April 17 2024 India’s Elections Begin

      India’s month long electoral festival of democracy soon begins, in which both the resilience and fragility of democratic systems and societies will be on display, for Modi has imprisoned his viable opposition and has flooded films and other media with state propaganda. His objective, like that of Trump here in America, is the subversion of democracy and rulership as a tyrant, and both weaponize theocratic authority and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil in service to power.  

       Despair not, for there are signs of hope that change is possible in India, and with it as in America the Restoration of Democracy from capture by fascist tyranny.

       First and most hopeful is the wave of mass protests which erupted four years ago as an urban front allied with the rural Maoist insurgency which controls a third of India and as a class war and revolutionary struggle against caste  

       As I wrote in my post of February 25 2020, India Erupts in Riot and Revolution as Protests Against Trump’s Visit Become a Nationwide Street Fight Against Modi’s Fascism of Race and Faith; Protests against Trump and Modi’s Nuremberg Rally became riots, open street fighting in Delhi against the government’s thugs, and then a nationwide revolution of the poor and those excluded and othered on the basis of race and faith against Modi’s fascist state, but also a classic struggle against plutocracy, semifeudal oligarchic looting and enslavement of eighty percent of the people by the wealthiest and most privileged two percent. Just as in so many nations throughout the world, hope is reborn as the old order collapses and a new society begins to emerge.

     India awakes, and begins to throw off her chains. For this we owe a nod to Trump, whose personally odious and reprehensible inhumanity brought legions of ordinary Indians into the streets in every major city, who see in his support of Modi’s boundless barbarism and tyranny a threat of foreign intervention and the subversion of India’s independence, as well as the threat of reinforcement and codification which international recognition of Hindu Nationalism as a legitimate government would bring.

      All this occurs against a background of unrestrained plutocratic looting of India’s resources, a majority living in extreme poverty and feudalistic slavery, and the long game of the Naxalite Maoist insurgency which today controls a third of rural India. Class war has riven the nation and erupted everywhere in its cities today; predictable when most people are starving, without clean water or any healthcare, are worked mercilessly and are without hope.

     As Jean Genet said to me when he swore me to the Oath of the Resistance in Beirut 1982 during the Israeli siege; “When there is no hope, one may do impossible thing, glorious things.” In India, conditions are near ideal for revolutionary seizures of power, regime change, and a total reimagination and transformation of the state and of society.

     Second, electoral politics and legislative and judicial action offer hope as aligned forms of struggle with mass action, as they did in the elections in Bengal and the ruling of the Kerala Supreme Court which both rejected Hindu Nationalism.

       As I wrote in my post of January 30 2020, India Begins to Throw Off the Chains of Hindu Nationalism: a wave of mass protests over the new citizenship law and a challenge in the Supreme Court by the state of Kerala; On this day which marks the 1948 assassination of Gandhi by a Hindu Nationalist, India begins to throw off the chains of Hindu Nationalism: a wave of mass protests over the new citizenship law and a challenge in the Supreme Court by the state of Kerala.

     At issue are two key questions of a democratic society; the franchise, who gets to vote, and citizenship, who gets to be Indian. The problem with Modi’s Hindu Nationalist government is that valorizing Hinduism as a unifying principle in the long struggle against British colonialism and imperialist rule has resulted not only in leveraging independence, but also in othering non-Hindu peoples to whom the Nationalists would now deny citizenship with all its legal protections.

     In a single stroke of the pen Modi would transform a pluralistic and inclusive model democracy into a fascist state of blood, faith, and soil. With himself as its tyrant.

      India is a nation of staggering complexity and diversity, in which all things are layered with historical meanings and resonances which extend throughout ten thousand years of continuous civilization, three times older than Babylon as dated from landforms described in the Vedas, humankind’s oldest known written records. India contains 67 cultures, and among its 850 languages and dialects 14 are official languages. Until Independence, it was a checkerboard of 562 sovereign states, each with its own laws, armies, postal systems, aristocracies; and was further divided by the persistent though now illegal caste system into around three thousand layers of social stratification, each with its own laws and rules governing social functions. To this list one must add divisions of faith, though Hinduism is broadly inclusive and contains two different sets of deities and mythologies from the original Dravidians and the later Aryan migration, from which Jainism and Buddhism are branches, and the Sikhs are a reconciliation hybrid of Hinduism and Islam. 

