There are some things beyond the limits of the human; things which defy being named, taxonomized, reasoned through. Things which seize us with nameless shuddering, primal terror, abjection in Julia Kristeva’s terms or the Uncanny Valley effect, things which seen beyond our understanding or control; this is their purpose when deployed as shock and awe tactics, which Donald Trump, madman of perversions, violations of normalities, values, and ideals of America and democracy, and the psychopathy of power that he is, has used with intent to render us helpless in terror and awe in choosing to begin his Presidential campaign in our shameful 2024 elections on the anniversary of Hitler’s seizure of power as Chancellor of German in 1932.
As with his model and hero, it doesn’t get better from here.
I, however, am not afraid, and no pain or use of force can compel my obedience, nor am I alone in this.
With enough wealth, unchecked propaganda, and the collusion of hegemonic elites with Russia, a foreign enemy regime which has unleashed World War Three upon humankind, in the infiltration and subversion of our institutions and values as a free society of equals, democracy remains vulnerable to capture through its own electoral process.
The soft underbelly of democracy is the influence of hegemonic elites, and this has always been true; when Plato attempted to test his theories of democracy in the mightiest nation of his age, the Empire of Syracuse, it collapsed into utter ruin within a few years for the same reasons ours is collapsing now. So also did the Roman Republic fall and become the Roman Empire under the same social divisions as divides us now, in the contest between Julius Caesar and Pompey Magnus for the fate of civilization. And with the origin of political parties in the fans of the Blue and Green chariot racing teams in Byzantium, this polarization became institutionalized as ours is today.
This is the ground of struggle to which the enemy has taken us, and here we must resist, disbelieve, disobey, and perform the Four Primary Duties of a Citizen; Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority.
America needs a more fair and equal system of checks and balances to prevent any future tyrant from seizing power from the top and politicizing our justice and security services, depoliticize our justice system and reorganize the Supreme Court with limited terms, abolish the electoral college and change the method of choosing our leaders to a one citizen one vote ranked choice system wherein all citizens have equal power regardless of where they may live and the monopoly on political power by two parties who conspire together to speak and act for us is broken, abolish Citizens United and purge big money from our elections, limiting political messages by impartial fact checking and deplatforming of liars and deceivers, reinstate and universalize to all media the Fairness Doctrine abandoned by the loathsome war criminal Reagan nearly forty years ago which opened the door to the fascist capture of America through propaganda, and ruthlessly liberate our right of free speech from its parasite of hate speech.
I’m sure we can all think of more changes we must enact to protect our common future; these come to mind immediately.
Truth, equal citizenship and the power of the vote, and limiting and deauthorizing the power of the Imperial Presidency; these are the main lines of attack of fascism and tyranny against our nation, and the grounds of struggle we must win in the Restoration of Democracy.
As I wrote on this day tree years ago, in the shadows of the national protests for racial justice in the wake of the horrific police murder of Tyre Nichols, with whose images of brutal death Trump simultaneously announced his intention to recapture the state and institute a regime of white supremacist and Gideonite patriarchal terror.
This he has now done, and generalized the case of Tyre Nichols to us all. Here I must signpost that when the state has the immunity to kill its citizens at will, no one is safe; as proof I offer the cases of Renee Good and Alex Pretti.
Trump’s 2024 campaign for the Presidency opened with the offices of our legislative oversight of elections become a stacked deck of Big Lie Biden election deniers courtesy of a Republican Party still controlled by its fascist faction.
This was and now remains a balance point of democracy and tyranny, and a moment of extreme peril, for without America as a guarantor of democracy the lights of civilization will begin to go out, one by one, until nothing but fascist tyranny remains, and humankind is consumed by centuries of wars of imperial dominion between totalitarian regimes.
As I’ve been saying since the vision of our possible futures which seized me when I was momentarily dead at the age of nine from the force wave of a police grenade during the most terrible incident of state terror in America since the Civil War, when then- Governor Reagan ordered the police to open fire on the students on Bloody Thursday, May 15 1969 in People’s Park Berkeley, we face a future of six to eight hundred years of tyranny and total global war, with vanishingly remote chances of human survival as civilization collapses in nuclear annihilation, hideous bioweapons, and genocides.
We have a brief moment of history in which to change that fate, as our nations devise terrifying new forms of war and social control with which to enslave us, now exported globally by China from its vast slave labor camp and laboratory of state terror Xinjiang, as well as Russia and Israel, and if we cannot find the political will to purge our destroyers from among us and seize our power to determine our own lives, we doom ourselves.
The American Fourth Reich and Putin’s Imperial Russia declared in thius day two years ago their intention to capture our nation yet again, and in Trump’s election campaign weaponized the murder of Tyre Nichols and other nonwhite citizens as a rallying point for their Nazi-Confederate-Fundamentalist voting and fundraising base. They have shown us the future they want to condemn us all to, dying alone under the boots of the police.
In the streets of America in 2026 they are doing exactly this, with the ICE white supremacist terror force and its mission of ethnic cleansing leading the way. I regret to inform you, what follows will be unimaginably more terrible still.
How if we refuse to let others die alone, and stand together in solidarity and resistance?
Trump slept with a copy of Mein Kampf in place of a Bible on his nightstand for many years, dreaming of the return of Hitler’s Reich, and was among the cultists of Charles Manson who share his vision of a race war which will consume America in division and terror. He has shown us who he is; now we must show history who we are, we Americans, we Band of Brothers, sisters, and others.
We need only answer hate with love, division with solidarity, fear with hope, and we will be victorious. For the great secret of power is that it is hollow and brittle without the legitimacy of its authority, and force finds its limit in disobedience and disbelief.
Who refuses to submit becomes Unconquered and free, and this is a kind of victory which cannot be taken from us, this defining act of becoming human.
Who do we want to become, we humans? Masters and slaves, or a free society of equals?
Such are the stakes of our elections, now become a political total war to escape a literal one, as the echoes and reflections of the Third World War now being fought in Ukraine, Africa, the Middle East, and most especially in Russia and America begin to destabilize the global economy and political order.
We fight here and now, with electoral and legislative action, we write, speak, teach, and organize democracy, and we fight in a War to the Knife of Resistance against tyranny and fascism, under occupation by an amoral enemy who does not believe we are fellow human beings, and for whom no atrocity is forbidden.
I have seen that future at Mariupol and Gaza; just as the world has seen it again in the murder of Tyre Nichols.
So I offer all of you the Oath of the Resistance as it was given to me by Jean Genet in Beirut 1982; “We swear our loyalty to each other, to resist and yield not, and abandon not our fellows.” He said it was the finest thing he ever stole, revised in Paris 1940 from his oath as a member of the French Foreign Legion.
And I swear to you that if we do this, all of us together, resist beyond hope of victory or even survival and unite in solidarity, abandon none, everybody in and no human an outsider, cede nothing to the enemy, we will become Unconquered and be victorious over those who would enslave us.
For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.
As I wrote in my post of March 23 2021, The Government of America Declares Proof of Russian Sabotage of Our Elections; A new repost confirms what we have known since the Stolen Election of 2016; that Russia sabotaged our elections to put its agent Trump at the apex of power in America to violate our ideals and values, monkeywrench our institutions, and subvert our democracy to create a puppet state tyranny, a conquest designed to give Russia a free hand in its conquest of the Ukraine, Syria, and Libya and in its conflict with Turkey for dominion of the Middle East and the Mediterranean. This comes as no surprise and is no news to any astute observer; but knowing a thing is true and having the government of the United States officially announce and authorize it as true are very different.
Always pay attention to the man behind the curtain.
Both the stakes and the terms of the game between America and our former conqueror Russia have changed with this announcement, and so must our scenarios, plans, and intentions.
This opens possibilities in Libya and Syria, and throughout Africa and the Middle East, but also in Russia itself where Navalny leads the opposition to Putin in heroic defiance, and in Belarus and other nations where democracy challenges tyranny. A restored and revitalized America under Biden may once again champion the cause of Liberty throughout the world, and reclaim our historic role as a guarantor of democracy and the Rights of Man.
I of course will wait for no one, and trust no promises to champion our humanity by any authority, Biden very much included; while our mighty dither, appease, prevaricate, and seek advantage in our shared public trauma and pain, I will act to bring a Reckoning to fascist tyranny and terror, and to bring a Restoration of America and democracy throughout the world By Any Means Necessary, to use the phrase coined by Sartre in his 1948 play Dirty Hands in reference to Trotsky’s essay Our Morals and Thiers, and made immortal by the magnificent Malcolm X.
Join us.
As written by Zachary Cohen for CNN, US intelligence report says Russia attempted to interfere in 2020 election with goal of ‘denigrating’ Biden and helping Trump; “The Office of the Director of National Intelligence released its declassified report on foreign threats to 2020 US elections Tuesday, which concludes that foreign adversaries — including Russia — did attempt to interfere.
Russia’s efforts were aimed at “denigrating President Biden’s candidacy and the Democratic Party, supporting former President Trump, undermining public confidence in the electoral process, and exacerbating sociopolitical divisions in the US,” it says. “Unlike in 2016, we did not see persistent Russian cyber efforts to gain access to election infrastructure,” the report notes.
The report also stated that there are “no indications that any foreign actor attempted to alter any technical aspect of the voting process in the 2020 US elections, including voter registration, casting ballots, vote tabulation, or reporting results.”
That conclusion echoes what the Department of Homeland Security’s cyber arm said the day after the 2020 presidential election. “Over the last four years, the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) has been a part of a whole-of-nation effort to ensure American voters decide American elections. Importantly, after millions of Americans voted, we have no evidence any foreign adversary was capable of preventing Americans from voting or changing vote tallies,” CISA said at the time.
The report also describes efforts by Iran and China to interfere in the elections. “We assess that Iran carried out a multi-pronged covert influence campaign intended to undercut former President Trump’s reelection prospects-though without directly promoting his rivals-undermine public confidence in the electoral process and US institutions, and sow division and exacerbate societal tensions in the US,” it says. “We assess that China did not deploy interference efforts and considered but did not deploy influence efforts intended to change the outcome of the US Presidential election,” it adds.
“Foreign malign influence is an enduring challenge facing our country,” said Director of National Intelligence Avril Haines. “These efforts by U.S. adversaries seek to exacerbate divisions and undermine confidence in our democratic institutions. Addressing this ongoing challenge requires a whole-of-government approach grounded in an accurate understanding of the problem, which the Intelligence Community, through assessments such as this one, endeavors to provide.”
As I have said many times of what the Trump era reveals about us; Thanks for showing us what’s under your masks, Republicans; Treason, Racism, Untruth, Misogyny, Predator.
And now we are once more swallowed whole like Jonah and the whale, and with the capture of the state and the and the dismantling of its institutions as planned in Project 2025 including the test case of Trump’s executive order to defund the federal government entirely which shut it all down this week, the imposed conditions of struggle have changed catastrophically and driven us far nearer to the Civil War the fascists intend.
To this I say; all Resistance is War to the Knife, for an enemy which does not regard us as human cannot be negotiated with, and who so ever respects no laws and no limits may hide behind none.
Let us give to fascist tyranny and terror the only reply it merits; Never Again!
God Bless America; we’re going to need it.
Powers of Horror: an Essay on Abjection, Julia Kristeva
For those who wish to study Our Clown of Terror as an example of the failure of humanity and the subversion of democracy, how monsters are shaped by the depravities and moral collapse of racism and patriarchy as illnesses of power and how our inner and outer worlds inform, motivate, and shape one another, here is my reading list:
Trump, a Study In Psychopathy and the Theatre of Cruelty, a reading list
Fear: Trump in the White House, Rage, by Bob Woodward
Fire and Fury: Inside the Trump White House, Siege: Trump Under Fire,
by Michael Wolff
Surviving Autocracy, by Masha Gessen
Fascism: A Warning, by Madeleine K. Albright
How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them, How Propaganda Works, by Jason Stanley
Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present, by Ruth Ben-Ghiat
On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century, The Road to Unfreedom: Russia, Europe, America, by Timothy Snyder
Authoritarian Nightmare: Trump and His Followers, by John W. Dean, Bob Altemeyer
How Democracies Die: What History Reveals About Our Future, by Steven Levitsky, Daniel Ziblatt
What Were We Thinking: A Brief Intellectual History of the Trump Era,
by Carlos Lozada
Trump Is F*cking Crazy: (this Is Not a Joke), by Keith Olbermann
Too Much and Never Enough: How My Family Created the World’s Most Dangerous Man, by Mary L. Trump
Trump on the Couch, Dr Justin Frank
The Dangerous Case of Donald Trump: 27 Psychiatrists and Mental Health Experts Assess a President, by Bandy X. Lee
Dangerous Charisma: The Political Psychology of Donald Trump and His Followers, Leaders and Their Followers in a Dangerous World: The Psychology of Political Behavior, by Jerrold M. Post
The Cult of Trump: A Leading Cult Expert Explains How the President Uses Mind Control, by Steven Hassan
Commander in Cheat: How Golf Explains Trump, by Rick Reilly
A Very Stable Genius: Donald J. Trump’s Testing of America, by Philip Rucker
All the President’s Women: Donald Trump and the Making of a Predator, by Barry Levine
Insane Clown President: Dispatches from the 2016 Circus, by Matt Taibbi
The Mueller Report, by The Washington Post
Where Law Ends: Inside the Mueller Investigation, by Andrew Weissmann
True Crimes and Misdemeanors: The Investigation of Donald Trump, by Jeffrey Toobin
A Case for the American People: The United States v. Donald J. Trump, by Norman Eisen
Proof of Collusion: How Trump Betrayed America, Proof of Conspiracy: How Trump’s International Collusion Is Threatening American Democracy, Proof of Corruption: Bribery, Impeachment, and Pandemic in the Age of Trump, by Seth Abramson
The Enemy of the People: A Dangerous Time to Tell the Truth in America,
by Jim Acosta
American Carnage: On the Front Lines of the Republican Civil War and the Rise of President Trump, by Tim Alberta
Donald Trump v. The United States: Inside the Struggle to Stop a President,
by Michael S. Schmidt
Trump and His Generals: The Cost of Chaos, by Peter Bergen
The Best People: Trump’s Cabinet and the Siege on Washington, by Alexander Nazaryan
American Nero: The History of the Destruction of the Rule of Law, and Why Trump Is the Worst Offender, by Richard Painter
Everything Trump Touches Dies: A Republican Strategist Gets Real About the Worst President Ever, by Rick Wilson
Disloyal: The True Story of the Former Personal Attorney to President Donald J. Trump, by Michael Cohen
The Room Where It Happened: A White House Memoir, by John R. Bolton
Unhinged: An Insider’s Account of the Trump White House, by Omarosa Manigault Newman
It Was All a Lie: How the Republican Party Became Donald Trump, by Stuart Stevens
The Man Who Sold America: Trump and the Unraveling of the American Story,
by Joy-Ann Reid
Devil’s Bargain: Steve Bannon, Donald Trump, and the Storming of the Presidency, by Joshua Green
The Plot to Commit Treason: How Donald Trump Pulled Off the Greatest Act of Treachery in US History, by Malcolm Nance
Russian Roulette: The Inside Story of Putin’s War on America and the Election of Donald Trump, by Michael Isikoff, David Corn
House of Trump, House of Putin: The Untold Story of Donald Trump and the Russian Mafia, by Craig Unger
The Apprentice, by Greg Miller
Collusion, Shadow State: Murder, Mayhem, and Russia’s Attack on the West, by Luke Harding
The Plot to Destroy Democracy: How Putin and His Spies Are Undermining America and Dismantling the West, by Malcolm W. Nance
The Grifter’s Club: Trump, Mar-a-Lago, and the Selling of the Presidency, by Sarah Blaskey
Dark Towers: Deutsche Bank, Donald Trump, and an Epic Trail of Destruction, by David Enrich
The Death of Truth: Notes on Falsehood in the Age of Trump, by Michiko Kakutani
Hoax: Donald Trump, Fox News, and the Dangerous Distortion of Truth,
by Brian Stelter
Audience of One: Television, Donald Trump, and the Fracturing of America, by James Poniewozik
While what we wear and why is an interesting subject because it is pervasive throughout all human activity, it is also a curious one because it lies at an intersection of semiotics, history, social anthropology, and the psychology of identity.
Herein I intend to provide an example from my personal life of how all four disciplines interrelate and ways in which their critical methods and analytical and interpretive tools compound and illuminate how we choose to become human in the construction and presentation of identity, membership, and self-construal in the context of a new science of vestments, of wardrobe and clothing, which I invent with this essay, in Latin Scientia Vestiaria.
Meanings are fluid and context-dependent; this is the First Principle of the semiotics of clothes and wardrobe as a system of signs.
The Second Principle is that clothing evolves from, expresses, and reflects history, both the conditions of material culture and the social matrix in which it is embedded.
And the Third Principle is that clothes signal membership and other claims of identity, and also signal, create, and reinforce authority, both within social hierarchies of class systems.
In this I apply the schema which I use to interrogate current events and politics in terms of meanings, origins, and consequences as probable futures as I have for over forty years now, using methods from my disciplines of scholarship literature, history, psychology, and philosophy, inspired by a book I read as a senior in high school working through the trauma of a near death experience in 1974 Sao Paulo, my near execution by a police death squad very like those of Fyodor Dostoevsky by the Czar’s secret police in 1849 and Maurice Blanchot by the Nazis in 1944, the book being The Psychopathic God, the foundational study of Hitler from his speeches by Robert G.L. Waite which launched me on my academic career in four part harmony.
Here follows an experiment drawn from my personal history of discovering and creating a wardrobe to wear both while attending classes at university and later while teaching high school and coaching the debate team, and can also be worn at leisure, built around Odd Jackets.
What is an Odd Jacket?
Any jacket worn with trousers of a different fabric is an Odd Jacket, and one step down in social hierarchy and formality from a two or three piece business suit of identical cloth.
Our goal with this organizational principle of curating a wardrobe around Odd Jackets that can pivot between Casual and Business Casual levels of formality is to build ensembles around a versatile and unifying master element of which very few are needed, which minimizes initial cost, and can be worn throughout the day at work and play, to the office or at dinner. You can in fact begin with two jackets; a navy and grey flannel, and build out from there.
Resplendent Wardrobe, my Pinterest board for ideas and inspiration
These first two resources make a reasonable introduction to Ivy Style, which originates in university wear and now permeates a broad swath of our culture as a signal of elite class membership and privilege. It’s a claim to authority just below that of a business suit of identical cloth; you only need an actual suit if you work in one of the Four Noble Professions; doctor, lawyer including politician, financier, business management, or require one for Cocktail Dress events. I have owned only one three piece suit in my life, a charcoal pinstripe Brooks Brothers bought in graduate school.
The Ivy Style Primer (orientation essay) note: all the links that failed to transfer are from Gentlemen’s Gazette, just search there by the keywors of the article. its the finest menswear resource for historical origins available. https://www.gentlemansgazette.com/
To disambiguate, its also the difference between what I wore to my own classes as a student at university and to teach high school on the casual side and Speech Tournament Dress for both students and coaches which is what you’d wear as a lawyer to appear in court.
What is important here is that what we wear claims, assigns, and expresses our level of authority in our society; what value our word and our judgement carries in the eyes of others, some of whom are gatekeepers of the wealth, power, and privilege we are trying to seize for ourselves, especially when young and finding our place in the world.
This is about storming success filter institutions and seizures of power as revolutionary struggle. Always there remains the ground of struggle between the stories we tell about ourselves and those told about us by others; this is the first revolution in which we all must fight as we grow up and become human, the ownership of ourselves.
As I entered university I needed a wardrobe to live in which would make my professors notice and hear me as gatekeepers of success, and in order to find my tribe and build useful relationships I needed my peers as arbiters of membership to judge me on their terms to be within the boundaries of belonging and not beyond as an Other.
So I began to study the culture of the Ivy League, which sits at the pinnacle of power in America as apex predators, myself being already something of a character and a very odd thing indeed, and in no way a member of that gilded class who went to private schools like St Georges at Newport and now staked their territory as future owners and rulers of the nation at Harvard and Yale. I thought of this as a pit fight with hidden rules I must understand to survive, filled with people who could destroy or elevate me at their whim. I needed a wolfskin, to run with the pack.
Years later a friend, impresario and producer-director of the infamous Berkeley live cast Indecent Exposure of the Rocky Horror Picture Show with whom I performed now and again, John Liddle whose stage name as Riff Raff was Dr John, dubbed me with the show name of Gatsby, and in retrospect he was exactly right.
A strange and strangely wise man, Dr John; long gone now, like the beautiful illusion he created of a world where everyone belongs, no matter how different.
Those who have shared our stories and our lives bear parts of us with them into the Unknown, like “the last gold of expired stars” as Georg Trakl put it.
He lives now as a character in a novel I wrote half a lifetime ago, set at the RHPS as it was and peopled with fellow cast members, in a bizarro world not our own. It’s about why utopias fail, as America and democracies throughout the world are doing under the hammer of fascist tyranny and terror; but that is a story for another time.
When I exhort the practice of performing your identity upon the stage of the world, the violation of normalities, transgression of the Forbidden, and subversion of other people’s ideas of virtue as sacred acts of chaos and as seizures of power, I am being quite literal.
We are made of stories, and identity is a kind of theatre.
In the assembly of a wardrobe for the character I was about to play in the theatre of my life at university I had two starting advantages; familiarity with the target and a skilled guide.
First, I had been on my high school Forensics or speech and debate team all four years at high school, taught and coached by my father, and spending Saturdays at tournaments where all the boys wore a jacket and tie, dressed to storm the ramparts of privilege or to defend it as future doctors, financiers, lawyers, business kingpins. This was actually a level of formality above my own target of university wear, but I was already enculturated to wear a tie when in public.
Second, my debate partner from high school and fellow fencing team member Scott MacDonald, son of the math and science teacher, and staying with us while doing his masters in finance, was putting himself through university managing a men’s clothing store like I was doing teaching martial arts, and he set me up with a starting ensemble to show up to classes in.
This included a fine trench coat for foggy San Francisco with four fall and one spring jacket; a navy blazer with khakis and light grey flannel slacks, a grey cashmere jacket with charcoal trousers of Italian superfine 180’s wool and cords in a similar dark tone, a camelhair jacket with cream flannel cricket trousers and pinstriped slacks in midnight blue, a brown herringbone tweed jacket to be worn with the same grey flannel or khakis as the navy blazer which is the sailing counterpart to hunting tweeds, and a gorgeous and utterly unique summer silk and linen jacket in contrasting bundled weaves of mermaid blue and ivory paired with tropical wool and linen pants in sea grass green and Vermeer’s signature cornflower blue. With several spread collar shirts and ties and pairs of shoes and belts in cordovan and cognac, it would still today make a great starter wardrobe for a young fellow.
From my first day of class for the next decade, I was also managing my own business teaching martial arts as Lale’s Kung Fu Academy of Sonoma, an hour’s drive from my undergrad university in San Francisco or grad school at UC Berkeley, and in this role I also changed my presentation of self to acquire greater authority and trust.
As I wrote in my post of December 13 2025, Dressing the Part: On Wardrobe as a System of Signs In the Performance of Identity; Our fate unfolds with great sensitivity to initial conditions, and I created the person I wished to become for the roles of teacher and scholar beginning with an event which shaped my perception of such tasks of identity construction and self-construal and my tactical and strategic approach to this primary mission; being a businessman mistaken for a thief.
I had opened a bank account when I purchased a business license as a martial arts teacher to put myself through university at San Francisco State an hour’s drive from our family home in Sonoma; we had just moved as my mother got a job teaching English there after my father retired from teaching in Ripon in the central valley south of Stockton with its warrens of old canals surrounding the deepwater port in the heart of the farmlands.
I had about fifty dollars and wanted to study English Literature because I believed that it would help me to think better in general, as our use of language determines the kinds of thoughts we are able to have and people write exactly as they think, a notion I got from my teenage enthusiasms for Wittgenstein’s Tractatus-Logicus Philosophicus and James Joyce’s Finnegan’s Wake.
So I had no money but a skill I might sell, after ten years of studying martial arts. I figured I could buy a pizza or a business license, but with the license I might pay my own way and have enough left over for a pizza every week. It turned out to be a bit better than that.
I walked into my bank in my black Gurkha pants and field shirt wearing a very beautiful double breasted black leather World War Two tank commander’s jacket in glove leather that moved with me like a second skin, and a teller hit the police call button. We quickly sorted out the confusion as I had been depositing to my account, but I never wore my fighting clothes on the street again. Especially if actually en route to a fight, as calling attention to myself was the very last thing I needed when making mischief.
When I began teaching high school three years later, still a Junior undergraduate myself as my sister was just entering high school and we had started a Forensics class for her as Sonoma Valley HS didn’t have a speech and debate program, and on the first day of class our mother was in surgery and no one else on staff knew the subject but I had four very successful years of it on my father’s debate team, I re-evaluated my role and its requirements and came up with one problem that needed to be solved; I looked like and was often mistaken for one of the students and needed to be regarded as an authority figure worth listening to by them.
I knew exactly what was de rigeur as a Forensics coach and teacher from my four years of high school tournaments on Saturdays, and could build out from there to achieve an ever changing wardrobe for everyday wear as a teacher using multiple combinations from a few core pieces, but upon reflection not what won immediate attention, respect, and obedience to orders by unruly teenagers, and there were nuances. So once again I began studying how authority is cued by the semiotics of what we wear, and carefully curated my wardrobe to convey the image I wished.
In the curation of wardrobe as an intentional construction of identity and presentation of self, I find it useful to first write a brief statement of the character I wish to play organized around the values I wish to express, then assign elements which convey these ideas.
For example; I am a precise man, of surfaces like the edge of a knife, intentional and deliberative in my actions and in the undisturbed and wrinkleless serenity, dramatic creases, and regimental alignment of myself and my attire, and always with an element of staged unpredictability or intentional chaos called sprezzatura in Italian, a word coined by Baldassare Castiglione in his 1528 The Book of the Courtier meaning “to conceal all art and make whatever is done or said appear to be without effort and almost without any thought about it”, all designed to put you off balance, and my gaze draws blood. In this I refer to the Medusa’s appropriation of the Male Gaze as an art of true seeing and a transformative power which affirms and frees the true selves of others. The goal of all revolutionary struggle is Take Their Power, in this context through appropriation of its symbols.
In this there is a corollary and counterforce as in all things, for I am also a disciplined man, careful with my words and actions as a surgeon with his scalpel, which I have described as Hannibal Lecter Polite. I call it this to remind myself of four truths regarding the nature of power and the use of social force; first, that all use of force and violence obeys Newtons Third Law of Motion and creates its own counterforce and resistance, important to remember strategically when one is an avenger, second, that all our interventions in the lives of others for good or ill are uses of power even when we think we have none and all that matters in the end is what we do with our fear and how we use our power, third, that good and evil do not exist as objective principles of nature, for these are human words and require human acts to make them real, and four, that all truths are relative, conditional, and changing, and if my truth is different from yours this does not mean that one of us is wrong.
I practice the embrace of my monstrosity as a prescription for healing our fear of otherness which is the source of diseases of the soul as violence, I practice love as a redemptive power which can free us from the recursive Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force from which violence arises and most especially the state as embodied violence, I practice revolutionary politics as the Art of Fear tempered with solidarity according to the Oath of the Resistance “abandon not our fellows”, which references our duty of care for others as guarantors of each other’s humanity, and my personal life mission is to become a fulcrum and change the balance of power in the world by placing my life in the balance with those of the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased, all whom Franz Fanon called The Wretched of the Earth. This means that unless you are an enemy of the people, a fascist or criminal who disfigures the human soul and falsifies, commodifies, and dehumanizes others, you have nothing to fear from me, and I will stand with you and help as I can.
I am not a good man; I can be far more useful than that, if you need allies against systems of oppression and unequal power, for I am a bad man who is on your side. This persona I imagine as Hannibal Lecter the Liberator and not the Tyrant, like Milton’s rebel angel, Prometheus, or Victor Frankenstein. As the Matadors who rescued me from execution by a police death squad in Brazil 1974 said; “We can’t save everyone, but we can avenge.” In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.
Here note that both of these example paragraphs begin with a one word values statement in the thesis. Following sentences articulate a praxis of the value, how it works through action. This is the first step in creating an identity of ones own, a mask like those which actors spoke through in classical Greek drama called persona.
Step Two in my process of identity and character creation is to imagine a figure you wish to play; I like listing six characters from literature or film I would like to become or assimilate to myself, then throw a six sided dice to choose who I will live as this day. Herein I must caution with Kurt Vonnegut in Mother Night; “We are who we pretend to be”, so choose wisely, and no matter what the dice say you will have five other identities in reserve. Over time you may develop a palette of internalized voices which can be deployed at need; mine include Captain Picard when I must command and Benedict Cumberbatch’s Sherlock Holmes when I must investigate and solve problems.
Step Three is to define how you will present and perform these roles, in terms of the elements of a curated wardrobe which reinforces the character, but also in how one moves, gestures, uses space, and speaks. I find it useful to name ensembles. This is exactly how spies, undercover, and infiltration agents create false identities, with additional steps of creating a backstory and establishing the cover identity. It’s a game anyone can play, but here I am interested in how such techniques illuminate self-construal and identity creation as ongoing processes in all of our lives.
My purpose in this essay is to found a new science, which has practical relevance to everyone.
This has nothing to do with fashion, except for the historical references embedded in the adaptations of our material culture; why things were worn and when, and the echoes and reflections of society in how they come to be and fall into disuse. Our clothes are about our values, histories, membership and belonging, the class hierarchies and structure of society, who can acquire or holds power and why.
I studied men’s clothes as a system of signs which cue authority, trustworthiness, and membership, because if you want to be the last guy in a crowd any police will question or to have your word judged with value in avowals as in giving witness, or you need people to follow your orders, this is crucial. Here follows some things I have learned in this mission.
Casual and sports wear
Because casual and sports wear is what you will be wearing most of the time, we begin here. Here I signpost that casual wear derives from hunting, riding, and sailing sports, sportwear from tennis, polo, cricket, and golf.
Any casual to Business Casual wardrobe must include the classic Oxford Cotton Button Down shirt, always worn with a casual tie which is why the collar must roll in an S shape; if the collar is straight to the button without space of a tie, its not an OCBD. The OCBD is also a useful place to begin, as your choice of colors and patterns will shape what else can be worn with it and it’s a large canvas framing your face. This is a year long staple wardrobe item and should be chosen with care, for quality, and for a pop of seasonal color.
