Völkisch-Nationalen Hebräertum; an interesting phrase created by the founders of the Zionist project to describe themselves, which frames the design of the state of Israel within the ideology of the Nazi Party as its model and counterpart, speaks to us today from the august lectern of the United States Congress.

      The First Lie of Tyrants is that they speak for the people in whose name they wield power, and further centralize power to authority through fear and divisions of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, birthing fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.

     Everything the enemy says is a lie.

     No matter where you begin with boundaries and hierarchies of membership and otherness, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     Look to Gaza for proof, and as an oracle of our future should we align ourselves with the path of tyranny and not of Liberty.

     In this time of darkness, under the shadows of fascist tyranny both here in America embodied by the Party of Treason which has invited a war criminal to dictate to us all the terms of our nation’s engagement with his regime, and in Israel where fascist tyranny and terror has captured the state, these two abominations seek to legitimize each other as political campaign performances as mass protests in our nations and throughout the world challenge and defy their seizure of power over us and its consequences for the Palestinian Genocide and the imperial conquest and dominion of Gaza and the whole of the Middle East.

     At stake here are first the idea of universal human rights, second the subversion of democracy and a free society of equals globally, and third the danger that broadening the Gaza War into a war between the Arab-American Alliance which includes Israel as our colony and proxy state and the Iranian Dominion which includes Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, and Yemen will draw into its maelstrom all of NATO versus Russia, a Third World War now ongoing in several theatres but not yet a nuclear one or direct superpower conflict, and a war in which much of humankind will die, an Age of Tyrants will begin, and civilization will fall.

     And if fascist tyrannies can replace democracies and the Third World War becomes a universal conflict of imperial powers and Orwellian totalitarian nightmares, either we will emerge a millennia from now as scattered bands of savages brutalized and dehumanized by centuries of war and tyranny, or our species will become extinct before then. In ninety eight or more possible futures out of every one hundred, humankind is already doomed.

    But there is that slim Forlorn Hope that one day something like ourselves discovers the ruins of our civilization, and begins once again to wonder and to question.

     Today as Netanyahu sings his siren songs of fear, power, and force to America and the world, let us give to fascism and to tyranny the only reply it merits; Never Again!   

     As I wrote in my post of January 17 2023, Israeli-Palestinian Unity in Resistance: One Hundred Thousand March in Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, and Haifa in Massive Protests Against Netanyahu’s Final Solution and Subversion of Democracy; Massive protests over the weekend seized the streets of Israel’s major cities in a stunning demonstration of Israeli-Palestinian solidarity and unity of purpose, in which the interests of democracy and independence align and transform each other.

      At issue is the politization of Israel’s courts, a get out of jail free card for Netanyahu personally, the capture of the Israel state by a fanatical imperialist theocracy and the subversion of democracy, and the erasure of the Palestinians as a genocidal Final Solution.

     Resistance to Netanyahu’s tyranny has catalyzed an emergent nation and national identity, wherein the legacies and epigenetic trauma of our history become less important than our parallel and interdependent sets of universal rights and rights as citizens of a free society of equals.

     We are not yet a United Humankind, but such a possible future throughout the world has now been set in motion, here in this ancient place of faith weaponized in service to power and divisions of belonging and exclusionary otherness, and this is the moment to place our lives in the balance with hope over fear and love over hate.

      As written in Truthout, in an article entitled Over a Hundred Thousand Israelis March to Protest Netanyahu Government; Critics say Netanyahu’s plan would damage judicial independence, foster corruption and set back minority rights; “Tens of thousands of Israelis marched in central Tel Aviv and in two other major cities on Saturday night, protesting far rightwing PM Benjamin Netanyahu’s plan to overhaul the legal system and weaken the Supreme Court — undermining democratic rule just weeks after his election.

     Despite cold, rainy weather, marchers, many covered with umbrellas, held Israeli flags and placards saying “Criminal Government,” “The End of Democracy,” and “We Are Preserving Our Shared Home.” Netanyahu was guilty of a “legal putsch,” read another.

     Critics say Netanyahu’s plan would damage judicial independence, foster corruption, set back minority rights, and deprive Israel’s court system of credibility.

     Netanyahu and his ultranationalist security minister Itamar Ben-Gvir ordered police to take tough action if protesters displayed Palestinian flags at Saturday’s protest. Social media footage showed a number of Palestinian flags on display in defiance of Netanyahu.

     “Elections do not give anyone the power to destroy democracy itself,” said former Justice Minister Tzipi Livni as she addressed the protest in Tel Aviv, adding that Israel’s far-right government is “carrying out a political takeover of the country and waging a war against its democratic institutions.”

     “Spilled poison, lies, slandering one’s brother, marking as an enemy anyone who thinks differently. [They are doing] everything so that we crumble from the inside and weaken as a society before the big attack,” she said.

     “We will stop you, and we will not compromise because democracy in Israel, our freedom and our rights are not political trade,” Livni said. “They can call us traitors, but we are the ones who protect the motherland from them. They can threaten handcuffs – we are not afraid,” she said.”

     As written by Hadas Gold, Michael Schwartz and Amir Ta in CNN; “Tens of thousands of people protested in Tel Aviv Saturday night against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his government’s proposed changes to the Israeli judicial system.

     Despite pouring rain over the city, police estimated that more than 80,000 people flooded central Tel Aviv’s HaBima square and surrounding streets, according to Israeli media, while others took to the streets in Jerusalem for parallel protests.

     Attendees held signs comparing Netanyahu to Russian President Vladimir Putin, and saying Israel was turning into the likes of semi-democratic Hungary and theocratic Iran.

     Protesters told CNN they came out of fear for Israel’s future and to send a message to Netanyahu that the public wouldn’t stand for what they see as the dismantling of Israeli democracy.

     Esther Hayut, the president of Israel’s Supreme Court, on Thursday attacked the proposed changes as “an unbridled attack on the legal system” and said they were “designed to force a fatal blow on the independence of the judicial system.”

     The proposed reforms, announced last week by Israeli Justice Minister Yariv Levin, would seek to reform Supreme Court nominations via a review committee, and enable parliament to overturn Supreme Court rulings.”

     As written by Jean Shaoul on the International Committee of the Fourth International’s World Socialist Web Site, in an article entitled 100,000 protest Israel’s far-right government plans to politically control judiciary; “One hundred thousand Israelis braved the rain on Saturday to rally in Tel Aviv’s Habima Square to protest Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s plans to change the country’s legal system and weaken the Supreme Court. With thousands more rallying in Jerusalem, Haifa and the northern town of Rosh Pina, the demonstrations were by far the largest anti-government protests in recent years.

     While many protesters carried Israeli flags, others held homemade placards warning against “Fascism,” “Coup d’état,” “Criminal Government, “The End of Democracy,” attacks on democratic and social rights, and corruption. Demonstrators voiced their opposition to Netanyahu’s return to power. One poster read, “We will die before giving up on democracy.”

     Others carried Palestinian flags in defiance of the new minister of national security and Jewish Power leader Itamar Ben-Gvir’s call for the police to crack down on people carrying Palestinian flags in public spaces. His order came after a few protesters waved Palestinian flags at last Saturday’s anti-government demonstration in Tel Aviv, prompting furious criticism from Netanyahu and his far-right allies.

     Saturday’s demonstrations were far larger than last week’s protest, testifying to the increasing concerns and anger on the part of Israelis, Jewish and Palestinian, over the political programme of Netanyahu’s far-right coalition government, which includes Likud, three fascistic and racist parties—Religious Zionism, Jewish Power and Noam—and two right-wing religious parties, Shas and United Torah Judaism.

     Their agenda is Jewish supremacy and apartheid rule, the annexation of large swathes of the West Bank, the expansion of illegal settlements, Jewish prayer at al-Aqsa Mosque and the rollback of anti-discrimination measures. This can be accomplished only through sweeping changes to Israel’s legal system and stepped-up police and military repression against political dissent, be it from Palestinians in the territories occupied illegally since the 1967 Arab Israeli war, or from workers, Jewish and Palestinian, in Israel.

     Under the new government’s signature legislation announced by Justice Minister Yariv Levin, the High Court’s ability to strike down laws or sections of a law will be severely limited and a simple majority in Israel’s single-chamber parliament will be able to override any such rulings. The High Court would be stripped of its power to use “reasonableness” as a criterion for determining whether or not government decisions are lawful. The government would take control over the appointment of judges, while ministers would be free to appoint their own legal advisors, whose advice would not be legally binding.

     A second phase of the legislation is being drafted and is expected to split the role of the attorney general in two—one for the government’s legal adviser and the other for the state prosecutor. This would allow Netanyahu to replace Attorney General Baharav-Miara with a prosecutor of his choosing, who would either revise or revoke the corruption charges against him.

     Currently in court facing charges of bribery, fraud and breach of trust in three separate cases, bound up with his efforts to control the media, Netanyahu claims to be the victim of a witch-hunt by a hostile media, police and left-wing prosecutors. He poured fuel on the fire by offering two cabinet post to Aryeh Deri, leader of the Shas religious party, who served a jail sentence in 1999 for taking bribes and was convicted last year of tax fraud. Deri’s appointment is now being challenged in the High Court, using the criterion of the “reasonableness” of appointing a twice-convicted criminal.

     In the two weeks since the swearing in of the most right-wing government in Israel’s history, with a majority of just four in the 120-seat Knesset:

  * Thirteen Palestinians, including three children, have been killed by Israeli soldiers. This follows a record year of violence by security forces and settlers under the previous “government of change” headed by Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, when at least 167 were killed in the West Bank, the highest death toll since 2005.

  * Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, leader of the Religious Zionist party and advocate of annexing the entire West Bank, who is now in charge of settlement construction, seized $40 million held by Israel that belong to the Palestinian Authority.

  * National Security Minister and Jewish Power leader Itamar Ben-Gvir staged a provocative visit to the al-Aqsa Mosque compound in Jerusalem’s Old City as part of his campaign to enable Jews to pray at the site.

   * Ben-Gvir ordered police to use water cannon against anti-government demonstrators and arrest protesters blocking roads, saying that last week’s Saturday evening demonstration in Tel Aviv caused “serious harm to democracy.”

   * Jewish Power legislator Zvika Fogel accused opposition leader and former prime minister Yair Lapid and former Defence Minister Benny Gantz of “treason against the homeland” for supporting the demonstration.

     On Thursday, the president of the Supreme Court, Chief Justice Esther Hayut, said the proposals were designed to “deal a mortal blow to the independence of the judiciary and silence it.” Justice Minister Levin, speaking on television, accused her of having joined activists in their call “to set the streets alight.”

     Israel’s former attorney generals and almost all the former state prosecutors published a letter warning that without significant changes, the government’s plans could lead to an unprecedented constitutional crisis, with a confrontation between the judiciary and the government.

     On Thursday, hundreds of lawyers, former judges and legal professionals staged a one-hour strike outside major courts.

     Speaking at Saturday’s rally in Tel Aviv were former defense minister Benny Gantz, Labor Party chairwoman Merav Michaeli, the leader of the Arab Ra’am Party, Mansour Abbas, and the head of Hadash-Ta’al, Ayman Odeh, and politicians from Yesh Atid and the other opposition parties. Touted as a “government of change,” the previous administration instead adopted the policies of the former Netanyahu-led coalition government, paving the way for his return to power.

     Netanyahu said he had no intention of backtracking on his plans, insisting that the November election gave him a mandate to “comprehensively reform the judicial system.” He added, “More than that, they demanded it.”

     President Isaac Herzog has sought to mediate between the government and its opposition critics, holding “intense conversations” with Levin, Netanyahu and Hayut in a bid to reach a compromise.

     As the World Socialist Web Site wrote in its New Year statement pointing to developments in the US and Europe, “The breakdown of democracy and the growing political influence of far-right and fascistic movements is a global phenomenon.”

     Netanyahu’s plans are a direct assault on Israel’s very limited checks on the government’s power. Israel has no constitution or second legislative chamber. The anti-democratic moves flow inexorably from the acute crisis of the Zionist state. Israel is one of the most socially unequal countries within the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) group of rich nations, and the increasingly authoritarian character of the political system is the inevitable outcome of the Zionist project of establishing a Jewish state through the violent dispossession of the indigenous Arab population.

     A new upsurge of the working class is beginning, pointing the way forward for the masses of Jewish and Arab workers in the form of a united struggle to overthrow the Zionist state and the various Arab bourgeois regimes and forge the United Socialist States of the Middle East. Sections of the International Committee of the Fourth International must be built in Israel and across the Middle East to provide the political leadership necessary to conduct this struggle.”