     How does one unite such a nation in resistance to a brutal and treacherous occupation like that of the British Empire? Appeals to nationalism and to identity are powerful tools in the struggle for liberation; the problem with such postcolonial successor states is that they inherit the identitarian, militaristic, and authoritarian structures and characteristics of their revolutionary period as tyrannies of force and control.

     This is a universal process which can be avoided both by organizing revolution as a nonhierarchical anarchic movement in the stage of struggle rather than under a charismatic leader, as the Revolution is doing now throughout the world, and also by birthing nations founded on freedom and the equality and universal rights of all human beings.

     By this I mean exactly as it sounds; just government must treat all persons as equal under the law regardless of any differences, such as those of gender, race, faith, language or historical origin, or any other kinds of identity lesser than that of our common human species.

    A free society of equals requires each of us to be exactly the same under the law.    

     As I wrote in my post of May 6 2021, A Faultline Opens in the Monolith of Hindu Nationalism: West Bengal Renounces Modi’s Fascist Tyranny; Beneath the hammer of the Pandemic, a faultline opens in the monolith of Hindu Nationalism in India as the people of West Bengal renounce Modi’s fascist tyranny as a deceiver which has betrayed them to their deaths.

     In a system where divisions of blood, faith, and soil are endemic and pervasive at all levels of society and as fear and hate have been weaponized by authority in identitarian politics to subjugate a nation, the horrific consequences of the government’s abandonment of its peoples have struck like a lightning bolt through India and produced a stunning electoral victory for democracy.

     Tyranny and fascist state terror have begun to fracture in India; it only remains to be seen whether disruption and solidarity of action can become revolutionary struggle and liberation, and a new united India forged.

      On the Third Front of the international community there is hope as well, for Modi blinks when put in check by exposure beyond his control.

     As I wrote in my post of February 6 2021, Checking State Terror and Tyranny With Exposure: Rihanna and Greta Rally the World in Solidarity with India’s Farmers;  As written by Alisha Ebrahimji for CNN; “On Tuesday, the Barbados-born superstar asked her 100 million followers, “Why aren’t we talking about this?!” and linked to a CNN story examining how India has cut off internet access around New Delhi after violent clashes between police and farmers protesting new agriculture laws approved in September.”

      “More than half of India’s working population comes from the agricultural sector, according to India’s most recent Census in 2011. The laws could affect millions of Indian farmers and consumers, and they could also impact global consumers who rely on India for ingredients like pepper, turmeric and chilli.

     Prime Minister Narendra Modi says the new laws will give farmers a chance to decide their own prices and sell directly to private businesses like grocery chains. That, he says, would cut out the middle man, in this case the Agricultural Produce Market Committee.

     Farmers argue the new laws will help big companies drive down prices. They say that while farmers could sell crops at higher prices if the demand is there, they could struggle with lower prices in years when there is too much supply in the market.

     Farmers argue that the laws will ravage their livelihoods and create an opportunity for large, private companies to exploit the agriculture sector.

     India’s Supreme Court has put the farm laws on hold until further notice.”  

     Greta Thunberg, humankind’s moral compass, immediately amplified and endorsed this message, saying “via Twitter that she stood “in solidarity with the #FarmersProtests in India.” She reiterated her commitment after threats from Modi’s government; ‘”I still #StandWithFarmers and support their peaceful protest,” she tweeted. “No amount of hate, threats or violations of human rights will ever change that. #FarmersProtest.”  

     What I find interesting in this is that Modi’s government backed down under exposure and international pressure, a government of Hindu ethnic, sectarian, patriarchal, and oligarchic fascism and the dominion of hegemonic elites which is infamous for its use of genocide and state terror in the repression of dissent.

