it imposes abroad and for all the cruelty and exploitation of the poor that it inflicts at home, has one consistent virtue: it has always been under quite firm civilian control. Most of the time, that’s a good thing.”

    Herein the last word on the meaning of this pathetic and ominous event belongs to the always brilliant and insightful anthropologist James Greenberg, writing in his Face Book page; “I watched the CBS coverage in stunned silence. Trump stood before a room of military officers, invoking “the enemy within” and proposing that American cities be repurposed as training grounds for domestic combat. The words weren’t metaphorical. They were operational. And as they landed, I recoiled—not only in horror, but in a deeper, more disorienting sadness. Is this where we’re going?

     It wasn’t just the rhetoric. It was the reclassification: dissent reframed as insurgency, cities recoded as battlegrounds, the military recast from a steward of defense into an instrument of internal enforcement. The structural shift was not subtle. It signaled a collapse of civic motifs that once marked the boundary between politics and war.

     Trump’s recent language points toward a model of governance that treats dissent as insurgency. His definition of the “enemy within” is intentionally vague, shifting from day to day depending on who stands in his way. At times it is Democratic leaders like Adam Schiff or Nancy Pelosi, at times city governments, and at other moments judges, bureaucrats, or journalists. The category shifts by design. Its vagueness is the source of its usefulness.

     In anthropology, words are not just descriptions. They are practices that shape reality. To call someone an “enemy within” is to reclassify them. It redraws the boundary of belonging, transforming neighbors into adversaries and dissent into betrayal. This is cultural work carried out through language, and its effect is to redefine citizenship itself.

     At Quantico, speaking to military officers, Trump warned that “the enemy from within” would be their responsibility to confront. The remark was deliberate, meant as a signal. By invoking a domestic “enemy,” he collapsed the civic frame of politics into the military frame of war. Opposition was no longer disagreement among citizens but a threat to be suppressed.

    Ambiguity has a purpose. It allows him to raise the specter of treason without proof. It creates a climate of fear where loyalty is constantly tested. It recalls McCarthy-era tactics, though now suspicion can be converted into action almost instantly through executive orders and mass media. From an anthropological view, this is a ritual of exclusion: vague accusations become a means of producing solidarity among insiders while pushing others to the margins.

     The consequences extend beyond rhetoric. Trump has floated renaming the Department of Defense as the Department of War, a symbolic shift that reimagines the military’s purpose. He has proposed using the National Guard in cities without state consent. He has signed orders creating rapid deployment forces for “civil disturbances.” Institutions are not neutral machines. They are cultural systems. Changing their names, missions, and rituals alters their meaning and reshapes what they exist to do.

     The label “radical left” plays a similar role. It collapses ideological diversity into a single enemy category. Democrats, activists, journalists, academics, and entertainers can all be branded as “radical.” When a label can stretch to fit nearly anyone, it ceases to describe and becomes a threat in itself.

     Antifa follows the same script. A decentralized movement with no central leadership has been redefined by executive order as a terrorist organization, even though U.S. law has no such category for domestic groups. The designation was never about dismantling an organization. It created a precedent that protest itself can be treated as terrorism. From a necropolitical perspective, it marks groups as disposable, stripping them of protection and exposing them to state violence.

     Together, these terms — “enemy within,” “radical left,” and “Antifa” — reshape civic life. Protest is cast as insurgency, dissent as treason, cities as combat zones, and citizens as suspects. The vagueness of the language makes it possible to bypass the safeguards of law. It prepares the ground for violence by recoding opposition as a threat to the body politic.

     Trump’s allies have reinforced this drift. Pete Hegseth, his close advisor and defense nominee, has promised to remake the armed forces around “warrior culture.” Diversity and inclusion would be scrapped, protections against toxic leadership weakened, and disciplinary oversight loosened. Rebranding the Pentagon as the Department of War is more than administrative tinkering. It is cultural reprogramming. The military is recast from a steward of defense into an instrument of domestic enforcement, with loyalty redirected from the Constitution to the executive.

     Rallies operate in the same way. Chants replace debate, symbols substitute for argument, and repetition binds followers into a moral community defined against outsiders. In this ritual space, Trump’s words do not merely describe but enact a new order: one in which dissent is treated as heresy and loyalty as devotion. Anthropology reminds us that politics often relies on ritual to produce cohesion, and Trump has turned rallies into ceremonies of belonging and exclusion.

     The strategy is plain. Through ambiguous language, altered institutions, ritualized displays of loyalty, and necropolitical designations that mark opponents as expendable, Trump is reshaping both the role of the military and the meaning of citizenship. The protections of law are treated as obstacles to be worked around. Civilian rule is worn away through redefinition.

     This is how preparations for military dictatorship take shape. They emerge through language that reclassifies, institutions that are renamed and repurposed, rituals that bind followers, and the marking of neighbors as disposable. Democracy falters when categories of belonging are narrowed, when opposition is treated as insurgency, and when the state claims the power to decide who lives securely and who lives under threat.”