     As I wrote in my post of May 29 2021, Palestine and Israel: State of the Peace; A fragile peace holds for now in the volatile, chaotic, and rapidly changing relationships between Palestine and Israel, and between these partners in the imaginations of America and the international community. It is an uneasy dance of identity, memory, and history performed to the lyrical songs of narratives of victimization, songs which seduce and shape us to the service of power and authority.

     Before the stage of the world and the witness of history, we can see here in real time the processes and consequences of divisions of exclusionary otherness and hierarchies of elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege as primary informing, motivating, and shaping forces of human being, meaning, and value.

     For those of us who participated on May 10 2021 not in the defense of al Aqsa, a thing of grandeur fit for the death of heroes, but in defense of the families at prayer which Israel attacked and the unarmed women and children hunted through the maze of a derelict antiquity, disembodied screams in a land of fear and darkness, the Third Intifada was born on that night as a hope beyond the brokenness of the world and the flaws of our humanity for reimagination, transformation, the redemptive power of love to heal the divisions of exclusionary otherness and the pathology of our disconnectedness, and the limitless possibilities of becoming human.

     What is the state of the peace? How we answer this question hinges on implicit value judgements and becomes a Rashomon Gate of relative truths, and a measure of our character. In this as in many things, I recall Monet’s description of the meaning of his art as a form of metaphysics and investigation into the soul of humankind; “Man has two eyes through which he sees the world; one looks outward, but the other looks inward, and it is the juxtaposition of these two images which creates the world we see.”

      So our question becomes, what does this look like from the perspectives of its partners, Palestine, Israel, and America?

     America vacillates with Joe Biden on the cusp of a vast and horrific realization; that we have for over seventy years been the sponsors of tyranny and state terror, and responsibility for the endless litany of woes which have shaped the peoples of Palestine are shared by all of us and by our proxy state of Israel. It parallels our national reckoning with the legacies of slavery and our systemic racial inequalities and injustices which awaken with the Black Lives Matter protests, like our reckoning with Patriarchy and sexual terror in the #metoo movement, and with the consequence of capitalism for our extinction in the Green New Deal and the global ecological movement led by the visionary Greta Thunberg.

      An awakening and tidal change whose full consequences and potential for the reimagination and transformation of humankind are incalculable, our political, ecological-material, sexual, and racial social justice movements represent a total civilizational shift and a revolution in universal human rights which will one day utterly change and renew our ideas of human being, meaning, and value.

    Francis Fukuyama was wrong when he predicted that we live at the end of history; we live at the beginning of a new history. But he was exactly right when he diagnosed its principles of operation in The End of History and the Last Man; “It was the slave’s continuing desire for recognition that was the motor which propelled history forward, not the idle complacency and unchanging self-identity of the master.”

     I hope we are at the beginnings of becoming human. I fear that our historical legacies may become traps, falsifications, assimilative and colonizing narratives wherein tyrannies of authorized identities may steal our souls. This is the problem of the Hobgoblin’s broken mirror in Anderson’s The Snow Queen; we are lost in a world of distorted images, captured echoes, and illusions. This, too, we must resist.

     Israel is caught in the jaws of its history, held captive by Netanyahu’s regime of kleptocratic fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, but also a victim which has become a dark mirror of her abuser. Israel has learned the wrong lessons from the Nazis; fear, power, and force are not the only things which have meaning, nor do we live in a world wherein love is without redemptive power.

     In his massive campaign of ethnic cleansing and repression of dissent, and in his diplomacy of terror and negotiations by missile fire, Netanyahu plays to his own alt-right constituents as their figurehead. But he may have miscalculated international reactions; he has been provoked into exposing the true nature of the Occupation, and the White Hat conferred by narratives of historical victimization is slipping.

     The Third Intifada has accomplished its goals of changing the narrative, fracturing American support for Israeli militarism and advancing support for Boycott, Divestiture, and Sanction, moving a decades old issue to center stage, and timed to the vote on the massive arms deal now in Congress. At least, those were my goals in the wake of our defense of the people of Palestine at al Aqsa.

      Others among the defenders of Palestine have their own plans and objectives; certainly Hamas emerged as the clear victor of the struggle, having seized authority from the Fatah government of Palestine through active defense of its people, and rendering the elections Abbas refuses to call irrelevant. Hamas has delegitimized the Palestinian Authority, and stained its partnership with the Israeli government as collaboration, while the Third Intifada, waged by Hamas but also dozens of other factions, special forces from a number of allied governments, and madmen like myself, has called into question the idea of the Two State Solution.

     Of Hamas and of all revolutionaries I say this; Any who stand between the tyranny and state terror of conquest, enslavement, and death, and the lives of innocents are heroes and champions of our humanity. The particulars are irrelevant.

     Are we not our brother’s keepers?

     There is a path forward beyond the dichotomous paradigm of a dual identity; abandon the Two State Solution and reimagine and transform Israel and Palestine as a united nation under secular law and designed to safeguard equality and universal human rights.

     America’s enormous financial and military sponsorship of the state of Israel provides a very big lever with which to change the balance of power. I advocate BDS when it means peace and demilitarization; we must fund and shape ourselves to constructive and not destructive ends, to love rather than hate and to hope rather than fear.

      Build democracy in Israel and we also build justice and equality for its minorities, exactly as in America. I believe we must liberate the peoples of Israel from a fascist regime of blood, faith, and soil, for the beneficiaries of state terror and tyranny are also subjugated by it. This is the great internal contradiction of authoritarian power as fascism; it is a system which dehumanizes and instrumentalizes even those in whose name it perpetrates its crimes against humanity as a strategy of authorization and the manufacture of consent, and why it must inevitably consume itself.

     As Israel prepares its Final Solution to the problem of Palestine, America does nothing. Nothing to stop crimes against humanity, and everything to provide the criminals with arms and other support. We bear responsibility for these crimes with our proxies in Israel.

     The people who lived near the Nazi death camps claimed they knew nothing of the Holocaust, nothing about the vast rain of human ash which blanketed their towns and stained them with its silent crimes. But we know. How shall we answer, when we knew and did nothing?

     As I wrote in my post of January 5 2023, Netanyahu’s Israel Announces Its Final Solution to the Palestinian Problem; Inscribed upon the iron gates of Netanyahu’s Israel are the words; “Work is Freedom”, and as at Dachau and Auschwitz, it is always a lie.

      How has the dream of Israel, a homeland and safe haven for Jewish survivors of the Holocaust, a people historically among the world’s most persecuted, marginalized, and vilified minorities, become a proxy of American dominion through control of the strategic resource of oil behind the fig leaf of narratives of victimization which confer legitimacy and moral authority, a militarized theocratic society whose vast military power defends Jewish peoples everywhere, but also perpetrates the conquest, enslavement, and genocide of the Palestinians in the world’s oldest Occupation?

    Why create a Brave New World of walls and borders, surveillance and brutal repression?

     Israel has learned the wrong lessons from the Nazis.

     No matter where you begin with hegemonies of the elect, in this unique case whose deed of title to the lands of Israel is signed in the Bible by the Infinite, and hierarchies of exclusionary otherness, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     As written by Ben Lynfield in The Guardian, in an article entitled Israel moves sharply to right as Netanyahu forms new coalition: Weeks of negotiations conclude with what will be the most rightwing and anti-Arab government in country’s history; “Benjamin Netanyahu has informed Israel’s president that he has succeeded in forming a coalition, paving the way for the swearing in of the most rightwing and anti-Arab government in the country’s history.

     “I have managed [to form a government],” Netanyahu said on Twitter, minutes before a midnight deadline set by Israel’s president, Isaac Herzog.

     The announcement came after Netanyahu reached a coalition pact with the Religious Zionism party, an ultra-nationalist grouping headed by a Messianic settler, Bezalel Smotrich, who has been given wide powers in the occupied West Bank.

     The agreement includes a plan to carry out “judicial reform” – a euphemism for weakening the supreme court and other checks and balances, according to party sources quoted in the Israeli media.

     It also reportedly calls for a restrictive definition of who is a Jew – and thus eligible for automatic citizenship under Israel’s law of return.

     The radical government is due to be sworn in by 2 January. The coalition will also include other extremist figures on the far right whose stated goals are to weaken the judicial system and further entrench the occupation of the Palestinian territories.

     In a sign of policies to come, parliament on Wednesday passed a bill that would greatly expand the authority over the police of the incoming national security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, the firebrand head of the Jewish Power party and a disciple of the late anti-Arab rabbi Meir Kahane.

     In an attempt to assuage international criticism, Netanyahu has said in recent interviews that his Likud party, and not its coalition partners, would set policy. However, on some big issues there is little difference in ideology between some of the Likud lawmakers and Ben-Gvir.

     Kahane advocated replacing the Israeli system with one based on Jewish law. Ben-Gvir, who was convicted of incitement to racism and support for terrorism, said during the campaign he had abandoned some of Kahane’s stances – but many believe that was a gambit to avoid disqualification and to appeal to more voters.

     The veteran political analyst Yossi Alpher predicted the emerging government would constitute an “imminent disaster” for the country if Netanyahu were unable or unwilling to rein in the radical parties to whom he conceded unprecedented powers during negotiations.

     Even if, as premier, he did attempt to curb those parties, the country could still be on course for a “long-term disaster”, Alpher said, adding: “We’ve never been in such a situation.” He forecast the possibility of the rule of law eroding in Israel and even more settler violence against Arabs.

     According to Debbie Gild-Hayo, a lawyer at the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, the bill opens the door to further deaths of Palestinians in the occupied West Bank at the hands of militarised police units.

     It also exposes liberal Jewish opponents of the government, Arab citizens, and the LGBTQ+ community to potential abuse in Israel, she said. “Because the bill’s designations are broad, it gives unlimited authority to the minister,” she added.

     The bill passed by 63-53 and could still be somewhat modified before its second and third readings.

     Ben-Gvir, who campaigned on a plan to expel “disloyal” Israeli citizens, has vowed to use his post to create “order” in the face of what the right has said is a grave internal security crisis in Arab communities inside Israel, some of them Bedouin.

     Ben-Gvir said he needed wider powers for this and that he had a popular mandate from voters to carry it out.

     He argued in the Knesset that Israel’s longstanding system of giving some key powers to the police commissioner, who is supposed to be apolitical, rather than the minister, was not democratic.

       “Only in police states does the police commissioner work on his own,” he told Knesset members. He termed opposition politicians who criticised his plans “dark people” who had no concept of democracy.

     In reality, the bill wresting powers from the commissioner and putting them in Ben-Gvir’s hands is one of the most “dangerous” manifestations of an Israel changing rapidly for the worse owing to Netanyahu’s return to power, according to opposition lawmakers from the centrist Yesh Atid party.

     Netanyahu is being criticised for allegedly caving in to the radical right to ensure legislation is passed altering the judiciary. This could nullify corruption cases that could put him behind bars.

     Among the changes touted by his Likud party and its partners would be a law giving the Knesset powers to override supreme court decisions. This could mean that victims of possible police abuses would have no protection.

     “The minister could harm the principle of equality in a country where Arabs are perceived as an internal enemy, harm police investigations, influence who can protest, misuse means of enforcement against the Bedouin, and refuse protection to gay pride parades,” Gild-Hayo said.

     “Minorities, liberals and opponents of the government will be threatened by this law.”

     Ben Lynfield provides a program for the theatrical performance of government now unfolding in Israel, in an article in The Guardian entitled Israel swears in Benjamin Netanyahu amid concerns of further slide to right; “Israel’s most rightwing cabinet ever has been sworn in, with Benjamin Netanyahu heading an administration that could open the door to fervently nationalist and religious politicians to radicalise the country and policies towards the Palestinians.

     Israeli liberals fear the veteran leader’s return to power in alliance with anti-Arab, ultranationalist and ultraorthodox parties will damage democratic aspects of the country’s governance. Arab citizens and the country’s LGBTQ+ community are both alarmed at what may be in store.

     Netanyahu took pains to assuage concerns, telling Israeli media following his government’s swearing in at the Knesset: “There is no reason to be concerned. My government will care for all the citizens of Israel.”

     The cabinet was voted in by a 63 to 54 tally, capping the right’s victory in November elections and coalition agreements between Likud and far-right parties that, if implemented, could harm Israel’s relations with western allies. There are fears that the government, which openly calls for annexation of the West Bank, could seal the fate of a possible two-state peace compromise with the Palestinians.