The OCBD is a sport shirt, not a dress shirt; it is the core of the Odd Jacket ensemble which defines it as Casual and not formally Business wear along with the lack of trousers which match the jacket in exactly the same cloth. Its worn with an Odd Jacket, for winter in tweed, flannel, camelhair, and worsted wool of elegant silky surfaces, or for summer in breathable tropical wool, raw silk, linen or combinations thereof.
The exception for wearing a jacket at all is for sport, when at home, or if an academic when a cardigan can serve this role with more nonchalance as it did for Einstein. Odd Jacket ensembles in the Casual level of formality are worn with cords or khakis seasonally. Many Americans will see this or any jacket and tie ensemble as a suit which it is not; Europeans will see it as something to wear fly fishing, hunting, riding, or puttering around one’s estate.
A casual tie is silk with little emblems on it signifying ones chosen sport; ducks, foxes, fishes, sailboats or yacht club burgees, or wool knit or challis for winter and for summer cotton in spring pastels, and here think sipping a mint julep in your tropical whites.
Yes, striped ties, tartans, and those adorned with heraldic, academic, or club insignia can always be worn, providing you are a member of the group it represents, and team colors may be worn by anyone.
For field sports you will want a tattersall pattern shirt, thin lines like the crosshairs of a scope defining mid size checks on a yellow-tan background. Its worn with tweeds, where for summer a field shirt, which is not an OCBD and lacks a rolled collar as one wears an ascot and not a tie with it, is worn with a safari jacket.
As to color, many traditionalists will see four and four only solid colors as belonging to the OCBD; white, pink, blue, and buttercream yellow, and no stripes, checks, or so forth. I have a roll collar shirt with a herringbone weave in blue and pink vertical stripes which is very fine, and I gladly violate norms if the result brings me Beauty and joy.
In general, winter colors for coordinating elements including shirts, pants, ties, pocket squares, and socks are deep and rich jewel tones like burgundy, scarlet, and magenta in reds, midnight, navy, and royal blue, purples of all kinds, bright riding vest yellow, hunter and emerald green.
Summer colors in soft pastels include pink, French blue, Robin’s Egg blue, periwinkle, buttercream yellow, sea grass green, and mint.
Socks like Argyle or the more formal shadow stripe can match a minor color to the base color of the tie or shirt exactly like a pocket square. Do let your pocket square flounce in saucy grandeur.
One step down in formality for summer is the cotton pique polo or tennis shirt, worn when you would wear a t shirt when at home, or when actually playing sports. I have a quiver of these chosen specifically for yard work in my private park, and two kinds chosen for wear when others might see me; a few gorgeous Pebble Beach specimens in technical fabric with exquisite shell buttons, and some regular cotton ones with coded patterns and colors for deploying as targeted signs of membership including a mint and a pink with nautical Go To Hell embroidered figures, a white with navy stripes to signify my love of sailing, and a scarlet and navy, any two colors of equal width being academic or team stripes.
The rugby shirt, long sleeved with team stripes and a white collar, is the fall equivalent of the polo and can be worn with an Odd Jacket after playing, though this is where the belted camelhair polo coat has its moment, worn like a boxer’s robe. Polo is beautiful and elegant, but remains the closest you can come to a cavalry melee without killing anyone.
Polo Shirts: Your Guide to Buying, Styling, History & More
In the same level of formality for winter is the flannel shirt, which seldom have rolled collars so you cannot wear a tie with it even if the collar buttons down; it is usually worn with a turtleneck or a Henley underneath. Often these are plaid or tartan, which opens a door of possibilities as a single item of tartan can make a superb accent element in an ensemble.
If you wear a lot of tartan in season as I do, minimize other patterns and never wear two different tartans together. Like estate tweeds, all tartans convey a rich historical heritage and signal identification, and sometimes declare political or religious affiliation, so do research what you wear.
My partner Dolly’s family are Scots of Clan MacKay, but very American as we are an ahistorical people who generally care nothing for anyone we don’t personally know including our own ancestors, and I’ll never forget a fight her father nearly started with a Scottish heritage shop owner with an innocent question about his grandmother who was a Dalrymple; “What about the Dalrymples?” because he didn’t know the history. For many Scots, a centuries old grievance is exactly as if it had happened yesterday, just like there are people in Afghanistan who talk about Genghis Khan’s invasion eight hundred years ago like he was just over the next hill and riding on their village, as they will doubtless speak of the American Occupation eight centuries from now.
This is one aspect of my character in which I am more European than American, for I live in deep time surrounded and interpenetrated with history, just as my love of languages and willingness to look at things from the point of view of people other than myself, and to take people as they are, is unusual for an American.
Much of what makes our clothes important as a system of coded signs is the history they bear. Are we not made of stories?
One can still wear an OCBD with jacket and tie in coldest winter by layering it with a suitable vest like a tweed for field sports or a light cashmere v-neck sweater, which can also be worn with a Business Casual ensemble which keeps the Odd Jacket but trades out shirt, pants, and shoes for the office.
If its truly cold, forget the Odd Jacket and just wear a turtleneck and winter sweater; you will probably be wearing it under a Barbour waterproof coat when outside, or a longer and more formal Loden coat.
In summer when wearing a safari jacket or Tropical Dress Whites, a vest in cream color woven Irish linen is a versatile mid layer at sunset.
Men’s Waistcoats & Vests – What They Are & How to Wear Them
With sporting whites for tennis, cricket, or golf, ensembles built around the signature polo shirt, one wears the Cable Knit Tennis Sweater, with club colors in two solid stripes at the front v neck. Yes, the v neck means it is intended to be worn with shirt and tie at the club house which extends its utility; if still too warm it is thrown over the shoulders with the arms wound together in the front.
If you wear the iconic tennis sweater, you’ll want cream flannel cricket pants called ducks to match.
The Safari Jacket ensemble for warm weather field sports
The summer equivalent to hunting tweeds is the Safari Jacket ensemble, built around the iconic jacket and hat. Safari jackets are based on British military number four warm weather walking out dress, in crisp Egyptian cotton or cavalry twill, with horn buttons and unlined, worn with field shirt and khaki trousers or Gurkha self belted pants which I preferred for martial arts as they are easy to move in. I bought my first one at the Banana Republic store en route from Sonoma to San Francisco, once specialists in British Raj era sartorial antiquities and had it tailored with side vents and the belt box stitched down at the sides. I wore it with an ascot of silk gauze in French Blue for a splash of color, and sometimes with a custom ascot of chocolate and gold antique kimono silk.
If you are riding, wear the fabulous jodhpurs with ankle high chukka boots and knee socks; if cold you can wrap wool horse legwarmers spiraling over your socks to the knee. Leather items such as shoes, belts, and gloves look best with khaki in cognac or French tan.
Then we crown the ensemble with a safari hat, which is a fedora. I currently wear the Akubra Tablelands rabbit fur hat, adorned with peacock feathers.
The technical gear exception: performance over classic style
On the subject of wardrobe for sport and adventure travel, you will of course want technical gear of the finest kind, and here my advice is simple; research and buy the best you can for your purpose. You might never need it, but it can save your life if you do.
I have trekked across unmapped jungles and trackless deserts, sailed seas among nameless islands, and wandered the Himalayas, all of this mainly alone and living by subsistence hunting or with tribal peoples, and I do not exaggerate the perils of being unprepared.
Every sport and outdoor activity has an enormous range of gear designed for specific purposes, and its folly not to optimize your chances. Many sports are also largely defined by the technology they are played with; try sailing without a spinnaker or climbing without the right shoes if you wish to test my claim.
For example, I am taking our nightly walks this winter through the rocky hills in shoes designed to handle the snow and ice, Salomon X Ultra Snowpilot Waterproofs, and garbed in a 32 Degree Heat sweat wicking underlayer, fleece lined waterproof trousers, a merino wool sweater, fleece jacket and neck wrap, and Dolly and I have matching Eddie Bauer down jackets in navy, wearing gloves and with a pocket warmer to hold, crowned with the Tyrolean hat my mother brough back from a trip to Austria for me. Its not what I’d choose apres ski at the lodge, but over rough frozen terrain with grades over seven percent in the near total darkness of night its just right.
For summer walks and yardwork Dolly and I both wear Sun Protection Zone hats, with four and a half inch brims, downcurved and nearly the dimensions of British pith helmets of which I am irrationally fond, and which weigh almost nothing, and we buy long pants and longsleeved shirts of SPF 50 material.
Yes, I have shorts, t shirts in spring colors, and a collection of around fifty tiki bar shirts worn unbuttoned and untucked, but these are for public events together because Dolly thinks it makes me look more fun. For sunglasses with my tiki bar shirts I wear Ray Ban Clubmasters in blue tortoise shell with custom mirror lenses in jazz club blue.
For summer rucking, trail running, and other outdoor training, Salomon XA PRO 3D V9 is a comparable model to Snowpilots, and my alternates are vented Merrill Moab Speed 2s.
When intending to do things which might include minor cuts, scrapes, and abrasions from crawling, climbing, or moving through dense brush, I wear 511 Tactical gear in their ABR Pro line, superb hunting and fighting wear, like light armor versus the environment and designed for freedom of movement, with lots of handy places for your toys, and best of all doesn’t look military. The absolute last thing you want in most of the world is to be mistaken for an enemy soldier or other high value target.
My field boots are Salomon 4D Forces 2 ENs in earth brown.
Dolly and I go to our gym together three or more times a week when in town, and we wear Puma sweats and their Hyrox line; superb stitching, gorgeous piping and detailing, and design for movement, and the downy soft fabric never gets hard or worn even after years of also wearing them around the house like pajamas. Yes, I sleep in them during the winter, and my thanks to German design.
When its warm I wear Ten Thousand Interval or the sunproof Tactical line if training outdoors, and the 511 Tactical PT-R Havok line, all of which will move with you like living silk.
I buy gym shoes designed for CrossFit, HIIT, Hyrox, and martial arts training; ultralight, versatile, responsive, stable enough for lifting and designed for explosive movements rather than endurance running; my current favorite is the 8.2 ounce Hoka Solimar, and you won’t go wrong with the original CrossFit shoe, Nike Metcons.
Finally, one must have socks designed for your activities; anything with seamless toes works for me. I wear Darn Tough Run COOLMAX Quarter Ultralight Cushion Socks in summer and the Run Quarter Ultralightweight Cushion Socks which are half merino wool in the winter.
Now for the pants; as to casual wear we must begin with the usual khakis to cords for summer and fall. I want full cut ones with front pleats so I can put my hands in the pockets, of thick and soft wide wale corduroy like a near-velvet to snuggle into.
I do not wear them form fitting to encourage strangers to slap my ass. I do wear them for comfort when leaving the house, when I would be wearing sweats or jeans when at home gardening, cooking, or putting things to order.
For khakis I look for the same full pleated cut in crisp Egyptian cotton or cavalry twill, and I used Gurkha pants with the twin side buckled self belt, designed to be worn under a regimental or gun belt, to teach martial arts in as it has room for movement and stays glued to your waist when upside down. These can be worn with a safari jacket for summer field sports; I wore mine whenever it wasn’t cool enough for tweed.
For fall, the next kind of pants I would buy after cords are Donegal tweed and/or flannels; for summer, tropical whites in a linen-raw silk- Egyptian cotton- tropical wool blend of some kind, tropical wool being a semi open weave to let breezes through but opaque to the eye.
After the cords to khakis, it is possible to play up the casual and whimsical aspect with Nantucket Reds, mine being Izod Saltwaters, GTH pants, or a single Madras element, especially if your intention is to invite conversation and signal willingness to play.
One deploys such dominating elements with intent, and in contrast to the rest of the ensemble; its like a red Chinese pavilion in a garden in that it will control your perception of all the rest.
While the Loden and Polo coats can be worn both for sport and at university with the Oxford Button Down Shirt, the Barbour waxed cotton jacket is for hunting, horse riding, and other field sports. I adore the Barbour 1936 International designed for submarine crews and worn by Steve McQueen in a collaboration with Triumph motorcycles; it’s a belted four pocket and essentially a winter safari jacket. Trench coats, Peacoats and Great Coats can veer formal to casual, depending, due to their military origins, and would be among my first choices due to versatility.
Hats are a collectible hobby of mine. I have the new Akubra Tablelands in khaki, the Snowy River in pale grey which is in a drover style so you can dip your head to block the sun when riding, the Filson & Stetson fur felt Wolf Canyon gun club hat, the Optimo Panama hat with round top designed to be folded and slipped into a pocket when indoors with my Tropical Dress Whites, tweed flat caps with Odd Jackets, a Tyrolean hat of black loden for outdoors in winter, and a cream raw silk flat cap rounded on the sides like a cricket baggy with sporting whites.
Our last step in curating a casual to business casual wardrobe is choosing Odd Jackets, the unifying element which hinges between both work and play. You are coordinating jackets to the colors, patterns, and textures of the shirts and other elements you have chosen, and not the reverse.
Usually and to begin this means tweeds, a navy wool flannel, and a camelhair for winter, and for summer a tropical jacket in open-weave or breathable wool, raw silk, linen or combinations thereof, half lined and minimally structured. Most of mine are Harris tweed, which I collect.
All of these must be notch lapel simple two or three button jackets that look good when unbuttoned, without a lot of interlining, padded shoulders, or stiffening; and as I am slender and in reasonable condition for an old fossil I prefer mid to narrow lapels and rounded shoulders for movement; in other words, they are sports jackets and not the remnants of old suits.
This is where you spend your money on custom bespoke clothes, if such is within your limits and you have reached the point of sartorial splendor and tailoring expertise where you cannot find the exquisite details you want off the rack. More’s the pity, you’ll doubtless reach that point quickly enough.
Choose jackets that look good on you with both casual and more formal business elements; the point is to begin with three or four that can be worn with everything else and in all imaginable social contexts and roles you will commonly be performing your identity in. I always tested the cut by throwing some punches to see if movement is free, and that any instruments of mischief I might carry do not print or are visible in outline under my jackets.
My original purpose in choosing Odd Jackets as the keystone of a curated wardrobe was to wear something versatile at university, at work teaching high school, or at play boulevardiering in the city where my main attractions were bookstores and cafes with an evening dinner at an intriguing restaurant, and wandering in the woods.
Suit Jackets, Sport Coats, And Blazers: What’s The Difference?
Casual shoes include Clarks, which I have worn teaching school and trekking across deserts and jungles without issue, with natural unpolished leather like the Newford Mid Chukka boot in beeswax leather or the iconic suede Desert boots, and shoes which are sport coded like Sperry Topsiders for sailing, or leisure coded like kiltie fringed tassel loafers. I bought Clarks Nature Veldts for twenty years; they had air cushioned soles that didn’t transmit heat or cold, and the nearest item they sell now is the Un Briley Pace. I originally bought these to teach school in, and good teachers never sit down, so you’re on your feet on concrete for eight hours a day just like a laborer in a warehouse.
I currently have the Nunn Bush direct replacements for the Nature Veldts, Cameron Moc Toe Oxfords in Brown Tumbled and the Cam Moc Toe Slip Ons in Cognac Tumbled, both of which have gorgeous pebbled surfaces, as well as their version of Kilties which are polished shiny surfaced and so perfect for lounging at the club or in Cocktail Attire after work, the Keaton Moc Toe Tassel Slip Ons in Burgundy. Rockport has the Men’s Southport Boat Shoe as a Sperry Topsider alternative, and Nature Veldt comparables Ridgefield Eureka Lace Ups and Eureka Slip Ons, very like Nunn Bush Cam Moc Toes.
Trade the OCBD shirts for spread collar shirts in the same colors or dress white if maximum formality is required; I buy Van Heusen Lux Sateen. Go to the white collar Winchester shirt for the most formal business wear.
Winchester Shirts (Contrast Collar) & How to Wear Them
Ties anchor the ensemble are must be chosen with care; they are also the most densely coded and layered bits of signage you will wear. Your pocket square will coordinate with your tie but not be an identical match, and the major color of the tie should be picked up as a minor color in the square, and both complementing the color of the shirt. Ties become Ancient Madder Silk, wool challis, linen, Macclesfield neats, paisleys, or striped Rep ties. For myself there is only one indispensable tie, the Lipton Dot navy with tiny polka dots tie worn by Churchill. Fight them on the beaches, friends.
If you insist on leaving the house without a tie when wearing a collared shirt other than polos or rugbys, wear an ascot under the open collar as if you were at home in your dressing gown and had to dash off without finishing getting dressed; ascots can also replace ties when at the club in your velvet smoking jacket.
There are many beautiful ties, but again research the history and meaning of what you wear as one must never under any circumstances wear a tie which declares membership in anything you are not actually a member of; many are military if striped, or with crests of actual clubs or schools, specifically worn to identify oneself to other such members for comradery, and they will have very little humor about it if you are just wearing it because its lovely. Think of this as a crime of Stolen Valor, wearing militaria of services in which you did not actually serve. By all means wear ties you are entitled to; just be aware that it’s a magnet for other such members to strike up conversations with you, this being its purpose.
Be aware that meanings can change with where you are, and with whom; my navy and scarlet items chosen because they are the original colors of the cockade of the French revolution when the Bastille was seized in what was intended as the jailbreak of the Marquis de Sade and only later became the famous tricolor when Lafayette added the white stripe of the Bourbon monarchy as a gesture of compromise. The red and blue cockade originated in the colors of the City of Paris, also the university colors of the Sorbonne. I chose these as my own personal signature colors because I am a revolutionary and identify with the Jacobins.
In Spokane this identifies me to others as a Gonzaga supporter, a Jesuit university with a popular basketball team, where my partner Dolly studied engineering and law, and her father founded the engineering advisory group when she was a youth and he had eighty engineers working for him, so a legitimate family connection. She is entitled to wear the Harvard Business School colors where she later studied Business Intelligence and the Phi Kappa Phi honor society pin, but never does; Gonzaga colors she wears.
But wait, there’s more; red and blue are also the colors of the yachting and rowing teams at Annapolis, members of the English Royal Family because of their Guards regiment, and of FC Barcelona; of these I don’t mind being mistaken for a FCB fan as Barcelona remains a center of the European Left since the Spanish Civil War. I’ve named two companies of military volunteers I founded after the famous Americans of the International Brigades in that conflict, the Abraham Lincoln Brigades of Ukraine and of Palestine.
Few things about humans are unambiguous and bear a single unchanging meaning, and this is a truth which must be fully realized when you gather signs of membership to hang on yourself.
Meanings are fluid and context-dependent; this is the First Principle of the semiotics of clothes and wardrobe as a system of signs. The Second Principle is that clothing evolves from history, both the conditions of material culture and the social matrix in which it is embedded. And the Third Principle is that clothes signal membership and other forms of identity.
This is why American Rep ties reverse the direction of the slanted stripes from the British, to avoid misidentification. Yes, the differences between American and British culture comes down to this; where the originals convey information regarding class including school and university, military service, clubs and other identifiers, the American copies are decontextualized and robbed of meaning in the pretense of a classless society of equals that never was.
Bow ties are wonderful but are both more formal and will stand out, so deploy them as sartorial force majeure. Bow ties code conservative to many people which makes them great camouflage, and are read as often academic or professorial; when I was at university in my twenties, the San Francisco financial district still had a rule that only senior management can wear bow ties, and it still marks out a doctor in a crowd as one cannot have a long tie getting into the mix when your hands are in someone’s entrails. As JFK advisor and Harvard professor Arthur Schlesinger, Jr famously said; “It is impossible, or at least, it requires more agility, to spill anything on a bow tie.”
Here we trade our cords and khakis for worsted wool dress slacks of one color, in navy, steel grey, and tan to begin.
Wear tan or grey with a navy jacket, and white if you are wearing the double breasted jacket with six ship’s brass or gold buttons originally designed for naval mess dress to dinner or other grand events short of Black Tie. This last ensemble I call Captain’s Table Dress, a kind of Cocktail Dress level of formality like a military ball or dress uniform event, on which I lavish the most exacting care and attention to details.
Shoes
As your class membership and sometimes character will often be judged by others in a single glance at how shiny your shoes are, for any business wear you want glossy hard surfaces in oxblood or cognac seasonally, with belts to match; I currently have Nunn-Bush Nelson Wingtip Oxfords in Cognac, Rockport Keegan Dress Wingtip Oxfords in medium natural, and Clarks Aldwin Limit in both navy and mid tan.
These must be simple with clean lines, by preference Oxfords which are defined by a closed lacing system where open lacing Derbys code casual, or the less formal brogued wingtips which are originally for hunting, brogues being little holes that let out the water when bushwhacking, though this is often mere ornamentation now and they will pass as office wear in most places. White buckskin wingtip brogued Oxfords are the classic shoe for Tropical Dress Whites, which are casual resort and summer travel wear. Black is for a three piece business suit or formal wear, outside of our consideration here.
When ramping up the level of formality, you want nothing in your presentation of self to distract from the content of your work. Simple and clean lines and solid unpatterned colors are best.
Coats are necessary in winter, and I think you only need two for work to begin; a double breasted topcoat in charcoal or black, and a trenchcoat for rain or transitional weather- I have a splendid one in steel grey wool and the original cotton one my high school debate partner Scott MacDonald chose for me. I thought it hilarious that he chose Humphrey Bogart’s trenchcoat in Casablanca as ideal for me; now I find it prescient.
Around ones neck under a coat is worn a winter scarf; hold at the half point, drape around your neck, pull the loose ends through the center loop, tighten to taste. I have one in navy and red and one in black and white houndstooth.
I wore the formed Ascot billed oval cap as one step up from flat caps for anything work related, when not wearing a refined fedora. And there are so many beautiful fedoras.
Traditionally one wears fedoras with business suits in fall and boaters in spring; a rule I would amend by switching out the boater with a Panama hat. A fedora is versatile and can be worn anywhere, but the boater is now highly unusual and idiosyncratic, a relic of elite academia and worn with rowing team blazers and at summer lawn parties, and has been replaced for summer wear by Panama hats. You can wear a Panama hat to ride horses, to the office, or to after hours activities in the roughest or the most elegant clubs, just like a fedora.
When launching acts of provocation in a boater, wear your club bow tie, rowing team blazer in university colors with pocket crest, OCBD shirt, GTH pants or Nantucket Reds, and Sperry Topsiders without socks. I call this ensemble Gatsby’s Yacht Party.
Last we’ll work out the possible ensembles from combinations of elements with our Odd Jackets as anchor pieces. Try them all on, every which way, photograph and record your outfits with each element listed on a computer as a reference for quick morning dressing, then edit out or add things as needed.
This way you can just set up ensembles and work your way through them in rotational sequence; automating this saves time in the morning, and you never forget when you last wore an outfit. Like Poirot, I trust Le Method, one of my own invention which I call the Endless Wardrobe, like a walk-in version of Mary Poppins’ bag.
So we come to an end of this particular interrogation of identity as a performance and a form of revolutionary struggle inherent to all human lives and societies in the context of how we choose to adorn ourselves and why.
Herein I offer you the science of vestments, Scientia Vestiaria, as a lever with which to change the balance of power in the world.
At this juncture I am struck by the allegory of technical clothing as in sport, for sport is defined both by the rules we agree upon and by the material basis in which it is played as performance technology, as are our identities and the ways we choose to be human together.
Ludwig Wittgenstein proved that all rules are arbitrary in his Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, and this means that seizures of power in self construal and identity need not be limited to revolutionary struggle as appropriation of elite symbols of membership for purposes of infiltration, subversion, and concealment, though this remains a greatly powerful strategy of slipping through success filters like university and access to wealth, power, and privilege as a fulcrum of change versus systems of oppression; it can also represent a free space of creative play.
As Cary Grant said; “I pretended to be somebody I wanted to be and I finally became that person. Or he became me. Or we met at some point.”
Beyond the boundaries of the Forbidden, the limits of normality, and the paradigms of other people’s ideas of Virtue, Beauty, and Truth lies the limitless possibilities of becoming human of the Unknown, the blank spaces on our maps of human being, meaning, and value marked Here Be Dragons.
I have lived among the dragons my entire life since Jean Genet demonstrated to me that the world is a lie, mirages and illusions, a fiction of propaganda, rewritten histories, falsifications, alternate realities designed to ensnare and subjugate us by hegemonic elites and their enforcers, which Atherton, CIA Director of Counter-Intelligence, long ago named the Wilderness of Mirrors. And I would not trade a moment of that life for the illusion of security as a slave of the state.
Never play someone else’s game, as my father taught me; and there are so many ways to do this, among them performing one’s identity on the stage of history and the world. For silence is not only complicity; silence is death.
There remains one other motive in my quest to explore and instrumentalize the semiotics of belonging and otherness as a system of oppression in the context of what we wear as lived truths; the Quest for Beauty.
In my sixth decade of life, and in struggle against the capture of our nation by the American Fourth Reich, I find myself like Schopenhauer increasingly needing Beauty to balance the horrors of a civilization in collapse which has abandoned our principles of universal human rights, our mercy, empathy, and duty of care for one another as guarantors of each other’s humanity, and democracy as a free society of equals.
There is one simple thing we can all do to combat the dark tide of fascism and authorized identities of blood, faith, and soil; simply be who we are, and embrace the uniqueness of others as well as our own, fearlessly, Unconquered and free, and become a Living Autonomous Zone which transmits liberty by existing beyond control.
“Fire is catching” as the iconic line in Mockingjay goes; become the fire.
If we burn, you burn with us/ Mockingjay
Prologue to this post:
December 13 2025 Dressing the Part: On Wardrobe as a System of Signs In the Performance of Identity
I practice the art of believing “six impossible things before breakfast”; this is possibly a confession of faith, though if asked directly to identify my religion, particularly by authorities with badges and guns, I normally quote either Keats; “I am certain of nothing but of the holiness of the Heart’s affections and the truth of Imagination—What the imagination seizes as Beauty must be truth—whether it existed before or not—for I have the same Idea of all our Passions as of Love they are all in their sublime, creative of essential Beauty”, or Rumi; “Let the beauty you love be what you do”, depending on who is asking, and in what language and nation.
Without question and absolutely it is a declaration of allegiance to poetic vision and to poetic and metaphorical truth, as identity and the terms of struggle for its ownership; for after language itself the ideas by which we organize ourselves are our most fundamental ground of being.
Are we not the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others? Always there remains the struggle between the masks we make for ourselves and those made for us by others; this is the first revolution in which we all must fight, the struggle for the ownership of ourselves.
Poetic vision and truth allow us to escape the limits of our form and the flags of our skin; to create ourselves anew as a primary human act and the reimagination and transformation of our possibilities of becoming human.
To Lewis Carroll, Surrealist and philosopher of poetic vision, we are indebted for his primary insight which reconciles the transcendent truth of Keats and Romantic Idealism as developments of the western mystery tradition from Plato with the immanent truths written in our flesh.
His great book Alice in Wonderland, like Mozart’s Magic Flute, encodes this mystery tradition, for which his primary sources are Plato, the Biblical Book of John the Evangelist which forges a faith of the Logos, and Coleridge’s Primary Imagination; but he also attempted to write a Summa Theologiae which can unfold itself within the mind of its readers as transformation and transcendence.
Dense with word games of the Italo Calvino-Georges Perec variety and mathematical-philosophical puzzles which are satirical metacommentary on the great thinkers of his time, Alice in Wonderland is intended to transmit the whole of a classical education, but is also a Socratic dialog which questions the premises of our civilization. Few such total reimaginations have ever been attempted.
I discovered Wonderland through the brilliant work of the mathematician Martin Gardner, which has been updated as The Annotated Alice: The Definitive Edition, when as a sophomore in high school I joined a reading group at the local university, carried along in the wake of my best friend, four years older than myself and a former Forensics student of my father, Doc (given name Brad) Hannink.
This occurred during my teenage James Joyce-Ludwig Wittgenstein fandom and immersion in medieval magic, both related to a love of languages, logic, and math as hidden systems of meaning and universal principles of being. These enthusiasms of my youth foundered by my senior year of high school on my failure to learn Kabbalah, as it is written not in accessible Hebrew for whom teachers and conversational partners can be found, but in a coded scholar’s Aramaic and Andalusi Romance.
But as a fifteen year old steeped in the iconography of Surrealist film and the esotericism of Finnegan’s Wake and the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, and very much still processing the trauma of my summer of resistance to police terror in Brazil, I loved that Alice always questioned authority and regarded her as an anarchist hero and a figure of Socrates, and this remains the primary meaning of the work for me. Alice enacts parrhesia, what Foucault called truth telling, and I saw in her someone I wished to become.
As I wrote in my post of January 8 2022, Let Us Bring A Reckoning; Politics is the art of fear as the basis of exchange and the origin of authority and unequal power as systemic evil in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, as balanced with the desire to belong, but it is also about poetic vision as reimagination and transformation; to dream an impossible thing and make it real, as Washington did in crossing the Delaware to create America and as Alice teaches us when recounting the Six Impossible Things in her battle with the Jabberwocky.
On the way to fight a dragon, and seeing it for the first terrible time, Alice remarks to the Mad Hatter in Tim Burton’s beautiful film; “That’s impossible.”
To which the Hatter says, “Only if you believe it is.”
“Sometimes, I believe in six impossible things before breakfast.”
“That is an excellent practice, but just now, you really might want to focus on the Jabberwocky.”
Just so.
Kobo Abe takes tea at the Mad Hatter’s of an afternoon; Gogol has set his words on fire and is made of a holy light which is used in place of a chandelier, Kafka elicits squeals of delight from Alice with his hideous Gregor Samsa form, Klimt’s giant apelike Typhoeus and his daughters desire, madness, and death run amok in ecstatic Bacchic dance while Lovecraft tries to put something with tentacles back in its box.
There is always an empty chair for you.
Here follows some things I have written for Mad Hatter Day, which I celebrate as a three day Orphic vision quest which begins the month of Halloween.
October 6 2024 Love as a Divine Madness: a Celebration of Mad Hatter Day
We celebrate the beginning of the Halloween season, wherein we let our demons out to play, a time of masquerades, the performance of secret identities, violations of normality and transgressions of the boundaries of the Forbidden, reversals of order, the embrace of our monstrosity, of the reimagination and transformation of ourselves, and the pursuit of new truths through ecstatic trance and poetic vision, with our new national holiday of amok time, Mad Hatter Day.
The Mad Hatter acts as a psychopomp or guide of the soul in Alice in Wonderland, and Alice is a Holy Fool like Parsifal, but he and Alice are also figures of a single whole person and the story one of hierosgamos or heavenly marriage; like Catherine and Heathcliff in Wuthering Heights, a myth into which Sylvia Plath and Ted Hughes cast themselves so disastrously.