What to Expect at the Meeting of the Generals

Brent Molnar, Voice of Reason

https://www.facebook.com/BrentMolnarVoiceOfReason/subscribe/

Joan Olive

https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=100009193689904

What do Trump and Hegseth’s inflammatory speeches to military generals signal? Moira Donegan

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/oct/01/trump-hegseth-speeches-military-generals

James Greenberg

https://www.facebook.com/james.greenberg.5

No more ‘woke’ in the US military: key takeaways from Pete Hegseth’s speech

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/sep/30/pete-hegseth-speech-takeaways?fbclid=IwY2xjawNKQzpleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHvypHq8bxDwrilAD-olxYEsIz8ZmBpNdr2PQqlLXLk7lefZz04r_uPFtEfJe_aem_HKQGGLpr1npCPXD3uF6KAQ

Veterans react to Hegseth’s ‘insulting’ address to generals and admirals

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/oct/01/pete-hegseth-generals-speech-veterans-react

September 30 2025 60th Anniversary of the CIA’s Jakarta Method of Imperial Conquest and Dominion, the 1965 Indonesian AntiCommunist Purge, and the Coup That Began America’s Suharto Puppet Regime

     In a monstrous reflection of the CIA’s parallel Operation Condor throughout Latin America and the coup in Chile that replaced Allende with Pinochet, on this day sixty years ago the CIA launched its loathsome Jakarta Method of imperial conquest and dominion in an inaugural coup of our puppet tyrant Suharto in the Indonesian AntiCommunist Purge.

      It is a history which is now being rewritten by Suharto’s former son in law and key ally, Prabowo, elected just last year to restore Suharto’s kleptocratic and terrorist regime.

     This is a signal identifier of tyranny; the rewriting of history, the replacement of truths and the witness of history with lies and illusions, misdirection and red herrings, authorized identities and alternate realities, strategies of tyranny and state terror and of the subversion of democracy and theft of the soul we should all be familiar with from the ridiculous and horrific crimes and propaganda of the Trump regime and his infamous Tongue of Lies, instrument of the demon he worships Moloch the Deceiver.

     Like Trump now deploys the lie that Antifascists are responsible for the crimes of his white supremacist terror force ICE among his many lies in service to power and the manufacture of consent for a police state, the Occupation of our cities, and the theft of meaningful citizenship, Prabowo now deploys an authorized version of national history and identity, so very like the Mayflower story Trump used to falsify the 1619 hypothesis and the history of slavery in America, as silence and erasure of the people of Indonesia’s long decades of heroic resistance to enslavement by ruling cliques and castes and subjugation by elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege.

     This we must resist, where ever falsification raises its ugly head and opens wide it jaws, through witness, solidarity, and the pursuit of truth. As  Wednesday says to a collaborationist Authority in the telenovela, in summary of Foucault’s idea of truth telling; “If we don’t tell our stories, they will.”   

     As written by Michael G. Vann in Jacobin, in an article entitled Indonesia’s Rulers Are Whitewashing the Crimes of Suharto; “orking in the Ministry of Truth, Winston Smith obediently repeated the INGSOC slogan, “Who controls the past controls the future: who controls the present controls the past.”

     While I can’t confirm that Fadli Zon, Indonesia’s minister of culture, has read George Orwell’s 1984, it seems likely that he would have at least encountered it during his high school education in Texas or on his path to a PhD in Russian literature. In any case, his record in President Prabowo Subianto’s increasingly authoritarian administration has been shockingly Orwellian. Nowhere is this more evident than in his previously secret project to revise Indonesia’s official national history.

     Originally set for release on August 17, 2025, a “gift” to mark eighty years of Indonesian independence, the planned ten-volume oeuvre will radically distort the historical record. Fadli’s project will consign significant contributions from women, ethnic minorities, and left-wing political movements to a memory hole, along with acts of treason and horrific human rights violations committed by prominent right-wingers.

     Rehabilitating Suharto

     Apro-regime student organizer under the Suharto dictatorship that held power from 1966 to 1998, styling itself as the “New Order,” the bespectacled Fadli now occupies the office of minister of culture and is one of Indonesia’s more polarizing figures. Known for his populist theatrics, far-right nationalism, and Sinophobia, Fadli has long flirted with historical mythmaking.

     Now, with the launch of his controversial project to “revise” Indonesia’s national history curriculum and state-supported narratives, he is attempting something far more dangerous. It amounts to the rejection of more than twenty-five years of democratic reforms and increased academic freedom, and a return of the Suharto dictatorship’s propaganda machine. The project comes as political analysts, civil society organizations, and activists are raising the alarm about the government’s increasingly repressive actions.

     Known for his populist theatrics, far-right nationalism, and Sinophobia, Fadli Zon has long flirted with historical mythmaking.

Although Fadli has framed the initiative as a corrective effort to decolonize Indonesian historiography and purge it of alleged foreign distortions, it is, in fact, a thinly veiled crusade to rehabilitate the New Order legacy, demonize the Left, and entrench a narrow ethnonationalist and patriarchal vision of Indonesia’s past. In the process, it threatens to undo decades of hard-won efforts by progressive historians, civil society actors, and survivors of state violence to foster a more inclusive and democratic understanding of Indonesian history.

     Bonnie Triyana, a historian and member of parliament for the opposition Democratic Party of Struggle, has expressed alarm that major events, including human rights violations, were missing from the drafts that he had seen. He stated that such a project should be an open process involving a wide range of historians and academics, rather than a government-commissioned effort. Triyana accused Fadli’s work of lacking transparency.