     Speaking from the West Bank, where tensions have already been high in recent months, Dalal Salameh, a member of the central committee of the ruling Palestinian Fatah movement, warned the new government could trigger a new intifada.

     “This is a fascist government whose main goal is exclusive control over all of Palestine,” she said. “These people will lead to an explosion because of how they think and how they will act on the ground. An explosion will come because the Palestinians will not accept it and this will lead to an intifada and going into unexpected areas.”

     “This situation leaves no possibility for people to see light,” she said.

     Speaking in the Knesset before presenting his ministers, Netanyahu, who was in power from 2012 to 2021 before being voted out amid corruption charges he denies, said allegations he is undermining democracy were unfounded. “Losing elections is not the end of democracy. It is the meaning of democracy. Respect the decision.”

     Concerns over where Netanyahu and his ministers are headed were heightened earlier this week with the publication of coalition agreements and guidelines that call for annexation of the West Bank with the timing yet to be determined, mass regularisation of illegal settlement outposts, and amending an anti-discrimination law in a way that would allow doctors and other providers to refuse service to LGBTQ+ patients, Arabs and others if it violates their beliefs.

     The government also declared it a priority to pass legislation enabling the Knesset to override supreme court decisions, thereby removing a major check on its power.

     Daniella Weiss, a prominent settler leader who is close to Bezalel Smotrich, the leader of the ultranationalist Religious Zionism Party and finance minister in the new government, pointed towards radical change in an interview, saying that a “revolution” was taking place. She said the new government would promote Jewish values and more intensive Jewish settlement of the biblically resonant West Bank as well as the Negev and Galilee regions inside Israel, which have large Arab populations.

     “The connection with the birthplace of the nation will be strengthened, bringing us closer to our dreams, and the chances of a Palestinian state are becoming lower and lower,” she said.

     This year has already seen some of the worst West Bank violence since 2015 as Israeli forces have cracked down on Palestinian unrest and militant attacks.

     Nachman Shai, the outgoing minister of diaspora affairs from the now opposition Labour party, said of the government: “If they accomplish what they want to, Israel will no longer be a democracy.”

     Gadi Gvaryahu, head of the Tag Meir group that combats violence by settlers, termed the government “delusional”.

     “This country was built by secular people, some of them atheists, with their feet on the ground – people without delusional ideas. If this messianic path is what we’re going on, God help us,” he said.

     Members of the new government

     Bezalel Smotrich, finance minister

     Smotrich, 42, will gain wide influence over the future of Palestinians in the occupied West Bank. A strict nationalist with anti-Arab and homophobic views, Smotrich told an interviewer recently that Israel’s economy will flourish if people “obey” Jewish religious law.

     Smotrich’s primary goal is boosting annexation efforts in the West Bank, in the belief that more Israeli settlement there paves the way for the culmination of the bibically prophesised Messianic age.

     In his new capacity, Smotrich, who is a settler, is expected to worsen conditions for Palestinians, whom he has in the past suggested should be encouraged to emigrate.

     Last year, he told Arab Knesset members that their presence in Israel is a “mistake” emanating from former Israeli prime minister David Ben-Gurion “not finishing the work” of throwing out all Palestinians.

     Itamar Ben-Gvir, national security minister

     Considered by many to be the most dangerous politician in the country, Ben-Gvir has advocated expelling “disloyal” citizens in a barely concealed reference to Israel’s Arab minority population.

     A disciple of the anti-Arab rabbi Meir Kahane, the sometimes gun-touting Ben-Gvir has extremist credentials, having been convicted of inciting racism and supporting terrorism. As a lawyer, he defended people later convicted of murder and other egregious crimes against Palestinian civilians. He had for many years prominently displayed in his home a picture of Baruch Goldstein, a fellow disciple of Kahane, who killed 29 Palestinians at mosque prayers in 1994.

     Ben-Gvir is politically shrewd and media-savvy. In the recent campaign, he modified some of his old messages, encouraging his followers to chant “death to the terrorists” rather than “death to the Arabs”.

     Avi Maoz, deputy minister

     Leader of the far-right, anti-LGBTQ+ Noam party, which has only one Knesset seat, Maoz will wield considerable power over Israeli education as a deputy minister.

     A settler in the Wadi Hilweh neighbourhood of occupied East Jerusalem, which he views as the cradle of biblical King David’s kingdom, Maoz, 66, espouses a state guided by ultra-conservative Jewish religious principles in which the chief rabbinate is a fully fledged branch of the government. Noam campaigned by stoking hatred of the LGBTQ+ community and Reform Jews, who are adherents of the most liberal branch of the faith and the largest denomination in the US. He opposes women joining the army, saying a woman’s role is to have children and raise an “exemplary” family.

     Netanyahu has created for Maoz a new “National Identity” government agency to inculcate his views. More worrisome to a broad segment of the Israeli public is that Netanyahu has given him control of external school programmes, which used to be under the purview of the education ministry. Opposition leader Yair Lapid fears that he will use this to promote “dark, homophobic, nationalist and violent” teachings.

     Aryeh Deri, interior and health minister

     Head of the ultra-orthodox Shas party, whose political base is made up primarily of lower-income Jews with roots in the Arab world, Moroccan-born Deri is a close ally of Netanyahu. His career has been fraught with corruption allegations and convictions and includes serving time in prison from 1999-2001. On Tuesday, the Knesset amended a law to enable him to serve as a minister in the new government despite being on probation after reaching a plea bargain deal for tax evasion charges.

     Netanyahu has showered on Deri a bevy of posts in this government: deputy premier, interior minister and health minister, and in two years he is slated to rotate into the job of finance minister. Critics view him as primarily a sectoral politician concerned with building up Shas institutions and power. Secular Jews and women’s rights advocates are wary that Shas will propel initiatives to expand the role of religion in society at their expense.

     Yariv Levin, justice minister

     Enjoying an especially close relationship with Netanyahu, Levin is expected to spearhead a drive to weaken the supreme court and other judicial checks and balances. In Levin’s view, the court is an elitist leftwing body that acts against the will of the majority. “The situation of rule by judges is not democracy,” he told Galei Zahal, the army’s radio station, in July. In fact, the court has recently moved to the right.

     Levin backs giving the Knesset power to override supreme court decisions and altering the way judges are selected to subordinate the judiciary to the cabinet. Critics say the plans of the new government to cripple the judiciary are aimed at least in part at engineering the cancellation of ongoing corruption proceedings against Netanyahu.

     Haaretz columnist Ravit Hecht has contrasted Levin’s calm style with what she considers his explosive and destructive ideas, terming him “the most sophisticated operator in Israeli politics”.

     From what obsidian background does a fascist state of Israel emerge? Herein once more the imposed conditions of anticolonial and revolutionary struggle have made a state born of victorious liberation corruptive of its own values, and transformed the seizures of power necessary to break our chains into tyranny and an imperial militarist and carceral state of force and control, which weaponizes fascisms of blood, faith, and soil in service to power and authority. This is as always a predictable phase of revolutionary struggle; once the master has been toppled from his throne and his empire in ruins, the newly free respond to the trauma of their history with power and force, and the need for security becomes paramount.

     So by force of arms we humans make ourselves the arbiters of virtue, that we Never Again become victims; but who will rebel against us?

     Never Again is a motto of liberation and antifascist struggle which I often use, but unlike the terrorist of theocratic Orthodoxy with which it is associated, Rabbi Kahane, I use it in the context of a slave breaking his chains, to paraphrase Trotsky in Their Morals and Ours, Sartre in his 1948 play Dirty Hands, and Malcolm X in his infamous speech By Any Means Necessary. Never Again!; in the mission of hunting fascists, overthrowing tyrants, and action in solidarity with all those whom Frantz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth; the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, all precariats and marginalized communities, victims of hate crime, the enslaved and the dehumanized. In the words of the Black Lives Matter protests, “Everybody in, nobody out”; but never in accommodation with evil, on the side of imperial conquest and dominion, exploitation, commodification, falsification, divisions of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, fascisms of race, faith, and nationality, and the theft of the soul.

     My test for the use of social force is simple; who holds power? There is a line spoken by the villain in the series The Magicians, a survivor of childhood abuse and tyrant known as The Beast for his horrific crimes, once the powerless and terrified Martin Chatwin and now like Saturn a monstrous cannibal god; “You know, when I was a boy, a man who was meant to care for me bent me over his desk and had me over and over every time I was alone with him. It helps me understand a truth. You’re powerful or you’re weak. “

      Here is the original lie of the tyrant and the fascist in the apologetics and self-justification of power; the lie that only power has meaning, that there is no good or evil. How we use power, and for what ends and purposes, is of equal importance as who holds it. Fear and force are a primary means of human exchange, but not the only means; love, membership, and belonging are as important. The great question which democracy attempts to answer is how to balance the rights and needs of individuals so that none may infringe upon another’s. 

      It’s a line which captures perfectly the inherent contradictions of the  Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force as an origin of evil; for the use of social force is subversive of its own values. Yet the imposed conditions of revolutionary struggle often require violence, and until the gods of law and order have been cast down from their thrones I must agree with the famous dictum of Sartre in his 1948 play Dirty Hands, quoted by Frantz Fanon in his 1960 speech Why We Use Violence, and made immortal by Malcolm X; “by any means necessary.”

     As written by Walter Rodney in The Groundings with my Brothers; “We were told that violence in itself is evil, and that, whatever the cause, it is unjustified morally. By what standard of morality can the violence used by a slave to break his chains be considered the same as the violence of a slave master? By what standards can we equate the violence of blacks who have been oppressed, suppressed, depressed and repressed for four centuries with the violence of white fascists? Violence aimed at the recovery of human dignity and at equality cannot be judged by the same yardstick as violence aimed at maintenance of discrimination and oppression.”

     And here is the passage he references from Leon Trotsky in Their Morals and Ours: The Class Foundations of Moral Practice; “A slave-owner who through cunning and violence shackles a slave in chains, and a slave who through cunning or violence breaks the chains – let not the contemptible eunuchs tell us that they are equals before a court of morality!”

    I have no use for anything that limits our power to resist evil; the boundaries of the Forbidden, the tyranny of normality and other people’s ideas of virtue, or the limits of our humanity.

     Yet in reflection I think of those great figures who have been both heroes of liberation and villains of tyranny; Napoleon, Washington, Stalin, Mao, the list is a near endless litany of woes and failures of vision wherein Brave New Worlds became hells and carceral states. In evidence I offer the French and American Revolutions and their imperial successor states, those of the Soviet Union and the Chinese Communist Party, and above all the state of Israel, a dream of refuge forged in the terror of the Holocaust whose victims learned the wrong lessons from the Nazis and assumed their role in the Occupation of Palestine. The dangers of Idealism as taught to us by Vladimir Nabokov in Lolita and by his model Thomas Mann in Death in Venice are very real; but so are the dangers of submission to authority and the complicity of silence in the face of evil.

     How does a revolution seize power without becoming a tyranny? How shall we gather the force and will to resist unjust authority, without enforcing our own notions of the good on others in our turn?

     This is the dilemma of power; that we must wield force to take it from our oppressors, and that we must relinquish it when it is ours and refuse to shape our fellows to our will.

     We must refuse to submit to authority if we are to seize our liberty; and we must refuse to become that authority in the subjugation of others that they may do the same if we are to avoid becoming the monsters we hunt.

     The price of our freedom must never again become the enslavement, subjugation, and dehumanization of others. Such is my Never Again; in the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.

     As I wrote in my post of February 5 2020, Democracy Falls in America: the Acquittal of Traitor Trump; At the end I am driven finally to reconsider the position of the great, flawed idol of my youth Malcolm X; by any means necessary.

      By any means necessary; this is a horrible, terrible principle of action, one fraught with endless possibilities of inhumanity and malign power, yet if we are forced to a resistance of survival as was Camus, who wrote for those who must claw their way out of the ruins of lost positions and face yet another Last Stand, beyond hope of victory or even survival, how else may we combat our dehumanization?

     We must never surrender hope, for our resistance can triumph over anything but the loss of our faith in ourselves and one another. So long as one of us remembers the dream of freedom, we may yet redeem our humanity.

      My answer to the Republican subversion of democracy remains NO!

     Yet beyond this, we must fight not merely against fascism but also for democracy and the universal rights of man. As we resist fascism to defend equality and freedom as our common human rights, so we must use force and violence against social and institutional systems, structures, and ideologies and not persons, for we may seek truth together nonviolently with those with whom we disagree as the signal virtue of democracy and humanism, even with our enemies as brother warriors.