Jean Cocteau’s Beauty and the Beast interrogates this myth of idealizations of authorized masculinity and femininity as Freudian horror and Sadeian transgression. But it is also a primary myth of reimagination and transformation which signposts the inherent fluidity of identities of sex and gender.
What does love do? Love sublimes us into a unitary being, erases our limits as individuals defined by our form and liberates us from the event horizon of our flesh.
Love also reveals to us our true selves; a lover has the power to see the truth of others, and to reveal to others their true selves, and models thereby an ideal of human relationships. We choose partners who can help us become the person we want to be, and who embody qualities we wish to assimilate to ourselves; a healthy relationship returns to us and helps us discover our true and best selves. To love is to transform others by the power of our vision to see who they truly are and set them free.
A lover is both a Pythian seer of truths who like Michelangelo can free us as images captive within the stone of our bodies and our material and social context, who in naming us like Adam naming the beasts defines our truth, and an inverted figure of Medusa, goddess and monster, a victim cursed for the crimes of her abuser like Hester Prynne in The Scarlet Letter, and whose power to turn men to stone appropriates the dehumanizing and objectifying power of the Male Gaze and transforms it into the power to see others true selves and release them to be free, and to mutually assimilate the qualities of the other and transform them both.
Love is a divine madness which defiles and exalts, reveals truths and confers authenticity, and the redemptive power of love can make glorious and beautiful the flaws of our humanity and bring healing to the brokenness of the world and the pathology of our disconnectedness.
The Annotated Alice: The Definitive Edition, (Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland #1-2) by Lewis Carroll, Martin Gardner (Introduction and notes), John Tenniel (Illustrator)
October 13 2024 Festival of the Mad Hatter Week Two: Madness as Transgression, Resistance, and Liberation From Authorized Identities, the Boundaries of the Forbidden, and the Tyranny of Other People’s Ideas of Virtue
In this liminal time of our reimagination and transformation of ourselves, of questioning human being, meaning, and value, and of its praxis as revolutionary struggle during these Mad Hatter Days, I celebrate madness as a force of redemption and liberation in its three primary forms as love, transgression, and vision.
With Renfield in Dracula we may say of ourselves; “I’m not a mad man. I’m a sane man fighting for my soul.” Madness in literature and history has always been a metaphor of resistance and revolutionary struggle against authority and systems of unequal power, as with Lewis Carroll’s magnificent and truly strange allegories and his figure of the Rebel, the Mad Hatter.
Today I perform sacred acts of violation of normalities, reversals of authorized identities, transgression of boundaries of the Forbidden, and changing the rules of the games by which we live. This I do to free myself from the legacies of my history and disrupt my own ideas, expectations, and routines; but we must all do the same as seizures of power from authority and liberation from systemic inequalities on a national and civilizational scale as well. As Max Stirner wrote; Freedom cannot be granted; it must be seized.
Let us frighten the horses; let us run amok and be ungovernable.
As I wrote in my post of March 31 2022, How Does My Happiness Hurt You? On Transgender Day of Visibility; The frightening of the horses; it is a phrase I use often to describe the performance of identity as a form of theatre, and public spectacle as protest and challenge against authority, force, and control. Herein I reference a quote by George Bernard Shaw’s muse, Mrs. Patrick Campbell, the actress who played Eliza Doolittle, with which she replied in 1910 to someone who thought the display of affection between two male actors was indecent; “”My dear, I don’t care what they do, so long as they don’t do it in the street and frighten the horses.”
Here is a quote from one of George Bernard Shaw’s letters to her, which celebrates and defines love as freedom, inchoate wildness, transformation, reimagination, liberation, rapture, and exaltation; “I want my dark lady. I want my angel. I want my tempter, I want my Freia with her apples. I want the lighter of my seven lamps of beauty, honour, laughter, music, love, life and immortality. I want my inspiration, my folly, my happiness, my divinity, my madness, my selfishness, my final sanity and sanctification, my transfiguration, my purification, my light across the sea, my palm across the desert, my garden of lovely flowers, my million nameless joys, my day’s wage, my night’s dream, my darling and my star.”
To see and be seen, to hear and be heard; this is what it means to become human, and why interdependence is at the heart of becoming human. When we see and hear others we empower and validate their process of becoming human, and they do the same for us.
Our processes of becoming human operate by three principles; we must each reinvent how to be human, humans create themselves over time, and humans create themselves through others. We choose our friends, partners, and sometimes our families from among those who can help us become who we wish to be, a process which occurs in tension with the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue, normality, and the boundaries of the Forbidden, and from this primary struggle to create ourselves emerges human being, meaning, and value.
Always there remains the struggle between the masks that others make for us and those we make for ourselves. This is the first revolution in which we all must fight.
And as George Bernard Shaw and his muse Mrs. Patrick Campbell taught us, there is a force of liberation written in our flesh with which we can free ourselves from the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force; that of love.
Love is dangerous because it is free, uncontrollable, wild. Love redeems, transforms, and reimagines; love totalizes and transcends. Love like you have laughed in the face of your executioners, because that is exactly what it is.
As I wrote in my post of February 15, Monsters, Freaks, Transgression of the Forbidden, the Sacred Wildness of Nature and the Wildness of Ourselves: On Chaos as Love and Desire; Watching the sunrise overlooking Hong Kong from Lion Rock, seized many times in recent years by democracy protesters and revolutionaries in the struggle for liberation and independence from China, in the wake of the last celebrations of Chinese New Year and several nearly sleepless nights of making mischief for tyrants under cover of the festival, my thoughts turn to the nature of freedom and the freedom of nature, of ourselves as wild and glorious things, of love and desire as anarchic forces of liberation, of transgression of the boundaries of the Forbidden and the violation of norms as seizures of power from the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue and the refusal to submit to authority.
Freedom, and all that comes with it; above all freedom as the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves, as defiance of authorized identities and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, of love and desire as liberating forces of Chaos, and all of this as sacred acts of reimagination and transformation of ourselves and the possibilities of human being, meaning, and value.
And of our myriad possible futures, sorting themselves out in our daily lives like a hurricane governed by the flight of a hummingbird; tyranny or liberty, extinction or survival.
Order and its forms as authority, power, capital, and hegemonic elites of patriarchy and racism, class and caste, which arise from the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, which appropriates and subjugates us through falsification, commodification, and dehumanization and weaponizes hierarchies of otherness and belonging and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, and creates states as embodied violence, tyrannies of force and control, carceral states of police and military terror, and dominions of imperial conquest and colonial assimilation and exploitation; all of these systems and structures are born in fear, overwhelming and generalized fear weaponized in service to power and submission to authority, have a key weakness without which they cannot arise and perpetuate unequal power, for this requires the renunciation of love.
Chaos has as its champion the totalizing and uncontrollable divine madness of love, which leaps across all boundaries to unite us in solidarity of action against those who would enslave us.
Love exalts us beyond the limits of ourselves and the flags of our skin, disrupts authorized identities and narratives as imposed conditions of struggle, seizes power as ownership of ourselves, and reveals the embodied truth of others.
Once we have a definition of democracy as a free society of equals and a praxis of love, there are some principles which can be derived as an art of revolution and seizures of power.
Order appropriates; Chaos autonomizes.
Order is unequal power and systemic violence; Chaos is liberty, equality, interdependence, and harmony.
Order subjugates through division and hierarchy; Chaos liberates through equality and solidarity.
Authority falsifies; speaking truth to power or parrhesia as Foucault called truth telling and performing the witness of history confer authenticity to us in the sacred calling to pursue the truth, and delegitimize tyrants.
Always pay attention to the man behind the curtain. As Dorothy says to Oz, he’s just an old humbug.
The four primary duties of a citizen are Question Authority, Expose Authority, Mock Authority, and Challenge Authority.
There is no just Authority.
Law serves power and authority; transgression and refusal to submit confer freedom and self-ownership as primary acts of becoming human and Unconquered.
Always go through the Forbidden Door. As Max Stirner wrote; “Freedom cannot be granted; it must be seized.”
Such is my art of revolution and democracy as love; there remains poetic vision and the reimagination and transformation of ourselves and our limitless possibilities of becoming human, and love and desire as unconquerable informing, motivating, and shaping forces and innate human realms of being and powers which cannot be taken from us as truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh, anarchic and ungovernable as the tides, and it is love and desire as forms of wildness and embodied truth which offer us a definition of freedom as the wildness of nature and the wildness of ourselves.
For a brilliant interrogation of madness as a means of social control and repression of dissent I turn to Ken Kesey’s One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest, which parallels many of the themes of Michel Foucault in Madness and Civilization as well as Orwell’s 1984. As I wrote in my post of October 8 2021, The Uses of Madness as Repression of Dissent and Authorization of Normality and a Consensus Model of What is Real and True; Madness as joyous transgression and seizure of power and madness as an instrument of social control, repression of dissent, the authorization of identities, enforcement of normalities and the boundaries of the Forbidden; Sides of a coin of power bearing Janus-like faces of tyranny and liberty, madness and sanity are a ground of struggle. Always there remains the struggle between the masks that others make for us, and those we make for ourselves. This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the struggle for autonomy and the ownership of ourselves.
Herein I offer a simple test by which to disambiguate madness from sanity; whose truth is this? Who defines, owns, and controls this reality?
For all who own and live their truth are sane, and all who are falsified and subjugated by authority are mad.
Who possesses and controls himself is sane; who is possessed and controlled by others is mad.
Our passions are useful servants and terrible masters. There is nothing wrong with anything you may feel, even negative emotions such as rage or despair; but you must be their master.
As I wrote in my post of June 31 2020, Paradigms of Madness as Thought Control and Class Struggle; “Being in a minority, even in a minority of one, did not make you mad. There was truth and there was untruth, and if you clung to the truth even against the whole world, you were not mad.” “Perhaps a lunatic was simply a minority of one.” So wrote the visionary George Orwell in the great novel which prophecies the terminus of the arc of history of the American Empire as it has unfolded since the end of World War Two, 1984.
As the final arbiters of what is real and what is not, psychiatrists are the apex predators of our society and its most privileged class; no other persons hold the power to abduct and imprison others by authority of a signature, nor to conduct treatments, research, or experiments which may be considered torture or theft of memory, identity, and the soul such as surgical or electroshock personality interventions, or confinement in isolation and in secret without right of redress.
Media moguls may shape our ideas of self and other and overwhelm the truth with propaganda and lies, politicians may fatten themselves on the miseries of others and spin illusions for the benefit of their paymasters, plutocrats and oligarchs may control their workers well being and quality of life and fund the subversion and corruption of democracy, and our police and security services may hunt and kill us with impunity to enforce the power asymmetries of elite wealth, race, and gender which divide us in the service of tyranny, patriarchy, and white supremacy so long as they have concealment and immunity of judicial and political collaborators, but only the modern priesthood of medical professionals of the mind are answerable to none but their peers and are masters of them all.
With this absolute and secret power pervasive throughout the carceral state in both our prisons and educational systems acting as a success filter and authoring force of identity and repression of dissent, our mental healthcare system reinforces the power asymmetries of the status quo. The differences between our system and those of the Nazi health courts and the psychiatric institutions of the historical Soviet Union and the Chinese Communist Party today are those not of kind, but of degree. Just compare them to the torture and interrogation program designed by Spokane’s own Mengele for use in Guantanamo Bay and the secret political prisons operated by our intelligence services throughout the world.
Guantanamo is important because it provides a glimpse into our future, a future in which the state can imprison people without charging them with a crime for 18 years, enact crimes against humanity while the torturers go bowling next door after work, a tyranny of force and control and a fascism of blood, faith, and soil. Here dwell monsters, and they are not behind bars.
As reported in the Spokesman Review by Thomas Clouse; “Two Spokane psychologists who devised the “enhanced interrogation” techniques that a federal judge later said constituted torture,” “James E. Mitchell and John “Bruce” Jessen” whose “company was paid about $81 million by the CIA for providing and sometimes carrying out the interrogation techniques, which included waterboarding, during the early days of the post 9/11 war on terror.”
“Both Mitchell and Jessen were deposed but were never forced to testify as part of a civil suit filed in 2015 in Spokane by the ACLU on behalf of three former CIA prisoners, Gul Rahman, Suleiman Abdullah Salim and Mohamed Ahmed Ben Soud.
According to court records, Rahman was interrogated in a dungeon-like Afghanistan prison in isolation, subjected to darkness and extreme cold water, and eventually died of hypothermia. The other two men are now free.
The U.S. government settled that civil suit in August 2017 just weeks before it was scheduled for trial in Spokane before U.S. District Court Judge Justin Quackenbush.
That suit was based on a 2014 Senate Select Committee on Intelligence report that found ample evidence that Mitchell and Jessen provided the CIA with torture methods, including prolonged sleep deprivation, confinement in small, enclosed spaces and waterboarding that were used on dozens of detainees yet produced no useful intelligence.”
“Mitchell no longer lives in the Spokane area, but Jessen is believed to still reside in the area. They got their start at Fairchild Air Force base as survival trainers who formed a company to help train military personnel to resist interrogations. They reverse-engineered their training and devised a program drawn from 1960s experiments involving dogs and the theory of “learned helplessness.”
Sometimes it is not the prisoner, but the state which is mad.
As I wrote in my post of March 8 2022, International Women’s Day: Interrogating the Idea of Woman and Identities of Sex and Gender As Performance Art and Revolutionary Struggle; What is a woman or a man, and how are such identities constructed?
On this International Woman’s Day, I am wondering how we define such a thing, and how our idealizations of masculine and feminine beauty shape our range of choices in the performance of ourselves.
I am thinking of these things in the context of a conversation in which a friend described the primary trauma of realizing they were imprisoned in a body whose sex did not match their gender, and in this vulnerable space was multiply attacked on grounds of falsely identifying as female in order to appropriate female spaces of performance.
It seems to me that trans exclusion reinforces and originates in a narrow definition of gender restricted to biology, and one which privileges signs and forms over hormones and inner experience; this ignores social construction of identity entirely, and also perpetuates systemic inequalities and authorized identities of sex and gender.
Gender is always fluid, relational, ambiguous, and a ground of struggle. It is also, like sexual orientation, distinct from biological sex and not a spectrum with endpoint limits but an infinite Moebius Strip where we are born and exist everywhere at once as polymorphosly perverse, to use Freud’s delicious phrase; except where identity is chosen as seizure of power or imposed by other people’s ideas of virtue, normality, the limits of the human and the boundaries of the Forbidden.
To be an outcast is a terrible thing; but to be forced to create your own forms because you fit in no one else’s bottles can be a wonderful thing as well, though never an easy one.
Sartre described this with the phrase; ”We are condemned to be free,” in his 1946 lecture Existentialism Is A Humanism, and what this means is that in a universe empty of all meaning and value other than that which we ourselves create, we must balance the terror of our nothingness with the joy of our total freedom.
In such a universe, free of imposed meaning and of purpose, all rules are arbitrary and can be changed, rules which are legacies of our histories and the fictional laws of false and unjust authorities, wherein all normalities are negotiable, and the limitless possibilities of becoming human may be pursued as our uniqueness through the reimagination and transformation of poetic vision and metaphorical truths.
Life is a performance art, and we all have one problem in common; each of us must reinvent how to be human.
This process of becoming human or individuation is controlled by a second or historical principle; humans create themselves over time, and a third or social principle; humans create each other through their interdependence.
Our idea of self derives from the persona, the ancient Greek theatrical mask through which characters speak, and the possibilities of becoming human are a function of the struggle between authorized identities and the self- ownership of autonomous individuals.
Our identities, including those of sex and gender, are literally masks; social constructs and artifacts of our process of adaptation and becoming human. Herein the primary shaping, informing, and motivating source is the interface between authority and autonomy as an unknown and unclaimed potential, a blank space of limitless possibilities of the reimagination of humankind, like the places marked Here Be Dragons on our maps of human being, meaning, and value.
As we learn from John Cage in music, Harold Pinter in theatre, and Piet Mondrian in art, it is the blank spaces which define and order meaning; and in history it is the silenced and erased voices to which we must listen most carefully, for here the emptiness speaks to us of secret power and of the key functions and relationships which authority must conceal to maintain its hegemony over us.
Let us pay attention to the man behind the curtain.
Always there remains the struggle between the masks that others make for us and those we make for ourselves.
This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the struggle to create ourselves.
Our performance of identities of sex and gender is a theatre of possibilities, of negotiations and dances with normativity and the transgression of boundaries, of the questioning and reimagination of idealizations of masculinity and femininity, of self-creation as liberation and autonomous total freedom, a quest for our uniqueness and for the human transcendent, and of truths which are immanent in nature and written in our flesh.
This need not be determinative or prescriptive, but a space of free creative play.
All true art defiles and exalts.
As written by Amy M. Vaughn on the Surrealist site Babou691; “I love genderfuck. I love watching the disruption of enculturated norms, which is what genderfuck does to traditional notions of the male/female, masculine/feminine dichotomy.
While genderfuckery has had a place in both gay culture and, to a lesser extent, punk rock since the ’70s, it remained mostly underground until drag hit mainstream media. I am, of course, referring to RuPaul’s Drag Race (RPDR).
These days drags serves as an umbrella term for the work of several different types of performance artists. The most well-known of these are drag queens, who perform as women, and drag kings, who perform as men. Sometimes this traditional type of drag is campy, sometimes it’s realistic, but it’s always based on the idea of the gender binary—fucking with the binary, but still within it. Genderfuck rejects the binary, often aggressively, sometimes playfully, always purposefully.
I believe there may be something to gain from looking at these performative manipulations of gender though the ideas of the Surrealists of the early 20th century. The Surrealists saw themselves as a revolutionary cultural movement. Their goal was to free people from false and restrictive conceptions of reality. In other words, they wanted to disrupt enculturated norms. And their method was the juxtaposition of disparate entities with the intention of creating a surprising or startling effect.
I don’t think it’s too far a leap to say performative genderbending fits this approach. Whether we’re talking about overlaying feminine characteristics on a masculine form or vice versa, or combining the genders together in incongruous ways, done well, the effect is literally stunning.”
“And RPDR has provided a platform for genderfuck, but because the goal of the competition is to find the “next drag superstar”—a person who can represent RuPaul’s polished, feminine brand to the world— genderfuck queens rarely excel. “May the best woman win,” has been one of the show’s catchphrases, repeated every episode until the current season. Now RuPaul says, “May the best drag queen win.” We could speculate that this change is due to the casting of the first ever trans contestant, though the point remains the same—RPDR is a safe space for gay males to express themselves through female impersonation.
Which is drag but not genderfuck.
However, something even more subversive has entered through the door that RPDR opened: The Boulet Brothers’ Dragula, an “alternative drag competition” based on the principles of horror, filth, and glamour. And the Boulets’ stage is far more welcoming of genderfuck.
While drag has traditionally been dominated by gay men performing as women, genderfuck is not gender specific or sexual-orientation specific. Disasterina, on season two of Dragula, described himself as hetero-fluid and is married to a woman, while season three featured two AFAB contestants: Landon Cider, a lesbian drag king, and Hollow Eve, who identifies as nonbinary.
At this point, spelling out all of these distinctions seems more than a little cumbersome and like a whole lot of nunya bizness, as if these descriptions have no place in the discussion of genderfuck because genderfuck is beyond them. In fact, jabs at traditional drag culture are not rare on Dragula, as can be seen in Evah Destruction’s disposable razor bikini on her hirsute body, a look which would not have a place in RPDR.
The Surrealists believed that art could bring about revolutionary social change through the process of the Hegelian dialectic—thesis, antithesis, synthesis. If we examine the recent history of drag and genderfuck through this lens, while vastly simplified, it might look something like this: the thesis that there are two heteronormative genders was met with the antithesis of an artform superimposing one gender over another to provoke the surreal effect of juxtaposing opposites in order to startled people out of ingrained cultural constructs. The synthesis has been greater acceptance of gay male culture and freedom of expression. Worthy goals, no question.
The dialectic for genderfuck, which I see as following traditional drag to further the same and expanded goals, would also start with the thesis that there are two genders but it would add three sexual identities (gay, straight, and bi). The antithesis is the performance of multiple expressions of gender and sexuality, provoking the surreal effect, and leading to the synthesis of radical freedom of expression and an existence untethered to preconceived cultural definitions—gay, straight, or otherwise.”
“Real progress has been made through queer art in providing a surrealist antithesis to the idea of a gender dichotomy, and the result has been to guide mainstream culture toward not just tolerance or acceptance but celebration of gender differences.”
Part Two References
All the best people are
The Mad Hatter’s Revolution; a montage in two parts
Rewrite the Stars; song by Zendaya and Zac Efron, with montage of Alice and the Mad Hatter
Mad Hatter – A Case Study in Borderline Personality Disorder
October 20 2024 Day Three of the Mad Hatter Festival: Madness As a Faith of Poetic Vision
As I wrote in my celebration of Lewis Carroll on his birthday, I Sing of Madness, Vision, and Love; I practice the art of believing “six impossible things before breakfast”; but only in those truths which I myself create or claim, and which in turn claim me.
This is possibly a confession of faith, though if asked directly I normally quote either Keats; “I am certain of nothing but of the holiness of the Heart’s affections and the truth of Imagination—What the imagination seizes as Beauty must be truth—whether it existed before or not—for I have the same Idea of all our Passions as of Love they are all in their sublime, creative of essential Beauty”, or Rumi; “Let the beauty you love be what you do”, depending on who is asking, and in what language and nation.
Let there be total truth and absolute transparency between us, O my brothers, sisters, and others; for our word must be an inviolate force of nature if we are to mean anything, one which shapes, defines, motivates, and informs not only how we choose to be human together but also our own possibilities of becoming human. Lies dehumanize and falsify; therefore do I pursue a sacred calling to discover and live the truth. Having so defined the ground of struggle in my writing here as in all things, and with an awareness that this self-disclosure and public intimacy is terrifying to others in some cultures and part of my personal myth as it is for Kenzaburo Oe in Japan, what do I mean when I use the word faith?
My intention is not to deceive in this or any regard; its simply that this is a complex, ambiguous, relative, dangerous, and highly fraught issue, one which bears the legacies of both my personal history and that of my family, and of our millennia of civilization.
A full accounting and interrogation of my influences will not be brief and merits its own study; here I am primarily questioning its praxis as vision, described in the film Oz in reference to Thomas Edison as “the ability to look into the future and make it real.”
I am a scholar of Islam and a member of the Naqshbandi order of Sufism, a former Buddhist monk and Dream Navigator of the Kagyu Vajrayana Order in Kathmandu Nepal, and grew up from the age of nine with ten years of formal study in Zen Buddhism.
Often I use the word faith as solidarity of action with others; as loyalty, allyship, and recognition of our interdependence and the universal nature of our humanity which connects us. But I also use this word faith as a sacred calling to pursue the Truth, whatever the source or where it leads, an idea from ibn Arabi and the most radical definition of faith I know of, which makes Islam the most revolutionary of faiths, especially compared to Christianity and its centuries long burning of books in repression to dissent and subjugation to authority claiming to speak for the Infinite. Only six copies of Plato’s books survived the Dark Ages, courtesy of the Islamic scholars who preserved them.
So for myself, faith is a process of questioning, one which is antithetical to its usual use as submission to authority. Any who stand between ourselves and the Infinite serve neither.
Without question and absolutely it is a declaration of allegiance to poetic vision as symbolic, allegorical, and metaphorical truth, as reimagination and transformation, as identity and the terms of struggle for its ownership; for after language itself the ideas by which we organize ourselves are our most fundamental ground of being.
Herein my ars poetica uses methods of literary criticism, history, psychology, and philosophy, an extension of the interdisciplinary methods pioneered in The Psychopathic God by Robert G.L. Waite which I read in high school during a time when I chose the origins of evil as my field of study, to interpret the meaning and direction of current events as they unfold in real time, and to change the balance of power in the world.
Are we not the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others? Always there remains the struggle between the masks we make for ourselves and those made for us by others; this is the first revolution in which we all must fight, the struggle for the ownership of ourselves.
Poetic vision and imaginal truth allows us to escape the limits of our form and the flags of our skin; to create ourselves anew as a primary human act and the reimagination and transformation of our possibilities of becoming human.
As I wrote in my post of January 3 2022, On Creativity and Poetic Vision as Revolution, Transformation, and Liberation; “I am certain of nothing but of the holiness of the Heart’s affections and the truth of Imagination—What the imagination seizes as Beauty must be truth—whether it existed before or not—for I have the same Idea of all our Passions as of Love they are all in their sublime, creative of essential Beauty.” Keats
My sister wrote of her recurring vision of the Night Mountain this morning, a vast and enormous city or structure of lights floating in the sky above the desert just before dawn, and it provoked memories of and reflections on my own many visions and encounters with the transcendent, especially those which became Defining Moments and shaped my becoming human; among them the Illumination of Our Beautiful Flaws as I crossed the Thar desert in Rajasthan by camel, the Games of Beauty and Vision as I sailed upon the Lake of Dreams in Srinagar, my Journeys through the Gates of Possibilities as a monk in Kathmandu, the Kiss of the Fallen Star which struck my hand in a meteor shower as I reached for the Impossible among the heavens, the Dream of the Toad transferred to me as a chthonic guardian spirit and guide of the soul by one of my father’s Beatnik friends, William S. Burroughs, in a line of succession from Nietzsche as its avatar, in the strange fairytales he told in the evenings of his visits as the coals of the fire burned low and darkness swallowed us in its endless chasms, and the moment of my Awakening and vision of Possible Futures of Humankind when as a child at my mother’s side during a protest in People’s Park in Berkeley the police fired on the university students in the most terrible incident of state terror in American history, Bloody Thursday May 15 1969, and I escaped my body and had a unitary moment of awareness outside of time.
Like the dreams to which they are akin, such visions can be read as symbols, metaphors, and allegories; they are also stories woven into our lives which connect us with the universe and with other people, and through which we create ourselves. Are we not the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others?
I am looking at the scar on my hand from where a Fallen Star touched me one night during a cosmic event like tonight’s Quadrantid meteor shower, like the hand of a rebel angel bearing the stolen Promethean Fire, decades ago, when I reached up to pull the stars from the heavens and something reached down to enfold my hand in a nimbus of light, and for a moment I was sublimed and exalted in the Kiss of the Fallen Star, riding the light among the spheres, the earth a vanishing orb, then lost among the solar system, a sea of stars, a whirling dance of galaxies, and return to the hill where I stood transfigured by the embrace of Infinite. Stunned not by our smallness next to a universal scale, but by the eternity and timeless immensity of Being in which we share.
This meteor strike was witnessed by Jim Shafer, Jennifer Wendt-Damico, Kimberly Wine, Claud Gipson, and several others who had assembled on top of the old artillery battery overlooking the valley below Cavedale Road in Sonoma California in the 1980’s, with its awesome petroglyph caves hidden behind a waterfall, where a door to the Unknown was opened possibly thousands of years ago, letting beings of strangeness through.
If ever I need to be reminded of our true nature, of the presence of the transcendent and the immanence in nature of truths written in our flesh, of the vast and limitless sea of being and consciousness of which we are part, I need only open my hand to see written there the signature of the Unknown Infinite and the sign of our hope, for from the moment I touched a star I have been without despair, fear, or doubt, a bearer of hope and the fire of liberation.
I have been no stranger to what is strange; it has defined my Otherness and the kinship I feel with those others, however different from myself, who are marginalized, excluded, vilified, and oppressed, those whom Frantz Fanon called the wretched of the earth, the dispossessed and the powerless, the silenced and the erased; the monsters and the freaks whom I claim as my family and my tribe.
Of all the gifts and wonders life has given me, this I cherish most of all; that with all the numberless and unimaginable horrors to which I have been witness, in Mariupol and Sarajevo and the crimes and atrocities whose names become an endless litany of woes which define the limits of the human as a fragile and ephemeral quality among chasms of darkness, I have emerged from the legacies of our history Unconquered as in Henley’s poem Invictus, with the ability to bond, empathize with, and inhabit the lives of others as the bearer of sacred wounds which open me to the pain of others. I cherish my pain, for like the Abyss which I have embraced and wrestled with it has made me human.
If I can do this, so can we all. This is my faith as solidarity, hope, and love.
This above all else defines what is human; our ability to transcend the limits of our flesh and of our differences, to share and learn from the lives of others, across vast gulfs of time and space, through the civilization we create as partners in a Great Conversation. Much of who we are is stored potential in the form of our most precious resource, the written word, which is created by our historical community and belongs to the commons; this is both its power as a shaping force and its danger as a limitation of our uniqueness and autonomy.
Such are my thoughts on creativity and poetic vision as revolution, transformation, and liberation; but I did not invent the language with which I create them, nor the millennia of historical antiquity which informs my ideas; rather they are instruments with which I create myself. Who then owns the artifacts of my thinking? To this I must answer with a line from the great film Il Postino; “Poetry belongs to those who need it.”
In reverence for the gifts and guidance I have been given I have tried, however poorly and within my limitations, to understand the meaning and significance of such moments of insight, to enact them in my life as a fulcrum of change and to use poetic vision as leverage with which to transform the balance of power in the world.
Regardless of how we name and taxonomize the Source of our reality and the sea of our being in attempts to rationalize and control life, it remains wild, irrational, uncontrollable, and also very real. The wonder and terror of vision and immersion in what Coleridge called the Primary Imagination, Jung the Collective Unconscious, Ibn Arabi the Ālam al-Mithāl, and is termed the Bardo in the Tibetan classic which I translate as The Book of Liberation, in the contexts of four lineages of ideology in which I may claim membership, has inspired some of the greatest achievements of civilization and the limitless possibilities of becoming human, and some of the most fearsome terrors of our historical atrocities, madness, and degradation.
The liminal bears creative and destructive forces in equal measure, and not reductive to the interplay of darkness and light, but ambiguous, contingent, and relative. We who are its witnesses and bearers of poetic vision are the arbiters of this power among humankind and of its consequences for the material universe and the order and fate of the cosmos. Who bears the fire of the gods becomes an agent of transformation, insight, and the reshaping of human being, meaning, and value; this is true of all art and of creativity in general.
Revolutions are born of such insight, in sciences and arts of understanding as well as in politics as choices we make about how to be human together, and in our ongoing creation of ourselves. With this inner fire and vision we may forge new truths, and in this mission I offer guidance and warning as you sail into the unknown; transgress boundaries, violate norms, abandon limits, and seize your power to create yourself anew, for nothing is Forbidden and all Authority is illusion and lies; but always know what you are trying to achieve, for force always operates in both directions at once.