     Avi Warman Adam, recently retired Research Professor of Socio-Political History at the National Research and Innovation Agency, has written extensively about the political engineering of history under the New Order dictatorship and has built historiography from the perspective of the victims. The respected senior scholar has condemned the project as a politically motivated whitewashing of history to promote President Prabowo’s increasingly authoritarian rule. Adrian Perkasa, a young postdoctoral researcher currently at the Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies, is concerned that the project will marginalize women’s history and exclude ethnic and regional minorities in its Java-centric narrative.

     Yosef Djakababa of Jakarta’s International Relations Department Universitas Pelita Harapan noted that the outline of Fadli’s project leaves out the 1958–61 PRRI–Permesta Rebellion. Originally a putsch led by disaffected colonels in Sumatra and Sulawesi against the Javanese-dominated central government in Jakarta, the movement set up the rival Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia with CIA backing, challenging Sukarno.

     Sumitro Djojohadikusumo was a central leader who secured American funds for the rebels and served a minister in the treasonous regime. After over thirty thousand civilians and soldiers died in insurrection, he fled into exile. When Suharto seized power in 1966, he returned as the dictator’s chief economic strategist, running the so-called Berkeley Mafia and opening the country for US investment. The fact that he was President Prabowo’s father likely accounts for Fadli’s omission of this major event.

     Ghosts of the New Order

     It should come as no surprise that Fadli’s revisionist campaign places the 1965–66 anti-communist massacres at its center. These events, in which upwards of a million alleged leftists and Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) sympathizers were slaughtered and a larger number imprisoned, tortured, and raped, remain one of the bloodiest and least accounted-for episodes of the twentieth century.

     For decades, the Suharto regime’s narrative, which claimed that the PKI had attempted a coup of its own and that the ensuing purges were necessary to preserve the nation, was officially enshrined as truth. In arguably the world’s most successful propaganda campaign, the New Order propagated its official history in school curricula, a robust collection of monuments and museums, feature films, and the naming of streets and airports across the archipelago — an imprint that remains to this day.

      It should come as no surprise that Fadli’s revisionist campaign places the 1965–66 anti-communist massacres at its center.

Following Suharto’s fall in 1998, this version of history came under intense scrutiny. Investigative journalists, historians, and survivors unearthed troves of evidence revealing the scale of the killings, the complicity of Western powers, and the orchestration of violence by the military and militias.

     Works like Joshua Oppenheimer’s Oscar-nominated films The Act of Killing and The Look of Silence, as well as The Jakarta Method by journalist Vincent Bevins, introduced Indonesia’s hidden genocide to a global public. While Westerners such as Oppenheimer and Bevins have the privilege to engage with this dangerous history without facing serious danger, many Indonesian scholars, activists, and artists have risked their physical safety to correct the historical record. The mainstream consensus seemed to be making room for this dark history.

     But now, with Fadli’s project, we are witnessing a state-backed attempt to reverse that process of reckoning. His newly formed National Historical Reconciliation Council is stacked with pro-military academics, Suharto apologists, and conservative Islamic figures. It has already begun publishing white papers that downplay the scale of the violence and reassert the PKI’s guilt. In recent speeches, Fadli has rationalized the killings as a necessary cleansing to protect the Republic.

     A “Patriotic” Curriculum

     The most immediate impact of Fadli’s campaign will be felt in classrooms. Drafts of the new national curriculum obtained by Tempo and other independent outlets reveal a wholesale revision of the standard account of Indonesian history. The revolutionary contributions of left-wing organizations like Lekra (the Institute of People’s Culture) and the labor movement are minimized or excised entirely. The new framework recasts the role of Sukarno, once revered as the architect of a pluralistic and independent Indonesia, in ambivalent tones, presenting him as an indecisive figure whose flirtation with communism nearly doomed the nation.

     In their place, the new curriculum lionizes Suharto and the military, portraying them as disciplined saviors who preserved unity in the face of Marxist anarchy. The anti-colonial struggle is reinterpreted through a lens of martial valor and cultural resilience, obscuring the complex alliances among secular nationalists, communists, and Islamic modernists that actually defined the independence movement.

     The new curriculum lionizes Suharto and the military, portraying them as disciplined saviors who preserved unity in the face of Marxist anarchy.

Even more troubling are the changes to the understanding of colonialism. Fadli’s committee emphasizes precolonial harmony and “Asian civilizational values,” suggesting that European imperialism was an unfortunate but morally clarifying event that strengthened Indonesian identity.

     This historical fantasy erases the brutal extraction of wealth and the dehumanization of indigenous peoples that underpinned Dutch rule. It also whitewashes Indonesia’s precolonial history by presenting it as a romantic fantasy of cooperation and downplays Indonesia’s postcolonial entanglements with global capitalism and Western military power.

     Nationalism as Cultural Weapon

     Fadli and his defenders claim that his project is a necessary corrective to “liberal bias” in historical scholarship. When grilled at a House of Representatives hearing in July, he asserted that his goal was “not to forget history, but to ensure that it serves as a constructive lesson,” and called for a focus on the “positive” side of Indonesian history.

     But this argument rings hollow. Since when has Indonesia’s national curriculum ever leaned left? Even during the Reformasi period, teaching about the massacres of 1965 remained taboo. Survivors were still harassed, blacklisted, and stigmatized, and there were no significant state reparations. The truth, insofar as it emerged at all, came from grassroots efforts: oral history projects, independent documentary films, and university seminars held outside official frameworks.