     Resisting evil means resisting that of others against our universal humanity, but it also means resisting the seduction of evil and power and of our own use of force to compel others.

     Power is the evil impulse which births monsters.

     So often in history those who commit true atrocities are utterly convinced of the justice of their cause, Gott Mitt Uns, are informed and motivated by narratives of victimhood and have abandoned the self-questioning which is the fulcrum of a free society of equals. This, too, we must resist.

     For this is why revolutions, once power has been seized and tyranny overthrown, may become themselves tyrannies, and why I prefer to let others run amok and be ungovernable to the specter of authoritarian social control.

     Let us send no armies to enforce virtue.

     And remember always Nietzsche’s warning in Beyond Good and Evil; “He who fights monsters should be careful lest he thereby become a monster. And if thou gaze long into an abyss, the abyss gazes back into thee.”

    O Israel, I speak to you now from that Abyss; let us not birth monsters in hunting our own reflections. Politics has ever been the art of fear; but it can become instead an art of love, and a praxis of our duty of care for others.

          As written by Richard Silverstein in Jacobin, in an article entitled For the Israeli Right, the New Government Represents a Return to Its Fascist Roots: With the inauguration of Israel’s new far-right government, Zionism has finally embraced the fascist ideology that inspired major sections of the movement during its formative years a century ago; “Last month, Israel inaugurated what is, in effect, the first fascist government in its history.

     The State of Israel was the product of the Jewish nationalist movement that originated in the mass antisemitic violence of Tsarist Russia of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. Much of the world, including European Jewish communities, stood by helplessly as organized Cossack militias and other pogromists rampaged through Ukrainian Jewish shtetls raping, pillaging, and murdering tens of thousands of helpless Jews.

     An idealistic Hungarian journalist developed a plan to save endangered Eastern European Jewry. Theodore Herzl envisioned the Jewish homeland would become a thriving nation for these millions, who were otherwise destined for penury, privation and death. Rather than wait for the tsar and his henchmen to seal these Jews’ fate, Herzl foresaw a mass Jewish exodus from these lands of affliction to a vibrant new state awaiting them.

     Initially, Herzl saw this state as a haven for Eastern European Jews facing the gravest threat. But later Zionist leaders developed a far more sweeping vision of the future, in which all Jews would either choose or be forced by systemic violence to seek refuge and build a state in Palestine.

     Zionism, in effect, negated the entire existence of a Jewish Diaspora by claiming Jews were doomed to destruction in the face of overwhelming hatred from “gentiles.” This principle came to be known in Zionist ideology as “negation of exile.” Its corollary was a “return to history,” meaning that Zionism represented a return of the Jewish people to their rightful physical and spiritual place in the biblical land of Israel. It also signified a normalization of Jews, so that instead of being weak, hopeless, and on the margins of diasporic societies, they could be at the center and in control of their fate. That project would soon become successful — so successful that, in many ways, it would come to resemble fascism.

     Zionism and Socialism

     Almost from its inception, the Jewish national movement offered a response to the question of governing the new Jewish polity. The approach that dominated the first eight decades of the movement reflected the socialist model, which had been prevalent in post-tsarist Russia and much of Eastern Europe.

     The revolutionary ferment that preceded the 1917 Bolshevik revolution had a profound impact on Jews who joined the Zionist movement. They embraced socialist values and sought to incorporate them into the new Hebrew colony: namely, the overarching value of work and the worker; or, in the terminology of the day, “Hebrew labor.” Perhaps the foremost example of this was the agricultural collectivist kibbutz movement. They also called for the formation of state enterprises and nationalization of the economy, including major industries.

     The opposite of socialist Zionism was Revisionism. Its founder, Ze’ev Jabotinsky, advocated a form of militant Jewish nationalism. Like the socialists, Jabotinsky was a child of Eastern European Jewry. But he rejected the tenets of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Instead, he took as his model the rising populist, fascist movements in Italy and Germany. Benito Mussolini was especially to his liking: he didn’t espouse explicitly antisemitic ideas, as Adolf Hitler clearly did. Like his Italian idol, Jabotinsky projected Jewish power and a united Jewish nation intent on achieving it.

     He understood that the “Palestinian Arabs,” as they were called, wanted no part in the new Jewish colony. He acknowledged that the Jews were colonizers and that it would be necessary to use force to quell their opposition. Nothing could, to his mind, stand in the way of the Jewish national project.

     In “The Iron Wall” (1923), he expresses his disdain for the indigenous inhabitants:

     “Culturally they [Palestinian Arabs] are five hundred years behind us, they have neither our endurance nor our determination; but they are just as good psychologists as we are. . . . We may tell them whatever we like about the innocence of our aims, watering them down and sweetening them with honeyed words to make them palatable. But they know what we want, as well as we know what they do not want. They feel at least the same instinctive jealous love of Palestine, as the old Aztecs felt for ancient Mexico, and the Sioux for their rolling Prairies.”

     In the essay, he suggests there are only two ways to create the state he envisions: either imposition by colonial powers like the British, who promulgated the Balfour Declaration, calling for creation of a “Jewish homeland,” or by the Zionists themselves through force, in the form of a Jewish army. He further argues that it is futile to attempt to come to terms with the Palestinians. No compromise, no understanding, is possible. This has been the policy of Israel’s right-wing Likud governments of the past fifty years.

     Jabotinsky went on:

     “Zionist colonization must either stop or else proceed regardless of the native population. Which means that it can proceed and develop only under the protection of a power that is independent of the native population — behind an iron wall, which the native population cannot breach. . . .

     We cannot offer any adequate compensation to the Palestinian Arabs in return for Palestine. And therefore, there is no likelihood of any voluntary agreement being reached. So that all those who regard such an agreement as a condition sine qua non for Zionism may as well say “No” and withdraw from Zionism. . . .

     In this matter there is no difference between our “militarists” and our “vegetarians.” Except that the first prefer that the iron wall should consist of Jewish soldiers, and the others are content that they should be British.”

     By 1939, two months after World War II broke out, Jabotinsky envisioned a chaotic postwar order in which millions would be uprooted from their centuries-old homes and forced to live in ethnic states. He — along with David Ben-Gurion, who wrote a 1937 letter to his son advocating population transfer (i.e., ethnic cleansing) — argued, “They [Palestinian Arabs] will have to make room for the [surviving] Jews and leave, perhaps to Saudi Arabia with the support of an international loan.”

     Less than a year after Jabotinsky’s death in 1940, the Revisionist armed militia that had been created as part of his movement splintered. The more violent and radical branch founded Lehi, or the National Military Organization of Israel (NMO), which proposed a deal with the Nazis in which Palestinian Jewry would become a German ally. In return, Germany would recognize an independent state in Palestine.

     Lehi’s Ankara Document envisioned an alliance between the new state and the Nazis predicated on the latter’s victory in the war:

     The NMO, which is well-acquainted with the good will of the German Reich government and its authorities toward Zionist activity inside Germany and toward Zionist emigration plans, is of the opinion that:

     Common interests could exist between the establishment of a new order in Europe in conformity with the German concept, and the true national aspirations of the Jewish people as they are embodied by the NMO.

     Cooperation between the new Germany and a renewed folkish-national Hebraium would be possible and,

     The establishment of the historic Jewish state on a national and totalitarian basis, bound by a treaty with the German Reich, would be in the interest of a maintained and strengthened future German position of power in the Near East.

     Proceeding from these considerations, the NMO in Palestine, under the condition [that] the abovementioned national aspirations of the Israeli freedom movement are recognized on the side of the German Reich, offers to actively take part in the war on Germany’s side.

     The italicized term above in the original German, völkisch-nationalen Hebräertum, has been translated as popular-national Hebrewness. But I suggest that the Lehi authors of this proposal sought to align their own national vision with Nazi Germany and that one could translate the phrase as a Hebrew national socialism. Though unstated, this new militantly nationalist state would treat the indigenous Palestinian population in a similar fashion to the Nazi treatment of German Jewry before the explicit policy of genocide was promulgated.

    The Germans failed to pursue the offer. But that did not dent Lehi’s ambition to strike against its imperial enemy. In 1943, future prime minister Yitzhak Shamir directed a plot leading to the assassination of Britain’s leading diplomat in Cairo, Lord Moyne.

     As opposed to European partisans (including Eastern European Jews) who were killing German soldiers, the Revisionists saw their only enemy as the British. The Nazis, as far as they were concerned, were a way to end the mandate and gain national independence.

    But as they saw the war shift in the Allies’ favor, Lehi turned increasingly toward another totalitarian state: Joseph Stalin’s Soviet Union. In fact, the Judeo-militants began using the phrase “Hebrew national Bolshevism” (a reverse echo of völkisch-nationalen Hebräertum) to describe their own vision for the future Zionist state. This strand of Revisionism had no absolute allegiance to either ideology. It embraced whichever one appeared likely to emerge victorious in the postwar era: the winner would be the one that could best advance Revisionism’s aim to establish a state.

     But there was one underlying principle common to both systems: a totalitarian model of state control in the political, economic, and even personal spheres.

     Religion and Fascism

     Twentieth-century iterations of fascism varied in their approach to religion. Hitler and Mussolini did not especially seek to incorporate it into their own political philosophy. On the other hand, Francisco Franco’s Spain, the Croatian Ustaše, and the Romanian Iron Guard were — and Vladimir Putin’s Russia today is — Christo-ethnic-nationalist states. Similarly, a form of theocratic fundamentalism now reigns in parts of the incoming Israeli government.

     Revisionism, like Mussolini’s brand of fascism, was an entirely secular movement. In fact, it, and much of the Zionist movement, rejected Judaism as a relic of the Diaspora and the suffering of the Jewish past. “Hebrew,” as a reference to the New Jewish Man, was meant to replace it.

     But after 1967, the Greater Israel movement, inspired by the messianic nationalism of Rabbi Avraham Kook, integrated religious supremacy with secular nationalism. This in turn gave birth to the settler movement, the single most influential political movement since the founding of the state. The two combined became a vastly more powerful phenomenon than they were separately. Thus, the Israeli forces that emerged victorious in the latest election represent a combination of Jewish Talibanism and European fascism.

     Zionism and the Holocaust

     The claim of early-twentieth-century Zionism, that the Jewish Diaspora was doomed due to the historic antisemitism of the nations, foreshadowed the Holocaust. It was prescient in its warning against relying on the Diaspora as a safe place for Jewish life.

     But shockingly, the Yishuv, the prestate governing authority in Palestine, did little to rescue European Jews during this catastrophic period. As opposed to American and British Jewry, the Yishuv focused on building the Palestinian colony and preparing it for independent statehood. Even when the Zionists attempted to save Jews (as in the Haavara Agreement to bring German Jews to Palestine), they did so only when it could directly benefit the Yishuv.

     Why were Zionists in Palestine essentially willing to leave European Jewry to its fate? Zionism argued that a nation-state offered the means to end diasporic Jewish suffering and ensure the survival of the Jewish people. But it was more than a means — for Zionists, it was the only means. Jewish life outside that state, they believed, was doomed to annihilation or disappearance via assimilation. The ingathering of the exiles meant, in effect, the withering away of all Jewry outside it.

     Such a rigid ideological construct was, in itself, a form of Israel supremacism and diaspora denialism — a dictation from the center of the Jewish world that it was the only path to survival. All others were at best a distraction from the Jewish sovereignty and at worst an impediment and thus a danger to it.

     The Israeli forces that emerged victorious in the latest election represent a combination of Jewish Talibanism and European fascism.

     Zionists made an exception to this principle. They saw one key benefit to maintaining a relationship with the diaspora. Leaders like founding prime minister Ben-Gurion relied on wealthy countries like the United States to fund costly military projects such as the nuclear weapons program. They also understood the need for powerful allies to arm them and offer political support in the face of their Arab enemies. The founding of the Israel lobby with the incorporation of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) in 1953 was another critical development for Israel-Diaspora relations.

     Nevertheless, Israel has never seen the Jewish Diaspora as a full partner. Rather the diaspora has always been a stepchild, a sideshow of Jewish peoplehood. This foundational conflict between the two key factions of world Jewry was, for decades, papered over by protestations of love and loyalty to the Zionist enterprise by many Diaspora Jews.

     But over time, it has become a growing and perhaps irreparable rift, as Israel turns away from the liberal democratic values of much of world Jewry and embraces Judeo-supremacy, a version of Judaism advocating naked power and triumphalism over the values of the biblical prophets.