Act without fear, and in action be fearless; but with awareness of the consequences of your actions. Life and liberty, as well as good and evil, may depend on the smallest of changes in our lives and our world, both for ourselves and for others.
Best wishes, and may you find joy, freedom, healing, and love in your reimagination of yourself and our possibilities of becoming human.
As I wrote in my post of January 8 2022, Let Us Bring A Reckoning; Politics is the art of fear as the basis of exchange and the origin of authority and unequal power as systemic evil in the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, as balanced with the desire to belong, but it is also about poetic vision as reimagination and transformation; to dream an impossible thing and make it real, as Washington did in crossing the Delaware to create America and as Alice teaches us when recounting the Six Impossible Things in her battle with the Jabberwocky.
On the way to fight a dragon, and seeing it for the first terrible time, Alice remarks to the Mad Hatter in Tim Burton’s beautiful film; “That’s impossible.”
To which the Hatter says, “Only if you believe it is.”
“Sometimes, I believe in six impossible things before breakfast.”
“That is an excellent practice, but just now, you really might want to focus on the Jabberwocky.”
Just so.
As I wrote in my post of October 14 2021, On Art as Poetic Vision, Transgression, Seizure of Power, Reimagination, and Transformation: a Manifesto; Why do I write?
I offer here a manifesto of art as poetic vision and transformation in the contexts of the performance of identities and in the guerilla theatre of political action and revolutionary struggle.
Art is transgressive when it challenges and violates our ideas of normality and the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue, it is a seizure of power and refusal to submit to authorized identities which confers freedom and autonomy through becoming self-created and self-owned, Unconquered and beyond subjugation by force and control, and it is poetic vision as Surrealist reimagination and transformation when it depicts and guides our passage through the labyrinth of time, history, memory, and the falsification of our captured and distorted images in the wilderness of mirrors, lies, and illusions, to enact our rapture and exaltation, our transcendence into realms of dream and of vision wherein rules do not apply and when it seizes us with truths immanent in nature and written in our flesh.
All true art defiles and exalts.
Art is intended to question and transform the rules and substance of human being, meaning, and value; to discover within the boundaries and interfaces, the silent and empty places of change and the limitless adaptive potential of systems, of unknowns, disconnects, misaligned juxtaposition and strange angles of view, new possibilities of becoming human.
I first understood the power of the unknown as a force of liberation as a boy whose bedroom wall was a collage of Bosch figures and images I called my Dream Gates; William S. Burroughs would show up for dinner without warning and tell weird fairytales into the night; he also drew curious figures into the collage of heaven and hell, and here was a definition of art and of its purpose; transformation of the possibilities of becoming human through reimagination and ecstatic poetic vision.
This is why I claim as the purpose of my writing to incite, provoke, and disturb; change and growth originate in discomfort and in the four primary duties of a citizen; to question, mock, expose, and challenge authority.
As we learn from John Cage in music, Harold Pinter in theatre, and Piet Mondrian in art, it is the blank spaces which define and order meaning; and in history it is the silenced and erased voices to which we must listen most carefully, for here the emptiness speaks to us of secret power and of the key functions and relationships which authority must conceal to maintain its hegemony over us.
This free space of play, of the unknown as unclaimed space and the adaptive potential of a system, whose boundaries like the known shores on our maps of becoming human frame the range of choices and act as authorized identities and an intrinsic limit on freedom as future possibilities, remains outside and beyond all limits and systems of knowledge, like Godels Theorem; no matter how much we learn and shift the boundaries of the known universe, the Infinite remains as vast as before, conserving ignorance.
If so the task of becoming human involves chaos, disruption, reimagination, and transformation, as I believe; the violation of normalities and transgression of boundaries of the Forbidden to free us of the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue and of authorized identities, to create limitless possibilities of becoming human as seizures of power.
Order appropriates; Chaos autonomizes.
As I wrote in my post of October 5 2021, Seizure of Power, Self-Creation and Self-Ownership, Authenticity and Autonomy, Self Representation as Construction of Identity, and Ourselves as Living Memiors: the Case of Facebook; Something crucial we ignore about social media; though its pitched as connectedness, its primary function is to construct identity through ordering and prioritizing our experience in time. Our social media publications are a form of memoir, and this is a ground of struggle between the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and to others, and those which others tell about us.
As with the public negotiations of national identity and conflicted histories in the competing narratives of the 1619 Project and the Mayflower origin story, the first question we must ask of our stories is simple and direct; whose story is this?
This is the great test of disambiguation between falsification and authenticity, and between autonomy and subjugation; not whether a statement is a lie or a truth, though this is also important, but whose truth is it?
As I wrote in my post of June 22 2021, Our History Swallows Us Like An Infinite Moebius Loop and We Become Prisoners of Its Gordian Knot: the Case of Kurdistan; History becomes a wilderness of mirrors; of lies and illusions, distorted and captured images endlessly reflected which violate our uniqueness, falsify us, limit and entrap us in authorized identities and narratives which serve the interests of elite power and not our own.
Our histories and memories are the anchorages of our identity and the wellspring of our becoming, networks of connectedness which sustain our harmony and wholeness; but such nets can ensnare us as well, and become atavisms we drag behind us like an invisible reptilian tail.
Our history swallows us like an infinite Moebius Loop, and we become prisoners of its Gordian Knot; the case of Critical Race Theory repression illumines the vicious cycle of fear, power, and force as racism and fascist tyranny overlap and intermingle hideously, consuming its most vulnerable population as sacrifices on the altar of wealth and power.
As I wrote in my post of December 5 2020, Whose Story Is This?; We are the stories we tell about ourselves, to ourselves and one another. So it becomes important to ask of our stories and representations, whose story is this?
I call this the Narrative Theory of Identity, and my intention is that it serves as a lever for changing the balance of power in the world. Our idea of self derives from the persona, the ancient Greek theatrical mask through which characters speak, and the possibilities of becoming human are a function of the struggle between authorized identities and the self- ownership of autonomous individuals.
We have one problem in common as we grow up and create ourselves; each of us must reinvent how to be human. Our informing, motivating, and shaping forces, modeled and communicated to us by others, are necessary to our processes of growth and individuation, but also integral to the dialectics of self and others.
The struggle between the masks that others make for us and those we make for ourselves is the first revolution in which we all must fight.
As written by Helena de Bresis, author of author of Artful Truths: The Philosophy of Memoir, in Aeon; “I wrote a memoir recently, and sometimes I ask myself why on earth I did. It was difficult and time-consuming, it involved some rather unpleasant self-examination, and it raised suspicions of self-involvement, exhibitionism and insufferable earnestness that I’d so far mainly avoided in life. If I publish it, I risk being accused by friends of betrayal, by readers of lying, and by critics of any number of literary flaws. Since selling a memoir is hard, all of that would represent things going well. When I complain to my sister about this, she suggests that ‘maybe’ I should have – ‘I don’t know’ – considered these points two years ago, before embarking on this thing that she would ‘never, like, ever do’.
When asked why they bother, memoirists offer a range of reasons. Saint Teresa did it for the glory of God; Jean-Jacques Rousseau to express his inner self; Vladimir Nabokov to recreate his vanished childhood; Frederick Douglass to advance the cause of abolition. But maybe the deepest reason for writing a memoir, intertwined with all the rest, is the desire to find meaning in one’s past experience. Whatever else they’re up to, memoirists are in the business of locating some form or order in their personal history: setting it down as an intelligible shape, not a hot mess. Finding this form is both a necessary part of memoir and one of its key rewards. That was what I was after, anyway. Life moves so fast. Stuff had gone down. I wanted to slow the passage of events, grasp what the past had meant, before picking up the pace once again.
You can search for form in life through philosophy, science, religion and any kind of art. The memoirist’s distinctive move is to do it via autobiographical narrative: the construction of an organised sequence of personally experienced events, along with an implied evaluative response to them. Life stories have three things going for them when it comes to making experience intelligible. They’re selective, highlighting particular agents, settings and episodes out of the mass of material that life provides. They’re also unifying, drawing connections between their disparate parts and situating them in context. And they’re isomorphic: they share deep structural and thematic features with other stories, which we use as a shortcut when interpreting them. Psychologists report that most autobiographical narratives follow the classical story arc: steady state, complication, rising action, crisis, resolution, then coda. And they involve quests, comings-of-age, fatal errors, comeuppances and returns recognisable from myths, parables and fairy tales. Most, though maybe not all, humans tell such life stories. Memoirists recount them at length, in writing, with literary ambitions. We’re trying to do it, but make it art.
What are memoirists doing exactly, when we claim to ‘find’ this form and meaning in our past experience? Are we genuinely discovering it back there or just making it up? For the past century or so, the wind has been behind the latter interpretation. Many take the existentialist line that seeing your life in narrative terms is a form of mauvaise foi, or bad faith. We urgently want there to be order and meaning in the world, independently of us. But there isn’t, and our attempts to impose coherence and significance where none exist are self-deceiving and absurd. Roquentin, the protagonist of Jean-Paul Sartre’s novel Nausea (1938), describes the ‘disgust’ and ‘nausea’ produced by our meaningless universe, alongside its ineffective narrative remedy:
This is what fools people: a man is always a teller of tales, he lives surrounded by his stories and the stories of others, he sees everything that happens to him through them; and he tries to live his own life as if he were telling a story.
What exactly is wrong with construing your past as a story? In his memoir The Words (1963), Sartre suggests that storytelling distorts our understanding of life, by confusing it with literature. We can tell autobiographical narratives if we like but, if so, we should be clear about what we’re doing: producing fiction. This take suggests that memoir, which calls itself nonfiction, is a fundamentally suspect enterprise.
A similar critique of narrative emerged in the philosophy of history in the 1970s. In his book Metahistory (1973), Hayden White argued that historical writing is a constructive process, in which the historian selects a subset of past events, imaginatively fills in the gaps, and orders the lot into a unified story. These historical stories, like the life stories of individuals, take conventional literary forms – tragedy, romance, comedy and satire – and employ poetic devices, including metaphor, synecdoche and irony. All of this is a creative act on the part of the historian, an imposition on the historical record. As a result, different historians can and do provide different narrative interpretations of the same events, none of which can be said to uniquely fit the facts. White concludes that historical writing, despite its scientific pretensions, reduces to fiction.
The philosopher Noël Carroll offered two main lines of response to White that transfer nicely to memoir. The first points to a set of faulty inferences in the argument. White assumes that each of the following features of an interpretation transforms it into fiction: inventiveness, selectivity, multiplicity, conventionality and literary quality. But a quick run-through shows that each can be present without an immediate diagnosis of fictionalising. Photos are invented rather than found, but that doesn’t make them inaccurate representations of the past. My telling you only some things about my spring break doesn’t mean that what I do tell you is made up. The availability of multiple good stories about the Loretta Lynn fan convention doesn’t demonstrate that one or all of them are fiction: each can just highlight a distinct aspect of the same complex course of events. And your description of what you’ve been up to recently might be Homeric, but some weekends genuinely are epic, and nonfigurative, nonliterary language might not be enough to capture the truth about them.
Carroll’s second reply to White questions the assertion that the world isn’t story-shaped. Humans act for reasons, and those actions have consequences, including the imprint of certain patterns on the world. We can describe all this in terms of atoms moving in the void, sure. But there’s an equally legitimate form of explanation that appeals to the values and goals driving the action, and therefore to the purpose and significance that human life genuinely contains. A story that offers such an explanation is picking up on real aspects of the world, not confabulating. Similarly, since humans think and act symbolically, narratives that incorporate metaphor and myth can serve to reflect, rather than distort, reality.
That said, there’s some truth in the claim that narrative is created, not found. Successful nonfictional storytellers both discover and construct. They do the difficult work of pruning and unifying experience into a shape they and others can understand. As the writer Lorrie Moore puts it: ‘Life is a cornfield, but literature is that shot of whiskey that’s been distilled down.’ And when nonfictional storytellers succeed, the shape they create tracks genuine features in the life described.
To defend nonfictional narrative isn’t, of course, to defend all particular life stories. At one early point in writing my memoir, I announced: ‘OMG, I think my life tracks the history of Western philosophy!’ ‘That’s wonderful!’ my long-suffering sister replied, but the angle of her eyebrow effectively consigned that one to the trash. There are also some general narrative conventions we’re better off without. No literary memoirist would be caught dead these days writing a traditional autobiography: a strictly chronological tracing of events, from infancy on, in a tone of untroubled authority. The contemporary memoir zooms in on a specific period or theme, and moves back and forth in time. Modern memoirists tend to be less certain than autobiographers, more alert to the seductions of narrative closure. As a result, their books are more complex, searching, and truer to life.
But we can welcome these salutary effects of 20th-century narrative scepticism while keeping the baby in the bath. Old-fashioned storytelling has real virtues when making sense of the world. (I once lunched with a literary magazine editor after he’d gone through the latest set of submissions. ‘Oh god,’ he exclaimed, like a frustrated police chief, ‘just tell me what happened in order!’) Those virtues are so great that even narrative sceptics make use of them. Joan Didion ends her essay ‘The White Album’ (1968-78) with an admission of defeat: ‘Writing has not yet helped me to see what [experience] means.’ But sometimes the pattern just is chaos, and Didion’s use of personal narrative in this essay deftly captures that truth about 1960s California.
Cynics about narrative often give off an air of expecting more from stories than memoirists themselves do. No memoir can reveal an underlying grand narrative in the universe as a whole, or give its writer anything more than a partial and provisional grip on their personal past. But it can sometimes provide that grip, which is no small thing. When I look at my own memoir, I can clearly see its fictive qualities. The stage is set, the action rises, the protagonist falls apart, then lurches out of the abyss. There’s a coda, written in a tone of battered hope. Sartre would give it one star on Goodreads. That would be mean (I gave his five!), but I’m not too troubled by it. The book reads to me like my life, a life that makes better sense to me now that I’ve written it down.”
As I wrote in my post of August 24 2020, The Transformative Power of Art: a Manifesto; The transformative power of art, its ability to reframe our ideas about self and other, to shift boundaries, reassign values, reclaim history and identity from silence, erasure, marginalization, and the authorization of inequalities of power and divisions of exclusionary otherness; these are among the vital functions which make art a primary human and social activity.
Art as poetic vision precedes and parallels politics as a means of changing our civilization and the possibilities of human being, meaning, and value; it represents a power held by autonomous individuals and communities against the tyranny of state force and control. Politics is a social art which is primary to our interdependent human nature and processes of becoming human. Through our words, images, and performance we can question, mock, expose, and challenge authority and incite, provoke, and disturb others in bringing transformational change to the systems and structures within which we are embedded.
Art is life, for it involves us personally and directly in processes of adaptive growth and in renegotiation of our social contracts and relationships with others, both personal and political, and informs and motivates the performance of our identities.
If we are caught in a rigged game, we must change the rules and terms of struggle. “Rules are made to be broken” to paraphrase General MacArthur; order destabilized, authority delegitimized, traditional systems and structures interrogated, limits transgressed, force and control resisted and abandoned, and new truths forged and possibilities of becoming human discovered.
We must question, expose, mock, subvert, transgress, and challenge authority whenever it comes to claim us. There is no just authority.
Let us seize control of our own narrative and representation, of our memory, history, and identity.
Let us be unconquered, masterless, and free.
Let us be bringers of chaos, joy, transformation, and revolution.
Six Impossible Things: Slaying the Jabberwocky
Il Postino film
Faith as poetic vision, reimagination, and transformation; a reading list
A Greeting of the Spirit: Selected Poetry of John Keats with Commentaries,
primary texts of The Labyrinth of the Gates of Dreams
The Tibetan Book of the Dead: The Great Liberation through Hearing in the Bardo, Padmasambhava, Karma Lingpa, Chögyam Trungpa and Francesca Fremantle translators
On this Holocaust Remembrance Day, as America has once again been captured by the Fourth Reich committed to the subversion of Democracy, Nazi revivalism, white supremacist terror, and theocratic patriarchal sexual terror, and open battle in the streets throughout our nation by our citizens versus the ICE racist terror force of the Fourth Reich and its campaign of ethnic cleansing, it is with special urgency that we reflect on the liberation of Auschwitz decades ago on this day; on the meaning, origins, and consequences of human evil, on both Germany and now America’s failure to resist its seduction and subjugation, and how each of us will meet its challenges both as individuals and as nations.
So many of the issues we face link back to racist, patriarchal, and sectarian divisions of exclusionary otherness, hegemonies of elite wealth, power, and privilege and authorized hierarchies of belonging; the injustices of state terror and racist police violence, the disparities of healthcare access and economic insecurity which have driven the emergence of a vast precariat during the pandemic and the manipulation of our fear as political capital by those who would enslave us, and the existential threat of the collapse of democracy and the capture of our government by the Fourth Reich which is now a fait accompli.
As I wrote my remembrance of the Holocaust on this day three years ago in 2023 I was listening to the endless news loop of policemen beating a man to death simply because they can, a man like any of us named Tyre Nichols, and I am haunted by the realization that the Holocaust isn’t over yet, for we live within systems of oppression and unequal power, which also live within us as possessing ghosts of history and subjugation to authority, systemic inequalities enforced by the brutal repression of carceral states of force and control, not only here in America but throughout the world.
Now in 2026 I review my essay on Holocaust Remembrance Day as our news is submerged in the state terror of mass deportations of migrants as an Apartheid color bar for employment and as ethnic cleansing, and as white supremacist cadre are hired as bounty hunters by the state with a thousand dollars offered for every nonwhite migrant deported, I am reminded and given proof that it may begin with a few beatings, abductions, deaths and torture of American citizens like Tyre Nichols and now Alex Pretti and Renee Good by police terror forces, but it quickly becomes more generalized to whole populations.
This is our watershed moment of tidal change and the catastrophic collapse or restoration of democracy, right now, in the streets and within each of us, which will determine the fate of humankind.
No matter where you begin with hierarchies of belonging and otherness, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.
I will not go quietly, when they come for me as they did for Alex Pretti and Renee Good, our migrant neighbors, and countless others, and I ask all of us to choose now, this moment, every moment, to stand in solidarity as an unstoppable tide against fear and force, for if we all of us do this we cannot be subjugated and will remain free and Unconquered regardless of the terror unleashed against us.
Do not be seduced by the illusion that the forces of fascism and tyranny are not coming for you, even if you are the last when all else have perished. Before this impasse of no hope, stand together; for who stands alone, dies alone, and who stands united becomes unconquerable.
Resist! Resist and refuse to be subjugated, resist and seize your freedom.
We liberated Auschwitz on January 27 1945, and brought a Reckoning to the Nazis at Nuremberg, but fascisms of blood, faith, and soil are endemic and pervasive among us, as is the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force which I believe is the origin of evil and from which fascism and police states of force and control arise.
We liberated Europe from the Nazis, but we have not yet liberated ourselves. Neither from the fascists in the White House and their legions of terrorists, nor from the legacies of our history and the possessing ghosts of Nazis who await their moment to seize us when our power has been stolen by learned helplessness, abjection, and despair.
Just as we must bring a Reckoning to Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, in the discovery and exposure of the network of conspiracy which has enabled his crimes, and a public Reckoning for all of his collaborators in treason, tyranny, and terror, we must bring a Reckoning to white supremacist terror and its institutions which include the police; all police, everywhere.
Let us pursue fascism to its destruction.
Dismantling the network of treason and white supremacist terror which has seized us in its jaws and bringing its conspirators to justice will not be enough to free us from its threat, which hangs above our heads like a Sword of Damocles; we must also abolish the institutions of state terror and tyranny, of force and control, surveillance and disinformation, birthed in overwhelming and pervasive fear on 911 and given free reign by the Patriot Act.
For the power and secrecy of our security services and a militarized police, consequences of the counterinsurgency model of policing which extends the purpose of the carceral state from the re-enslavement of Black citizens as prison labor to a totalitarian regime of force and thought control, are not a strength but a weakness; they give authority the means to drive us into submission and transform democracy into tyranny. Unequal power is a precondition of hate crime, tyranny, and state terror, and no state should possess such powers.
Security is an illusion, though one very profitable for elites, and there is no just authority.
We must also bring change to the sale of our government to private capitalist elites through the dark money of the Citizens United act and the 14th Amendment which made corporations citizens. This is not only a transfer of wealth from the commons to private oligarchs and plutocrats, but a seizure of power and political influence by elites and theft of citizenship from the people.
Democracy is under siege from within.
What is to be done? Lenin’s great question resonates for us today as it did against monarchies and colonial empires, and as our civilization destroyed itself in the World Wars, the third of which began in Ukraine with the Russian invasion and is ongoing now globally and in the American theatre of war. The fall of democracy and of global human civilization is once again possible because many of our governments have been attacked from within by the subversion of intrusive forces, but also because of the mechanical failures of our systems and structures from their internal contradictions. These flaws in the ways we have chosen to be human together must be reimagined and transformed.
To choose one example of an area of reform among the apparatus of state terror and tyranny, a clear and present evil to represent the rest, consider the social use of force in the case of our concentration camps for nonwhite migrants at our border with Mexico, and the horrors of our racist ethnic cleansing and campaign of genocide in the example of the psychological torture of migrant children, the legacy of abandonment from our policy of orphaning and the cruel mystery of the lost children.
We must throw open the gates of these prisons and welcome those who have come to us for safety and for freedom as our brothers and sisters in liberty and a free society of equals.
We must disband the instruments of ethnic cleansing and tyranny including Homeland Security and its ICE and Border Patrol forces, and their deniable assets including fifth columns within our military and security services, secret armies, and extragovernmental organizations of terror including those which stormed our capitol, and hold accountable all those responsible for enacting and carrying out policies of racist ethnic cleansing, genocide, and crimes against humanity just as we did at Nuremberg.
Above all we must rescue the children from ongoing abuse and crimes against humanity by our government. Each of us has the opportunity to test ourselves and the quality of our humanity in righteous action, by uniting in challenge to authority and to evil in defense of the innocent.
For never again is no longer a historical reference to an incomprehensible evil, and has become a choice each of us must make. How we answer this test will condemn or redeem us, decide the fate of countless others and signal the fall or rebirth of our civilization.
Our choice is simple; when they come for the children, shall we surrender them to torture and disappearance by the state and its police, or shall we defend and protect them to the last?
How would we have met this test in that other time of darkness generations ago, whose history surfaces one particular face to represent all the unknown faces of the lost children?
And so I ask you, I beg, I demand; abandon not the innocent, but be a refuge and sanctuary from hate.
I ask you in the name of Anne Frank.
As I wrote in my post of January 27 2020, On the 75th Anniversary of the Liberation of Auschwitz; Auschwitz-Birkenau, the Nazi death camp where more than one million people were murdered, was liberated by Russian troops on this day 75 years ago on January 27 1945.
Arguably the most notorious example of fascist crimes against humanity and of historical evil itself due to the bizarre cruelty of Dr. Josef Mengele’s medical experiments in the mad quest to create a posthuman race of supermen which echoes that of Victor Frankenstein, Auschwitz remains an indelible stain on the soul of humankind and on our civilization, a shadow of our possibilities for atavistic barbarism and depravity amid the collapse of all values which we drag behind us like an invisible reptilian tail, but also in its liberation a sign of hope that the better angels of our nature may yet triumph.
On this Holocaust Remembrance Day, we must contemplate not only this horrific example of fascism and racism as the nadir of human potential in a lost and long ago fable of the struggle against evil, but also of an ever present threat which we must resist with zero tolerance and relentless vigilance in the context of our own lives and in our current social and political moment.
As I wrote in my post of December 8 2020, If you begin with white supremacist ideology, regardless of what minorities the purges begin with, you will always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.
Harriet Sherwood, writing in The Guardian, sounds the alarm in this way; “Never Forget” – is more relevant than ever in a time of rising antisemitism, nationalism and populism. According to Piotr Cywiński, director of the Auschwitz-Birkenau memorial and museum, the significance of this year’s anniversary lies not just in the number of years since the liberation of Auschwitz, but is “related to the world we live in today. Antisemitism, racist and xenophobic reactions are being revived on an unexpected scale, and groups that openly promote hatred are on the rise. All this in the profound helplessness of our democratic institutions, weakened by populism and demagoguery, which have been reborn in so many countries around the world”.
“It was a mistake to put the Holocaust into a box marked “history”, said Marc Cave, Executive Director of the UK National Holocaust Centre and Museum. “When we see lesbians beaten up on a bus or monkey chants at a football match, these are symptoms of ‘othering’ – and that’s exactly how the Holocaust and most genocides start. There is no greater lesson than the warning from history of the Holocaust.”
The Last Survivors (full documentary) | FRONTLINE PBS
999: The Extraordinary Young Women of the First Official Jewish Transport to Auschwitz, by Heather Dune Macadam (Goodreads Author), Caroline Moorehead (Foreword)
Australia’s Invasion Day, which today marks two hundred thirty seven years of the terror and tragedy of the European Conquest of a continent as a day of indigenous mourning and solidarity of action, was held in protest against the national holiday Australia Day, a parallel with America’s dichotomous Columbus Day/Indigenous People’s Day.
Such tragedies of historical injustice and their legacies in ongoing multigenerational trauma and epigenetic harms are not isolated to any particular nation, but as systemic imperial conquest and colonialism and racist dehumanization and hierarchies of exclusionary otherness and belonging weaponized in service to elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege and enforced by carceral states of force and control are endemic and pervasive throughout our world.
And this we must resist. Not only the tyrant and his policemen beyond the limits of our skins, but the possessing ghosts of authority within ourselves and the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force from which they are created.
Our stories of national identity, our holidays, monuments, anthems, and symbols, are a ground of struggle in which power and autonomy are contested as ownership of identity, and as such they are of vital importance in our freedom, equality, and liberation from or subjugation by elite hierarchies and hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege. The stories we tell about ourselves and those which others tell about us create our identities of class, race, sex and gender, and the authorization of those identities versus our seizure of power over them is the first revolution in which we all must fight.
Discovery and confrontation with the truth of ourselves and our history is the first step to forging a better future, and a better humankind.
As written in the Invasion Day Editorial 2025 of Honi Soit; “The editorial team of Honi Soit recognise that we are all beneficiaries of settler-colonialism. We live, work, write, and resist on lands that were forcefully and are continually stolen. Beyond the impending global dread of an unmitigated climate crisis, the land on which we meet is being desecrated, disrespected, and irreparably damaged under the guise of national pride.
So-called ‘Australia’ is an established settler-colonial project. We must acknowledge and fight the narrative that January 26th is a day to celebrate the ‘beginning’ of so-called Australia. January 26th marks the beginning of a stolen, colonised land. It marks an ongoing oppression that First Nations communities have had to endure, not only historically but in the present day. Tomorrow, a large majority of the population will be celebrating ‘Australia Day.’ Many believe they’re celebrating a day of Australian culture and history. However, many forget (or blissfully ignore) that this day is a direct reflection of the invasion, rape, genocide and forced child removals that have led to an inherently racist, anglocentric, and unequal culture endemic to Australian society.
Such ignorance is preventing Australia from moving towards justice for First Nations people. In the past year, we have seen a staggering and worrying increase in violence against First Nations people globally. There have been over 540 deaths in custody of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people since the 1991 Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody; there have been no criminal convictions in relation to these deaths. The rates of forced removals of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are consistently and appallingly high. Though they only make up 6% of the total population, 41% of children in out-of-home care are Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander. These are only a few of the inequalities and violence we are seeing in so-called Australia today. These issues were not 200 years ago. They were not a century ago. Not even a decade ago. This is today.
A narrative that greatly defined the voice referendum, leading the campaign to its “No” vote, was the idea that we’ve already reached a point of equality. What was meant to be an opportunity to push for real change in decolonising so-called Australia, instead, a debate arose with the arguments that law and policy are the only factors that play a part in equality. What we can see from the violence, overrepresentation and over policing of Indigenous people and communities distinctively disproves this narrative. We cannot accept or assume that our work is done.
We’re seeing this same narrative played out again with certain right-wing pundits and politicians suggesting that recognising the Aboriginal flag on a national level is divisive. These narratives have led to a major rise in racist, right-wing extremist attitudes, and a heightened level of censorship. Most recently, Sissy Austin, a Gunditjmara, Keerray Woorroong and Djap Wurrung woman presented an empowering TED talk detailing her deep connection to running marathons as an Indigenous woman, and overcoming her attack while running in the Lal Lal forest in 2023. When her speech was uploaded online, TEDx censored a line advocating for Palestinian lives. The media censorship of First Nations people internationally interrupts global solidarity and is the real divisive intervention that we must resist and overcome.
First Nations people suffer the inhumane treatment of these issues in a position of increased vulnerability. It is not a suffering they should undergo alone. We write and stand in solidarity with First Nations people to call for the abolition of ‘Australia Day’ and to work towards a future of decolonisation.”
As reported by Matilda Boseley and Natasha May in The Guardian; “The Greens senator and Gunnai Gunditjmara and Djab Wurrung woman, Lidia Thorpe, said “a war was declared on the first people of this land” in 1788 and “that war has not ended”.
“In Melbourne, Thorpe said the only real solution to the debate over marking 26 January was a treaty.
“We can have all of those symbolic gestures, like changing the day, like constitutional recognition, and the word change in the anthem,” Thorpe told Guardian Australia. “But we need real action and that is a treaty.”
She told the crowd of up to 5,000 people the war that started in 1788 “has not ended – that war has been going on for almost 250 years”.
“We still have guns pointed to our heads. We still have a boot on our necks, our babies are still being stolen. Our babies are still being incarcerated and thrown in prison. Our babies are still being locked up in this country. Is that something to celebrate with people having barbecues?”
“Family members of Aboriginal people killed in custody spoke at the Sydney rally including Leetona Dungay, the mother of David Dungay Jr, and Kyah Patten, the niece of Eddie Murray.
Dungay stood in front of a banner with images of her son and George Floyd and said she wanted “to live in a country where black lives matter”. “I want justice where the life of an Aboriginal man is worth something,” she said.”
What is the meaning of this? Here I turn to Richard Flanagan, writing in The Guardian; “We are something other, and that other is deeply rooted in two things: this extraordinary land and 60,000 years of its human occupation. These two things have a claim on us, whether we wish to acknowledge them or not. We can pretend to deny them, to dismiss them, to claim it’s pretty ordinary to talk at all about such things.