     Had Rihanna and Greta been Indian women speaking out against the tyranny and cruelty of the state instead of celebrities using the power of their pulpits from the safety of foreign shores, they would now be martyrs in the cause of liberty, having been silenced like so many others by being raped, murdered, mutilated, and their corpses hung in public as a warning to other uppity women.

     But not if the world is watching.

     Not if we resist.

     Not if we stand in solidarity to defy authority and our subjugation to tyranny and fascist division.

     The use of force to subjugate others is fragile and cannot survive united challenge, disobedience, and resistance.

     I say to you again what I have long said both in warning and as a message of hope for the powerless and the dispossessed, the silenced and the erased;

     We are many, we are watching, and we are the future.

Six weeks, 969 million voters, 2,600 parties: India’s mammoth election explained

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/apr/18/india-mammoth-election-explained-narendra-modi-bjp?CMP=share_btn_url

The Guardian view on India’s election: fixing a win by outlawing dissent damages democracy | Editorial

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/apr/17/the-guardian-view-on-indias-election-fixing-a-win-by-outlawing-dissent-damages-democracy?CMP=share_btn_url

‘BJP v democracy’: India’s opposition alliance cries foul as election near

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/apr/09/bjp-versus-democracy-india-opposition-alliance-cries-foul-as-election-nears?CMP=share_btn_url

Hindi

17 अप्रैल 2024 भारत के चुनाव शुरू

       भारत में लोकतंत्र का एक महीने तक चलने वाला चुनावी त्योहार जल्द ही शुरू हो रहा है, जिसमें लोकतांत्रिक प्रणालियों और समाजों की लचीलापन और नाजुकता दोनों प्रदर्शित होंगी, क्योंकि मोदी ने अपने व्यवहार्य विपक्ष को कैद कर लिया है और फिल्मों और अन्य मीडिया को राज्य के प्रचार से भर दिया है। उनका उद्देश्य, यहाँ अमेरिका में ट्रम्प की तरह, एक तानाशाह के रूप में लोकतंत्र और शासन को नष्ट करना है, और दोनों ही सत्ता की सेवा में ईश्वरीय सत्ता और रक्त, विश्वास और मिट्टी के फासीवाद को हथियार बनाते हैं।

        निराश न हों, क्योंकि आशा के संकेत हैं कि भारत में परिवर्तन संभव है, और इसके साथ ही अमेरिका की तरह फासीवादी अत्याचार से लोकतंत्र की बहाली भी संभव है।

        पहली और सबसे आशाजनक जन विरोध की लहर है जो चार साल पहले ग्रामीण माओवादी विद्रोह के साथ संबद्ध एक शहरी मोर्चे के रूप में उभरी थी, जो भारत के एक तिहाई हिस्से को नियंत्रित करता है और एक वर्ग युद्ध और जाति के खिलाफ क्रांतिकारी संघर्ष के रूप में उभरा था।

        जैसा कि मैंने 25 फरवरी 2020 की अपनी पोस्ट में लिखा था, ट्रम्प की यात्रा के खिलाफ विरोध प्रदर्शन के रूप में भारत में दंगा और क्रांति भड़क उठी, जो मोदी की नस्ल और आस्था के फासीवाद के खिलाफ एक राष्ट्रव्यापी सड़क लड़ाई बन गई; ट्रम्प और मोदी की नूर्नबर्ग रैली के खिलाफ विरोध प्रदर्शन दंगे बन गए, सरकार के गुंडों के खिलाफ दिल्ली में खुली सड़क पर लड़ाई, और फिर मोदी के फासीवादी राज्य के खिलाफ नस्ल और विश्वास के आधार पर गरीबों और बहिष्कृत लोगों की एक राष्ट्रव्यापी क्रांति, बल्कि एक क्लासिक संघर्ष भी धनिकतंत्र, अर्धसामंती कुलीनतंत्रीय लूट और सबसे धनी और सबसे विशेषाधिकार प्राप्त दो प्रतिशत लोगों द्वारा अस्सी प्रतिशत लोगों को गुलाम बनाने के खिलाफ। ठीक वैसे ही जैसे दुनिया भर के कई देशों में, आशा का पुनर्जन्म होता है क्योंकि पुरानी व्यवस्था ढह जाती है और एक नया समाज उभरना शुरू हो जाता है।