     What Fadli offers is not a “national” history but a hegemonic one: a state-sponsored myth of eternal unity, righteous violence, and ethnic authenticity. In this, he follows a pattern familiar across the Global South, where right-wing populists — from Narendra Modi in India to Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines — have wielded history as a weapon to silence dissent and reassert patriarchal, militarized visions of the nation.

     Fadli’s invocation of “cultural sovereignty” is similarly suspect. Far from resisting foreign influence, his revisionist project aligns neatly with the interests of international capital and the Indonesian oligarchy. By vilifying the Left and glorifying military order, the revised history paves the way for more authoritarian governance and deeper collusion between the state and extractive industries. This is not about decolonizing history — it is about recolonizing it in the name of capital and control.

     Erasing the People’s Memory

     One of the more insidious aspects of the project is its effect on collective memory. If Fadli’s curriculum is implemented, an entire generation of Indonesian students will grow up learning a sanitized, nationalist version of their country’s past. This is a story that erases the poor, the landless, the laboring masses, and the women of Gerwani, the world’s largest feminist organization in the early 1960s, who were raped and murdered in 1965.

     There is widespread concern that Fadli will try to eliminate the history of the 1998 violence against democracy activists and ethnic Chinese in the dying days of Suharto’s New Order. Prabowo, who was a general at the time, was dishonorably discharged for his role in kidnapping, torturing, and disappearing activists. In June, Fadli suggested that the well-documented mass rape of Chinese women in 1998 was merely a “rumor.” Bonnie Triyana and his colleague Mercy Chriesty Barends challenged him on this dangerous historical denial in a committee hearing a few weeks later.

     This is a theft of memory, and with it the possibility of justice. Without historical truth, there can be no meaningful reconciliation. Without acknowledgement of past crimes, the victims and their descendants are condemned to perpetual silence.

     And yet, as history shows us, silence can be broken. If there is a silver lining to this dark chapter, it lies in the growing resistance to Fadli’s efforts. A coalition of progressive historians, student groups, and cultural workers has begun organizing teach-ins and publishing counter-textbooks online. Survivors’ organizations are holding public vigils and reading the names of the disappeared. International solidarity networks are amplifying the alarm.

     Hopefully they will seize this moment not only to oppose Fadli’s revisionism but to advance a radical vision of Indonesian history: one that centers the struggles of workers, peasants, women, and indigenous communities; one that tells the truth about imperialism, militarism, and genocide; one that equips the next generation to fight for a more just and democratic future.

     History is not a dead archive. It is a battlefield, and right now that battle is underway in Indonesia. What is at stake is not merely the past, but the possibilities of the future”.

     As I wrote in my post of February 28 2024, Return of the Empire of Demons: Darkness Gathers in Indonesia; Of the legacies of our history from which we must emerge, none are more terrible than those of colonial occupation and its consequences in the social use of force and violence to win security by becoming the arbiters of virtue.

    Of the legacies of our history which we must hold close and remember lest we be falsified, silenced, and erased, none are more valuable as informing, motivating, and shaping forces of becoming human than those of seizures of power against tyrants, hegemonic elites of wealth, power, and privilege, and those who would enslave us than our songs of liberation struggle and its costs.

     Memory, history, identity; there are stories which we must free ourselves from and those we must claim as ours, and if we are very lucky they are not always the same.

     Indonesia has just elected Prabowo as its new President, the apex predator of a political dynasty created by American and British anti-communist purges and a spectacular and bloody coup nearly sixty years ago, which became a blueprint for similar games of counter-revolution, imperial conquest, and dominion as The Jakarta Method.

     Beyond the epigenetic trauma of the capture of the state by oligarchs and proxies of distant colonial empires, like the dancing figures in a shadow puppet theatre of an Empire of Demons, the new leader of Indonesia is personally a commander of death squads implicated in war crimes, the brutal repression of dissent, and ethnic cleansing within his own nation and against ethnic minorities and independence movements in Timor and Papua. Yet he won a free election by the people he committed atrocities against; the adoration of the masses can be measured in blood. 

     In Indonesia’s elections, tyranny and democracy, fear and love, despair and hope, division and solidarity play for the kingdom of our hearts and the dreams of the future we struggle to make real, and I hope that Shakespeare’s words in Henry V still remain true; “When lenity and cruelty play for a kingdom, the gentler hand is the surest winner.” 

     As written by Thomas B. Pepinsky in Journal of Democracy, in an article entitled Why Indonesia’s Democracy Is in Danger; “Millions of voters in Indonesia, the world’s third-most-populous democracy, went to the polls on February 14 to choose their next president and members of parliament. Although the full results will not be known until early March, early counts show Prabowo Subianto handily defeating his two challengers for a first-round victory. His Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) is in a close race for second in the parliamentary contests. The Prabowo campaign is claiming victory; as he declared to his supporters on the evening of election day, “We should not be arrogant, we should not be proud, we should not be euphoric, we still have to be humble, this victory must be a victory for all Indonesian people.”