We can continue to allow our politicians to seek to politicise everything and with their power to buy votes, electorates and government, and then dismiss as politics anyone who questions the association between their symbols – like Australia Day – and everything from the Big Bash to the Hottest 100. We can allow them to make an arts degree twice the price of a medical degree just to remind anyone who thought the life of the mind and soul mattered that here, in their Australia at least, these things did not and would not prevail.
But what the prime minister calls politics is no more or less than our story, which remains stifled and gagged, rendering us unable to honour it in its full complex majesty, tragedy and wonder.
Telling our story is not politics. Seeking to deny our story is power asserting itself over the past – which could also serve as a definition of politics in Australia in 2021.
For if we continue to remain unknown to ourselves, we are condemned to an ever more fractured, divided and unjust country whose future path is illuminated by the guttering lights of the USA, Hungary, Poland and Turkey. We need to understand these things so that we might understand ourselves and make something better of our country before we too find ourselves treading that same dangerous path.
That understanding is about something larger and greater than national symbols. But the national symbols still matter. Until they and we come together they block understanding, they deny truth, they divide us, and they feed the worst of what we are rather than the best.
Whatever the lyrics of our funeral dirge of a national anthem are, they are not about us. The national flag doesn’t depict a nation but the colony we will forever remain until we have our own symbols.
There is no longer a serious debate about Australia Day. A national day’s only purpose is to unite its people. On that measure – the only measure for a national day – Australia Day is an abject failure. A national day the biggest public gatherings of which are in opposition to its existence is not deserving of the name.
The date of 26 January has always been known by our leaders to be an insulting nonsense to Indigenous people. When in 1888, NSW celebrated a centenary of British colonisation, Henry Parkes, on being asked if Aboriginal people would be included, replied: “And remind them that we have robbed them?”
But still our leaders choose to remind them.
Australia Day as it is cannot unite us because it annually tears the great wound of our soul apart by reminding Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians that we can never be one until we acknowledge our Indigenous past – and that means the invasion and its attendant horrors and continuing injustice as well as its glory: what Galarrwuy Yunupingu rightly described as “the great gift” of 60,000 years of an extraordinary civilisation.
And thinking about these things, what keeps rolling around in my head are Archie Roach’s words from a story in the Age about the national anthem’s inadequacies:
“We belong to an ancient land, we belong to an ancient story … that’s not just talking about First Peoples. I believe that everybody who lives in this country, whether they understand it or not, they belong to that story.
“I always talk about us being authors; all of us being authors of a new story for this country. And I really believe that. One story, one song. If anything, that’s probably the best [hook]. We belong. We belong to this country, we belong to this story, we belong to this song. Yeah.”
But how can we be authors of our own story when only the politicians and their class define what our story is and deny everyone else their voice, and above all Indigenous Australia the voice it has asked for?”
As written by Professor Tom Calma, Aboriginal elder from the Kungarakan tribal group and a member of the Iwaidja tribal group whose traditional lands are in Australia’s Northern Territory, for CNN; “January 26 is, by coincidence, a significant date in the national calendars of two countries, with an important difference.
In India, January 26 marks Republic Day, and celebrates the date when the constitution of India came into effect in 1950. In short: official independence.
In Australia, January 26 marks the day 11 foreign ships sailed into what is now called Sydney Harbour and established a penal colony on the land of the Eora, the Aboriginal people of the area. This act was without permission, agreement or treaty. It set in motion events the Indigenous peoples of this country — Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples — are still reeling from today. In short: invasion.
I could not think of a starker contrast than these two national “celebrations.”
Not only does January 26 mark the day the dispossession of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples began, it sets up European invasion as an important source of Australian identity and pride. In doing so, it ignores more than 60,000 years of pre-colonial history. As we approach the end of January 2022, many Australians are once again questioning why this date continues to be celebrated.
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people have been challenging the date since at least January 26, 1938 when, as a culmination of years of work by the Australian Aborigines League (AAL) and the Aborigines Progressive Association (APA), the first Day of Mourning was held.
On this day, crowds gathered in Sydney to celebrate the 150th anniversary of the arrival of Europeans in Australia. Afterwards, hundreds of Aboriginal people and their supporters took part in a silent march in mourning of the devastating impact of colonization, the consequences of which include the theft and destruction of lands and cultures; decimation of populations by disease and massacres; destruction of families and kinship; ongoing discrimination; and economic, political and social exclusion.
Indeed, the 1938 protest was “against the callous treatment of our people by the white men during the past 150 years,” Day of Mourning organizer, Jack Patten, told fellow demonstrators.
Since then, January 26 has been symbolic for many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as a lightning rod for protest and awareness raising.
This will be a particularly significant year, as 2022 marks 50 years since the Aboriginal Tent Embassy was established in the nation’s capital, Canberra, on January 26, 1972. It was on this day that four Aboriginal men with a beach umbrella — and the weight of history behind them — set up on the lawns in front of the then-Australian Parliament House to bring Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander land and justice back to the forefront of national debate.
The term “embassy” was used to bring attention to the fact Aboriginal people had never ceded sovereignty nor engaged in any treaty process with the British Crown. To this day, the Embassy remains a site of protest for Indigenous land rights, sovereignty, and self-determination.
In the intervening decades, the language we use to talk about January 26 has changed hugely. For at least the past 30 years, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have reclaimed the day as “Invasion Day” or “Survival Day” to highlight, promote and share the ongoing culture and survival of First Nations cultures through marches, protests, festivals, vigils, and memorials.
While some argue that a push to change the date is divisive, the intent is actually to bring us closer together.
Reconciliation is about fostering better relationships so that we can build a just, equitable and more unified tomorrow. Reconciliation must be based on a foundation of trust, truth and honesty regarding our past. Expecting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island Peoples to ignore or look past the significance of Australia Day and what it has meant for them is simply inconsistent with reconciliation.
To recognize and heal, action must be taken and changes made. A date change is as necessary as it is straightforward. So straightforward, in fact, we’ve done it several times in the past. Over the last century, there have been various dates celebrating “Australia Day,’ including on July 30 in 1915 as part of World War I fundraising efforts. It wasn’t until 1994 that January 26 became a national public holiday.
While we cannot change history, we must address how we deal with this day in a respectful way. Australia is not alone in this. We watch with interest as Columbus Day, a day that celebrates the arrival of Christopher Columbus in the Americas, is now being negotiated in the United States. A growing number of US states and cities have replaced Columbus Day with Indigenous Peoples Day, a holiday meant to honor the culture and history of the people living in the Americas both before and after Columbus’ arrival.
In mainstream Australia, we’ve also seen this change unfolding. A growing number of local councils recognize January 26 is not a national holiday all Australians can celebrate. Companies are offering employees flexibility regarding working on January 26. And it doesn’t get more mainstream than when Cricket Australia removed the words, “Australia Day,” from branding cricket matches on that day.
Reconciliation Australia’s bi-annual Australian Reconciliation Barometer shows these actions mirror changing community attitudes, with support for moving the date continuing to grow. The barometer also shows close to 90% of the general community understand we must tell and accept the truth of our history to move forward.
More than 230 years after the first fleet’s arrival, the ongoing impact of the events of January 26, 1788, can be seen and felt in Australia across many fronts, including disturbing rates of incarceration of First Nations peoples; the growing over-representation of Indigenous children in out-of-home care; the huge disparities in health outcomes for Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians, and the non-resolution of issues of sovereignty, land and representation.
No treaty was ever signed with Australia’s Indigenous peoples; no recognition ever given to our existence. January 26 cannot serve as a unifying date; not now or in the future, as more and more Australians in the wider community come to understand and respond to the truth of our history.
This year, we are once again asking all Australians to have brave conversations with family, friends and colleagues about how we celebrate January 26, and to reflect on the benefits of a new date for a truly unifying national day of reflection and celebration.”
In searching for a way to characterize the whole of the Conquest of Australia in a single image I turn to the infamous Arsenic Telegram, as described in The Guardian by Paul Daley; “Recently historian Chris Owen (to my mind the most incisive and courageous historian of the frontier violence that blights Western Australia and particularly the Kimberley) posted the Arsenic Telegram on his Facebook page, Darkest West Australia. Broome resident Chas Morgan sent it to Henry “Harry” Prinsep, the state’s then-Protector of Aborigines, on 20 July 1907.
“Send cask arsenic exterminate aborigines letter will follow,” it reads.
Eight words that speak a million about Australia’s foundations.”
Who are the Australians, what is their story, and how do authorized white versions of national identity enact the theft of the soul?
Australia, a reading list
History
The Fatal Shore: The Epic of Australia’s Founding, Robert Hughes
Before the Invasion: Aboriginal Life to 1788, Mudrooroo, Colin Bourke, and Isobel White
Australian Dreaming: 40,000 Years of Aboriginal History, Jennifer Isaacs (Editor), Wandjuk Marika (Foreword)
Aboriginal Australians: A History Since 1788, Richard Broome
The World of the First Australians: Aboriginal Traditional Life Past and Present, The Speaking Land: Myth and Story in Aboriginal Australia, Ronald M. Berndt, Catherine H. Berndt
My Place, Sally Morgan
Jack Charles: Born-again Blakfella, Jack Charles
Literature
Dr Wooready’s Prescription for Enduring the End of the World, Master of the Ghost Dreaming, The Undying, Underground, The Promised Land, Aboriginal Mythology: An A-Z Spanning the History of the Australian Aboriginal Peoples from the Earliest Legends to the Present Day, Mudrooroo Nyoongah
The Female Eunuch, The Whole Woman, Sex and destiny, Slip-Shod Sibyls, Whitefella Jump Up: The Shortest Way to Nationhood, Lysistrata – The Sex Strike, The Obstacle Race: The Fortunes of Women Painters and Their Work, Shakespeare’s Wife, Kissing the Rod: An Anthology of 17th-Century Women’s Verse, The Madwoman’s Underclothes: Essays and Occasional Writings, Daddy We Hardly Knew You, Germaine Greer
The Twyborn Affair, Voss, The Aunt’s Story, Tree of Man, Riders in the Chariot, Eye of the Storm, The Cockatoos, Patrick White
The Eye In The Mandala: Patrick White, A Vision Of Man And God, Peter Beatson
Illywacker, Oscar & Lucinda, Jack Maggs, True History of the Kelly Gang, My Life As A Fake, His Illegal Self, Parrot and Olivier in America, On The Chemistry of Tears, Amnesia, A Long Way From Home, Peter Carey
The Secret River, The Lieutenant, Sarah Thornhill, Searching for the Secret River, A Room Made of Leaves, Kate Grenville
Remembering Babylon, An Imaginative Life, The Great World, The Conversations at Curlow Creek, On Dream Stuff: Stories, Every Move You Make, Earth Hour, On A First Place, David Malouf
Gould’s Book of Fish: A Novel in Twelve Fish, The Narrow Road to the Deep North, Wanting, Death of a River Guide, The Living Sea of Waking Dreams, Richard Flanagan
The Multiple Effects of Rainshadow, Drylands, Thea Astley
The best books of 2020, the ones we’ll still be reading a thousand years from now, include:
Damascus, Christos Tsiolkas Australia
A reimagination of the life of St Paul and the origins of his Absurdist invention of Christ and Christianity, a fiction destined to consume the Roman Empire and replace it with an empire of faith more terrible still, and born of sexual terror, resistance and revolution against state tyranny and imperialist colonialism, and the inchoate vileness of authority and a regime of torture and fear from which the only escape is madness and the only liberation is seizure of power, a power which is corruptive and poisonous and will turn like vipers on those who would use it to subjugate others.
Christos Tsiolkas has in Damascus given us a rare account in fiction of the true history of Christianity’s founding, an incantation of fearful imagery which recalls William Blake’s poetic reimagination of the Bible, a song of resistance against patriarchy and authorized identities of sex and gender, and an interrogation of the nature of power.
In part a sustained dialectics of sanity as obedience to authorized identities including those of sex and gender and madness as resistance and liberation which equates to ecstatic vision, or possibly the reverse, and locates the whole of spiritual experience within the domain of self-ownership versus appropriation as revolutionary struggle and offers a unified theory of psychology and political action, the themes of Damascus hold the origins of our civilization in juxtaposition with our own time to discover Faith, Hope, and Love as informing and motivating sources of renewal and transformation.
A vivid and unforgettable vision of a world divided into masters and slaves, and the emergence of the idea of equality before the Infinite which revolutionized the possibilities of human being, meaning, and value.
On this my sister’s birthday I celebrate her life, her genius as a poet and her interventions in our history which include the creation of an artificial intelligence as a successor species to humankind, her role in the Fall of the Soviet Union, and her scholarship and refounding of the ancient faith of the Vikings as leader of the American branch of Asatru.
As I described her in a birthday greeting of years past, which referenced some of the Defining Moments of her personal history as I remember them; “I remember our family’s discovery when you were in seventh grade that you were writing poems and stories in some of Tolkien’s invented languages, had puzzled out his sources and taught yourself a working knowledge of several ancient languages in order to write in them (Old Norse, Old Welsh, Gothic, and Old English), when you gave the Valedictorian Address for the International College at UC Santa Cruz as a graduate in Soviet Foreign Policy and Russian Language, and then became Pushkin Scholar at a Soviet University in Moscow, when Rolling Stone called your reporting on the Fall of the Soviet Union the best political writing in America, and when we celebrated your six hundredth publication. I have always been glad that in writing and the world of literature you have found your bliss.”
Erin grew up as a student of mine in kung fu and of my father in fencing, and playing the family violin; in her seventh grade year we discovered that while barricaded in her room she had puzzled out the source languages of Tolkien and taught herself to write poetry in them. For four years in high school she was the sole Russian Language student of Lt. Colonel Sviatislav Shasholin USAF, who translated during the Nixon-Breznev talks and handled Russian defectors.
Our mother and I founded the Forensics program at Sonoma Valley High School because she was beginning Freshman year at a school that didn’t have one after our father who was my speech teacher and coach at a different school retired and the family moved, and we wanted her to be able to be on a debate team, that being my own most cherished and joyful experience in school. So, I was her teacher of both fighting and debate, and we share enthusiasms for languages and writing; but if she learned from me and we learned from our parents, I also learned from her, for she always counted her victories as finding common ground with others and turning competitions into cooperations and partnerships.
Its not only what you can do, but the gulfs of understanding you are able to cross, which measure our value and our humanity. And this too is something I learned from her.
She lives in the home we inherited from our mother in Las Vegas, where a swimming pool and jacuzzi provide solace from the terrible heat, and her many neighbors drop over for tea, which she makes a daily grand event of. In years past she owned the Science Fiction Store and operated an art collective and gallery in Las Vegas, and continues her Pagan Visibility Project, once a column in the now defunct magazine Pagans and Witches, and her editing and writing work.
Tea and fragrances have become central to her joy as of late, GLP-1 which is derived from actual Gila Monster venom and the wailing of fallen angels, enhancing the sense of smell as a side effect of its health benefits; she calls it her Gila Lizard Powers. When she first mentioned this, I thought she was having a Gila Monster bite her for medicinal purposes as a ritual of some sort; this may give you an idea of her life on the other side of the mirror from our surfaces, and hidden in the depths within the literary, knitting, and cat lady images.
Always parallel and interdependent, Maat the nurturer and Sekmet the huntress, the White and Black swans, and we are always both at once, all of us.
When I introduced her to the perfume community Fragrantica, within weeks she was creating her own scented products, using enfleurage from natural ingredients which is considered a gourmet kind of perfumery. As with everything, my sister pursues excellence and uniqueness; she’s made some bespoke items for myself and Dolly, all of which are exquisite, and labeled as Dollhouse Park products in her ebay store, which smell of black licorice, iris, and rose.
And in this a final lesson demonstrated by my sister; strive for excellence and uniqueness in all that you do, and make of your life a thing of beauty.
Writings In Conversation With My Sister, a retrospective
December 13 2025 Dressing the Part: On Wardrobe as a System of Signs In the Performance of Identity
November 2 2023 Native American Heritage Month and the Hidden Costs of Unequal Power in the Falsification and Erasure of History as Authorized Identities: Day of the Dead Part Two, Case of the Phantom Ancestor
Politics is the Art of Fear, and the basis of human exchange fear balanced with belonging, and in the street of America our fear of each other and of otherness which has long been weaponized in service to power by those who would enslave us has begun to be overwhelmed by our fear of the state. Thus divisions of race, language, nation of origin, class, gender, and all other hierarchies of being yet undreamed and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil embodied in the carceral state now begin to give way to solidarity and a United Humankind, as the Restoration of America as a beacon of hope to the world and a free society of equals who are guarantors of each other’s humanity re-emerges from the malign legacies of our history.
My hope is that fascist tyranny and terror has found its high water mark as a tidal change occurs, and it is possible that the moral regeneration of America has begun.
A people with nothing left to lose cannot be terrorized into obedience. As Jean Genet said to me when he swore me to the Oath of the Resistance in Beirut 1982, in a burning house, in a time of darkness, in a lost cause as we chose to be burned alive rather than surrender to the Israeli army’ “When there is no hope, one can do impossible things, glorious things.”
As written by Cecilia Nowell in The Guardian, in an article entitled Terror, tension and unity in Minnesota amid Trump’s ICE surge: ‘I’ve never seen anything like this’; “The deployment of more than 3,000 federal immigration officers to Minnesota has transformed life in the cities of Minneapolis and St Paul, with residents reporting witnessing clashes between civilians and agents, carrying their passports and ID cards around for fear of being stopped, staying home as much as possible, and worrying for the safety of their children while out in public.
“I’ve never witnessed anything like this in the US,” said Dan O’Kane, 69. He came to the conclusion after watching Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers fighting with students and throwing a teacher to the ground at Roosevelt high school, three blocks from his home.
The Trump administration started its immigration enforcement operation in December, and significantly ramped up the scale of the action in January. More agents arrived later in the month, after an ICE officer fatally shot 37-year-old Renee Good in Minneapolis, and the city erupted in protest.
Over the past week, more than 150 Minnesota residents spoke with the Guardian about the fundamental ways their lives have changed since federal troops arrived in their state. An overwhelming majority of them described the situation in the Twin Cities as “tense”. Many of them felt their cities were “occupied” or described them as “under siege”. Many agreed to speak only on the condition of anonymity, fearful of retribution by the government.
Marcus Kessler said his wife had begun carrying her tribal identification card everywhere, at the urging of the White Earth Ojibwe Nation’s leadership, who had logged instances of immigration officers racially profiling tribal citizens.
“Me and other brown friends are taking precautions: carrying our passports, having phone lines open while we drive, telling people where we’re going, when we expect to arrive, and checking in upon arrival so they don’t worry,” one 57-year-old Latina resident of St Paul, who asked to remain anonymous, said.
“I’m pregnant right now and my OB had a whole conversation about what to do if I get teargassed or pepper-sprayed,” said one 38-year-old mother. “I’m avoiding protests to be safe and instead focusing my efforts on supply runs. I want to defend my neighbors, but find myself needing to keep my baby safe.”
As parents navigate whether to send their children to school or daycare, teachers are reporting lower numbers of children in the classroom. Some schools have begun offering online instruction, as they did during the Covid-19 pandemic.
“I haven’t seen some of my students for two weeks. Every day my class gets smaller and smaller,” a fifth-grade St Paul public schools teacher said. “It’s hard for 10-year-olds to wrap their head around. They were trying to work out how long Trump had left in office, so they know when they can go back outside for recess.”
The same is true for hospitals. Despite cold and flu season, one physician said she had seen “emergency departments and children’s hospitals empty” because “families are too scared to bring in their ill children”.
“People are scared to go out,” said Gerard James, a therapist. “People are enraged, sad, scared.”
As families witness violent arrests and shootings, and navigate the deployment of chemicals like teargas and pepper spray in their neighborhoods, some are evaluating whether it’s safe to continue living in Minnesota.
“My wife and baby daughter went to stay with my parents in another state. I couldn’t stand to have them around this violence,” Seth, a 33-year-old Minneapolis resident, said.
Despite all this – and in many ways because of the ways Minnesotans have pulled together during the operation – many residents who spoke to the Guardian said they felt a deep sense of pride in their home.
Minneapolis has long had strong organizing networks, particularly since the city went through weeks of protest after the killing of George Floyd.
“Living in Minneapolis right now feels a lot like it did during the George Floyd uprising,” said Jason C, a 50-year-old resident of south Minneapolis, who declined to give his last name. “It is definitely a retriggering of those traumas but at the same time the communities and systems that were put in place as a result of George Floyd were immediately brought back online to help marginalized communities in our area.”
A new wave of Minnesotans are also learning strategies to protect their neighbors, like one 72-year-old Minnetonka resident who detailed learning how to record ICE interactions on her phone, despite threats from immigration officers.
Many respondents said they had changed their routines to protect their neighbors – carrying whistles to alert passersby of approaching ICE agents, volunteering for shifts supervising school drop-off, or purchasing personal protective equipment to attend protests where federal officers might deploy teargas – others have taken steps to protect themselves.
“Anyone from the Twin Cities will tell you how unique they are. I moved here last year to escape LGBTQ discrimination in my home state, and seeing the vibrance and kindness of Minneapolis warmed my heart,” said Dan, a 30-year-old resident. “There is a sense of belonging here. That is why I think Trump wants to crush it so badly, the way Somalian people, and other immigrant groups have enriched this city is a threat to them.”
Yet as the ICE operation in Minnesota wears on, many residents say they feel as if they no longer recognize their home. “Federal agents are assaulting and kidnapping American citizens and non-citizens in broad daylight, in our neighborhoods. I thought this only happened in Iran or the USSR,” said Mike, from St Paul.
Many are concerned that the Twin Cities are only the beginning. As one anonymous Minneapolis resident said: “We’re very clearly a test bed to explore what the people of this country will tolerate as long as it doesn’t affect them directly, and the answer appears to be Literally. Fucking. Anything.”
Hope remains as there is a simple fact which tyrants never learn; the use of social force, especially as police brutality and the repression of dissent, creates its own Resistance, as the Calculus of Fear obeys Newton’s Third Law of Motion. And the Battle of Minneapolis has now gone national and engulfed America in a marvelous wave of Resistance to the tyranny and terror of the Trump Fourth Reich.
As written by Jenna Amatulli and Charlotte Simmonds in The Guardian, in an article entitled Large protests spread across US after Alex Pretti fatally shot by federal agents: Wave of demonstrations comes a day after thousands marched through Minneapolis streets to protest ICE; “Large protests spread across US cities on Saturday – including Minneapolis, New York City, San Francisco, Boston and Providence, Rhode Island – after 37-year-old Alex Pretti, a registered nurse living in Minneapolis, was shot dead by federal agents.
The wave of demonstrations come just one day after thousands marched through the streets of Minneapolis to protest against US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Protesters again braved the extreme cold to speak out against the agency and show support for Pretti and others who have been harmed by the surge of immigration agents who have flooded the city in recent week.
“Fuck ICE, ICE out,” a crowd could be heard shouting in livestreams of the demonstration on Saturday night.
Thousands more rallied in Union Square in New York City, with footage showing demonstrators shouting: “Say it once, say it twice, we will not put up with ICE!”
New York city council member Chi Ossé addressed the crowd in freezing temperatures to call for the abolishment of ICE.
“We need Nuremberg trials for the people of ICE, for the people who are committing crimes against humanity here in our country. I refuse to call them law enforcement. They are agents of chaos. They are destroying the fabric of our country,” Ossé shouted to the group before him.
In Washington DC, a giant crowd formed outside the headquarters of the US Department of Homeland Security (DHS). Video footage captured cries of “shame” ringing out through the cold air on Saturday night as hundreds of people gathered in the dark.
Across the country in San Francisco, hundreds of people gathered in the city’s downtown as the sun began to set. Footage on social media showed large crowds holding signs and chanting slogans such as “stand up fight back”. Protesters held aloft banners admonishing ICE and demanding justice for Renee Good, another Minneapolis resident who was shot and killed by an immigration officer earlier this month.
And further south, hundreds of people took to the streets of downtown Los Angeles, a city that faced its own crisis over the summer when a wave of immigration agents flooded the region, detaining people at car washes, Home Depot stores, farms and other workplaces. Crowds gathered holding banners of solidarity that read “From Los Angeles to Minneapolis, stop ICE terror,” the Los Angeles Times reported.
In Providence, hundreds showed up to protest in front of the local headquarters of DHS.
“Shut it down, shut it down, shut it down,” some protesters screamed, while others held signs reading “No Tyrants & No Kings” and “ICE is the worst of the worst”.
Marching the streets in Boston, droves of demonstrators chanted en masse: “One, two, three, four, ICE detention no more! Five, six, seven, eight, end the terror and the hate!”
Pretti, a US citizen who worked in the intensive care unit at the Minneapolis VA Health Care System, which serves veterans, was shot multiple times during an exchange with law enforcement officers.
Viral video footage of the incident show Pretti being wrestled to the ground by the law enforcement officers before he was shot. Pretti was apprehended after appearing to come to the defense of an observer who was shoved to the ground by a federal officer. That officer then sprayed Pretti with a chemical agent, repeatedly, before tackling him to the street along with other agents. At least one analyst suggested that some footage showed Pretti had a gun taken away from him before the shots were fired.
The DHS and its secretary, Kristi Noem, have repeatedly asserted that Pretti “approached US border patrol officers with a 9mm semi-automatic handgun” and that “officers attempted to disarm” him, despite all available video evidence showing Pretti without a gun in his hand. Additionally, Brian O’Hara, the Minneapolis police chief, said Pretti was a lawful gun owner with a permit to carry. Minnesota law allows citizens to obtain permits to carry handguns in public. The law does not require the concealment of those weapons.
Demonstrators in Minneapolis stand behind a makeshift barricade during a protest in response Pretti’s killing. Photograph: Adam Gray/AP
Back in Minneapolis, protesters converged at the scene of Pretti’s shooting despite dangerously cold weather.
As dark fell, hundreds of people gathered quietly by a growing memorial at the spot where the nurse was killed. Some carried signs saying “Justice for Alex Pretti”. Others chanted Pretti and Good’s names. A doughnut shop and a clothing store nearby stayed open, offering protesters a warm place as well as water, coffee and snacks.
Caleb Spike said he came from a nearby suburb to show his support and his frustration. “It feels like every day something crazier happens,” he said. “What’s happening in our community is wrong, it’s sickening, it’s disgusting.”
What is to be done?
Here follows guidance on surviving liberation struggle and Resistance against vast and ancient systems of oppression, white supremacist terror and theocratic patriarchal sexual terror, and in action against its enforcers.
As written by Jackie Summers on Face Book;
“Field Notes for Cracking An Empire
How to stay alive when the fight arrives at your door.
If you’ve been reading my work for the last few years, none of this should be surprising. The old narratives are gone. This is what fascism looks like in real time. First, ICE agents killed Renee Nicole Good, a white woman.
Now they’ve murdered Alex Jeffrey Pretti, a 37-year-old US citizen. A nurse with no criminal record.
White women’s bodies were supposed to be sacrosanct. Respectable professionals were supposed to be “off-limits.” That’s no longer the case. For Black people, this country has always been fascist. What’s new is who else is inside the blast radius.
The Venn diagram of “safe” and “endangered” is now a circle.
If you’re shaken, it’s not just grief. It’s narrative whiplash. The distance between “this can’t happen” and “it just did, on camera” no longer exists. You have choices. You can either cling to the lie and let someone else keep paying. Or pay the cost of updating the story about this country
About who is “safe,” about what you’re willing to do now that protections are gone.
I’ve said it before. Empire can handle outrage. It has no defense against empathy at scale. Outrage spikes, trends, and fades. Empathy—“it can be me; it already is them”—changes what people are willing to risk and protect. This is recruitment by atrocity. Your blood spilled red in the streets, just like ours.
It shouldn’t take this. It always has.
I’m on record as saying, “Study Black history to learn how to resist fascism.” You will want to take to the streets. Telling people “learn from Black history” without a field manual is malpractice.
You will be tempted to rush to every protest. Film everything. Provoke cops. Prove you’re “not like them” with your body. We don’t need more martyrs.
We need you alive.
If you choose to go out, you need more than vibes. You need a plan. This is about maximizing safety and impact. Not about looking brave on Instagram.
If you’re going out, your first job is coming home.
Before you leave pick your role (you’re not stuck in just one). The four basic lanes are:
Helpers– people who give personal, individual assistance. Support can be verbal, emotional, physical, or financial. Not everyone can go out. Anyone can be someone to come home to.
Advocates– people embedded in the system who can use their knowledge and influence to navigate and reinvent from within.
Organizers– visionaries who see the big picture and bring resources and talents together.
Rebels – indomitable spirits who bring passion and energy. Audacious risk-takers, willing to bear the brunt of criticism.
You are not consigned to a single role for life. Today, pick one where intent can become impact. Street-side roles: marcher, medic, legal observer, marshal. Home-side roles: childcare, food, bail funds, phones, amplifying, watching scanners and news.
Not everyone needs to be in front of a rifle.
No solo missions. Go with a pod (2–5 people). Decide ahead of time who you stick with, who your emergency contact is, where you’ll meet up if separated. No one leaves alone. If one person needs to tap out, at least one goes with them.
Make sure you have your ID. Be prepared to record. Don’t leave home without a full charge + battery pack, Use a strong passcode, no FaceID/fingerprint. Have one card or some cash, not your whole wallet. Do not forget any meds you truly can’t miss.
Write essential information on your skin with a sharpie in case your phone dies. Include your name, phone, and the name and phone of your emergency contact. If you have local legal aid / bail fund number, include that as well.
Decide if you’re willing to face lawful arrest before adrenaline kicks in. If police say “disperse,” are you leaving, and if not, are you adequately prepared?
Don’t let panic make that call. Know your line and your rights ahead of time.
Move like you’re planning to come back tomorrow. Stay on the edges of dense crowds. Always clock a landmark and at least two exit routes. If you can’t see or hear organizers/marshals, rethink where you are.
If you record ICE, do it clean; Stand back. Do not cross lines or interfere. Say calmly: I’m recording for everyone’s safety. I’m not interfering. Capture time, place, badge numbers, and what led up to the moment—not just the hit. Let someone you trust know before you start recording. Send important clips to a trusted person immediately, so they exist off your phone.
De-escalate, don’t cosplay hero.
Chant, sing, hold signs, stand, kneel—visible but not threatening. No taunts. No getting in faces. No throwing anything. If an order is lawful and clear (“move to the sidewalk,” “this assembly is unlawful, disperse”), obey while documenting.