      भारत जाग गया, और अपनी जंजीरें उतार फेंकना शुरू कर दिया। इसके लिए हम ट्रम्प के प्रति आभार व्यक्त करते हैं, जिनकी व्यक्तिगत रूप से घृणित और निंदनीय अमानवीयता ने आम भारतीयों को हर प्रमुख शहर में सड़कों पर ला दिया, जो मोदी की असीमित बर्बरता और अत्याचार के उनके समर्थन में विदेशी हस्तक्षेप और भारत की स्वतंत्रता को नष्ट करने का खतरा देखते हैं। , साथ ही सुदृढीकरण और संहिताकरण का खतरा जो एक वैध सरकार के रूप में हिंदू राष्ट्रवाद की अंतरराष्ट्रीय मान्यता लाएगा।

       यह सब भारत के संसाधनों की अनियंत्रित लूट, अत्यधिक गरीबी और सामंती गुलामी में रहने वाले बहुसंख्यक और नक्सली माओवादी विद्रोह के लंबे खेल की पृष्ठभूमि के खिलाफ होता है जो आज ग्रामीण भारत के एक तिहाई हिस्से को नियंत्रित करता है। वर्ग युद्ध ने देश को तोड़ दिया है और आज इसके शहरों में हर जगह भड़क उठा है; अनुमान तब लगाया जा सकता है जब अधिकांश लोग भूख से मर रहे हों, बिना साफ़ पानी या किसी स्वास्थ्य सेवा के, निर्दयतापूर्वक काम कर रहे हों और आशाहीन हों।

      जैसा कि जीन जेनेट ने मुझसे कहा था जब उन्होंने 1982 में इजरायली घेराबंदी के दौरान बेरूत में प्रतिरोध की शपथ दिलाई थी; “जब कोई आशा नहीं होती, तो कोई असंभव कार्य, गौरवशाली कार्य कर सकता है।” भारत में, सत्ता पर क्रांतिकारी कब्ज़ा, शासन परिवर्तन और राज्य तथा समाज की संपूर्ण पुनर्कल्पना और परिवर्तन के लिए स्थितियाँ लगभग आदर्श हैं।

      दूसरा, चुनावी राजनीति और विधायी और न्यायिक कार्रवाई जन कार्रवाई के साथ संघर्ष के संरेखित रूपों के रूप में आशा प्रदान करती है, जैसा कि उन्होंने बंगाल के चुनावों और केरल सुप्रीम कोर्ट के फैसले में किया था, जिसमें दोनों ने हिंदू राष्ट्रवाद को खारिज कर दिया था।

        जैसा कि मैंने 30 जनवरी 2020 की अपनी पोस्ट में लिखा था, भारत ने हिंदू राष्ट्रवाद की जंजीरों को तोड़ना शुरू कर दिया है: नए नागरिकता कानून पर बड़े पैमाने पर विरोध प्रदर्शन की लहर और केरल राज्य द्वारा सुप्रीम कोर्ट में चुनौती; इस दिन, जो 1948 में एक हिंदू राष्ट्रवादी द्वारा गांधी की हत्या का प्रतीक है, भारत ने हिंदू राष्ट्रवाद की जंजीरों को तोड़ना शुरू कर दिया है: नए नागरिकता कानून पर बड़े पैमाने पर विरोध प्रदर्शन की लहर और केरल राज्य द्वारा सर्वोच्च न्यायालय में चुनौती।

      मुद्दे पर लोकतांत्रिक समाज के दो प्रमुख प्रश्न हैं; मताधिकार, किसे वोट देना है, और नागरिकता, किसे भारतीय होना है। मोदी की हिंदू राष्ट्रवादी सरकार के साथ समस्या यह है कि ब्रिटिश उपनिवेशवाद और साम्राज्यवादी शासन के खिलाफ लंबे संघर्ष में एक एकीकृत सिद्धांत के रूप में हिंदू धर्म को महत्व देने के परिणामस्वरूप न केवल स्वतंत्रता का लाभ मिला है, बल्कि अन्य गैर-हिंदू लोगों को भी, जिन्हें राष्ट्रवादी अब नागरिकता देने से इनकार कर देंगे। इसके सभी कानूनी संरक्षण।