     Despite foreseeing the cataclysm that befell European Jewry, Zionism did get one thing very wrong: the Diaspora was not a dead end.

     Despite the murder of six million Jews, the Diaspora not only survived but thrived. And it survived not by suppressing Jewish identity in order to assimilate with the non-Jewish world but by embedding itself, its traditions, and its values within (non-Jewish) society and popular culture.

     That is a triumph that flew in the face of Zionist dogma. It has led to a schizoid relationship: the Diaspora, according to classical Zionism, will eventually disappear. Even if it survived, Israel should be independent of it and stand on its own two feet. Yet the Diaspora thrives and even offers hundreds of billions to Israel via communal philanthropy and US aid.

     Meanwhile, Diaspora Jewry has staked out an independent identity, increasingly at odds with Israel, both politically and religiously. The former is largely secular, liberal, and democratic — values that have become anathema in the new fascist Israel. The latter’s new agenda of homophobia, mass violence, and Judeo-supremacy confronts foreign Jewish communities with a troubling dilemma. While communal leaders are chained to their traditional support of Israel, rank-and-file Jews will be driven farther away from a phenomenon that repels and disgusts them.

    Israel: Fascism Re-Ascendant

    Fascism finds its origins in suffering. Germany was vanquished in World War I and burdened with a treaty of surrender that imposed punitive debt leading to economic collapse. As a result, Germans nurtured a deep grievance against France and the other European powers, who had imposed an unbearable burden on them. The Nazi movement exploited this resentment and offered Germans pride and hope, along with a desire to seek revenge for their national humiliation.

     Like Hitler’s early years in the political wilderness filled with imprisonment and obscurity, Revisionism too was reviled by the dominant Zionist socialist faction before 1948. It spent decades thereafter in the shadows, largely viewed as a historical relic. Those slights rankled and nursed a sense of grievance against Labor’s governing elite. However, Revisionism did not die.

    The flame of Jabotinskyism remained lit in the hearts of disciples like Benzion Milikovsky, who served as Jabotinsky’s personal secretary in the United States until Jabotinsky’s death in 1940. After, Milikovsky returned to Israel. But Menachem Begin had taken political leadership, and Milikovsky had no role to play. He returned to self-imposed exile in America as an academic, living a life filled with grievance at the thwarting of his ambitions. But his two sons changed the family name to Netanyahu, and a new Hebrew legend was born.

     Kahanism in the Israeli Mainstream

     The most influential Israeli fascist political figure of the past half-century, however, was Brooklyn-born Rabbi Meir Kahane. He began his political career taking up the cause of the Soviet Jewry movement in the 1960s, which sought to allow persecuted Jews to emigrate. The Jewish Defense League (JDL), which he founded in 1968, became the first Jewish terrorist group in US history. It trafficked in weapons and prepared explosive devices, using extreme violence to dramatize its cause: the JDL conspired to bomb Soviet buildings in the United States and sent a letter bomb to the office of a Jewish impresario who produced events for Russian artists, killing an office worker.

     The other major thrust of the JDL was a racist campaign against a group of largely African American and Puerto Rican parents in the Ocean Hill–Brownsville area of Brooklyn that sought “community control” of its local public schools in 1968. The teachers’ union responded by calling a strike. Most of the teachers and union leaders were white and Jewish, which provoked antisemitic attacks from the community. Kahane, though hardly a champion of the labor movement, was determined to go to war, seeking to transform the political battle into the equivalent of a guerilla campaign.

     After JDL activists were arrested on weapons charges and the FBI dismantled its criminal network, Kahane fled the United States to Israel. There, the principal target of his racism moved from African Americans to what he called “the Arabs.”

     In the 1980s, he founded the political party Kach, whose agenda mirrored many of the Nuremberg Laws. He faced scores of arrests by Israeli police for incitement to terror and was jailed a number of times. After winning a seat in the Knesset, Kahane was expelled, and Kach was outlawed as a terrorist organization in 1988, a status maintained by the US government until this year. Ironically, the United States removed Kach from the blacklist because it hadn’t existed for several decades. But shortly after it did so, the avowedly Kahanist party, Jewish Power, won an astonishing victory in national elections.

     Kahane was assassinated by an Egyptian Islamist in New York in 1990. But instead of fading into obscurity, he became a prophet of Israeli fascism. The agenda of the incoming Israeli government closely mirrors Kahane’s political philosophy.

     Kahane was obsessed with Jewish racial purity and urged strict separation between Jews and “Arabs.” He especially inveighed against “mixed-race” sexual relations. The Nazis too defended the purity of the “Aryan race” by forbidding sexual relations between Germans and Jews. Leaders of some of the most extreme Israeli religious parties similarly inveigh against “Arabs” who, in their telling, lure impressionable Jewish women into sexual relationships in order to convert them and their children to Islam.

     The state prosecutor routinely refuses to prosecute soldiers and police who execute Palestinians — sometimes militants but often unarmed civilians as well.

     In his day, Hitler called for a boycott of Jewish businesses and urged citizens to patronize German stores. Similarly, leading Israeli politicians have called for Jews not to shop at Palestinian businesses nor hire Palestinians to work in their own stores.

     Kahane viewed Israeli Palestinians as a fifth column whose goal was the destruction of the “Jewish state.” This parallels the Nazis who, prior to the 1943 Wannsee Conference, supported the emigration of Jews from Europe as a solution to the “Jewish problem.” Kahane too urged mass expulsion of Palestinians from Israel. Itamar Ben Gvir, on the other hand, differentiates himself from his mentor, Kahane, by calling for the expulsion of only “disloyal” Palestinian citizens.

     Just as the Nazis used mass violence on their path to power, targeting Jews and other political enemies, Ben Gvir and his settler allies use the same tactics, including arson, desecration of Muslim holy sites, and even murder. Every year, he marches through Palestinian East Jerusalem with tens of thousands of religious extremists chanting “Death to Arabs.”

     Before Labor prime minister Yitzhak Rabin’s 1995 assassination, Gvir boasted that he and his colleagues could “get to” the prime minister. Only weeks later, Yigal Amir, a far-right extremist who shared many of Ben Gvir’s nationalist ideological views, murdered Rabin.

     Kahane denounced Western democracy and said Judaism was incompatible with it. He advocated instead a theocracy based on the supremacy of religious law. Israeli Orthodox parties, most of which will feature in the new Israeli government, prefer a theocratic state governed by religious law (halakha) to democracy. Though they were elected to and will serve in the Knesset, they exploit democracy to maintain the extravagant financial benefits showered on their followers from state coffers. They legislate to impose halakha on the country.

     The Nazis transformed Germany into a one-party state with an SS police apparatus that ruthlessly suppressed dissent. It also rooted out “deviant” classes like homosexuals, communists, and Jews and shipped them to concentration camps. Germany’s legal system and judiciary were subservient to Nazism, having lost any semblance of independence.

     The new Israeli government plans to approve a new law that will override any Supreme Court ruling it opposes. It will do so with a simple majority vote in the Knesset. This, Israeli political analysts have noted, will destroy the rule of law and in effect dismantle an independent judiciary.

     Israel’s legal system enshrines impunity for crimes against Palestinians by state authorities. The state prosecutor routinely refuses to prosecute soldiers and police who execute Palestinians — sometimes militants but often unarmed civilians as well. Nearly all complaints of torture by Palestinians at the hands of police interrogators are dismissed. Palestinian security arrestees are convicted of security crimes in nearly 100 percent of cases.

     Similar to the Nazi police state, Israel maintains a draconian system of mass surveillance against occupied Palestine which includes interception of all forms of communication, installation of thousands of CCTV cameras monitoring all towns, and nightly arrests of security suspects, often accompanied by the murder of Palestinians who protest the intrusions by Israeli troops.

     Like Hitler’s terrorizing of German Jews with organized pogroms like Kristallnacht, which pillaged Jewish businesses and burned historic synagogues to the ground, Ben Gvir and many in the Israeli settler movement dream of destroying Islam’s third holiest shrine, Jerusalem’s al-Ḥaram al-Sharīf, and replacing it with a rebuilt Third Temple.

     In fact, earlier this week, he fulfilled a campaign commitment to his followers, making a “pilgrimage” to what he deemed the Temple Mount. He stayed only thirteen minutes: long enough to film a video boasting of Israeli sovereignty over the holy site. Then, he was whisked away by security forces. In 2000, Ariel Sharon made the same visit, which incited rage among Palestinians. That commenced the Second Intifada, in which six thousand Israelis and Palestinians died.

     The world has universally condemned Ben Gvir’s provocation. One of Israel’s closest Arab allies, the United Arab Emirates, has demanded a United Nations Security Council meeting to protest the visit. Jordan’s King Abdullah, the custodian of the Jerusalem holy sites, told CNN: “If people want to get into a conflict with us, we’re quite prepared. . . . We have certain red lines. . . . And if people want to push those red lines, then we will deal with that.” Joe Biden’s administration has, unfortunately, seen fit to merely express “concern” for a violation of the religious status quo at the holy site.

     Israel’s New Fascist-Theocratic Government

     The embers of Israeli fascism have smoldered under Israel for at least seventy years, if not longer. Turn-of-the-twentieth-century antisemitism may have lit a match that spurred the founding of Zionism. But today, Revisionist fascism, which accompanied and underpinned Zionism almost from its inception, has burst into flames with November’s resounding election victory.

     Before November’s Israeli election, a gang of settler leaders formed the Jewish Power Party (the phrase “Jewish Power” hearkens back to the founder of Israeli fascism, Kahane) and won six seats in the new Knesset, running on a joint list with the far-right Religious Zionist and Noam parties; the list won fourteen seats total. This provided Benjamin Netanyahu a resounding victory and the votes needed for a majority. But the victory comes at a cost.

     The leaders of these extremist parties are virtual political thugs. The Jewish Power Party’s leader, Ben Gvir, is a disciple of Kahane who refers to the late terrorist with the honorific “my rebbe.” Ben Gvir has been convicted of incitement to terrorism fifty times. He is also the leader of the most extreme of settler militias, Hilltop Youth, who have rampaged through Palestinian villages destroying property and even burning a family to death.

     The new governing coalition will seek to dispense with as many remaining vestiges of democracy as it can.

     His chief partner, Religious Zionist Party leader Bezalel Smotrich, was arrested by the Shin Bet with an explosive device in his car. He intended to perpetrate a terror attack to protest Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza.

     Under the coming coalition agreement, Ben Gvir will become police minister, responsible for the very officers who investigated him for his past crimes. He will also command the Israel Border Police, among the most violent forces used to terrorize Palestinians.

     Smotrich will be responsible for Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT), the military administration for the occupied territories. From his perch, he will manage all Israeli settlements including outposts that, until now, have been illegal. As a Haaretz columnist writes, they are not extremists — they are “political arsonists.”

     Another rabbi who is part of the incoming government leads a party whose declared mission is to destroy LGBTQ rights. He specifically calls for canceling the annual gay pride parade. He will lead a new unit of the education ministry responsible for extracurricular activities like science and art programs. He will control access to schools and prohibit civil society NGOs from offering programming he finds objectionable.

     The new governing coalition will seek to dispense with as many remaining vestiges of democracy as it can in order to replace them with a theocratic state governed by the Torah rather than secular law. It will fuse religious fundamentalism with naked political power to form the first Judeo-fascist government in the nation’s history.

     Fascism and Palestinians

     Though the founding of a state as a haven for persecuted Jews may have offered safety to hundreds of thousands of Jews subject to pogroms, early Zionism never reckoned with the indigenous Palestinian inhabitants of the land, which it intended as the Jewish homeland. This refusal led inexorably to conflict between the two peoples and eventually all-out war and the Nakba.

     Seven decades of hatred and perpetual bloodletting has in turn soured Israelis on any agreement involving compromise of their country’s territorial ambitions. To the extent that they identified such a willingness to compromise with the Labor Party, they rejected the party and the political agenda it represented. This in turn led to the victory of the Likud in 1977 and its domination of the next four decades of Israeli politics.

     During that period, the successors to Jabotinsky turned progressively farther to the right, until today they are almost a pure embodiment of classical fascism. As such, they hearken back to the most violent and totalitarian traditions of Lehi.

     Fascism has won in Israel. Now, it will wreak holy havoc both on Israelis — who may not even realize its impact on them — and Palestinians, who are only too aware of that havoc in their flesh and bones.”