White folks: your job is not to reenact Selma on TikTok. Reduce risk through strength in numbers.
When you come home, care for the body that carried you. Eat. Hydrate. Shower. Cry. Sleep if you can. Your nervous system is not a machine. Treat it like someone you love. Debrief with your pod. Ask: What felt dangerous? What worked? What would we do differently next time?
Listening to that is future safety.
Move the evidence where it matters. Share key footage with trusted organizers, legal groups, or reliable journalists. Don’t rely on the algorithm. It is not your friend.
Yes take to the streets, just don’t stay there. Protests are the spark, not the whole fire. Show up for council meetings, oversight boards, union drives, mutual aid, elections and recalls, policy fights that outlive the headline.
Most of all show up for each other. Outrage without structure creates burnout. Empathy with practice builds power.
We don’t need more martyrs. We need people alive, trained, connected, and stubborn enough to keep showing up. If you’re newly afraid because you see yourself in Renee, or Alex, or anyone else, don’t bring your guilt. Bring your courage. Bring your empathy. Bring your willingness to learn from people who’ve been living in this fire for generations.
Stand in harm’s way before harm harms anyone else.
Study Black history. Our grief, our joy, and how we organized. Study our resilience and our refusal to be victims. Then decide: what you can sustainably give, what you absolutely will not tolerate, and how you’re going to protect yourself while you help change the world.
If you’re going out, your first job is coming home. If you’re staying home, your first job is staying human.
Either way, we’re going to need you for the long haul.”
As written by Chris Hedges in his Substack newsletter, in an essay entitled Imperial Boomerang; “The murders of unarmed civilians on the streets of Minneapolis, including the killing today of the intensive-care nurse Alex Jeffrey Pretti, would not come as a shock to Iraqis in Fallujah or Afghans in Helmand province. They were terrorized by heavily armed American execution squads for decades.
It would not come as a shock to any of the students I teach in prison. Militarized police in poor urban neighborhoods kick down doors without warrants and kill with the same impunity and lack of accountability.
What the rest of us are facing now, is what Aimé Césaire called imperial boomerang. Empires, when they decay, employ the savage forms of control on those they subjugate abroad, or those demonized by the wider society in the name of law and order, on the homeland. The tyranny Athens imposed on others, Thucydides noted, it finally, with the collapse of Athenian democracy, imposed on itself.
But before we became the victims of state terror, we were accomplices. Before we expressed moral outrage at the indiscriminate taking of innocent lives, we tolerated, and often celebrated, the same Gestapo tactics, as long as they were directed at those who lived in the nations we occupied or poor people of color. We sowed the wind, now we will reap the whirlwind. The machinery of terror, perfected on those we abandoned and betrayed, including the Palestinians in Gaza, is ready for us.”
Man killed in Minneapolis by federal agents identified as VA nurse Alex Pretti: ‘He wanted to help people
We have a new horror to represent all the nameless horrors of the children stolen, tortured, and disappeared by the ICE white supremacist terror force in their loathsome campaign of ethnic cleansing and the federal occupation of our sanctuary cities; the tiny Liam Ramos in his hat of a cartoon plush toy.
And we know what Trump does with children.
As written in The Guardian by Sam Levin, in an article entitled ICE detains five-year-old Minnesota boy arriving home, say school officials: Superintendent says Liam Ramos and his father were taken into custody while in their driveway and sent to Texas; “US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detained a five-year-old Minnesota boy on Tuesday as he returned home from school and transported him and his father to a Texas detention center, according to school officials.
Liam Ramos, a preschooler, and his father were taken into custody while in their driveway, the superintendent of the school district in Columbia Heights, a Minneapolis suburb, said at a press conference on Wednesday. Liam, who had recently turned five, is one of four children in the school district who have been detained by federal immigration agents during the Trump administration’s enforcement surge in the region over the last two weeks, the district said.
Liam and his father had just arrived home when they were detained, according to Zena Stenvik, the superintendent, who said she drove to the home when she learned of the detentions.
When she arrived, Stenvik said the father’s car was still running and the father and son had already been apprehended. An agent had taken Liam out of the car, led the boy to his front door and directed him to knock on the door asking to be let in, “in order to see if anyone else was home – essentially using a five-year-old as bait”, the superintendent said in a statement.
Stenvik said another adult living in the home was outside during the encounter and had pleaded to take care of Liam so the boy could avoid detention, but was denied. Liam’s older brother, a middle schooler, came home 20 minutes later to find his father and brother missing, Stenvik said. Two school principals from the district also arrived at the home to offer support.
Marc Prokosch, an attorney representing the family, said the family had an active asylum case and shared paperwork showing the father and son had arrived to the US at a port of entry, meaning an official crossing point.
“The family did everything they were supposed to in accordance with how the rules have been set out,” he said. “They did not come here illegally. They are not criminals.” He said there was no order of deportation against them and he believes the father and son have remained together in detention.
School officials released two photos of the encounter, one showing Liam, in a blue knit hat, outside his front door with a masked agent by his side, and another showing Liam standing by a car with a man holding on to his backpack.
“Why detain a five-year-old? You cannot tell me that this child is going to be classified as a violent criminal,” Stenvik said.
Tricia McLaughlin, Department of Homeland Security assistant secretary, said in a statement on Wednesday night that ICE was conducting a “targeted operation” to arrest Liam’s father, who she called an “illegal alien”. “ICE did NOT target a child,” she said. McLaughlin also alleged the father “fled on foot – abandoning his child”, saying, “For the child’s safety, one of our ICE officers remained with the child while the other officers apprehended [his father].
“Parents are asked if they want to be removed with their children, or ICE will place the children with a safe person the parent designates,” she added.
The school district provided a statement from Liam’s teacher, who expressed shock over the boy’s detention: “Liam is a bright young student. He is so kind and loving, and his classmates miss him. He comes into class every day and just brightens the room. All I want is for him to be back here and safe.”
The detention of a young child will have ripple effects, said Prokosch. “Once his classmates learn the government took him away … I’m not qualified to talk about how much damage that is going to cause. It’s not just the family, it’s the entire community and all of those kids who are now going to be facing secondary trauma.”
Also on Tuesday, a 17-year-old Columbia Heights student was taken by “armed and masked agents” without parents present, Stenvik said. That student was removed from their car, she said.
In another case on 14 January, ICE agents “pushed their way into an apartment” and detained a 17-year-old high school girl and her mother, Stenvik said.
And in a fourth case, on 6 January, a 10-year-old fourth-grade student was allegedly taken by ICE on her way to elementary school with her mother. The superintendent said the 10-year-old called her father during the arrests and said that ICE agents would bring her to school, but when the father arrived at the school, he discovered both his daughter and wife had been taken. By the end of that school day, the mother and daughter were in a detention center in Texas.
Stenvik reported that as school officials were preparing for the press conference on Wednesday afternoon, an ICE vehicle drove on to the property of the district’s high school and were told by administrators to leave.
“ICE agents have been roaming our neighborhoods, circling our schools, following our buses, coming into our parking lots and taking our kids,” Stenvik said.
The DHS did not respond to inquiries about the other arrests and the report of ICE’s arrival on campus.
In an interview after the press conference, the superintendent said the arrests and looming presence of ICE had taken an enormous toll on students, parents and school staff.
“Our children are traumatized. The sense of safety in our community and around our schools is shaken,” Stenvik said. “I can speak on behalf of all school staff when I say our hearts are shattered. After our fourth student was taken yesterday, I just thought someone has to hear the story. They’re taking children.”
School officials said some families were choosing to stay home out of fear of ICE.
Stenvik said school leaders were working to aid families affected by ICE. “Our role is to educate children during the school day. But now we’re trying to help people navigate this legal system.” She added: “Our main priority is to keep children safe. They’re children. They are not violent criminals. They are little kids.”
This is far from the only case of child kidnapping by ICE, now the world’s largest human trafficking syndicate, with the full power of the American police state behind it and on a far more vast scale than the one Trump ran with his buddy Epstein.
As written again by Sam Levin in The Guardian, in an article entitled US immigration agents detain two-year-old Minnesota girl: ‘depravity beyond words’
DHS detain a toddler and her father on Thursday and fly them to Texas before returning child on judge’s order; “Federal immigration agents detained a two-year-old girl and her father in Minneapolis on Thursday and transported them to Texas, according to court records and the family’s lawyers.
The father, identified in court filings as Elvis Joel TE, and his daughter were stopped and detained by officers around 1pm when they were returning home from the store. By the evening, a federal judge had ordered the girl be released by 9.30pm. But federal officials instead put both of them on a plane heading to a Texas detention center.
Irina Vaynerman, one of the family’s lawyers, told the Guardian late Friday afternoon that immigration officials had since flown both of them back to Minnesota and released the two-year-old into the custody of her mother. The father remains detained in Minnesota, she said.
“The horror is truly unimaginable,” Vaynerman said. “The depravity of all of this is beyond words.”
Court records and the attorney’s accounts paint a harrowing picture of the toddler and father’s detention and the frantic efforts that followed to get her released from custody and reunited with her mother. The detention came two days after US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detained five-year-old Liam Ramos in Minnesota, in a case that has prompted international backlash and increased scrutiny of the Trump administration’s aggressive crackdown in the region.
As the father and daughter were arriving home on Thursday, agents entered their backyard and driveway area, Kira Kelley, one of the family’s lawyers, wrote in a filing. The officers did not have a warrant, the attorney said. One agent then allegedly broke the glass window of the father’s car while the girl was inside.
The mother was by the door and stepped inside the house as the agents approached, Kelley wrote. The agents refused to allow the father to bring his daughter to the mother or other family members “waiting terrified inside the home”.
The two-year-old and her father were then placed in an immigration agent’s vehicle, which Kelley wrote did not have a car seat.
Lawyers filed an emergency petition, first reported by the Minnesota Star Tribune, demanding that ICE release Elvis Joel TE and his daughter. A Minnesota-based federal judge issued an order around 8.10pm prohibiting the government from transferring them outside of Minnesota, and soon after issued a second order that the government immediately release the girl into the custody of Kelley, her attorney.
Kelley had obtained permission from the girl’s mother to be a temporary guardian “for the purpose of retrieving the infant from immigration detention”.
The federal judge said the release of the girl was necessary due to the “risk of irreparable harm”, saying it was highly likely the underlying petition would succeed on the merits.
“Needless to say, she has no criminal history,” the judge wrote, of the toddler.
But the government, the family’s lawyers wrote, placed the father and daughter on a flight to Texas around 8.30pm.
The father, originally from Ecuador, has a pending asylum application and no final order of removal, according to his attorneys. The girl, the lawyers wrote, has lived in Minneapolis “since her arrival in the United States as a newborn”.
The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) did not respond to questions on Friday about why the father and daughter were taken to Texas and what steps the government took to comply with the judge’s order.
In a statement, a DHS spokesperson said border patrol had been conducting a “targeted enforcement operation” on Thursday when agents “identified” Elvis Joel TE. DHS called him an “illegal immigrant”, alleging he had unlawfully reentered the US and claiming he was “driving erratically with a child”.
DHS alleged that the father refused to open his door or lower his window and said agents “attempted to give the child to the mother who was in the area, but she refused”. “DHS law enforcement took care of the child who the mother would not take,” the statement said.
Vaynerman, the family’s lawyer, said the claim that the mother “refused” to take her daughter was false, saying agents would not let the father return his daughter to the home to be with her mother.
During the arrest, a crowd gathered outside, leading agents to deploy “crowd control measures”, DHS said. The Star Tribune said social media videos showed agents appearing to use chemical irritants and flash-bang devices.
DHS’s statement said the father and daughter were “reunited [at] a federal facility”, but did not acknowledge that she had since been returned to her mother. Spokespeople did not respond to additional questions about the lawyers’ accounts of the episode and the daughter’s return.
“This case is horrific … Anybody who is a parent or cares for young kids knows the fear that happens when a child is separated from their parent,” said Vaynerman, a civil rights lawyer and co-founder of Groundwork Legal, a Minnesota-based public interest law firm. “There is no way to know the long-term impact this will have on this little toddler.”
Vaynerman criticized DHS’s practice of quickly transferring people it detains out of state, saying the tactic is meant to move cases out of the jurisdiction of courts in Minnesota and made it harder for families to reach lawyers and fight their cases.
“This is creating terror in our city and state. It’s something I truly have never ever seen before to this extreme,” she said.
The family’s lawyers have urged the court to issue a broader order blocking the government from transferring individuals outside of Minnesota for at least seven days after they are given an opportunity to contact legal counsel, and bar out-of-state transfers for people with pending habeas petitions, meaning they have ongoing challenges to their detention.
“The lack of humanity at every step of this process of what the government has been doing and how they have been unlawfully detaining people, including toddlers and children, it’s truly unimaginable,” said Vaynerman. “And yet this is where we find ourselves. There has to be an end to this type of cruelty.”
What does this aberrant and perverse shift toward child predation by the Trump regime mean?
As written by Roque Planas in The Guardian, in an article entitled Why the Trump administration is detaining immigrant children – and what happens to them next; “This week, ICE’s detention of a five-year-old boy wearing a Spider Man backpack in the Minneapolis suburb of Columbia Heights quickly became a defining image of the Trump administration’s hardline immigration enforcement. Furious critics, including many local politicians, seized on Liam Ramos’s ordeal as glaring evidence that Trump’s mass deportation campaign has little to do with crime and a lot to do with terrorizing children and their families.
A homeland security spokesperson said ICE officers took the boy into custody only after his father fled during an attempted arrest. The superintendent of the school district in Columbia Heights said another adult living in the home was outside during the encounter and had pleaded to take care of Liam so the boy could avoid detention, but was denied.
But Liam Ramos’s detention is not an isolated incident. It’s part of a uniquely aggressive push to detain more unauthorized immigrant families, a turbocharging of a policy discontinued five years ago.
ICE booked some 3,800 minors into immigrant family detention from January to October 2025, including children as young as one or two years old, according to a Guardian analysis of records obtained by the Deportation Data Project. More than 2,600 of those minors were apprehended by ICE officers, which usually means they were apprehended somewhere inside the country rather than at the border.
Those numbers mark a major shift. Previous administrations used family detention mostly to detain parents and children crossing into the United States together by land. Minors in ICE custody have special legal protections dating from a 1997 consent decree called the Flores Settlement.
Under the terms of that settlement, ICE does not detain unaccompanied children. A child immigrant accompanied by a parent may be held in a detention center with somewhat higher standards than other adult facilities, but the settlement generally requires ICE to release them if the government cannot swiftly deport them.
But the Trump administration is increasingly locking up families detained in high-profile immigration sweeps taking place in major cities across the country, according to Becky Wolozin, an attorney with the National Center for Youth Law.
“This is not people showing up at the border at this point,” Wolozin said. “It’s people being arrested who live in the United States, who have permission to live in the United States. Now, they’re starting to re-interview people who have refugee status. There’s no status that protects people anymore. Even US citizens are getting arrested.”
‘It is as horrible as it looks’
Many minors may spend several days detained in places that aren’t equipped to care for children, said Sergio Perez, the executive director for the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law. His organization, which represents child migrants covered by the Flores Settlement, has taken declarations from families detained for days at improvised sites in airports or office buildings.
In some cases, children were forced to use the bathroom under the watch of guards of the opposite gender, Perez said.
“What you’re seeing is places with no medical care, places where the lights never go out, places where the children are not allowed to go outside, places where the food is abhorrent and places where people are not treated with the dignity required by the law,” Perez said. “We’re seeing more imprisonment of families and children for longer periods of time and under more and more deplorable conditions.”
Most children detained with a parent eventually end up at the South Texas Family Residential Center in Dilley, Texas, which is managed by the private prison contractor CoreCivic. Family detention centers are supposed to offer a less-jail-like setting for children, offering access to education and playgrounds. Last year, the Trump administration also detained families at a separate facility in Karnes, Texas, though it’s not clear whether ICE continues to hold families there.
Homeland security did not respond to a request asking how many family detention centers it currently operates.
As a lawyer representing immigrant child detainees in the ongoing litigation over their rights under the Flores Settlement, Wolozin has toured the Dilley family detention center. Constructed during Barack Obama’s second term in response to the high numbers of Central American families who began arriving at the US-Mexico border in 2014, the 2,400-bed Dilley facility is by far the largest family detention center in the country. Ramos and his father are now detained there, according to their lawyer.
Many of the people who wind up there, Wolozin said, have pending asylum claims and work authorizations that prove they have complied with existing immigration laws, but were arrested anyway. Many were detained at the border patrol checkpoints that dot the highways within 100 miles (160km) of the US-Mexico border, not knowing that their work authorizations or paperwork showing they had applied for asylum or some other form of relief from removal would no longer keep them from getting detained there.
Liam Ramos’s father appears to fit that pattern. His family, Ecuadorian nationals, presented themselves at the US-Mexico border using the CBP One app and then made a claim for asylum, saying they faced persecution in their home country, according to his lawyer, Marc Prokosch.
“They did everything right when they came in,” Prokosch said this week at a press conference.
“ICE didn’t care about the fact that they had those pending claims, and just arrested them.”
The boy’s apprehension typifies the new policy of targeting immigrant families, regardless of their pending immigration claims, Wolozin said.
“It is as horrible as it looks,” Wolozin said. “He’s coming home from school and now he can get abducted and detained for who knows how long and sent to somewhere he might not be safe. It’s making the United States worse than wherever they came from the first place.”
Columbia Heights school officials said that ICE officers had also apprehended three other minors, according to Reuters – two 17-year-olds and a 10-year-old.
‘100% designed to hurt kids’
The modern family detention policy dates to the George W Bush administration, which established two detention centers – one in Pennsylvania, the other in Texas – to house unauthorized immigrant families together while they awaited deportation.
Barack Obama scaled back family detention shortly after taking office, then dramatically increased it after the number of Central American mothers traveling with children began to surge in 2014.
The first Trump administration inherited that capacity and tried unsuccessfully to overturn the provisions of the Flores Settlement in court in order to detain immigrant families until their immigration cases concluded.
The first Trump administration also implemented a short-lived and widely repudiated “family separation” policy of prosecuting unauthorized immigrant parents who crossed into the United States with their children, which routed the parents into jails and their children into shelters run by the office of refugee resettlement.
The Biden administration halted family immigrant detention in 2021.
Now, Trump and Republicans in Congress are once again attempting to scrap the Flores Settlement’s restrictions. Last year’s “One Big, Beautiful” spending bill directs ICE to hold families “until such aliens are removed”, which directly contradicts the settlement. The bill quadrupled ICE’s immigrant detention budget to $45bn and allowed any portion of that appropriation to be used to detain families.
“These are just families,” Wolozin said. “They’re not dangerous. They are really trying, by and large, to follow the ever-changing rules. This is totally, 100% unnecessary and 100% designed to hurt kids.”
As Tolstoy and Lenin asked with such different solutions; “What is to be done?”
Having returned from Hong Kong, where hidden among the diversions of New Year’s celebrations we once again seized Lion Rock and raised the Black Flag from our mobile and borderless HK Autonomous Zone, now ongoing for seven years of glorious Resistance since the November 2019 Siege of the Chinese University of Hong Kong and the two year mass democracy protests against the Occupation by the Chinese Communist Party, to the Battle of Minneapolis against a regime no less brutal and cruel, and considering ways in which I may help the anarchist enclave of Rojava in Syria remain free and independent, it gives me hope that in Minneapolis we have held the streets and driven back the forces of state terror and tyranny in several actions.
In the midst of all this, I learned that a comrade, Paula, has entered hospice care.
To this news I replied to the group; I am so sorry to hear of this. Yourself, Rhonda, Lorrie, Paula, such a small circle of friends who have kept the pins in our civilization for so long and against vast forces of repression. The loss of any one of us engaged in resistance and liberation struggle is a loss to all of us.
Alex to me: “Stay well my friend.”
Myself in reply; And you as well. I regret that I have not yet been able to get to know any of you better. To take tea or play a game of chess; but then my presence here on fb is a message in a bottle cast upon seas of fate lost in darkness.
Lorrie then posted a general query; “How is everyone feeling today?”
Here follows my reply, addressed to all my friends:
Thank you for asking the Question put to the Fisher King; there are many ways to answer.
For the moment I live and am safe, as safe as anyone can be in a nation captured by the Fourth Reich. I may die at any time, but this is true for all human beings; what remains unknown is the manner of our deaths and the meaning we may thus create. I choose to go down fighting.
My hope is that we have won time for our nation to awaken to its peril and reclaim its heart, as seems to be in progress now in the streets. We are the Spartans, our lives like the dragons teeth sown by Cadmus, from each arise legions.
Regardless of how our future unfolds, and I may yet live many years, it has been an honor to stand with you as liberty and tyranny hang in the balance.
ICE detains five-year-old Minnesota boy arriving home, say school officials
Fifty two years ago today America enacted women’s right to abortion, and it has remained a ground of struggle ever since.
Such a long, multigenerational struggle, over such a simple question; to whom does a woman’s body belong?
Half of humankind remains slaves to the other half; and I very much hope that we can sort this out before another fifty years pass.
As written by Simon Winchester in The Guardian on this day in 1973, in an article entitled Roe v Wade: US women win abortion rights; “In a long awaited decision the United States supreme court ruled today that a woman has a near-absolute right to an abortion, but only in the first three months of her pregnancy. During the later stages the State has an increasing power of intervention, the court ruled by a seven to two majority; and during the last trimester can refuse to allow the operation.
The decision, which came today as part of a lengthy ruling which declared the Texas and Georgia anti-abortion laws unconstitutional, has been generally welcomed by liberal groups here. Mrs Lee Giddings, of the National Association for the Repeal of Abortion Laws, said today she was “absolutely thrilled.”
The court’s ruling is a rare reversal of long-settled law that will fracture the foundations of modern reproductive rights in the US.
But one of the two dissenting supreme court justices, the Nixon appointee Justice Byron White (the other dissenting justice was also a Nixon appointee, Mr William Rehnquist), later criticised the verdict as “improvident, extravagant, and an exercise of raw judicial power.”
In his ruling, Justice Harry Blackmun said that during the first three months of a pregnancy “the abortion decision and its effectuation must be left to the medical judgment of the woman’s doctor.” After that, the State “In promoting its interest in the mother’s health” may regulate the abortion procedure by among other things, making laws, regulating the doctor’s terms of reference.
Only in the third three-month period, when a foetus could presumably live, if there was a premature birth, can the State “regulate or even forbid abortion.” The justices ruled the State could intervene thus “where it was necessary, in appropriate medical judgment, for the preservation of life or the health of the mother.”
The one dissenting voice raised today at the supreme court ruling came from the Women’s National Abortion Action Committee, which condemned the “artificial and arbitrary” time limits imposed by judges. A spokesperson, as they say here, says that “a woman should always have an absolute right to determine what happens to her own body.” Harsh reaction is also expected, of course, from the Roman Catholic church and other anti-abortion lobby groups.”
Where are we now with this issue, and of the larger question of the equality of women? As written by Carter Sherman in The Guardian, in an article entitled The fight for abortion rights: what to know going into 2024; “A presidential election and another major supreme court case is on the horizon, after a dramatic year in which pro-choice and foes have waged a state-by-state war.
More than a year after the US supreme court overturned Roe v Wade, the dust from the landmark decision’s collapse has yet to settle.
It has been a dramatic year of fallout, with abortion rights supporters and foes now waging a state-by-state skirmish for abortion rights. They are sparring in state legislatures, courtrooms, voting booths and hospitals, with each side racking up victories and losses.
With a presidential election and another major supreme court case on the horizon, the coming year promises to be at least as eventful. Here’s what you need to know about the fight over abortion in 2023 – and what it means for 2024.
Abortion rights supporters keep winning at the ballot box.
In 2022, Republicans underperformed in the midterms and abortion rights activists won a string of ballot measures to preserve abortion rights, even in conservative states. This year, activists extended their winning streak – and they hope to replicate their successes in 2024.
In November, Ohio became the first reliably red state since Roe fell to vote in favor of proactively enshrining abortion rights in the state constitution, while Virginia Democrats successfully fended off Republicans’ attempt to retake the state legislature by campaigning on a 15-week abortion ban.
For activists and Democrats, these victories were proof that abortion is an election-winning issue – and, potentially, an issue that can draw in voters from across both sides of the ideological spectrum. Activists are already at work on 2024 abortion-related ballot measures in roughly a dozen states, including swing states like Arizona and Nevada.
Abortions are on the rise
After abortion clinics across the south and midwest were forced to shutter, patients overwhelmed the country’s remaining clinics. In the first year after Roe’s demise, the average number of US abortions performed each month rose rather than fell. Clinics and their advocates are now struggling to keep up. “What actually is happening is a complete disruption,” one expert told the Guardian.
There is also a gaping hole in the data, which was released in October by the Society of Family Planning: it does not include abortions performed at home, a practice known as “self-managed abortion”. Medical experts widely agree that it is safe to self-manage an abortion using pills early on in pregnancy, and a number of services shipping abortion pills have increased in visibility since Roe’s overturning. But while evidence suggests that self-managed abortion is on the rise, the lack of concrete data about the practice reflects a growing problem in the post-Roe United States: as abortion moves further into the shadows of US life, we will know less about it.
Legal battles over abortion bans are ongoing.
Abortion bans continued to cascade across the country in 2023, with near-total bans taking effect in Indiana, North Dakota and South Carolina. North Carolina and Nebraska, meanwhile, enacted laws to ban abortion after 12 weeks of pregnancy. In total, 24 states or territories have now banned abortion before viability, or roughly 24 weeks of pregnancy, which would have been illegal under Roe.
Litigation over abortion restrictions is still unfurling in many of these states, and court cases have frozen bans in states like Wyoming and Iowa. Wisconsin abortion providers, meanwhile, found themselves in a unique position this year: after a judge ruled that an 1849 law that had been interpreted to ban abortions instead only banned feticide and did not apply to what she called “consensual abortions”, providers resumed performing the procedure – even though the ban is still technically on the books.
Lawsuits may force other hardcore anti-abortion states to soften their bans in 2024 to clarify exceptions when abortions are permitted in medical emergencies. While Tennessee and Texas carved out narrow exceptions in their abortion laws, abortion rights supporters have still filed lawsuits in those two states, as well as in Idaho, that challenge the language. One Texan mother of two filed a lawsuit seeking an emergency abortion while she was still pregnant. (She ultimately fled the state for the procedure.)
Theoretically, people in medical emergencies should be able to access the procedure even in states with bans – but doctors say that, in reality, these bans are so vaguely worded that they block doctors from helping sick patients. This summer, one of these lawsuits led women to testify in a Texas court about their experiences of being denied abortions. It was the first time since Roe fell, if not the first time since Roe itself was decided, that women did so.
Abortion pills are in peril.
The most common method of abortion, abortion pills, is at the mercy of deeply conservative courts in 2024.
In April, a conservative judge in Texas ruled to suspend the FDA’s approval of a key abortion pill, mifepristone, in response to a lawsuit brought by a coalition of rightwing groups determined to make the pill the next target in their post-Roe campaign against abortion. A federal appeals court soon scaled back that decision, ruling to keep the pill, mifepristone, available but impose significant restrictions on its use. The supreme court then stepped in and decreed that the FDA’s rules around mifepristone should stay the same while litigation plays out.
The Biden administration and a manufacturer of mifepristone in September have asked the supreme court to formally hear arguments in the case. In December, the justices agreed.
Although the justices indicated that they will only rule on the restrictions imposed by the appeals court, rather than on the overall legality of mifepristone, the case could still have enormous consequences. Rolling back the FDA’s rules could allow future lawsuits against other politicized medications, like gender-affirming care, HIV drugs or vaccines. Plus, the supreme court will probably rule by summer 2024 – just months before the presidential election.
Mifepristone is used in more than half the abortions in the country. If access to the drug is curtailed, many abortion clinics have said they will pivot to using doses of a different drug, misoprostol, to perform abortions, but misoprostol-only abortions are less effective and associated with more complications.
Doctors are fleeing states with abortion bans.
With abortion bans endangering their patients and threatening to send doctors to prison, doctors are fleeing states where the procedure is banned. After Idaho banned abortion, at least 13 reproductive health physicians left the state and at least two rural labor and delivery wards have closed. Doctors in Tennessee, Texas, North Carolina, Ohio and Florida have also told reporters that they are leaving states with abortion bans or planning to do so.
OB-GYNs are already in short supply in the United States. About half of US counties do not have a practicing OB-GYN, according to the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists. The US maternal mortality rates are also worsening, particularly for Black and Native people, at a time when the United States already has the worst maternal mortality rate among industrialized countries.
Doctors are now even afraid to get trained in states with abortion bans. Applications to OB-GYN residencies in states with near-total bans fell by more than 10% the year after Roe’s demise, according to data from Association of American Medical Colleges. Applications to US OB-GYN residencies overall dropped by about 5% – indicating that fewer doctors are planning to become OB-GYNs at all.”
And so the ground of struggle is defined, both here in America and throughout the world, and in all our possible futures, for all humankind.
As I wrote in my post of June 24 2023, Anniversary of the End of Roe Versus Wade and Women’s Right of Bodily Autonomy; On this day last year half our nation’s people were stripped of meaningful citizenship and their bodies declared property of the state by the Supreme Court.
Of this ongoing horror and crime against humanity I wrote in my summation of last year’s liberation struggle and electoral politics in America in my post of December 28 2022, This Year Was Defined in Politics by Resistance Against the Patriarchy and the Issue of Women’s Rights of Bodily Autonomy; 2022 was defined in politics by resistance against the Patriarchy and the issue of women’s rights of bodily autonomy, both globally in the glorious and spectacular revolution against theocracy and patriarchy originating in Iran and here in America the mass resistance to the end of Roe v Wade which galvanized a historic blue wave in our midterm elections.
While this has always been a wedge issue used by elites and forces of reaction to make women vote against their own interests, freedoms, and equality, and rode the wave of change of the #metoo movement, something has shifted and become new in this arena, forever transforming the ground of struggle and defining the terms of debate; it is now an existential crisis central to the survival of democracy itself, and women are responding not with the subjugation of learned helplessness, but with the fury of the oppressed and the solidarity of a dehumanized class.
In 2022, women realized they are enslaved and have begun resistance and revolutionary struggle. Patriarchal authority has lost its legitimacy, and begun its inevitable collapse. Without its fig leaf of theocratic lies and illusions, with the amoral brutality of its systemic and historical forces and elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, there is only one way this ends.
For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.