      कलम के एक झटके में मोदी एक बहुलवादी और समावेशी मॉडल लोकतंत्र को खून, विश्वास और मिट्टी के फासीवादी राज्य में बदल देंगे। अपने आप को इसके तानाशाह के रूप में।

       भारत चौंका देने वाली जटिलता और विविधता का देश है, जिसमें सभी चीजें ऐतिहासिक अर्थों और अनुगूंजों से भरी हुई हैं, जो दस हजार वर्षों की निरंतर सभ्यता तक फैली हुई हैं, जो मानव जाति के सबसे पुराने ज्ञात लिखित रिकॉर्ड वेदों में वर्णित भू-आकृतियों के अनुसार बेबीलोन से तीन गुना पुरानी है। . भारत में 67 संस्कृतियाँ हैं और इसकी 850 भाषाओं और बोलियों में से 14 आधिकारिक भाषाएँ हैं। आज़ादी तक, यह 562 संप्रभु राज्यों का एक बिसात था, जिनमें से प्रत्येक के अपने कानून, सेनाएँ, डाक प्रणालियाँ, अभिजात वर्ग थे; तथापि सतत द्वारा इसे और विभाजित किया गया था

     अब अवैध जाति व्यवस्था सामाजिक स्तरीकरण की लगभग तीन हजार परतों में विभाजित हो गई है, जिनमें से प्रत्येक के अपने कानून और सामाजिक कार्यों को नियंत्रित करने वाले नियम हैं। इस सूची में किसी को विश्वास के विभाजन को जोड़ना होगा, हालांकि हिंदू धर्म व्यापक रूप से समावेशी है और इसमें मूल द्रविड़ और बाद के आर्य प्रवासन से देवताओं और पौराणिक कथाओं के दो अलग-अलग सेट शामिल हैं, जिनमें से जैन और बौद्ध धर्म शाखाएं हैं, और सिख एक सुलह संकर हैं हिंदू धर्म और इस्लाम.

      ब्रिटिश साम्राज्य जैसे क्रूर और विश्वासघाती कब्जे के विरोध में ऐसे राष्ट्र को कोई कैसे एकजुट कर सकता है? मुक्ति के संघर्ष में राष्ट्रवाद और पहचान की अपील शक्तिशाली उपकरण हैं; ऐसे उत्तर-औपनिवेशिक उत्तराधिकारी राज्यों के साथ समस्या यह है कि उन्हें अपने क्रांतिकारी काल की पहचानवादी, सैन्यवादी और सत्तावादी संरचनाएं और विशेषताएं बल और नियंत्रण के अत्याचार के रूप में विरासत में मिलती हैं।

      यह एक सार्वभौमिक प्रक्रिया है जिसे किसी करिश्माई नेता के बजाय संघर्ष के चरण में एक गैर-पदानुक्रमित अराजक आंदोलन के रूप में क्रांति का आयोजन करके, जैसा कि क्रांति अब दुनिया भर में कर रही है, और स्वतंत्रता और स्वतंत्रता पर आधारित राष्ट्रों को जन्म देकर दोनों से बचा जा सकता है। सभी मनुष्यों की समानता और सार्वभौमिक अधिकार।

      इससे मेरा तात्पर्य बिल्कुल वैसा ही है जैसा यह लगता है; न्यायसंगत सरकार को कानून के तहत सभी व्यक्तियों के साथ किसी भी अंतर की परवाह किए बिना समान व्यवहार करना चाहिए, जैसे कि लिंग, नस्ल, विश्वास, भाषा या ऐतिहासिक मूल, या हमारी सामान्य मानव प्रजाति से कम किसी अन्य प्रकार की पहचान।

     समानों के स्वतंत्र समाज के लिए आवश्यक है कि कानून के तहत हममें से प्रत्येक बिल्कुल एक जैसा हो।