      As written by Belen Fernandez in Jacobin, in an article entitled Israel Is an Extremist Enterprise: Benjamin Netanyahu’s pact with a far-right, anti-Arab party ahead of April’s elections is repugnant. But it’s in keeping with a state that has racism and exclusion baked into its foundation; “n preparation for April elections, Israeli prime minister and right-wing icon Benjamin Netanyahu has sought to increase his chances of forming a majority government by finagling a merger of extremist party Otzma Yehudit — Jewish Power — with Jewish Home, another far-right party whose ideology is more palatable to mainstream opinion.

     Otzma Yehudit subscribes to the worldview of Meir Kahane, the New York-born rabbi — assassinated in 1990 — whose movement was banned from Israeli politics in the 1980s and classified as a terrorist group in the United States. Among the many charming ideas inherited from Kahane are that the occupied Palestinian territories should be annexed to Israel and Palestinians should be expelled.

     The New York Times notes that Netanyahu has “enraged Jewish leaders in Israel and the United States by striking a bargain with a racist anti-Arab party whose ideology was likened by one influential rabbi to Nazism.” And it’s not just the usual liberal Zionists wringing their hands at the perceived sullying of Israel’s image.

     AIPAC — pillar of the Israel lobby in the United States — retweeted a condemnation of Otzma Yehudit by the American Jewish Committee, seconding the conviction that the party is “racist and reprehensible.” (This didn’t stop AIPAC from tweeting the very next day that it was “honored to announce” Netanyahu’s impending attendance as a speaker at its 2019 policy conference.) Jonathan Greenblatt, CEO of the Zionist Anti-Defamation League (ADL), also took to Twitter to lament that the Otzma Yehudit leaders and their “hate-filled rhetoric” were “being legitimized” by the Jewish Home-Jewish Power union: “There should be no room for racism & no accommodation for intolerance in Israel or any democracy.”

     But while the ostensibly antiracist uproar no doubt comes off as noble, the fact is that Israel is fundamentally a racist and anti-Arab state that has carried out an uninterrupted flow of reprehensible behavior.

     Where, pray tell, are all of the concerned curators of Brand Israel when the country opts to undertake one of its regular bouts of slaughter in the Gaza Strip? Where are the paeans to tolerance and democracy when Israeli Arabs are deemed second-class citizens and non-Israeli ones are treated as either terrorists or collateral damage?

     Over at Bloomberg, neocon Eli Lake moans that Jewish Power “embraces [Kahane’s] policy of ethnic cleansing” and that “one of its leaders holds a party every year at the grave of the Jewish terrorist Baruch Goldstein, who murdered 29 Palestinian civilians in 1994.” But as Israeli historian Ilan Pappé demonstrates in The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, that particular “policy” is Israel’s MO. And while the Goldstein massacre certainly qualifies as terrorism, it would seem that plenty of other episodes in recent Israeli history do, too — like the 2014 Israeli military murder of 2,251 Palestinians in Gaza, including 229 women and 551 children.

     This bloodbath and others, incidentally, were presided over by none other than Israeli army chief of staff Benny Gantz, Netanyahu’s main challenger in the upcoming elections, whom Netanyahu has taken the liberty of decrying as “left-wing.” Suffice it to say that with Gantz on the left and Otzma Yehudit on the right, there’s lots of room for barbarity on the present political spectrum — but not much else.

     In its coverage of the Jewish Power pact, the New York Times references Israeli campaign ads featuring the country’s finance minister alongside Menachem Begin, former Israeli prime minister and founder of Netanyahu’s Likud party: “‘The sane right,’ the ads say, in an implicit attack on today’s Likud.”

     And yet this is the same Menachem Begin whose previous Herut party was — shortly after Israel’s establishment in 1948 — condemned in a letter published in the very same Times and signed by Albert Einstein, Hannah Arendt, and other prominent Jews. The letter denounced the party as “closely akin in its organization, methods, political philosophy and social appeal to the Nazi and Fascist parties.”

     Sane, indeed.

     Speaking of fascism, an NBC News article on Netanyahu’s “embrace of far-right extremists” quotes Yossi Mekelberg, a professor at Regent’s University in London and an associate fellow at Chatham House: “The Kahanists are a bunch of fascists.”

     Again, however, it seems the F-word could be more liberally applied in a country that last year passed a law formally establishing Israel as the “nation-state of the Jewish people” and downgrading Arabic from an official language to one with “special status.” It also bears mentioning that Jewish Home — the new ally of Jewish Power — until recently boasted such leaders as Israeli Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked, who in 2014 called for the genocide of Palestinians, and Education Minister Naftali Bennett, known for such feats as an ethics code banning university professors from expressing political opinions or supporting the BDS movement.

     A few months ago, Shaked and Bennett broke off to form the New Right party — since Israel can apparently never have enough varieties of right-wing zealotry.

     Now, the reaction to Netanyahu’s Jewish Home–Jewish Power machinations recalls the commotion elicited by the nation-state law, when conscientious Zionists warned of Israel’s dangerous diversion from its ordinarily oh-so-moral path. But the reality remains that — with or without Otzma Yehudit — Israel is itself an extremist enterprise.”

בפרצוף שלכם, שלטון ושופרות. דגלי ישראל, דגלי פלסטין, תקפצו. מול מחנה הפאשיזם – מחנה השוויון מרים ראש. יחד. בלי פחד. עד לניצחון.

In your face, rule and trumpets. The flags of Israel, the flags of Palestine, will fly. Against the camp of fascism – the camp of equality raises its head. together. without fear. until victory

בפרצוף שלכם, שלטון ושופרות. דגלי ישראל, דגלי פלסטין, תקפצו. מול מחנה הפאשיזם – מחנה השוויון מרים ראש. יחד. בלי פחד. עד לניצחון. pic.twitter.com/ZAzwisIzxD

— ישראל פריי (@freyisrael1) January 14, 2023

Autocracy, Inc. Anne Applebaum

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/183932735-autocracy-inc?from_search=true&from_srp=true&qid=x6RgYViBnk&rank=1

https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2023/01/15/amzk-j15.html

Left-wing Israelis take to the streets as new government presses right-wing agenda further

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/1/14/thousands-protest-israeli-govt-plans-to-overhaul-legal-system

Over 100,000 Israelis March to Protest Netanyahu Government

https://www.cnn.com/2023/01/14/world/tel-aviv-protest-netanyahu/index.html

What are the intentions of Israel’s new cabinet? | Inside Story Al Jazeera

Their Morals and Ours: The Class Foundations of Moral Practice

by Leon Trotsky, John Dewey, George Novack, David Salner

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/184450.Their_Morals_and_Ours

Dirty Hands, by Jean-Paul Sartre

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/11098581-dirty-hands?ac=1&from_search=true&qid=nDNZ1BofpA&rank=1

By Any Means Necessary speech by Malcolm X

The Wretched of the Earth, by Frantz Fanon, Jean-Paul Sartre (Preface),

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/66933.The_Wretched_of_the_Earth?ac=1&from_search=true&qid=Zw0fYW64zc&rank=3

Hostage, by Elie Wiesel

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/13155834-hostage?from_choice=false&from_home_module=false

Never Again! A Program for Survival, by Meir Kahane

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1302176.Never_Again_A_Program_for_Survival?ac=1&from_search=true&qid=ombNLqjBRb&rank=1

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/jan/05/far-right-government-of-israels-plans-to-limit-power-of-judiciary-condemned?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/dec/29/israel-swears-in-benjamin-netanyahu-amid-fears-of-further-slide-to-right?CMP=share_btn_link

https://jacobin.com/2023/01/israel-far-right-fascism-palestinians-occupation/?fbclid=IwAR2_9IGEIPaJG3PqN4fzUD8tJ6JIGhNmWoji8E7WCMKzPdk6n5FG8BLEVvY

https://jacobin.com/2019/09/israel-elections-palestine-netanyahu-likud-gantz

https://jacobin.com/2019/03/benjamin-netanyahu-israel-elections-blue-white

https://jacobin.com/2020/08/israeli-defense-forces-palestine-netanyahu

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/sep/10/netanyahu-vows-annex-large-parts-occupied-west-bank-trump

Hebrew

24 ביולי 2024 רודן Völkisch-Nationalen Hebräertum, נציונל-סוציאליזם עברי, נתניהו נואם בקונגרס מתי הוא צריך לעמוד לדין בגין רצח עם ופשעים אחרים נגד האנושות

 Völkisch-Nationalen Hebräertum; משפט מעניין שיצרו מייסדי הפרויקט הציוני לתיאור עצמם, הממסגר את עיצובה של מדינת ישראל בתוך האידיאולוגיה של המפלגה הנאצית כמודל וכמקבילה, מדבר אלינו היום מהדוכן האוגוסט של הקונגרס של ארצות הברית .

 השקר הראשון של רודנים הוא שהם מדברים בשם האנשים שבשמם הם מחזיקים בכוח, ומרכזים עוד יותר את הכוח לסמכות באמצעות פחד וחלוקה של השתייכות עילית ואחרות מדריגה, מוליד פשיזם של דם, אמונה ואדמה.

 כל מה שהאויב אומר הוא שקר.

 לא משנה היכן אתה מתחיל עם גבולות והיררכיות של חברות ואחרות, אתה תמיד מגיע בשערי אושוויץ.

 חפש הוכחות לעזה, וכאורקל לעתיד שלנו עלינו ליישר קו עם נתיב העריצות ולא של החירות.

 בתקופה זו של חושך, תחת צללים של עריצות פשיסטית הן כאן באמריקה המגולמת על ידי מפלגת הבגידה שהזמינה פושע מלחמה להכתיב לנו את כל תנאי המעורבות של האומה שלנו עם משטרו, והן בישראל שבה עריצות פשיסטית הטרור כבש את המדינה, שתי התועבות הללו מבקשות לתת לגיטימציה זו לזו כמופעי קמפיינים פוליטיים כמחאה המונית באומותינו וברחבי העולם מאתגרות ומתריסות על תפיסת השלטון שלנו עלינו והשלכותיו על רצח העם הפלסטיני והכיבוש והשליטה האימפריאלית של עזה ושל כל המזרח התיכון.

 על כף המאזניים עומדים בראש ובראשונה רעיון זכויות האדם האוניברסליות, שנית החתרנות של הדמוקרטיה וחברה חופשית של שווים בעולם, ושלישית הסכנה שבהרחבת מלחמת עזה למלחמה בין הברית הערבית-אמריקאית הכוללת את ישראל כמושבה שלנו מדינת פרוקסי והדומיניון האיראני הכולל את סוריה, לבנון, עיראק ותימן ימשכו לתוך המערבולת שלה את כל נאט”ו מול רוסיה, מלחמת עולם שלישית הנמשכת כעת במספר בתי קולנוע אך עדיין לא גרעינית או סכסוך ישיר של מעצמות על, ומלחמה שבו רוב המין האנושי ימות, עידן של רודנים יתחיל, והציוויליזציה תיפול.

 ואם עריצות פשיסטיות יכולות להחליף דמוקרטיות ומלחמת העולם השלישית תהפוך לקונפליקט אוניברסלי של מעצמות אימפריאליות וסיוטים טוטליטריים אורווליאנים, או שעוד אלפי שנים נצא מהיום כלהקות מפוזרות של פראים שנפגעו והפכו לדה-אנושיים על ידי מאות שנים של מלחמה ועריצות, או המין שלנו. ייכחד לפני כן. בתשעים ושמונה עתידים אפשריים או יותר מכל מאה, המין האנושי כבר נידון.

 אבל יש את התקווה הרזה הזו שיום אחד משהו כמונו מגלה את הריסות הציוויליזציה שלנו, ומתחיל שוב לתהות ולהטיל ספק.

 היום כשנתניהו שר את שירי הצפירה שלו של פחד, כוח וכוח לאמריקה ולעולם, בואו ניתן לפשיזם ולעריצות את התשובה היחידה שהוא ראוי לו; לעולם לא שוב!

17 בינואר 2023 אחדות ישראלית-פלסטינית בהתנגדות: מאה אלף צעדה בתל אביב, ירושלים וחיפה במחאות מסיביות נגד הפתרון הסופי של נתניהו וחתרנות הדמוקרטיה

       הפגנות מסיביות בסוף השבוע כבשו את רחובות הערים הגדולות בישראל בהפגנה מדהימה של סולידריות ישראלית-פלסטינית ואחדות מטרה, שבה האינטרסים של דמוקרטיה ועצמאות מתיישרים ומשנים זה את זה.