Here follows my journal on this Defining Moment for America in 2022:
As I wrote in my post of June 24 2022, The End of Women’s Right of Bodily Autonomy; The Supreme Court has just declared women’s bodies to be property of the state and of men, and mass protests have once again erupted throughout America.
This is an area of ideological fracture and polarization in which few persuadable voters remain on either side, the classic wedge issue by which Patriarchy and sexual terror subjugates and dehumanizes us, and through which our enslavement by hegemonic elites of wealth, power, and privilege legitimize their regimes of weaponized faith.
Electoral politics and legislative change have failed, for in our system a few unelected and corrupt judges, infiltration and subversion agents placed at the apex of social power by hegemonic elites to replace democracy with theocracry, can rule by fiat in total disregard to the will of the people. Our Justice system has lost its legitimacy and become a junta, and this we must resist.
After all our hopes and dreams for Liberty and a free society of equals, we’re back to the Underground Railroad.
As written by Emily Janakiram & Lizzie Chadbourne in Truthout; “As reproductive rights organizers have long anticipated — and as a leaked memo all but confirmed last month — the Supreme Court has ruled to overturn Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey.
The decision came in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, which involves a Mississippi law prohibiting all abortions after 15 weeks except in the case of medical emergency or severe fetal abnormality. This suit is part of an effort by the right to legally challenge what was previously the constitutionally protected right to abortion in Roe, and the court has sided with the state of Mississippi to repeal that right. This ruling undoes the federal protection of abortion, resulting in the total or near-total ban of abortion in 26 states.
The right has long been organizing for this moment, creating “trigger bans” in expectation of Roe’s overturn, as well as mobilizing to harass and intimidate patients in places where abortion remains legal, like New York and Washington, D.C. Republicans are poised to attempt passing a federal ban on abortion.
Despite Justice Samuel Alito’s claim that the ruling does not affect contraceptive access, the anti-abortion right has also opposed hormonal contraception, the copper IUD and the morning-after pill on the grounds that they are “abortifacients” since from their perspective, human life begins at conception and these methods prevent the fertilized egg from implanting. Last month, Louisiana lawmakers deliberated over a bill which would have criminalized both the IUD and the morning-after pill. The bill ultimately failed, but we can expect to see similar initiatives gaining ground in states hostile to abortion rights.
The anti-abortion right frames the overturn of Roe as an act of democracy, “returning the decision to the states,” and correcting federal overreach. This is misleading at best. The states in which abortion is now illegal are heavily gerrymandered and undemocratic themselves; it is simply not true that abortion bans reflect the will of the people. In fact, a majority of Americans — about 60 percent — believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases.
The consequences of abortion restrictions in red states prior to this moment have been disastrous as residents have been forced to travel out of state to access care at significant personal cost. Texas’s notorious Senate Bill 8 law resulted in a significant number of patients from Texas with a gestational age past six weeks traveling to Oklahoma for abortion appointments — until Oklahoma passed a total abortion ban, leaving Texans seeking abortions with even fewer options.
We can expect this situation to spread further across the country, with abortion patients forced to travel even longer distances to access abortion. Of course, this will place an undue hardship on patients without the means to travel out of state — whether that be due to the financial burden, lack of access to child care, sick leave, or other reasons.
The right has long been organizing for this moment, creating “trigger bans” in expectation of Roe’s overturn, as well as mobilizing to harass and intimidate patients in places where abortion remains legal.
More grotesquely, abortion patients will not only have to face undue financial and logistical hurdles to access essential health care — but they will also have to brave the police, or in some cases, state-funded vigilantes, in order to do so. Texas’s SB 8 law allows literally anyone to file suit against someone who “aids or abets” in an abortion — though not the abortion patient themselves. Someone who drives a patient to a bus so that they can receive an abortion out of state could be sued, and the plaintiff would be awarded $10,000 in damages. Abortion patients themselves cannot be sued.
While the law has been carefully designed so that there is no criminal penalty — and thus, ironically, protecting it from certain legal challenges — it still invites police violence against abortion patients. Recently, 26-year-old Lizelle Herrera of South Texas was arrested and detained under suspicion of having induced her own abortion after a stillbirth. Even if the states that criminalize abortion only penalize providers and those who “aid and abet” abortion, patients themselves can still be subject to police violence in cases of self-managed abortions, which will become the only recourse available to many patients who cannot travel out of state to a clinic. Although only a handful of states currently criminalize self-managed abortion specifically, in over half the states there have been criminal investigations into pregnancy loss based on suspicion of self-managed abortion. People from communities that experience heightened levels of policing and state surveillance and who choose to self-manage their abortions will be at an increased risk of criminalization.
Even when abortion patients manage to reach less-restricted states, safe and unfettered abortion access in those places is by no means a given either. Many clinics are already functioning at capacity even before the heightened influx of patients from other states, and the anti-abortion movement has set its eyes on cities like New York. Their base has been galvanized to confront “the evil of abortion” at its center — the clinics where abortions happen. When abortion is halted in over half the states, we can expect that campaigns of harassment will expand at clinics in less-restricted states by anti-abortion groups shifting their focus to regions where abortions are still performed legally.
Abortion patients will not only have to face undue financial and logistical hurdles to access essential health care — but they will also have to brave the police, or in some cases, state-funded vigilantes, in order to do so.
In New York City, the Archdiocese leads a campaign of clinic harassment every month in all five boroughs — with the blessing and sanction of the police. The police do not help patients enter the clinic safely but escort the clinic harassers — whom they seem to be on friendly terms with — and threaten and intimidate clinic defenders. It is no secret that the police and the far right are closely allied, in some cases one and the same; we cannot count on them to protect abortion patients. We will need a militant response to counter the right in less restricted states.
Moreover, the criminalization of providing abortion care and aiding and abetting abortion puts pregnant people in grave danger. Some states may make “life of the mother” exemptions. But most United States hospitals are either for-profit or religiously affiliated nonprofits with ideological opposition to abortion. There is seldom a clearly demarcated point at which an abortion becomes absolutely, unambiguously medically necessary. A private health care facility may not risk criminal charges in order to save a patient’s life. Notoriously, Savita Halappanavar died of sepsis in an Irish hospital when doctors refused to perform an abortion because, though her pregnancy was no longer viable, a fetal heartbeat was still detected. As of this writing, an American woman, Andrea Prudente, is set to be airlifted out of Malta, the only country in the European Union with a total abortion ban. Even though her pregnancy is no longer viable, and without an abortion, she risks the same fate, a fetal heartbeat is still detected and doctors refuse to provide an abortion. Of course, the U.S. leads the developed world in mortality during childbirth. With the end of Roe, it will become even more dangerous to give birth in the U.S.
Many reproductive rights organizations advise that pro-choice activists put aside “coat hanger” imagery and refrain from dwelling on history of dangerous back-alley abortions. This is not to erase the history of violence that accompanied abortion bans, but because it unproductively obscures the abortion situation as it exists today. Self-managed abortions are safer than ever, thanks to the advent of the abortion pill and networks that provide access through the mail; and even abortions in the home can be performed safely using aspiration. In fact, they are more safe than home births, belying the right-wing canard that abortion and the abortion pill is more dangerous than childbirth. The right uses this lie to push for the closure of clinics and make obtaining the abortion pill unduly burdensome.
Laws against aiding and abetting abortion — and the ensuing climate of fear, secrecy and isolation — are what kill pregnant people, not self-managed abortions.
However, the secrecy in which abortions have had to happen historically is what made them so dangerous — that people don’t know how such abortions can be performed safely, or even the basic facts of pregnancy (a situation that’s especially dire in red states given a lack of sex education in schools). This secrecy is enforced by the police. Laws against “aiding and abetting abortion” — and the ensuing climate of fear, secrecy, and isolation — are what kill pregnant people, not self-managed abortions.
If we are to resist abortion bans, each one of us must be prepared to aid and abet abortion, whether that’s being trained in administering a self-managed abortion, buying and donating abortion pills, driving someone across state lines to receive an abortion, participating in clinic defense, or donating to an abortion fund. But we cannot lose sight of the ultimate goal: a mass movement to establish free abortion on demand as an inalienable right.”
As written by Moira Donegan in The Guardian, in an article entitled Roe v Wade has been overturned. Here’s what this will mean; “Millions of women are now less free than men, in the functioning of their own bodies and in the paths of their own lives.
The story is not about the supreme court. Today, the sword that has long been hanging over American women’s heads finally fell: the supreme court overturned Roe v Wade, ending the nationwide right to an abortion. This has long been expected, and long dreaded, by those in the reproductive rights movement, and it has long been denied by those who wished to downplay the court’s extremist lurch. The coming hours will be consumed with finger pointing and recriminations. But the story is not about who was right and who was wrong.
Nor is the story about the US judiciary’s crumbling legitimacy, or the supreme court’s fractious internal politics. In the coming days, our attention will be called to the justices themselves – to their feelings, to their careers, to their safety. We will be distracted by the stench of partisanship and scandal that emanates from the shadowy halls of One First Street; by the justices’ grievance-airing and petty backbiting in public; or by their vengeful paranoid investigation into the leak of a draft of Samuel Alito’s opinion some weeks ago. We will be scolded not to protest outside their houses, and we will be prevented, by high fences and heavy gates and the presence of armed cops, from protesting outside the court itself. But the story is not about the supreme court.
The story is not about the Democratic politicians, whose leadership on abortion rights has been tepid at best, and negligent at worst, since the 1990s. In the coming days, people who have voted to uphold the Hyde Amendment, a provision that has banned federal funding of abortion since 1976 – effectively limiting the constitutional right to an abortion to only those Americans wealthy enough to afford one – will tell us how terrible this is. They will issue statements talking about their outrage; they will make platitude-filled speeches about the worth and dignity of American women. They will not mention their own inaction, persisting for decades in the face of mounting and well-funded rightwing threats to Roe. They will not mention that they did nothing as all that worth and dignity of American women hung in the balance; they will not mention that most of them still, even now, oppose doing the only thing that could possibly restore reproductive freedom: expanding the number of justices on the courts. But the cowardice, hypocrisy, and historic moral failure of national Democrats is not the story. And certainly, the story is nothing so vulgar as what this withdrawal of human rights might mean for that party’s midterm election prospects.
The story is not, even, about the legal chaos that will now follow. It is not about the fact that in 13 states, today’s order has made all abortion immediately illegal, the consummation of sexist ambitions that had long been enshrined in so-called trigger laws, provisions that have been on the books for years and decades that ban abortion upon the court’s reversal of Roe – misogyny lying in wait. Nor is the story about the other 13 states that will almost certainly ban abortion now, too, meaning that the procedure will be illegal in 26 of the nation’s 50 states within weeks.
The story is not about how legislatures, lawyers and judges will handle these laws; it is not about whether they will allow merciful exemptions for rape or incest (they won’t) or impose draconian measures that aim to extend the cruelty of state bans beyond their borders to target abortion doctors, funders, and supporters in blue states (they will).
The story is not about the cop who will charge the first doctor or the first patient with murder – that’s already happening, anyway. The story is not about the anti-choice activists, sneering in their triumph, who will say that they only want the best for women, and that women can’t be trusted to know what’s best for themselves. The story is not about the women who will be imprisoned or committed at the behest of these activists, or the desperate pregnant people, with nowhere to turn, who will be ensnared by them into deceitful crisis pregnancy centers or exploitative “maternity ranches”.
The real story is not about the media who will churn out the think pieces, and the crass, enabling both-sidesism, and the insulting false equivalences and calls for unity. It is not about the pundits who will scold feminists that really, it is the overzealous abortion rights movement that is to blame; that really, women must learn to compromise with the forces that would keep them unequal, bound to lives that are smaller, more brutal, and more desperate. The story is not, even, about those other rights – the rights to parent, and to marry, and to access birth control – that a cruel and emboldened right will come for next.
The real story is the women. The real story is the student whose appointment is scheduled for tomorrow, who will get a call from the clinic sometime in the next hours telling her that no, they are sorry, they cannot give her an abortion after all. The real story is the woman waiting tables, who feels so sick and exhausted these past few weeks that she can barely make it through her shifts, who will soon be calling clinics in other states, hearing that they’re all booked for weeks, and will be asking friends for money to help cover the gas, or the plane, or the time off that she can’t afford. The real story is the abortion provider, already exhausted and heartbroken from years of politicians playing politics with her patients’ rights, who will wonder whether she can keep her clinic open for its other services any more, and conclude that she can’t. The real story is the mom of two, squinting at her phone as she tries to comfort a screaming toddler, trying to figure out what she will have to give up in order to keep living the life she wants, with the family she already has.
The real story is about thousands of these women, not just now but for decades to come – the women , whose lives will be made smaller and less dignified by unplanned and unchosen pregnancies, the women whose health will be endangered by the long and grueling physical process of pregnancy; the women, and others, who will have to forgo dreams, end educations, curtail careers, stretch their finances beyond the breaking point, and subvert their own wills to someone else’s.
The real story is in the counterfactuals – the books that will go unwritten, the trips untaken, the hopes not pursued, and jokes not told, and the friends not met, because the people who could have lived the full, expansive, diverse lives that abortions would allow will instead be forced to live other lives, lives that are lesser precisely because they are not chosen.
The real story is the millions of women, and others, who now know that they are less free than men are – less free in the functioning of their own bodies, less free in the paths of their own lives, less free in the formation of their own families.
The real story is not this order; the real story is these people’s unfreedom – the pain it will inflict and the joy it will steal. The real story is women, and the real story is the impossible question: how can we ever grieve enough for them?”
As I wrote in my post of May 14 2022, The Women’s March for Freedom; Throughout America today women have seized the streets in mass action for the right of bodily autonomy, the first of all rights of property and the defining quality of citizenship, for without ownership of our own bodies there is no freedom, and we are all made property of the state.
Democracy and dehumanization hang in the balance in the issue of women’s reproductive rights; but also life itself, for access to healthcare is a precondition of the right to life and thus among the first of all implied rights guaranteed by our Constitution and Bill of Rights. Without this, no other rights are meaningful.
This is a fight against enslavement and death, and for our equality as human beings and liberty as citizens.
How shall we give answer to our dehumanization and the theft of our citizenship?
Let us say to Gideonite patriarchy and to fascist tyranny with Dylan Thomas;
“Do not go gentle into that good night,
Old age should burn and rave at close of day;
Rage, rage against the dying of the light.
Though wise men at their end know dark is right,
Because their words had forked no lightning they
Do not go gentle into that good night.
Good men, the last wave by, crying how bright
Their frail deeds might have danced in a green bay,
Rage, rage against the dying of the light.
Wild men who caught and sang the sun in flight,
And learn, too late, they grieved it on its way,
Do not go gentle into that good night.
Grave men, near death, who see with blinding sight
Blind eyes could blaze like meteors and be gay,
Rage, rage against the dying of the light.
And you, my father, there on the sad height,
Curse, bless, me now with your fierce tears, I pray.
Do not go gentle into that good night.
Rage, rage against the dying of the light.”
At stake here are issues affecting every American citizen and other persons within the boundaries of our law; freedom versus dehumanization as a means of enslavement, and our universal human right of access to healthcare as a precondition of our right to life.
How can the Gideonite fundamentalists and atavistic forces of Patriarchy deny the right of bodily autonomy, the first of all rights of property, our right to choose our own use of that body which speaks to the definition of being human and to the fundamental rights of a citizen in a democracy as a voting co-owner of our government, on the basis of our right to life which derives both from our citizenship and our humanity as a natural condition, when the right of the mother to life precedes that of her fetus and renders her the sole medical authorizing party in any such matter?
Only a woman’s right to choose her own destiny matters here, and no state or any other authority which operates in the place of a father or husband under the Patriarchal legal fiction of in loco parentis, nor the will or judgement of any other persons especially actual fathers and husbands, has any just role in a free society of equals; all else is slavery.
If one abrogates the separation of church and state and claims Biblical authority as a justification for government policy, surely an act of hubris if not madness, on abortion and for a definition of life, life clearly begins with breath.
As William Tyndale wrote in his beautiful poetic reimagination of traditional sources published as the King James Bible; “And the Lord God formed man of the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life; and man became a living soul,” Genesis 2:7.
This is reinforced elsewhere; “By the word of the LORD the heavens were made, And by the breath of His mouth all their host” Psalms 33:6. And again; “Thus saith the Lord God; Come from the four winds, O breath, and breathe upon these slain, that they may live. So I prophesied as he commanded me, and the breath came into them, and they lived,” Ezekiel 10. And yet again; “If he should set his heart to it and gather to himself his spirit and his breath, all flesh would perish together, and man would return to dust,” Job 34: 14-15.
Plus there’s the abortion method authorized in Numbers 5:11-31, the Ordeal of the Bitter Water, and the penalty for causing an abortion outside of this ritual such as by a violent blow, which is a fine paid to the woman’s husband because it is a crime against property or future economic benefit and not a crime against person as there is no life before breath or natural birth.
Abrahamic faiths regard as human only those who have been ensouled at first breath upon being born; prior to birth we are not human but part of the mother’s body; a fetus has no rights other than hers, and hers is the only legitimate voice regarding one’s own body as the primary right of property from which all others derive. This is because Abrahamic faiths regard the body as an organic machine and not a person until it is animated with a soul.
To argue that abortion is murder is to argue that there is no soul, that we are human prior to the animating breath of the Infinite, and that as mere beasts and organic machines each of our cells are individually sacrosanct and legally persons. Haircuts and manicures are murder in this absurd construction.
Let us not mistake the purpose and intention of those who would seize women’s power of bodily autonomy as both a human being and a citizen; this has nothing to do with faith, and everything to do with power.
As I wrote in my post of May 6 2022, There Is No Freedom Without That of Bodily Autonomy: On the Patriarchal Enslavement and Dehumanization of Women in the State Capture of Liberty and Equality in the Supreme Court’s Revocation of the Right to Abortion; There is no freedom without that of bodily autonomy.
Our Supreme Court just declared half of humankind to be less than human and property of the state, not merely as patriarchal enslavement but also as dehumanization and theft of citizenship. Next will be the right of women to vote, then of all nonwhite persons, then the right to own property and act legally in one’s own name will be restricted to white men as it was at our founding; no matter where it begins with subversion of democracy and the equality of all human beings, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.
Women’s reproductive rights exhibit dual aspects as both an issue of liberty, our freedom to choose our own identity without coercion by the state, and as a healthcare issue, as universal free access to healthcare is a precondition of our right to life and therefore a Constitutional guarantee upon which none may legally infringe.
This is a direct attack on the idea of citizenship which is central and foundational to democracy, on the personhood and self ownership of all women, and on our values and ideals of freedom and equality.
It is a telling sign of intent that Alioto has cited as precedent the law which legalized witch burning centuries go in his opinion claiming that the right to abortion is unconstitutional, as MSN has pointed out.
Once again, unequal power has been captured and institutionalized by elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege as a fascism of weaponized faith and systemic Patriarchy.
America’s Supreme Court, now a political bureaucracy of authoritarian power and without legitimacy, and which has delegitimized all law in America and subverted our courts as instruments of repression of dissent and the carceral state, the true goal of the Fourth Reich in the capture of our institutions and systems of Justice, has outlawed the universal right of abortion and given a woman’s power over her own body to the state.
Yes, we all knew this was coming but it is a life disruptive event and a point of fracture in our history. This we must resist with mass action and legislative judo, but the forces of patriarchy and fascism are enormously against us. What happens next, if half of humankind can be dehumanized as property of the state and citizenship with our universal human rights becomes meaningless? In this moment, all is in motion and chaotic change, but this is also a chance of action and a measure of the adaptive range of our system. Patriarchy has made a move which is irredeemable and cannot be walked back, and they are exposed; its our move now.
If we want to keep our system of Justice as a guarantor of our universal human rights and of our parallel and interdependent rights as citizens, and the meaning of citizenship itself, we must reform the Supreme Court. I suggest limiting terms to that of the President who appointed each member, or limiting terms and holding a vote to elect Justices on a one citizen one vote basis so that it is no longer a political appointment.
This must be part of a Restoration of democracy which redesigns our system to guarantee majority rule. We must abolish the electoral college and the parceling of votes by state, and change to a one citizen one vote direct electoral democracy.
The blindfold of Justice has slipped, and we must restore her impartiality to divisions including those of gender and race.
As I wrote in my post of October 3 2021, Women’s March for Reproductive Rights and Freedom of Bodily Autonomy; Institutionalized sexual terror and state tyranny in the legislative assault on women’s reproductive rights and the primary freedom of bodily autonomy were challenged in a mass action yesterday throughout America, organized by the Women’s March and coordinated with the riveting testimony in Congress of three of our representatives who have had abortions, Cori Bush, Pramila Jayapal, and Barbara Lee.
There is no freedom without that of bodily autonomy.
We can triumph over this wave of theft of our liberty which seeks to redefine the relationship of individuals to the state and render citizenship meaningless if we act in solidarity with coordinated mass action and legislative process. As the Oath of the Resistance given to me in 1982 in Beirut by Jean Genet goes; “We swear our loyalty to each other, to resist and yield not, and abandon not our fellows.”
For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.
Roe v Wade: US women win abortion rights – archive, January 1973
EXCLUSIVE: Hillary Clinton's first interview on the implications of this week's Roe v. Wade news: "It is not just about a woman's right to choose. It is about much more than that."
The Handmaid’s Tale: Teaching Dystopia, Feminism, and Resistance Across Disciplines and Borders, by Karen A. Ritzenhoff (Editor, Contributor), Janis L. Goldie (Editor, Contributor)
A tide of darkness as fascist tyranny and terror has overrun us since that day one year ago as the Second Trump Regime began, devastating our institutions, values, and the idea of America as a beacon of hope for liberty to the world.
Centuries from now, with much of the earth an uninhabitable wasteland and our species barricaded into warring enclaves of prisoners toiling for the decadent elites as in Xinjiang or Auschwitz, history will remember Trump as the saboteur of democracy who began the Age of Tyrants. His successors will be horrifically worse, more terrible, unimaginably less human, and we will have opened the door for that future in failing to purge ourselves of Trump’s regime and bring down the curtain on his Theatre of Cruelty.
Unless we here in American unite to seize back the power which has been stolen from us, and act in Solidarity with a Europe which remembers the great lesson of Chamberlain’s appeasement of Hitler and says no, and a United Humankind begins to emerge.
As written by Andrew Roth in The Guardian, in an article entitled Might is right: US ‘foreign policy’ held hostage to mad king Trump’s whims; “One year into the second Trump administration, an actual US foreign policy remains just a nice idea. Instead, the world has been forced to adapt to the world according to Donald Trump: one increasingly shaped by his erratic shifts and unpredictable decisions, his fury at perceived slights and his growing desire to stamp his legacy in the model of an imperial leader from centuries past.
Think of it as the mad king’s court, where every day is a carnival.
Consider the last few days. Trump texted the Norwegian prime minister, Jonas Gahr Støre, at the weekend to tell him that because he had not been awarded the Nobel peace prize “I no longer feel an obligation to think purely of Peace, although it will always be predominant, but can now think about what is good and proper for the United States of America.” The world would not be secure “unless we have Complete and Total Control of Greenland”, he wrote.
The Danish prime minister, Mette Frederiksen, has said a US takeover of Greenland would mark the end of Nato, and the drama will continue to play out at the World Economic Forum in Davos this week. When the French president, Emmanuel Macron, sought to organise a G7 meeting and dinner to smooth over their differences, Trump leaked that conversation too.
At the same time, the US president invited Vladimir Putin to an ill-defined “board of peace” intended to oversee the transition to a lasting peace in Gaza, despite the Kremlin’s continued invasion of Ukraine that has left millions of casualties and threatened Europe’s security. Trump appears to be positioning the new group to undermine the UN, which despite its flaws has been a cornerstone of the post-second world war order that has prevented the outbreak of further global conflict. When informed that Macron may not join, Trump threatened to slap a 200% tariff on French wine and champagne.
Trump was also pictured last week grinning broadly as the Venezuelan opposition leader María Corina Machado presented him with her Nobel peace prize medal. After considerable pressure, the award was handed over as tribute. “Does President Trump not realize he looks kind of silly taking that prize from her as she tries to basically suck up to him?” said Mark Warner, the top-ranking Democrat on the Senate’s select committee on intelligence.
It has been, to paraphrase Lenin, the weeks when decades happen.
World leaders may previously have felt that they could manage the Trump administration’s frenetic focus by slowing down his demands on Ukraine, Nato spending or Gaza. But it now appears primed to ignore its allies and shake up the world order – perhaps mindful that with one year already passed in the White House, Trump only has three years left and faces painful midterm elections later this year.
“What you see now is simply just everything could be justified in pure power terms, and that’s very new for the United States … that’s not really something we’ve done for the last 80 years,” said Max Bergmann, the director of the Europe, Russia, and Eurasia programme at the Stuart Center in Euro-Atlantic and Northern European Studies, part of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington DC.
“Now what we have is America just acting willy-nilly. We’re acting like Russia,” he said. “And I think that that is what the world is sort of awoken to … That here is a 19th-century America that wants to operate along imperial lines, the way the world operated in the late 19th century.”
Facing resistance to his efforts to rewrite electoral laws and deploy the national guard and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers at home, Trump has turned towards the world stage as a salve.
He has claimed to have “solved” six, and then seven – and then eight wars, more than any other president, despite the dubious nature of many of the “peace processes” concerned. His anger at being overlooked for the Nobel peace prize, which was famously given to his nemesis, Barack Obama, shortly after the Democratic president’s election in 2009, has also driven a quest for global recognition that has played out in tragicomic terms.
“For the president, the question of legacy is important, which is why we’ve seen so much foreign policy activity in this term, unlike the first,” said Kristine Berzina, the senior fellow for US defence and transatlantic security at the German Marshall Fund. “Efforts at peace, efforts at regime change and efforts at territorial acquisition are all part of a notion of legacy. And there isn’t that much time.”
Trump had a busy year in foreign policy in 2025, capped in January this year by the capture and rendition of the Venezuelan strongman, Nicolás Maduro in a legally dubious raid that Trump presents as a signature foreign policy victory. He brokered a shaky and incomplete peace in Gaza, largely by giving Israel carte blanche, but it is now unclear how to make good on his plan to disarm Hamas. He bombed nuclear sites in Iran during Israel’s brief war with Tehran, and targeted Houthi rebels in Yemen in a campaign seen as ineffective.
He successfully pushed Nato allies to increase defence spending while bringing relations with European capitals to the breaking point over tariffs, his Ukraine policy and his claims that Europeans are stifling free speech and enabling mass migration. His advisers harangued Ukrainian leaders, he cosied up to foreign dictators and announced surprise tariffs that have unsettled world markets.
All of that has been done virtually ad hoc. Strategy in Washington is not hammered out through policy memos or inter-agency meetings. Key foreign policy decisions have been increasingly mediated by a group of five, including Trump’s vice-president, JD Vance; his secretary of state, Marco Rubio; his powerful deputy chief of staff, Stephen Miller; his envoy Steve Witkoff and his chief of staff, Susie Wiles.
Despite different priorities, those figures have found common cause on key decisions – in Venezuela, Rubio’s focus on leftwing regimes fuelled by his Cuban heritage coincided with Miller’s obsessive focus on combating immigration to the US and Vance’s interest in countering Chinese influence in Latin America.
In Greenland, Vance, an outspoken critic of Europe, has seen a chance to further undermine the transatlantic relationship and set European leaders on edge when he joined Rubio to receive the foreign ministers of Denmark and Greenland last week. But Trump’s ultimate goal is to put his name in the history books.
“Greenland for the sake of territory, Greenland for the sake of how you transform a map, Greenland for a sake of legacy,” said Berzina. “Those are the primary objectives.”
In Trump’s world there are winners and losers, bullies and the bullied. The only US foreign policy now is one of might makes right, and Trump and his allies have made clear that in their worldview geopolitics is a zero-sum game.
Given that conflict in the Arctic was likely in the future, his treasury secretary, Scott Bessent, mused: “Better now peace through strength, make it part of the United States, and there will not be a conflict because the United States right now, we are the hottest country in the world. We are the strongest country in the world. Europeans project weakness. US projects strength.”
In May last year, Trump accepted a UK plan to return the Chagos Islands, an archipelago in the Indian Ocean, to Mauritius – and Rubio praised the deal, saying Trump had told Keir Starmer it was a “monumental achievement” that they would maintain access to a US-UK base on Diego Garcia. A year later, Trump posted that it was an “act of GREAT STUPIDITY” and one of his many reasons for demanding the handover of Greenland.
In Trump’s new world order, all agreements and alliances can find themselves hostage to the whims of the moment.
“These are International Powers who only recognise STRENGTH, which is why the United States of America, under my leadership, is now, after only one year, respected like never before,” he wrote.”
So unfolded the disaster of the year one of the Second Trump regime as he did everything possible to sabotage democracy throughout the world. But just now, at Davos, Europe called his bluff, and as always Trump blinked, ran scared, and ate his words of imperial conquest and dominion in the invasion of Greenland.
As the Davos summit was reported by the historian of current events Heather Cox Richardson; “World leaders are gathered at the World Economic Forum annual meeting in Davos, Switzerland, which is taking place from January 19 to January 23. Trump is scheduled to go to the meeting in person for the first time since 2020, although now, with him still in the U.S., his social media account has been posting wildly.
Just after midnight, the account posted that Trump had “a very good telephone call with Mark Rutte, the Secretary General of NATO, concerning Greenland. I agreed to a meeting of the various parties in Davos, Switzerland. As I expressed to everyone, very plainly, Greenland is imperative for National and World Security. There can be no going back—On that, everyone agrees!” Shortly after, the account posted an AI image of world leaders sitting in front of Trump’s desk in the Oval Office with a large picture of North America entirely covered with stars and stripes to indicate American ownership—including Canada, as well as Greenland. The flag also covers Venezuela.
Then the account posted an image of Trump with Vice President J.D. Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio next to him as he stands on what looks to be an arctic landscape, holding a U.S. flag waving above a sign that reads: “GREENLAND—US TERRITORY EST. 2026.”
Later on, it would post private text messages to Trump from Rutte and French president Emmanuel Macron, mocking their attempts at diplomacy, and repost a message reading: “at what point are we going to realize the enemy is within [angry emoji]. China and Russia are the bogeymen when the real threat is the U.N., NATO, and [Islam].”