      जैसा कि मैंने 6 मई 2021 की अपनी पोस्ट में लिखा था, हिंदू राष्ट्रवाद के अखंड में एक दोष रेखा खुलती है: पश्चिम बंगाल ने मोदी के फासीवादी अत्याचार का त्याग किया; महामारी के प्रहार के नीचे, भारत में हिंदू राष्ट्रवाद के अखंड स्तंभ में एक दोष रेखा खुलती है क्योंकि पश्चिम बंगाल के लोग मोदी के फासीवादी अत्याचार को एक धोखेबाज के रूप में त्याग देते हैं जिसने उन्हें धोखा देकर उनकी मृत्यु कर दी है।

      ऐसी व्यवस्था में जहां रक्त, विश्वास और मिट्टी का विभाजन समाज के सभी स्तरों पर स्थानिक और व्यापक है और एक राष्ट्र को अपने अधीन करने के लिए पहचानवादी राजनीति में भय और नफरत को सत्ता द्वारा हथियार बनाया गया है, सरकार द्वारा अपने लोगों को त्यागने के भयानक परिणाम सामने आए हैं यह भारत पर बिजली की तरह गिरा और लोकतंत्र को शानदार चुनावी जीत मिली।

      भारत में अत्याचार और फासीवादी राज्य का आतंक टूटना शुरू हो गया है; केवल यह देखना बाकी है कि क्या विघटन और कार्रवाई की एकजुटता क्रांतिकारी संघर्ष और मुक्ति बन सकती है, और एक नए एकजुट भारत का निर्माण हो सकता है।

       अंतर्राष्ट्रीय समुदाय के तीसरे मोर्चे पर भी आशा है, क्योंकि मोदी अपने नियंत्रण से परे जोखिम के कारण नियंत्रण में आ जाते हैं।

      जैसा कि मैंने 6 फरवरी 2021 की अपनी पोस्ट में लिखा था, एक्सपोज़र के साथ राज्य के आतंक और अत्याचार की जाँच: रिहाना और ग्रेटा ने भारत के किसानों के साथ एकजुटता में विश्व रैली की; जैसा कि अलीशा इब्राहिमजी ने सीएनएन के लिए लिखा है; “मंगलवार को, बारबाडोस में जन्मी सुपरस्टार ने अपने 100 मिलियन फॉलोअर्स से पूछा, “हम इस बारे में बात क्यों नहीं कर रहे हैं?” और सीएनएन की एक कहानी से जुड़ा हुआ है जिसमें यह जांच की गई है कि सितंबर में स्वीकृत नए कृषि कानूनों का विरोध कर रहे किसानों और पुलिस के बीच हिंसक झड़पों के बाद भारत ने नई दिल्ली के आसपास इंटरनेट का उपयोग कैसे बंद कर दिया है।

       “2011 में भारत की सबसे हालिया जनगणना के अनुसार, भारत की आधी से अधिक कामकाजी आबादी कृषि क्षेत्र से आती है। कानून लाखों भारतीय किसानों और उपभोक्ताओं को प्रभावित कर सकते हैं, और वे वैश्विक उपभोक्ताओं को भी प्रभावित कर सकते हैं जो काली मिर्च जैसी सामग्री के लिए भारत पर निर्भर हैं।” हल्दी और मिर्च.

      प्रधान मंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी का कहना है कि नए कानून किसानों को अपनी कीमतें खुद तय करने और किराना श्रृंखला जैसे निजी व्यवसायों को सीधे बेचने का मौका देंगे। उनका कहना है कि इससे बिचौलिए, इस मामले में कृषि उपज बाज़ार समिति, को बाहर कर दिया जाएगा।

      किसानों का तर्क है कि नए कानून बड़ी कंपनियों को कीमतें कम करने में मदद करेंगे। उनका कहना है कि अगर मांग हो तो किसान ऊंची कीमत पर फसल बेच सकते हैं, लेकिन बाजार में बहुत अधिक आपूर्ति होने पर उन्हें उन वर्षों में कम कीमतों से जूझना पड़ सकता है।