    From a distance, this was a normal Indonesian election cycle, with three viable presidential tickets and an array of new and established parties vying for seats in parliament. Campaigning was peaceful, with televised presidential debates, rallies that appealed to the country’s massive youth vote, and colorful banners and posters displayed throughout the archipelago. But for many Indonesians, the voting itself was just one important milestone in an election that had already shaken the foundations of Indonesia’s constitutional order. Prabowo, who serves as minister of defense under incumbent president Joko Widodo (popularly known as Jokowi), is a former general who rose to prominence under Suharto’s authoritarian New Order regime (1966–98). Prabowo’s campaign has tested Indonesia’s electoral laws and upended the norms of its presidential politics. With his dominance at the polls and the dwindling confidence in Indonesia’s political and judicial institutions to check executive authority, the outlook for Indonesian democracy in the coming years is grim.

     Prabowo faced two opponents in this year’s contest: Ganjar Pranowo, a former governor of Central Java, and Anies Baswedan, a former governor of Jakarta. Jokowi, who is broadly popular but term-limited after two five-year terms in office, threw his support behind Prabowo, most significantly because he nominated the president’s son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, as his running mate. Prabowo, with his wide name recognition, substantial campaign war chest, and boost from the president, polled far ahead of Ganjar and Anies throughout the campaign.

     The three presidential candidates represented competing visions for Indonesian politics and society. Prabowo hails from an elite family who rose to prominence in the early independence period, and his brother Hashim Djojohadikusumo is one of Indonesia’s wealthiest and most prominent businessmen. Prabowo was once married to Suharto’s daughter Titiek, although they are long divorced, and he was a key ally of Suharto’s at the end of his reign. Under Suharto, Prabowo rose through the military’s ranks to become commander of the army’s special forces. In that capacity, he was directly involved in human-rights abuses during Indonesia’s occupation of Timor-Leste (1975–99) and complicit in the violent events surrounding Suharto’s downfall in May 1998. Although he was dishonorably discharged from the military, Prabowo’s campaign invoked his military legacy and recent record as defense minister to portray him as a strong nationalist leader who prioritizes order, stability, and national greatness.

     Prabowo ran unsuccessfully against Jokowi in 2014 and 2019, drawing on these same narratives and images, while also making appeals to conservative Muslims and religious identitarians. In 2024, it was Anies who focused on that segment of the electorate, while Ganjar appealed to the same pluralist and progressive constituency whom Jokowi had won. Ganjar, the chosen candidate of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which supported Jokowi in 2014 and 2019, was especially popular among non-Muslim voters wary of Anies’s religious agenda, especially after Anies embraced Islamists in his campaign against a popular Chinese Christian governor of Jakarta in 2017. Ganjar did not, however, inherit Jokowi’s popularity, especially among young Indonesians; opinion polls showed young people to be squarely behind Prabowo and his 36-year-old running mate, Gibran.

     Millennials and Gen Z now make up more than half the electorate, and they are simply not old enough to remember Prabowo’s contentious rise and subsequent disgrace.

     Given all this, the 2024 contest followed established patterns in the country’s politics. Religion and identity have been important cleavages in Indonesian politics since the independence period, and voters have mobilized around these cleavages in recent elections too. Even Prabowo’s candidacy is nothing new: In addition to running and losing in 2014 and 2019, he was active in the 2004 and 2009 elections as well.

     In truth, most of the challenges facing Indonesian democracy long predate the current moment. They include the continued political dominance of the country’s wealthy elite, many of whom can trace their fortunes to the Suharto era or before; the oversized legislative coalitions required to govern in a multiparty presidential system, incentivizing legislative parties to collude rather than compete and minimizing the effectiveness of the rump parliamentary opposition; gross inequalities that produced marked differences in the quality of democracy across Indonesia; antipluralist and illiberal social forces; a military that remains stubbornly unwilling to cede full control of politics to civilian forces; high levels of official corruption; dynastic politics; and electoral clientelism and vote buying that distort representation and partisan politics from the local level on up.

     Nevertheless, citizens have participated in free, fair, and competitive multiparty elections since 1999. Indonesians have witnessed several peaceful rotations of executive power, and elections have been hard-fought contests in which powerful challengers have conceded defeat, albeit sometimes begrudgingly. Indonesia’s civil society is robust and active, print media is largely open and often critical, and many political parties compete for popular support. As in any consolidated democracy, there is broad agreement that elections are the sole legitimate route to political power: They are, to quote Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, “the only game in town.” The risk of a catastrophic breakdown of representative institutions is low, as is the threat of violence of the type that rocked Indonesia during the turbulent 1960s.

     But democratic consolidation requires that the rules of the game be known and fixed rather than malleable and subject to change at the whim of elites. Indonesian democracy is not as consolidated as its repeated elections have suggested. The trends have been worrisome for the past decade, with the 2024 election only deepening fears and the country looking more and more like a clear case of democratic backsliding. Jokowi has, for example, used the legal means at his disposal to clamp down on challenges to his authority of any variety.

     During the 2024 election campaign, democratic decline accelerated because of decisions taken by ruling elites, especially the president himself—the first being his embrace of Prabowo as his chosen successor. Until now, presidents in post–New Order Indonesia have remained above electoral politics, a norm buttressed by legal limitations on presidents’ campaigning. Jokowi, however, openly stumped for Prabowo and Gibran, challenging longstanding interpretations of what a sitting president is allowed to do. Jokowi claims that presidents may campaign if they do not use state resources, as the letter of the law reads. But Anies and Ganjar say that Jokowi did just that, using state institutions such as the military and police—which ought to be neutral arbiters of the law, and which ought to show no partisan or political favoritism—against Prabowo’s opponents.