       העניין הוא הפוליטיזציה של בתי המשפט בישראל, כרטיס יציאה חינם מהכלא לנתניהו באופן אישי, לכידת מדינת ישראל על ידי תיאוקרטיה אימפריאליסטית פנאטית וחתרנות הדמוקרטיה, ומחיקת הפלסטינים כפתרון סופי של רצח עם.

      ההתנגדות לעריצות נתניהו זירזה אומה וזהות לאומית מתהווה, שבה המורשת והטראומה האפיגנטית של ההיסטוריה שלנו הופכות פחות חשובות מהמערכות המקבילות והתלויות הדדיות של זכויות וזכויות אוניברסליות שלנו כאזרחים של חברה חופשית של שווים.

      אנחנו עדיין לא המין האנושי המאוחד, אבל עתיד אפשרי שכזה בכל העולם הופעל כעת, כאן במקום האמונה העתיק הזה, כשהוא מנשק בשירות לכוח ולחלוקות של שייכות ואחרות מוציאה מהכלל, וזה הרגע למקום. חיינו באיזון עם תקווה על פני פחד ואהבה על פני שנאה.

נרטיבים של קורבנות, שירים המפתים ומעצבים אותנו לשירות הכוח והסמכות.

      לפני בימת העולם ועדות ההיסטוריה, אנו יכולים לראות כאן בזמן אמת את התהליכים וההשלכות של חלוקות של אחרות מוציאות והיררכיות של הגמוניות עילית של עושר, כוח וזכות ככוחות הסברה, מניע ועיצוב ראשוניים של אדם, משמעות וערך.

      לאלו מאיתנו שהשתתפו ב-10 במאי לא בהגנה על אל אקצא, דבר של הוד ראוי למוות של גיבורים, אלא בהגנה על המשפחות בתפילה שישראל תקפה והנשים והילדים הלא חמושים שצדו במבוך של עתיקות נטושה, צרחות חסרות גוף בארץ של פחד וחושך, האינתיפאדה השלישית נולדה באותו לילה כתקווה מעבר לשבורת העולם ולפגמי האנושות שלנו לדמיון מחדש, לשינוי, לכוח הגאולה של האהבה לרפא את חלוקות של אחרות מוציאה מהכלל והפתולוגיה של הניתוק שלנו, והאפשרויות הבלתי מוגבלות להפוך לאנושיות.

      מה מצב השלום? כיצד אנו עונים על שאלה זו תלויה בשיפוט ערכי מרומז והופך לשער ראשומון של אמיתות יחסיות, ומדד לאופי שלנו. בזה כמו בדברים רבים, אני נזכר בתיאור של מונה את משמעות האמנות שלו כצורה של מטפיזיקה וחקירה על נשמת המין האנושי; “לאדם יש שתי עיניים דרכן הוא רואה את העולם; האחד מסתכל החוצה, אבל השני מסתכל פנימה, והשילוב של שתי התמונות הללו הוא זה שיוצר את העולם שאנו רואים.”

           אמריקה מתנודדת עם ג’ו ביידן על סף מימוש עצום ומזעזע; זה מקביל את ההתחשבנות הלאומית שלנו עם מורשת העבדות ואי-השוויון והעוולות הגזעיים המערכתיים שלנו שמתעוררים עם המחאות של Black Lives Matter, כמו ההתחשבנות שלנו עם הפטריארכיה והטרור המיני בתנועת #metoo, ועם התוצאה של הקפיטליזם להכחדתנו ב- ה-גרין ניו דיל והתנועה האקולוגית העולמית בראשות בעלת החזון גרטה תונברג.

       שינוי התעוררות וגאות אשר מלוא השלכותיו ופוטנציאל הדמיון והטרנספורמציה של המין האנושי אינם ניתנים לחישוב, תנועות הצדק החברתי הפוליטי, האקולוגי-חומרי, המיני והגזעי שלנו מייצגות שינוי ציוויליזציוני מוחלט ומהפכה בזכויות האדם האוניברסאליות שיבואו יום אחד. לשנות ולחדש לחלוטין את הרעיונות שלנו לגבי האדם, המשמעות והערך.

     פרנסיס פוקויאמה טעה כאשר חזה שאנו חיים בסוף ההיסטוריה; אנו חיים בתחילתה של היסטוריה חדשה. אבל הוא צדק בדיוק כשאבחן את עקרונות הפעולה שלו ב”קץ ההיסטוריה והאדם האחרון”; “השאיפה המתמשכת של העבד להכרה היא שהניעה את ההיסטוריה קדימה, לא שאננות הבטלה והזהות העצמית הבלתי משתנה של האדון.”

      אני מקווה שאנחנו בתחילת הדרך להיות אנושיים. אני חושש שהמורשת ההיסטורית שלנו עשויה להפוך למלכודות, זיופים, נרטיבים מתבוללים וקולוניזים שבהם עריצות של זהויות מורשות עלולות לגנוב את נשמתנו. זו הבעיה של המראה השבורה של ההובגובלין ב”מלכת השלג” של אנדרסון; אנחנו אבודים בעולם של תמונות מעוותות, הדים נלכדים ואשליות. גם לזה עלינו להתנגד.

      ישראל לכודה במלתעות ההיסטוריה שלה, שבויה במשטר נתניהו של פשיזם קלפטוקרטי של דם, אמונה ואדמה, אבל גם קורבן שהפך למראה אפלה של המתעלל בה. ישראל למדה את הלקחים הלא נכונים מהנאצים; פחד, כוח וכוח הם לא הדברים היחידים שיש להם משמעות, וגם אנחנו לא חיים בעולם שבו אהבה היא ללא כוח גאולה.

      בקמפיין האדיר שלו של טיהור אתני ודיכוי התנגדות, ובדיפלומטיה שלו של טרור ומשא ומתן באמצעות ירי טילים, נתניהו משחק לבוחר הימין שלו כדמות הדמות שלהם. אבל ייתכן שהוא טעה בחישוב התגובות הבינלאומיות; הוא התגרה לחשוף את טבעו האמיתי של הכיבוש, והכובע הלבן המוענק על ידי נרטיבים של קורבנות היסטורית מחליק.

      האינתיפאדה השלישית השיגה את מטרותיה לשנות את הנרטיב, לשבור את התמיכה האמריקנית במיליטריזם הישראלי ולקדם את התמיכה בחרם, פירוק, הסנקציה, העבירה נושא בן עשרות שנים למרכז הבמה, ותזמנה להצבעה על עסקת הנשק האדירה כעת בקונגרס. לפחות, אלה היו המטרות שלי בעקבות ההגנה שלנו על העם הפלסטיני באל אקצא.

       לאחרים מבין מגיני פלסטין יש תוכניות ומטרות משלהם; ללא ספק חמאס התגלה כמנצח המובהק של המאבק, לאחר שתפס את הסמכות מממשלת הפת”ח הפלסטינית באמצעות הגנה אקטיבית על אנשיה, והפך את הבחירות שאבו מאזן מסרב לקרוא לבלתי רלוונטיות. חמאס עשה דה-לגיטימציה לרשות הפלסטינית והכתים את שותפותו עם ממשלת ישראל כשיתוף פעולה, בעוד האינתיפאדה השלישית, שניהלה חמאס אך גם עשרות פלגים אחרים, כוחות מיוחדים ממספר ממשלות בעלות הברית ומשוגעים כמוני, קראה להטיל ספק ברעיון של פתרון שתי המדינות.

      על חמאס ועל כל המהפכנים אני אומר את זה; כל מי שעומד בין העריצות והטרור הממלכתי של כיבוש, שיעבוד ומוות, לבין חייהם של חפים מפשע, הם גיבורים ואלופים של האנושות שלנו. הפרטים לא רלוונטיים.

      האם אנחנו לא שומרים של אחינו?

      יש דרך קדימה מעבר לפרדיגמה הדיכוטומית של זהות כפולה;

      החסות הפיננסית והצבאית האדירה של אמריקה למדינת ישראל מספקת מנוף גדול מאוד לשינוי מאזן הכוחות. אני תומך ב-BDS כאשר זה אומר שלום ופירוז; עלינו לממן ולעצב את עצמנו למטרות בונות ולא הרסניות, לאהוב ולא לשנוא ולקוות ולא לפחד.

       בנה דמוקרטיה בישראל ואנחנו גם בונים צדק ושוויון למיעוטים שלה, בדיוק כמו באמריקה. אני מאמין שעלינו לשחרר את עמי ישראל ממשטר פשיסטי של דם, אמונה ואדמה, שכן גם הנהנים מטרור ועריצות המדינה מוכפפים לו. זוהי הסתירה הפנימית הגדולה של כוח אוטוריטרי כפשיזם; זוהי מערכת אשר עושה דה-הומניזציה ומכשירה אפילו לאלה שבשמם היא מבצעת את הפשעים שלה נגד האנושות כאסטרטגיה של הרשאה וייצור הסכמה, ומדוע היא חייבת בהכרח לצרוך את עצמה.

      שום דבר כדי לעצור פשעים נגד האנושות, והכל כדי לספק לפושעים נשק ותמיכה אחרת. אנו נושאים באחריות לפשעים אלו עם נציגינו בישראל.

      האנשים שחיו ליד מחנות ההשמדה הנאצים טענו שהם לא יודעים דבר על השואה, שום דבר על הגשם העצום של אפר אנושי שכיסה את עיירותיהם והכתים אותן בפשעיו השקטים. אבל אנחנו יודעים. איך נענה, כשידענו ולא עשינו כלום?

Arabic

24 يوليو 2024، طاغية Völkisch-Nationalen Hebräertum، الاشتراكية القومية العبرية، نتنياهو يخاطب الكونغرس عندما يجب أن يُحاكم بتهمة الإبادة الجماعية وجرائم أخرى ضد الإنسانية

 Völkisch-Nationalen Hebräertum؛ عبارة مثيرة ابتكرها مؤسسو المشروع الصهيوني لوصف أنفسهم، والتي تؤطر تصميم دولة إسرائيل ضمن أيديولوجية الحزب النازي كنموذج ونظير لها، تتحدث إلينا اليوم من منبر الكونغرس الأمريكي الموقر .

 الكذبة الأولى للطغاة هي أنهم يتحدثون باسم الأشخاص الذين يمارسون السلطة باسمهم، ويركزون السلطة أكثر في السلطة من خلال الخوف والانقسامات بين انتماء النخبة والاختلاف الإقصائي، مما يؤدي إلى ولادة فاشية الدم والإيمان والتربة.

 كل ما يقوله العدو هو كذب.

 بغض النظر عن المكان الذي تبدأ فيه بالحدود والتسلسل الهرمي للعضوية والآخر، سينتهي بك الأمر دائمًا على أبواب أوشفيتز.

 انظر إلى غزة كدليل، وباعتبارنا نبوءة لمستقبلنا، ينبغي لنا أن ننحاز إلى طريق الاستبداد وليس الحرية.

 في زمن الظلام هذا، وتحت ظلال الطغيان الفاشي، سواء هنا في أمريكا، مجسدًا في حزب الخيانة الذي دعا مجرم حرب ليملي علينا جميع شروط تعامل أمتنا مع نظامه، أو في إسرائيل حيث الطغيان الفاشي والقمع الفاشي. لقد استولى الإرهاب على الدولة، وتسعى هاتان الفظائعتان إلى إضفاء الشرعية على بعضهما البعض كعروض للحملات السياسية حيث تتحدى الاحتجاجات الجماهيرية في دولنا وفي جميع أنحاء العالم استيلاءهم على السلطة علينا وعواقب ذلك على الإبادة الجماعية الفلسطينية والغزو والسيطرة الإمبراطورية. غزة والشرق الأوسط بأكمله.

 إن ما هو على المحك هنا هو أولا فكرة حقوق الإنسان العالمية، وثانيا تخريب الديمقراطية والمجتمع الحر المتساوي على مستوى العالم، وثالثا الخطر المتمثل في توسيع حرب غزة إلى حرب بين التحالف العربي الأمريكي الذي يضم إسرائيل كمستعمرتنا وإسرائيل. الدولة الوكيلة والهيمنة الإيرانية التي تشمل سوريا ولبنان والعراق واليمن ستجذب إلى دوامتها كل حلف شمال الأطلسي مقابل روسيا، وهي حرب عالمية ثالثة مستمرة الآن في عدة مسارح ولكنها ليست بعد حربًا نووية أو صراعًا مباشرًا بين القوى العظمى، وحربًا حيث سيموت الكثير من البشر، وسيبدأ عصر الطغاة، وستسقط الحضارة.