And then the account posted: “No single person, or President, has done more for NATO than President Donald J. Trump. If I didn’t come along there would be no NATO right now!!! It would have been in the ash heap of History. Sad, but TRUE!!! President DJT” Trump’s threats against Greenland and his promise to hit Europe with high tariffs if governments there don’t support his seizure of Greenland drove the U.S. stock market sharply downward today. The Dow Jones Industrial Average dropped 870.74 points (1.76%), the S&P 500 was down 2.06%, and the Nasdaq Composite fell 2.39%, the worst day for all three of these major indexes since October.
Yesterday Tom Fairless of the Wall Street Journal reported that, contrary to Trump’s repeated assertions, U.S. consumers and importers—not foreign countries—are the ones who have paid for Trump’s tariff war. The Kiel Institute for the World Economy, a German think tank, echoed the findings of Yale and Harvard Business School economists, confirming that American consumers and importers have absorbed 96% of the cost of Trump’s tariffs.
Trump’s threats against Europe are an entirely different kettle of fish, for as Konrad Putzier, Chao Deng, and Sam Goldfarb of the Wall Street Journal explain, the European Union is the biggest trading partner of the U.S., its largest investor, and its closest financial ally. European leaders are discussing whether to retaliate against the U.S. using the EU’S Anti-Coercion Instrument, nicknamed “the Bazooka,” which can restrict imports and exports to any country trying to coerce an EU member and can limit U.S. investment there.
In The Atlantic on January 18, Robert Kagan wrote that “Americans are entering the most dangerous world they have known since World War II” and warned they “are neither materially nor psychologically ready for this future. For eight decades, they have inhabited a liberal international order shaped by America’s predominant strength” and “have grown accustomed to the world operating in a certain way.”
European and Asian allies have cooperated with the U.S. on both defense and trade, while the power of those alliances has prevented serious challenges to that order. Global trade has generally been free, and oceans have been safe for travel both by humans and container ships. Nuclear weapons have been limited by international agreement. “Americans are so accustomed to this basically peaceful, prosperous, and open world that they tend to think it is the normal state of international affairs, likely to continue indefinitely,” Kagan wrote. “They can’t imagine it unraveling, much less what that unraveling will mean for them.”
In Davos today, Canada’s prime minister, Mark Carney, told the world, “We are in the midst of a rupture.” The rules-based international order is no longer an automatic route to prosperity and security, he said, as the world’s most powerful nations now use that system’s economic integration to coerce other countries.
In its place, Carney offered a different vision than the “world of fortresses” made up of major powers with spheres of influence that Trump and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin are trying to build.
If “middle powers” pursue a system he called “variable geometry,” he said, they can rebalance the world and help solve global problems while still building strength at home. His vision is a version of the “diplomatic variable geometry” of former U.S. secretary of state Antony Blinken, but Carney’s vision decenters the U.S., noting that middle powers must work together to be at the table to avoid being on the menu. Under a system of variable geometry, countries can develop infrastructure and trade at home, strengthening their own nations, while negotiating new international agreements, as Canada has done recently with China, Qatar, India, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Thailand, the Philippines, and Mercosur, a South American trade bloc made up of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay.
But for international affairs, variable geometry means creating international “coalitions for different issues based on common values and interests,” “coalitions that work issue by issue with partners who share enough common ground to act together. In some cases, this will be the vast majority of nations. What it’s doing is creating a dense web of connections across trade, investment, culture on which we can draw for future challenges and opportunities.”
“We know the old order is not coming back,” Carney said. “We shouldn’t mourn it. Nostalgia is not a strategy, but we believe that from the fracture we can build something bigger, better, stronger, more just. This is the task of the middle powers, the countries that have the most to lose from a world of fortresses and the most to gain from genuine cooperation.”
Canada’s Mark Carney rallied the free world as its leadership slipped from Trump’s grasp, and with it the post World War Two Pax Americana of global dominion and hegemony, in a historic speech published in full by The Guardian, in an article entitled ‘The powerful have their power. We have the capacity to stop pretending’: the Canadian PM’s call to action at Davos: In a rousing speech, Mark Carney made the case for unity in the face of Donald Trump’s new world order. We reproduce it here; “Today I will talk about a rupture in the world order, the end of a pleasant fiction and the beginning of a harsh reality, where geopolitics – where the large, main power, geopolitics – is submitted to no limits, no constraints.
On the other hand, I would like to tell you that the other countries, especially intermediate powers like Canada, are not powerless. They have the capacity to build a new order that encompasses our values, such as respect for human rights, sustainable development, solidarity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the various states.
The power of the less powerful starts with honesty.
It seems that every day we’re reminded that we live in an era of great-power rivalry, that the rules-based order is fading, that the strong can do what they can, and the weak must suffer what they must. This aphorism of Thucydides is presented as inevitable, as the natural logic of international relations reasserting itself. And faced with this logic, there is a strong tendency for countries to go along to get along, to accommodate, to avoid trouble, to hope that compliance will buy safety.
Well, it won’t. So, what are our options?
In 1978, the Czech dissident Václav Havel, later president, wrote an essay called The Power of the Powerless, and in it, he asked a simple question: how did the communist system sustain itself?
And his answer began with a greengrocer.
Every morning, this shopkeeper places a sign in his window: “Workers of the world unite.” He doesn’t believe it – no one does – but he places a sign anyway to avoid trouble, to signal compliance, to get along. And because every shopkeeper on every street does the same, the system persists – not through violence alone, but through the participation of ordinary people in rituals they privately know to be false.
Havel called this “living within a lie”.
The system’s power comes not from its truth, but from everyone’s willingness to perform as if it were true, and its fragility comes from the same source. When even one person stops performing, when the greengrocer removes his sign, the illusion begins to crack. Friends, it is time for companies and countries to take their signs down.
For decades, countries like Canada prospered under what we called the rules-based international order. We joined its institutions, we praised its principles, we benefited from its predictability. And because of that, we could pursue values-based foreign policies under its protection.
We knew the story of the international rules-based order was partially false, that the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient, that trade rules were enforced asymmetrically. And we knew that international law applied with varying rigour, depending on the identity of the accused or the victim.
This fiction was useful, and American hegemony, in particular, helped provide public goods, open sea lanes, a stable financial system, collective security and support for frameworks for resolving disputes. So we placed the sign in the window. We participated in the rituals, and we largely avoided calling out the gaps between rhetoric and reality.
This bargain no longer works. Let me be direct. We are in the midst of a rupture, not a transition.
Over the past two decades, a series of crises in finance, health, energy and geopolitics have laid bare the risks of extreme global integration. But more recently, great powers have begun using economic integration as weapons, tariffs as leverage, financial infrastructure as coercion, supply chains as vulnerabilities to be exploited. You cannot live within the lie of mutual benefit through integration, when integration becomes the source of your subordination.
The multilateral institutions on which the middle powers have relied – the WTO, the UN, the Cop, the architecture, the very architecture of collective problem-solving – are under threat. And as a result, many countries are drawing the same conclusions that they must develop greater strategic autonomy, in energy, food, critical minerals, in finance and supply chains. And this impulse is understandable. A country that can’t feed itself, fuel itself or defend itself, has few options. When the rules no longer protect you, you must protect yourself.
But let’s be clear-eyed about where this leads.
A world of fortresses will be poorer, more fragile and less sustainable. And there is another truth. If great powers abandon even the pretence of rules and values for the unhindered pursuit of their power and interests, the gains from transactionalism will become harder to replicate.
Hegemons cannot continually monetise their relationships. Allies will diversify to hedge against uncertainty. They’ll buy insurance, increase options in order to rebuild sovereignty – sovereignty that was once grounded in rules, but will increasingly be anchored in the ability to withstand pressure.
This room knows this is classic risk management. Risk management comes at a price, but that cost of strategic autonomy, of sovereignty can also be shared. Collective investments in resilience are cheaper than everyone building their own fortresses. Shared standards reduce fragmentations. Complementarities are positive-sum. And the question for middle powers like Canada is not whether to adapt to the new reality – we must. The question is whether we adapt by simply building higher walls, or whether we can do something more ambitious.
Now Canada was among the first to hear the wake-up call, leading us to fundamentally shift our strategic posture. Canadians know that our old comfortable assumptions that our geography and alliance memberships automatically conferred prosperity and security – that assumption is no longer valid. And our new approach rests on what Alexander Stubb, the president of Finland, has termed “value-based realism”.
Or, to put another way, we aim to be both principled and pragmatic – principled in our commitment to fundamental values, sovereignty, territorial integrity, the prohibition of the use of force (except when consistent with the UN charter), and respect for human rights; and pragmatic and recognising that progress is often incremental, that interests diverge, that not every partner will share all of our values.
So, we’re engaging broadly, strategically with open eyes. We actively take on the world as it is, not wait around for a world we wish to be. We are calibrating our relationships, so their depth reflects our values, and we’re prioritising broad engagement to maximise our influence, and given the fluidity of the world at the moment, the risks that this poses and the stakes for what comes next.
And we are no longer just relying on the strength of our values, but also the value of our strength.
We are building that strength at home.
Since my government took office, we have cut taxes on incomes, on capital gains and business investment. We have removed all federal barriers to interprovincial trade. We are fast-tracking a trillion dollars of investments in energy, AI, critical minerals, new trade corridors and beyond. We’re doubling our defence spending by the end of this decade, and we’re doing so in ways that build our domestic industries.
And we are rapidly diversifying abroad. We have agreed a comprehensive strategic partnership with the EU, including joining Safe, the European defence procurement arrangements. We have signed 12 other trade and security deals on four continents in six months. The past few days, we’ve concluded new strategic partnerships with China and Qatar. We’re negotiating free-trade pacts with India, Asean, Thailand, the Philippines and Mercosur.
We’re doing something else. To help solve global problems, we’re pursuing variable geometry – in other words, different coalitions for different issues based on common values and interests. So, on Ukraine, we’re a core member of the coalition of the willing and one of the largest per capita contributors to its defence and security.
On Arctic sovereignty, we stand firmly with Greenland and Denmark, and fully support their unique right to determine Greenland’s future.
Our commitment to Nato’s article 5 is unwavering, so we’re working with our Nato allies, including the Nordic-Baltic eight, to further secure the alliance’s northern and western flanks, including through Canada’s unprecedented investments in over-the-horizon radar, in submarines, in aircraft and boots on the ground, boots on the ice.
Canada strongly opposes tariffs over Greenland and calls for focused talks to achieve our shared objectives of security and prosperity in the Arctic.
On plurilateral trade, we’re championing efforts to build a bridge between the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the EU, which would create a new trading bloc of 1.5 billion people. On critical minerals, we’re forming buyers’ clubs anchored in the G7, so the world can diversify away from concentrated supply. And on AI, we’re cooperating with like-minded democracies to ensure that we won’t ultimately be forced to choose between hegemons and hyper-scalers.
This is not naive multilateralism, nor is it relying on their institutions. It’s building coalitions that work – issues by issue, with partners who share enough common ground to act together. In some cases, this will be the vast majority of nations. What it’s doing is creating a dense web of connections across trade, investment, culture, on which we can draw for future challenges and opportunities.
The middle powers must act together, because if we’re not at the table, we’re on the menu. But I’d also say that great powers, great powers can afford, for now, to go it alone. They have the market size, the military capacity and the leverage to dictate terms. Middle powers do not.
But when we only negotiate bilaterally with a hegemon, we negotiate from weakness. We accept what’s offered. We compete with each other to be the most accommodating. This is not sovereignty. It’s the performance of sovereignty while accepting subordination. In a world of great power rivalry, the countries in between have a choice – compete with each other for favour, or combine to create a third path with impact.
We shouldn’t allow the rise of hard power to blind us to the fact that the power of legitimacy, integrity and rules will remain strong, if we choose to wield them together – which brings me back to Havel.
What does it mean for middle powers to live the truth?
First, it means naming reality. Stop invoking a rules-based international order as though it still functions as advertised. Call it what it is – a system of intensifying great power rivalry, where the most powerful pursue their interests, using economic integration as coercion.
It means acting consistently, applying the same standards to allies and rivals. When middle powers criticise economic intimidation from one direction, but stay silent when it comes from another, we are keeping the sign in the window.
It means building what we claim to believe in, rather than waiting for the old order to be restored. It means creating institutions and agreements that function as described. And it means reducing the leverage that enables coercion – that’s building a strong domestic economy. It should be every government’s immediate priority.
And diversification internationally is not just economic prudence, it’s a material foundation for honest foreign policy, because countries earn the right to principled stands by reducing their vulnerability to retaliation.
So – Canada. Canada has what the world wants. We are an energy superpower. We hold vast reserves of critical minerals. We have the most educated population in the world. Our pension funds are among the world’s largest and most sophisticated investors. In other words, we have capital, talent … we also have a government with immense fiscal capacity to act decisively. And we have the values to which many others aspire.
Canada is a pluralistic society that works. Our public square is loud, diverse and free. Canadians remain committed to sustainability. We are a stable and reliable partner in a world that is anything but. A partner that builds and values relationships for the long term.
And we have something else. We have a recognition of what’s happening and a determination to act accordingly. We understand that this rupture calls for more than adaptation. It calls for honesty about the world as it is.
We are taking the sign out of the window. We know the old order is not coming back. We shouldn’t mourn it. Nostalgia is not a strategy, but we believe that from the fracture, we can build something bigger, better, stronger, more just. This is the task of the middle powers, the countries that have the most to lose from a world of fortresses and most to gain from genuine cooperation.
The powerful have their power. But we have something, too – the capacity to stop pretending, to name reality, to build our strength at home and to act together.
That is Canada’s path. We choose it openly and confidently, and it is a path wide open to any country willing to take it with us.”
As I wrote in my post of January 21 2025, Horror On Opening Night As Deranged Idiot Clown Show Returns to White House; Depravities, violations, sadism, monstrosity; the horrors of opening night spew forth from the diseased and rotting mind of Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, Rapist In Chief of a fallen America as our deranged idiot mascot of fascism and theocracy returns to the White House with his Theatre of Cruelty.
Elon Musk’s Nazi salutes typify the minions of the Clown and will be remembered forever as a symbol of the Party of Treason and the Deplorables who voted it into power, who slavering and ululating with mindless abandon cheer him on to greater performances of the grotesque and the bizarre.
After preening before the crowd and dropping his pants so that various wellwishers could kiss his grublike white butt, Trump grinned, leered, grunted like a pig and hopped up on a table to squat and excrete a mass of Executive Orders which like Thing One and Thing Two immediately set about creating chaos.
Then he summoned one of the migrant children he had stolen from their parents, cleverly tied up Shibari style and prodded along by handlers in KKK hoods with fireplace pokers, who made their prisoner jump through hoops like lion tamers to resounding applause. “Here’s my very first Executive Order, ladies and gentlemen; we’re going to round up all the migrants, only the ones who aren’t white mind you, just so nobody worries that we’re treating people unfairly because they’re not people, and we’re selling the bond of their labor on an open exchange so you can all buy some, everyone can buy some slaves, and you can do anything you want with them, anything at all, because I said so just now, and it doesn’t matter anyway because only our kind are really truly human. And you can forget about legal and illegal immigrants, or if they were born here or not, because it’s the bad blood I’m worried about and not what it says on paper, we’re just starting with the immigrants but don’t worry, we’ll get to the rest of them eventually”.
And the crowd laughed and threw money, which Trump snapped out of the air like a dog catching treats.
As written by Martin Pengelly in The Guardian, in an article entitled Trump returns to White House and unleashes barrage of executive orders; “Donald Trump launched his second term as US president with a barrage of executive orders reaching into broad swathes of American life, from pardoning hundreds of supporters who attacked Congress on January 6, including rightwing extremists convicted of seditious conspiracy, to rolling back LGBTQ+ rights and environmental rules while declaring an immigration emergency on the southern border.
Trump and his allies had long promised a “shock and awe” approach. They did not hold back.
The first round of orders were signed on stage at the Capital One Arena in downtown Washington, where the inaugural parade was moved to avoid freezing temperatures outside. Many more orders were signed in the Oval Office.
Among measures signed on stage to cheers from a raucous crowd was an order for the US to withdraw from the Paris climate accord, a step Trump took in his first term before Joe Biden recommitted the US to that attempt to tackle the climate crisis.
He signed a slew of other high-profile orders.
Among them was an order for the US to withdraw from the World Health Organization. On immigration, Trump declared a national emergency at the US-Mexico border; designated criminal cartels as “foreign terrorist organizations”; and redefined birthright citizenship, a move against children of undocumented migrants born on US soil that contravenes the 14th amendment to the US constitution, which guarantees citizenship to anyone born on American soil.
Other measures included making federal workers easier to fire; a recision of 78 Biden-era measures; a federal regulatory freeze; a freeze on all federal hiring except in the military and some other categories; and a requirement that federal workers return to full-time in-person work. Trump directed every department of government “to address the cost of living crisis”, and issued directives “preventing government censorship” and ordering the end of the “weaponization of the government against the adversaries of the previous administration”.
Trump rescinded Biden’s removal of Cuba’s designation as a state sponsor of terrorism, announced just last week, and removed Biden-era sanctions on Israeli settlers and entities in the West Bank. He told reporters he would impose tariffs on Canada and Mexico from 1 February.
Back in the flow of invective, untruths and orders, Trump signed an measure “unleashing Alaska’s energy potential for the entire nation”, related to his promise to focus on fossil fuels and “drill, baby, drill.” He also signed a declaration of a “national energy emergency”.
He reversed a Biden order that sought to reduce the use of private prisons. He signed an order “protecting women against radical gender ideologies”.
He signed an order delaying the federal ban on TikTok, the Chinese-owned social media app, as mandated by a law passed last year.
His national emergency at the southern border, he said, would halt “all illegal entry… [and] begin the process of returning millions and millions of criminal aliens back to the places from which they came.”
Trump promised to “send troops to the southern border to repel the disastrous invasion of our country”, adding: “By invoking the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 I will direct our government to use the full and immense power of federal and state law enforcement to eliminate the presence of all foreign gangs and criminal networks bringing devastating crime to US soil, including our cities and inner cities.”
Shifting to domestic policy, Trump said he would “end the Green New Deal” – a name for progressive environmental goals, rather than laws passed under Biden – and moved to end government support for electric vehicles.
Trump promised an External Revenue Service, to “tariff and tax foreign countries to enrich our citizens”; and established the “department of government efficiency”, a cost-cutting effort championed by the tech billionaire Elon Musk, a key ally and donor. The project is already the subject of legal challenges. At the arena, Musk appeared to give two fascist salutes.
Trump ordered the renaming of the Gulf of Mexico, as the Gulf of America, and Denali, as Mount McKinley. He vowed to “take back” the Panama Canal and to “launch American astronauts to plant the Stars and Stripes on the planet Mars”.”
What madness and evil may together do, we may expect of future performances of the Theatre of Cruelty by the psychopathic fascist clown now at the helm of our nation.
As I wrote in my post of July 8 2020, Our Clown of Terror: The Madness of Donald Trump; We now have two revelatory and electrifying exposes of the secret world of Trump’s psyche and intimate sphere of action from insider whistleblowers, which together form a portrait of America’s President not unlike that of Dorian Gray, a horrific monster and predator who moves among us concealed beneath a human mask by the sorcery of lies and illusions.
In this Mary Trump and John Bolton have done a great service to the witness of history and to our nation and all humankind as the fate of democracy and civilization hangs in the balance. Their books will be primary texts in any future civics and political history studies, unless of course Trump is given free rein by our citizen electorate to sabotage democracy in the cause of white supremacy and patriarchy.
While we await to discover whether the people will authorize the theft of their liberty by a state of force and control in abject submission to tyranny and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, or arise in resistance like a phoenix from the flames, The Guardian has thoughtfully clarified our choices by providing a precis of the exposes.
Too Much and Never Enough: How My Family Created the World’s Most Dangerous Man by Mary Trump includes the following insights; “1 Trump allegedly paid someone to take his high school exams, 2 Trump praised his own niece’s breasts, 3 Donald Trump’s sister appears to be a key source, 4 Mary Trump spoke to the New York Times about Trump family taxes, 5 Trump told Melania that Mary Trump took drugs, 6 Trump Christmases could be tough, 7 Jared Kushner’s father didn’t think Ivanka was good enough, 8 Trump’s character was shaped by ‘child abuse’.”
The Room Where It Happened by John Bolton includes these revelations; “1 Trump pleaded with China to help win the 2020 election, 2 Trump suggested he was open to serving more than two terms, 3 Trump offered favors to authoritarian leaders, 4 Trump praised Xi for China’s internment camps, 5 Trump defended Saudi Arabia to distract from a story about Ivanka, 6 Trump’s top staff mocked him behind his back, 7 Trump thought Finland was part of Russia, 8 Trump thought it would be ‘cool’ to invade Venezuela.”
My own opinion is that any understanding of the motives and likely actions of Trump rests with the two great shaping forces of his life; the etiology of his narcissism and psychopathy as a survivor of child abuse, and the influence of his primary model Roy Cohn, wonderfully depicted in the HBO documentary The Story of Roy Cohn as well as Tony Kushner’s luminous Angels in America.
As I wrote in my post of August 7 2019 Psychopathy and the Nature of Evil: the Parallel Cases of Donald Trump and Adolf Hitler; How are monsters created, and how does evil arise as a shaping force which grants them the power to change the topography of human souls and the course of history?
While sorting through Trump’s tweets and speeches by keyword looking for answers, I was reminded of another such project, the now-classic study of Adolf Hitler from his speeches and writings, The Psychopathic God by Robert G. L. Waite, which I read enthusiastically the year of its publication while a junior in high school. I had just finished reading Jerzy Kosinski’s novel The Painted Bird, which led me to an interest in the origins and consequences of evil, the route by which I developed a serious interest in psychology and its intersections with history, philosophy, and literature.
The parallels between Hitler and Trump are amazing and instructive, both in terms of the personal and political origins, shaping forces, and consequences of madness and evil.
Dr Justin Frank’s book Trump on the Couch is an excellent resource, particularly illuminating on Trump’s erotic relationship with his daughter, the fantasies of violence and power which are rooted in his childhood relationship with his tyrannical and abusive father, and his inability to love or empathize with others as a result of his abandonment by his mother.
Pathological lies, poor impulse control, and grandiose fantasies and delusions complete the picture of a narcissistic personality and psychopathic predator.
I’ve said it as a joke, but its quite true; how do you spell Trump? Treason, Racism, Untruth, Misogyny, Predator.
Actually, Donald Trump is very easy to understand, because literature provides a ready portrait of him in Frankenstein’s monster, which I have described in my celebration of Mary Shelly and her luminous novel as the figure of an abandoned and tormented child, a vessel of rage and vengeance, with the merciless iron will to enact subjugation of others in their turn, terrible and pathetic and with the grandeur of a tortured defiant beast trapped in the same flesh as the innocent who needs to be loved and cannot understand why he seems monstrous to others.
How Trump’s particular madness is expressed in our national policy is a horror which can described with precision; his fear of contamination and faecal fixation translate into his signature campaign against nonwhite others and a policy of ethnic cleansing and racist state terror, his misogyny into a patriarchal wave of legal disempowerment of women’s reproductive rights, his fragile ego, identity confusion, and need for attention into a governance of Nuremburg-like rallies, the cultivation of despicable autocrats, and the obsessive vengeance against anyone who refuses to offer adoration and submission.
Above all what unites Trump and Hitler as parallel figures and historical forces is the theory of politics as theatre of cruelty and government as performance art.
As written in my post of October 28 2019, Trump and al-Baghdadi: parallel lives and reflections; As the world celebrates the death of al-Baghdadi, both tyrant and monster, and Trump claims credit in this the sole victory of his administration, as if for the trophy head of some dangerous beast shot by a guide while enjoying cocktails at the hunting camp, it may be interesting to compare the parallel lives, methods, and goals of Trump and al-Baghdadi.
Both Trump and al-Baghdadi are megalomaniacs and psychopaths who seized power through manipulation of those who perceived themselves as victims and readily dehumanized others to change their status, using disruption of norms and a reimagination of reality through lies and misdirects to shape history, and enacted regimes of state terror and campaigns of religious and ethnic cleansing and of patriarchal misogyny and sexual violence against women.
Trump cannot distinguish truth from lies and delusions; his madness and childlike feeble mindedness, the tantrums and psychotic rages, the bullying and narcissism of a spoiled brat, does not however absolve him of responsibility for his actions, or those of the treasonous cabal of sex predators and fascists he has gathered around him.
Trump claims to have killed his dark reflection and shadow self by his spurious arrogation of a victory won by our intelligence and military services; but history will always see this second face behind his mask, a secret twin he bears into eternity, a face of power and twisted desires unrestrained by the laws and values of a democratic civilization and a free society of equals: the face of Trump’s heart of darkness, al-Baghdadi.
Also out of order per a timeline but next in thematic rank, October 19 2019, Trump the predator exposed in All the President’s Women; How do you spell Trump? Treason. Racism. Untruth. Misogyny. Predator.
Hey Republicans, thanks for showing us what’s under your masks.
You know, I can understand how the Fourth Reich conspiracy of Gideonite fundamentalist patriarchs, Nazi-Klan white supremacists, and their plutocrat and foreign puppetmasters might claim the first four parts of the Trump program of subversion of democracy with defiant pride amongst themselves, but that last one baffles me. Its as if the whole Republican Party decided to adopt a new nickname on their first day of prison, and started introducing themselves as Short Eyes.
Its all recounted in horrific detail in All The President’s Women: Donald Trump and the Making of a Predator by Barry Levine & Monique El-Faizy; the casual sexual assaults committed in an arrogance of power and privilege which echoes the aristocratic Right of Seigneur, perversions of cruelty and ownership of others as a form of dominion which are extensions of his psychopathy, and among the most terrible signs of his inhumanity and amorality his acquisition of a beauty pageant monopoly for the purpose of access to underage girls.
Trump’s whole life purpose and goal is to perv Miss America. Republicans, are you really going to claim that legacy as your own? Are the rest of us going to let it go unchallenged?
Let us unite together in this purpose; to restore the honor and morality of America, and vote Trump out of our government.”
And as I wrote on September 13 2019, Trump’s foreign policy: sabotage of America’s global hegemony of power and privilege; “After three years of idiocy and madness, pathological lies and perversions, what is the legacy of Trump and his monkeywrenching of America?
Childstealing and whatever Trump and his Epstein buddies did which required the disappearance of witnesses and hundreds of missing migrant children.
Use of white supremacist terrorists as deniable assets to enable the theft of our freedoms and the transformation of our democracy into a police state of totalitarian force and surveillance.
Campaigns of racist ethnic cleansing and genocide against nonwhite immigrants and Muslims.
I could go on, but what is the point? What norms and values of America have Trump and the Republicans not violated? In domestic policy the Trump administration has been a disaster it will take a generation to recover from, if America survives at all.
As regards foreign policy, Trump has alienated our allies and emboldened our enemies, damaged our credibility and poisoned our diplomatic relations.
We have surrendered our ideals and our leadership of the world as its primary guarantor of democracy and human rights, and won nothing in return. I’m surprised anyone accepts our money; certainly the words of our President are meaningless and worth nothing.
In my post of September 16 2019, Trump’s New World Order: madness and tyranny; “ In a brilliant thumbnail analysis of Trump’s impact on the state of the world in terms of foreign policy, Simon Tisdall writing in The Guardian describes his policy of vacuous sound bites, staged publicity images, the diplomacy of a man totally ignorant of human relationships beyond the golf course and of any strategy of action to achieve goals other than grabbing the world by the crotch and hanging on while gobbling and ululating meaningless bestial sounds as if negotiating for slops in a hog trough.
Trump has discovered it’s not as easy to rape nations as it is to corner little girls in the dressing room of a beauty pageant, or even an adult one at Bloomingdales.
Not if we unite together in Resistance.
America now has a common cause with many nations of the world in overcoming fascist tyranny and rescuing democracy and the rule of law, of defeating the imperial conquest and subjugation of the earth by Trump and other figureheads of the Fourth Reich, and in the liberation of humankind and the restoration of the sovereignty of citizens.
And finally, herein is the text of my post in celebration of the start of the Impeachment process on September 24 2019, America rediscovers its values: the impeachment of Pennywise; ”Jubilation in the streets as America rediscovers its values and begins the impeachment of Pennywise, demonic clown and cannibalistic monster who dwells beneath the human face of Trump, a mask of flesh stolen from the abducted and enslaved women in the brothels his grandfather built the Trump family fortune on during the Alaska Gold Rush, and who today carries forward the legacy of terror and misogyny he was raised with, whose election should be de-certified as the coup of a foreign power and whose Presidency has no legitimacy.
History will remember Trump as the standard bearer of the global Fourth Reich and its assault on democracy, stealer of children for his vile and twisted purposes, author of genocidal ethnic cleansing and builder of concentration camps, pathological liar and ignorant fool, whose alliance of xenophobic racists and white supremacists, Christian Identity fanatics and other Gideonite fundamentalists who dream of the restoration of the Patriarchy under medieval Biblical law as a tyranny of the Elect, and amoral Plutocrats out to loot America for all the wealth they can send offshore while sabotaging our economy and driving our nation into collapse, thereby removing the major guarantor of freedom and human rights in the world and opening everything to exploitation.
A full accounting of the treasons and crimes of Trump and his Republican conspirators would fill a thousand pages and more, would roll on like the endless night litany of the death of God during an Orthodox Easter service; but this is the moment of its end, wherein the chanting turns to rapture and joy at the break of dawn, for Nancy Pelosi and the power brokers of the Democratic Party have rummaged around in Pandora’s Box and found at last our hope, calling for impeachment and the restoration of the rule of law just at the point of no return, before the legitimacy of our government and the values on which it is built, freedom, equality, truth, and justice, are forever lost and America falls to fascism and tyranny, and with it the world descends into a second Dark Age.
It took a millennia to emerge from the last one; civilization may not be recoverable again, should it fall under conditions of fascism and totalitarian regimes of absolute state power and surveillance, war, ethnostates and genocides, and unbridled extractive plunder of the earth. And this we must resist.
Therefore celebrate with me the call for impeachment, and prepare ourselves for the great struggle ahead to make it real, to reawaken America’s values and to save democracy and universal human rights throughout the world.
We Enter Now the Wilderness of Mirrors:
The Psychedelic Puppets String Theory Gang and the Cyberdelic Dream Pen
‘Nostalgia is not a strategy’: Mark Carney is emerging as the unflinching realist ready to tackle Trump: n a speech at Davos, written by Carney himself, the Canadian prime minister laid out his doctrine for a world of fractured international norms