     A more direct blow to Indonesian democracy arrived in October 2023, when the country’s Constitutional Court issued a stunning ruling about Gibran’s eligibility to run for vice-president. According to the Indonesian constitution, the minimum age for presidential candidates is 40. Gibran will be only 37 on inauguration day, and therefore ineligible to run under any regular interpretation of the constitution. But in October, the Constitutional Court handed down an opinion by Chief Justice Anwar Usman (who happens also to be Jokowi’s brother-in-law) which held that the age limit did not apply to any candidate who had previously served in a regional elected office, thereby allowing Gibran, who is mayor of Surakarta (known as Solo), to register as Prabowo’s running mate.

     Although the public outcry against this decision was swift and substantial, and Anwar was subsequently found guilty of violating the court’s ethics code and demoted, Gibran’s candidacy was unaffected. The plain implication is that Indonesian constitutional law does not constrain elites seeking to circumvent it. Few would have seriously argued that Indonesian law treats the wealthy and powerful the same as it does regular Indonesians. Still, the Constitutional Court’s brazen decision to intervene on behalf of a sitting president’s son was shocking, and further proof that powerful interests with ties to state institutions and the country’s authoritarian past still direct the course of its politics.

     For this reason, it is important to separate Prabowo the individual from the politics surrounding his campaign. Prabowo’s history, political style, and personality are worrisome: He has a famously short temper, and his actions over the years inspire little confidence in his commitment to democratic institutions, to liberal values such as freedom of speech and conscience, or to the rule of law. Although he does not have the crassness or brashness of a Rodrigo Duterte or Javier Milei, it is hard to predict how he will react to unfavorable news or to any legitimate democratic challenge. But like Duterte and other world leaders, Prabowo’s politics replace a commitment to law and order with a preference for order over the law. For the many observers who believed that it was Prabowo’s 2014 defeat that allowed Indonesian democracy to survive, his victory in 2024 is a harbinger of the country’s democratic decline.

     But Indonesian democracy is more than just the attitudes and values of its political leaders. Presidents shape democratic politics, but they do not determine what democracy is. Democracy in Indonesia, as in any other country, is a political system that emerges from the actions of elites, the masses, and social groups together—working through established institutions, following norms of mutual tolerance and forbearance, and peacefully resolving legitimate political differences through the orderly rotation of power via free and fair elections. Institutions matter, but they are not self-directing; laws matter, but only when they are applied faithfully and in accordance with constitutional procedures and governing norms. Anwar, as chief justice, made his fateful decision on behalf of the Constitutional Court, the guardian of the constitution, for the benefit of Jokowi and his family as well as Prabowo himself.

     So it is unsurprising that in the final days before the election, Prabowo’s opponents feared that other state institutions, such as the armed forces and the electoral commission, would be similarly vulnerable to political manipulation on election day. Given that Prabowo’s campaign, which worried about a possible unified anti-Prabowo ticket in a second round, predicted a single-round victory, the other campaigns were afraid that electoral and security institutions might tilt the first-round balloting in Prabowo’s favor so as to avoid a runoff.

     Although it is still early, there is no evidence of any systematic irregularities. But representatives from the Anies and Ganjar campaigns are pledging to investigate the electoral process nevertheless, claiming that the election was marred by “structural, systematic and massive fraud.” Worryingly, Anies has been reported to authorities for commenting on a film released on February 11 that alleges the electoral process was subject to manipulation by Prabowo backers.

     In November 2023, just after the Constitutional Court’s decision, Indonesian journalist Goenawan Mohamad sat for an interview on KompasTV, a mainstream news channel. Known as a sharp-witted critic and thoughtful political analyst with decades of experience, Goenawan described the Indonesian state as “broken” (rusak). Although his use of this word received wide attention, less noted was what he used rusak to modify: not politics or elections or institutions, but the state (negeri) itself. And the term negeri refers to more than just the state in a formal sense. It connotes something closer to the state and society together—the country, its institutions, and its people. Goenawan was describing not just a crisis of democracy, but a crisis of Indonesia.”

     As written in The Guardian’s Editorial entitled  Prabowo’s win is dismal news for democracy; “When Joko Widodo took power in Indonesia 10 years ago, his victory brought relief as well as celebration. It was not merely that the former Jakarta governor was the first president to be elected from outside the political or military elite. It was also that he defeated ex-general Prabowo Subianto, who had attacked direct elections and said that he would take the country in a more authoritarian direction. There was every reason to take that threat seriously. Mr Prabowo was dismissed from the military ­– and barred from entering the US – due to allegations of the abduction and torture of activists by men in his unit, though he has always denied involvement.

     Yet now, as the president leaves office, Mr Prabowo is set to replace him – thanks in large part to his former rival’s (unofficial) support. With 205 million voters and 820,000 polling stations spread across the thousands of islands in the world’s fourth most populous nation, completing the final tally could take weeks. But Mr Prabowo, currently defence minister, enjoys a commanding lead in “quick counts” by independent polling firms, which have proved accurate in previous contests. That suggests he will not face a runoff.