 وإذا استطاعت الأنظمة الاستبدادية الفاشية أن تحل محل الديمقراطيات وأصبحت الحرب العالمية الثالثة صراعًا عالميًا للقوى الإمبريالية وكوابيس أورويل الشمولية، فإما أننا سنخرج بعد آلاف السنين من الآن كمجموعات متفرقة من المتوحشين الذين تعرضوا للوحشية والتجريد من الإنسانية بسبب قرون من الحرب والطغيان، أو جنسنا البشري. سوف تنقرض قبل ذلك الوقت في ثمانية وتسعين مستقبلًا محتملاً أو أكثر من كل مائة، يكون الجنس البشري محكومًا عليه بالهلاك بالفعل.

 ولكن هناك ذلك الأمل البائس الضئيل في أن يكتشف شخص مثلنا يومًا ما أنقاض حضارتنا، ويبدأ مرة أخرى في التساؤل والتساؤل.

 واليوم، بينما يغني نتنياهو أغانيه المثيرة للخوف والقوة والقوة لأمريكا والعالم، دعونا نعطي الفاشية والاستبداد الرد الوحيد الذي يستحقه؛ لن يحدث مطلقا مرة اخري!

17 كانون الثاني (يناير) 2023 الوحدة الإسرائيلية الفلسطينية في المقاومة: مائة ألف مسيرة في تل أبيب والقدس وحيفا في احتجاجات حاشدة ضد الحل النهائي لنتنياهو وتخريب الديمقراطية

       احتجاجات حاشدة في نهاية الأسبوع اجتاحت شوارع المدن الإسرائيلية الرئيسية في إظهار مذهل للتضامن الإسرائيلي الفلسطيني ووحدة الهدف ، حيث تتماشى مصالح الديمقراطية والاستقلال وتغير بعضها البعض.

       يدور الخلاف حول تسييس المحاكم الإسرائيلية ، والخروج من بطاقة السجن الحرة لنتنياهو شخصيًا ، والاستيلاء على دولة إسرائيل من قبل ثيوقراطية إمبريالية متعصبة ، وتقويض الديمقراطية ، ومحو الفلسطينيين كحل نهائي للإبادة الجماعية.

      لقد حفزت مقاومة استبداد نتنياهو ظهور أمة وهوية وطنية ، حيث أصبحت الموروثات والصدمات اللاجينية لتاريخنا أقل أهمية من مجموعاتنا المتوازية والمترابطة من الحقوق والحقوق العالمية كمواطنين في مجتمع حر من أنداد.

      نحن لسنا بعد بشريين موحدين ، ولكن مثل هذا المستقبل المحتمل في جميع أنحاء العالم قد بدأ الآن ، هنا في مكان الإيمان القديم هذا في خدمة القوة وانقسامات الانتماء والآخر الإقصائي ، وهذه هي اللحظة المناسبة. حياتنا في الميزان مع الأمل على الخوف والحب على الكراهية.

29 مايو 2021 فلسطين وإسرائيل: دولة السلام

     يصمد السلام الهش في الوقت الحالي في العلاقات المتقلبة والفوضوية والمتغيرة بسرعة بين فلسطين وإسرائيل ، وبين هؤلاء الشركاء في تصورات أمريكا والمجتمع الدولي. إنها رقصة مضطربة للهوية والذاكرة والتاريخ تؤدى على الأغاني الغنائية لروايات الضحية ، الأغاني التي تغرينا وتشكلنا لخدمة السلطة والسلطة.

     قبل مرحلة العالم وشهادة التاريخ ، يمكننا أن نرى هنا في الوقت الفعلي عمليات وعواقب انقسامات الآخر الإقصائي والتسلسل الهرمي لنخبة الهيمنة في الثروة والسلطة والامتياز باعتبارها قوى إعلام وتحفيز وتشكيل أساسية لـ الإنسان والمعنى والقيمة.

     لأولئك منا الذين شاركوا في 10 مايو ليس في الدفاع عن الأقصى ، شيء من العظمة يصلح لموت الأبطال ، ولكن دفاعا عن العائلات في الصلاة التي هاجمتها إسرائيل والنساء والأطفال العزل الذين اصطادوا في متاهة من العصور القديمة المهجورة ، صرخات بلا جسد في أرض الخوف والظلام ، ولدت الانتفاضة الثالثة في تلك الليلة كأمل يتجاوز كسر العالم وعيوب إنسانيتنا من أجل إعادة التخيل ، والتحول ، والقوة التعويضية للحب للشفاء. الانقسامات حول الآخر الإقصائي وعلم أمراض انفصالنا ، والإمكانيات اللامحدودة لأن نصبح بشرًا.

     ما هي حالة السلام؟ كيف نجيب على هذا السؤال يتوقف على الأحكام القيمية الضمنية ويصبح بوابة راشومون للحقائق النسبية ، ومقياس لشخصيتنا. في هذا كما هو الحال في العديد من الأشياء ، أتذكر وصف مونيه لمعنى فنه كشكل من أشكال الميتافيزيقيا والبحث في روح البشرية ؛ “للإنسان عينان يرى العالم من خلالها. أحدهما ينظر إلى الخارج ، والآخر ينظر إلى الداخل ، وهذا التقاء هاتين الصورتين هو الذي يخلق العالم الذي نراه “.

      لذا يصبح سؤالنا كيف يبدو هذا من وجهة نظر شركائها فلسطين وإسرائيل وأمريكا؟

     أمريكا تتأرجح مع جو بايدن على أعتاب إدراك واسع ومروع. بأننا لأكثر من سبعين عامًا كنا رعاة للاستبداد وإرهاب الدولة ، وأن المسؤولية عن سلسلة المشاكل اللامتناهية التي شكلت شعوب فلسطين نتقاسمها جميعًا ودولة إسرائيل بالوكالة. إنه يوازي حسابنا القومي مع إرث العبودية وعدم المساواة العرقية والظلم النظامي الذي استيقظ مع احتجاجات حياة السود مهمة ، مثل حسابنا مع البطريركية والإرهاب الجنسي في حركة #metoo ، ونتيجة للرأسمالية لانقراضنا في الصفقة الخضراء الجديدة والحركة البيئية العالمية بقيادة صاحبة الرؤية غريتا ثونبرج.

      تغيير الصحوة والمد والجزر الذي لا تُحصى عواقبه الكاملة وإمكاناته لإعادة تخيل البشرية وتغييرها ، وتمثل حركات العدالة الاجتماعية السياسية والبيئية والمادية والجنسية والعرقية تحولًا حضاريًا كليًا وثورة في حقوق الإنسان العالمية والتي ستمثل يومًا ما تغيير وتجديد أفكارنا عن الإنسان والمعنى والقيمة.

    كان فرانسيس فوكوياما مخطئًا عندما توقع أننا نعيش في نهاية التاريخ. نحن نعيش في بداية تاريخ جديد. لكنه كان محقًا تمامًا عندما شخَّص مبادئ عملها في كتابه “نهاية التاريخ والرجل الأخير“. “كانت رغبة العبد المستمرة في الاعتراف هي المحرك الذي دفع التاريخ إلى الأمام ، وليس التهاون العاطل والهوية الذاتية التي لا تتغير للسيد.”

     آمل أن نكون في بدايات أن نصبح بشرًا. أخشى أن يتحول إرثنا التاريخي إلى أفخاخ وتزييف وروايات استيعابية واستعمارية قد تسرق فيها طغيان الهويات المرخصة أرواحنا. هذه هي مشكلة مرآة Hobgoblin المكسورة في Anderson’s The Snow Queen ؛ نحن ضائعون في عالم من الصور المشوهة والأصداء الملتقطة والأوهام. هذا أيضًا ، يجب أن نقاوم.

     إسرائيل عالقة في فكي تاريخها ، أسيرة نظام نتنياهو للفاشية الفاسدة من الدم والإيمان والأرض ، ولكنها أيضًا ضحية أصبحت مرآة قاتمة لمن أساء معاملتها. لقد تعلمت إسرائيل الدروس الخاطئة من النازيين. الخوف والقوة والقوة ليست الأشياء الوحيدة التي لها معنى ، ولا نعيش في عالم يكون فيه الحب بدون قوة فدائية.

     في حملته الواسعة للتطهير العرقي وقمع المعارضة ، وفي دبلوماسيته للإرهاب والمفاوضات بإطلاق الصواريخ ، يلعب نتنياهو مع ناخبيه من اليمين المتطرف كرئيس صوري لهم. لكنه ربما أخطأ في تقدير ردود الفعل الدولية. لقد تم استفزازه لفضح الطبيعة الحقيقية للاحتلال ، والقبعة البيضاء التي تمنحها روايات الإيذاء التاريخي آخذة في الانزلاق.

     لقد أنجزت الانتفاضة الثالثة أهدافها المتمثلة في تغيير السرد ، وكسر الدعم الأمريكي للعسكرة الإسرائيلية ، وتعزيز الدعم للمقاطعة ، وسحب الاستثمارات ، والعقوبات ، ونقل قضية عمرها عقود إلى مركز الصدارة ، وتوقيتها للتصويت على صفقة الأسلحة الضخمة الآن في الكونجرس. على الأقل هذه كانت أهدافي في أعقاب دفاعنا عن شعب فلسطين في الأقصى.

      آخرون من المدافعين عن فلسطين لديهم خططهم وأهدافهم ؛ بالتأكيد ظهرت حماس منتصراً واضحاً في النضال ، بعد أن استولت على السلطة من حكومة فتح في فلسطين من خلال الدفاع الفعال عن شعبها ، وجعل الانتخابات يرفض عباس وصفها بأنها غير ذات صلة. لقد قامت حماس بنزع الشرعية عن السلطة الفلسطينية ، ولطخت شراكتها مع الحكومة الإسرائيلية على أنها تعاون ، في حين أن الانتفاضة الثالثة ، التي تشنها حماس وكذلك العشرات من الفصائل الأخرى ، والقوات الخاصة من عدد من الحكومات الحليفة ، والمجانين مثلي ، قد دعت إلى يشكك في فكرة حل الدولتين.

     أقول هذا عن حماس وجميع الثوار. إن من يقف بين الاستبداد وإرهاب الدولة من الغزو والاستعباد والموت وحياة الأبرياء هو أبطال وأبطال إنسانيتنا. التفاصيل ليست ذات صلة.

     ألسنا حفظة أخينا؟

     هناك طريق إلى الأمام يتجاوز النموذج الثنائي التفرع للهوية المزدوجة. التخلي عن حل الدولتين وإعادة تصور وتحويل إسرائيل وفلسطين كدولة موحدة في ظل القانون العلماني ومصممة لحماية المساواة وحقوق الإنسان العالمية.

     توفر رعاية أمريكا المالية والعسكرية الهائلة لدولة إسرائيل رافعة كبيرة لتغيير ميزان القوى. أنا أؤيد حركة مقاطعة إسرائيل BDS عندما تعني السلام ونزع السلاح. يجب أن نمول أنفسنا ونشكل أنفسنا لغايات بناءة وليست هدَّامة ، وللحب بدلاً من الكراهية والأمل بدلاً من الخوف.

      نبني الديمقراطية في إسرائيل ونبني العدل والمساواة لأقلياتها ، تمامًا كما في أمريكا. أعتقد أنه يجب تحرير شعب إسرائيل من نظام فاشي من الدم والإيمان والتراب ، لأن المستفيدين من إرهاب الدولة والطغيان يخضعون له أيضًا. هذا هو التناقض الداخلي الكبير للسلطة الاستبدادية مثل الفاشية. إنه نظام يجرد من الإنسانية ويستغل حتى أولئك الذين يرتكبون جرائمهم ضد الإنسانية باسمهم كاستراتيجية للترخيص وصنع الموافقة ، ولماذا يجب أن يستهلك نفسه حتما.

     بينما تستعد إسرائيل لحلها النهائي لمشكلة فلسطين ، فإن أمريكا لا تفعل شيئًا. لا شيء لوقف الجرائم ضد الإنسانية ، وكل شيء لتزويد المجرمين بالسلاح وأنواع الدعم الأخرى. نحن نتحمل المسؤولية عن هذه الجرائم مع وكلائنا في إسرائيل.

     ادعى الأشخاص الذين عاشوا بالقرب من معسكرات الموت النازية أنهم لا يعرفون شيئًا عن الهولوكوست ، ولا شيء عن المطر الغزير من الرماد البشري الذي غطى مدنهم وصبغهم بجرائمه الصامتة. لكننا نعلم. كيف نجيب ونحن نعلم ولم نفعل شيئا؟