     Having reached his two-term limit, the president – known to all as Jokowi – is leaving office with enviably high popularity ratings and a track record that includes steady economic growth, infrastructure development, slowed deforestation (though the country has fallen short of targets) and healthcare improvements. But he has also overseen a democratic backsliding. When he first took office, some supporters voiced concern that his principles might even hinder his ability to get things done. In reality, he has not only proved adept at making deals with the old elites but has undermined key institutions and strengthened restrictions on freedom of speech. The final straw, for many of his enthusiastic early supporters and reportedly for cabinet colleagues, has been his electoral manoeuvring.

     Jokowi said he was neutral. But it was plain that he had thrown his weight behind Mr Prabowo rather than his own party’s candidate, Ganjar Pranowo. His 36-year-old son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, ran as Mr Prabowo’s vice-president, despite being four years short of the usual minimum age for the role, thanks to a handy ruling from the constitutional court. The chief justice happens to be married to the president’s sister. Many of those who once supported Jokowi have concluded that his priority is his legacy.

     Mr Prabowo also benefited from his improbable rebranding from fiery would-be strongman to a cuddly, cat-loving grandfather figure, aided by social media. Half the country’s electorate is under 40; many voters do not remember his past or the days of military dictatorship under his father-in-law, Gen Suharto.

     Those who do predict that “winter is coming”. Some suggest that the new president may conclude that he does not need outright autocracy, but can achieve what he wants within the current system. A better cause for optimism may be that Jokowi’s tenure saw the largest student protests since democracy’s return in 1998, prompted by his weakening of the anti-corruption commission and other harsh new laws. His political trajectory is further evidence that the work of defending reform and rights cannot rest on the shoulders of a single leader. But Indonesian democracy appears to have plenty of defenders, including among the young. There is every sign it will need them.”

     As written by Rebecca Ratcliffe and Richaldo Hariandja in The Guardian, in an article entitled Winter is coming’: activists’ fears as Prabowo Subianto likely wins Indonesia election: Former son-in-law of late dictator Suharto was discharged from military over alleged abuses dating back to 1980s; “The presumed election victory of Indonesian presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto – a former army general with a history of alleged involvement in torture and disappearances – marks a dark chapter in the country’s history, activists have warned, while vowing not to give up their fight for justice.

     Prabowo, 72, a former special commander under the Suharto dictatorship, is the apparent winner of Indonesia’s presidential election after unofficial counts gave him a strong lead. On Wednesday night he told supporters that his win would be a “victory for all Indonesians”.

     The results have provoked fear among activists, however, that accountability for past atrocities will fade even further under Prabowo, and that his future government will have little regard for human rights.

     “Winter is coming, whatever the name,” said Usman Hamid, executive director of Amnesty International Indonesia. “But the fight must go on … all of the perpetrators have to be brought to justice.”

    Prabowo, a former son-in-law of Suharto, was a longtime commander in the Kopassus special forces, but was discharged from the military after Kopassus soldiers kidnapped and tortured political activists in 1998.

     Of 22 activists kidnapped that year, 13 are still missing. Prabowo always denied wrongdoing and has never been charged in relation to the allegations, though several of his men were tried and convicted. Prabowo was previously banned from entering the US.

     Prabowo is also accused of involvement in rights abuses in Papua and Timor-Leste, including a 1983 massacre in which hundreds of people, most of them men, were killed in the Timorese village of Kraras. He has denied the allegations.

     Muhammad Isnur, head of the Legal Aid Institute Foundation of Indonesia (YLBHI), said the election of Prabowo may be “too painful” for the families of those who disappeared in 1998, who are still fighting for justice.

     “The result is as we predicted. But we are still disappointed,” he said.

     Prabowo had maintained a lead in pre-election surveys after rebranding himself as a cuddly grandpa-like figure and securing the tacit support of the outgoing president, Joko Widodo, whose son ran alongside Prabowo for the vice-presidency. The incumbent president, who is known as Jokowi, was accused of unfairly boosting Prabowo’s campaign in order to safeguard his legacy and establish a dynasty.

     “Too many intricate enabling conditions and manipulations have shown the involvement of Jokowi in the election. He had mobilised everything. That’s why the result is predictable,” said Muhammad. Jokowi’s office has denied that he sought to interfere in the election.

     Academics, journalists and civil society groups should prepare for the worst, Muhammad said. “We need to be aware of every risk that could happen to us in the future and try to make a list of mitigations. We need to be prepared.”

     In the runup to the election, Prabowo was the only presidential candidate who did not attend a press freedom event and did not respond to a questionnaire by Human Rights Watch on key rights issues facing Indonesians.

     As results emerged on Wednesday, Veronica Koman, a human rights lawyer living in exile in Australia, wrote on Twitter/X: “Many Indonesians are saying that they want to leave the country because Prabowo is winning – similar phenomenon to US citizens when Trump was winning. The big difference is … ours is out of FEAR.”

Position Among the Stars film trailer

The Act of Killing film trailer

The Year of Living Dangerously film trailer

               References

Indonesia’s Rulers Are Whitewashing the Crimes of Suharto

https://jacobin.com/2025/08/indonesia-suharto-genocide-revisionism-authoritarianism?fbclid=IwY2xjawNJHhRleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHjCh6w4Mjxbp45l0wTqKXjti03I4NgPsFCpB4ocCpP-nPLLT-F0DrMErzh3M_aem_L3A7JRZRFjcV9Va49kdsOA

The US Cheered On Suharto’s Massacres in Indonesia

https://jacobin.com/2025/09/suharto-massacres-us-conefo-sukarno?fbclid=IwY2xjawNJHQZleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHhAj7XK-uMLXq5Zdk0rCUc6m6lU4nvnqqBsEXLPF6XgDcB7TCz8IRVP6Vet5_aem_tomijNjwUhFOhiRI6ULiLA

The True Story of Indonesia’s US-Backed Anti-Communist Bloodbath

https://jacobin.com/2021/01/indonesia-anti-communist-mass-murder-genocide?fbclid=IwY2xjawNJGUhleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHjSzW2vQZ-3mRYQ4LbrziuyutMymci8_hx0srIbte433_5_7UAmrABMvsE2y_aem_RqRozBcWJbP8FxbDdr12JA

Indonesia Still Hasn’t Escaped Suharto’s Genocidal Legacy

https://jacobin.com/2021/09/indonesia-sukarno-suharto-communists-genocide-dictatorship-corruption?fbclid=IwY2xjawNJGo9leHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHuPHSGECoesv4kVFV1D_bBT3TB2EaSMlcuKEsT8J2sYyT0wVhT7NaEMmm2hy_aem_ptWeQqHWFfS8raiUBk4YEQ

The Forgotten Massacres

https://jacobin.com/2015/06/indonesian-communist-party-suharto-massacre-purge?fbclid=IwY2xjawNJGt9leHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHi2Ig0ZDfjTTLMI8j1HuIlrEAsk6CmxB5jTqLYHA13MMRuh4KfDqdLBueULD_aem_heqGkP2R5_ps21XeICC2Kg

The Indonesian Counter-Revolution

https://jacobin.com/2019/01/unmasked-graves-review-indonesia-genocide-communist-party?fbclid=IwY2xjawNJGylleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHp_H7KTAkx2a4p-cazcd7DYnkzDxT1lPZXAZPkXKnoBPoTuDZcgS3v4VzpRf_aem_sqW_M2m-2JPhrug8ZEYifQ

Indonesia’s Red Slaughter

https://jacobin.com/2018/06/killing-season-geoffrey-robinson-indonesia-communist-party-massacre?fbclid=IwY2xjawNJG85leHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHhHvuPiv2h-4kL5pYue7fZmu1GfBhEmU7gyeueVrPL0E4etazibh9FEGtrQh_aem_uxEnjxPLDvCmGURPZ5SliQ

Anti-Communist Massacres Killed Indonesia’s Hopes for National Liberation and Socialism

https://jacobin.com/2020/05/anti-communist-massacres-indonesia-brazil-communism?fbclid=IwY2xjawNJHB1leHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHiCHHtLH6O0v7uWGR6IMfriCPLs1DnFcI5-lYRb27p1akmmzdgHd_l2GphU5_aem_p8AUTNfJpQwJQWbIHZVAew

Suharto’s US-Backed Coup in Indonesia Supplied a Template for Worldwide Mass Murder

https://jacobin.com/2022/02/suharto-indonesia-us-coup-communism-history-mass-murder-postcolonial-state?fbclid=IwY2xjawNJHGlleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHjdCu8YC_GRkMVUH7uYdCsnfBk1FvxBz7zfqm8GFE70pjlE9nef3Mu05s_HN_aem_SoxZR44nPY2ORX2TjMlidw

Why Indonesia’s Democracy Is in Danger | Journal of Democracy

https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/online-exclusive/why-indonesias-democracy-is-in-danger/

The Guardian view on Indonesia’s elections: Prabowo’s win is dismal news for democracy | Editorial

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/feb/15/the-guardian-view-on-indonesias-elections-prabowos-win-is-dismal-news-for-democracy

Winter is coming’: activists’ fears as Prabowo Subianto likely wins Indonesia election

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/feb/15/indonesia-presidential-election-results-prabowo-subianto-likely-victory

January 11 2024 A Bifurcated Lens of Colonialism and Its Legacies: the Indonesian Colony of West Papua and the Fragile Democracy of Papua New Guinea

Foucault on the Politics of Parrhesia, Torben Bech Dyrberg

Wednesday telenovella

                  Indonesia, a reading list

The Jakarta Method: Washington’s Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that Shaped Our World, Vincent Bevins

Buried Histories: The Anticommunist Massacres of 1965–1966 in Indonesia,

John Roosa

The Killing Season: A History of the Indonesian Massacres, 1965-66,

Geoffrey B. Robinson

Revolusi: Indonesia and the Birth of the Modern World, David Van Reybrouck

Unmarked Graves: Death and Survival in the Anti-Communist Violence in East Java, Indonesia, Vannessa Hearman

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/42649825-unmarked-graves?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_16

Indonesia, Etc: Exploring the Improbable Nation, Elizabeth Pisani

Beauty Is a Wound, Eka Kurniawan, Annie Tucker  (Translator)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/24826361-beauty-is-a-wound

In the Time of Madness: Indonesia on the Edge of Chaos,

Richard Lloyd Parry

An Empire of the East : Travels in Indonesia, Norman Lewis

Race, Islam and Power: Ethnic and Religious Violence in Post-Suharto Indonesia, Andreas Harsono

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