      किसानों का तर्क है कि कानून उनकी आजीविका को तबाह कर देंगे और बड़ी, निजी कंपनियों के लिए कृषि क्षेत्र का शोषण करने का अवसर पैदा करेंगे।

      भारत के सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने अगली सूचना तक कृषि कानूनों पर रोक लगा दी है।

      मानव जाति की नैतिक मार्गदर्शक ग्रेटा थुनबर्ग ने तुरंत इस संदेश को बढ़ाया और इसका समर्थन करते हुए कहा, “ट्विटर के माध्यम से कि वह “भारत में #FarmersProtests के साथ एकजुटता से खड़ी हैं।” मोदी सरकार की धमकियों के बाद उन्होंने अपनी प्रतिबद्धता दोहराई; उन्होंने ट्वीट किया, ”मैं अभी भी #StandWithFarmers और उनके शांतिपूर्ण विरोध का समर्थन करती हूं।” “किसी भी तरह की नफरत, धमकियाँ या मानवाधिकारों का उल्लंघन इसे कभी नहीं बदलेगा। #FarmersProtest।”

      मुझे इसमें जो दिलचस्प लगता है वह यह है कि मोदी की सरकार एक्सपोज़र और अंतरराष्ट्रीय दबाव के कारण पीछे हट गई, यह हिंदू जातीय, सांप्रदायिक, पितृसत्तात्मक और कुलीनतंत्रीय फासीवाद की सरकार थी और आधिपत्यवादी अभिजात वर्ग का प्रभुत्व था जो कुख्यात है

     असहमति के दमन में नरसंहार और राजकीय आतंक के इस्तेमाल के लिए।

      यदि रिहाना और ग्रेटा विदेशी तटों की सुरक्षा से अपने मंच की शक्ति का उपयोग करने वाली मशहूर हस्तियों के बजाय राज्य के अत्याचार और क्रूरता के खिलाफ बोलने वाली भारतीय महिलाएं होतीं, तो वे अब स्वतंत्रता के लिए शहीद होतीं, इतने सारे लोगों की तरह चुप करा दी गई होतीं दूसरों के साथ बलात्कार किया गया, हत्या की गई, अंग-भंग किया गया और उनकी लाशों को अन्य ऊंची महिलाओं के लिए चेतावनी के रूप में सार्वजनिक रूप से लटका दिया गया।

      लेकिन तब नहीं जब दुनिया देख रही हो.

      नहीं अगर हम विरोध करते हैं.

      तब नहीं जब हम सत्ता और अत्याचार तथा फासीवादी विभाजन के प्रति अपनी अधीनता को चुनौती देने के लिए एकजुटता से खड़े हों।

      दूसरों को वश में करने के लिए बल का प्रयोग नाजुक है और एकजुट चुनौती, अवज्ञा और प्रतिरोध से बच नहीं सकता है।

      मैं आपसे फिर से वही कहता हूं जो मैंने लंबे समय से चेतावनी के रूप में और शक्तिहीन और वंचितों, खामोश और मिटाए गए लोगों के लिए आशा के संदेश के रूप में कहा है;

      हम अनेक हैं, हम देख रहे हैं और हम ही भविष्य हैं।

           Jay’s Revised Modern Canon 2024 Edition

                    World Literature: India

                    History

     The Discovery of India: History, Culture, Politics, Religion and Philosophy of India, Jawaharlal Nehru

     Ka, Roberto Calasso

     Arrow of the Blue-Skinned God, Jonah Blank

     India: A Sacred Geography, Diana Eck

     The Wonder That Was India: A Survey of the History and Culture of the Indian Sub-Continent before the coming of the Muslims, A.L. Basham

     The Ocean of Churn: How the Indian Ocean Shaped Human History, Sanjeev Sanyal

     Many Many Many Gods of Hinduism, The Reign of the Vedic Gods, The Ascent of Vishnu and the Fall of Brahma, Rama and the Early Avatars of Vishnu: plus Ramayana abridged, Swami Achuthananda

     The Tale of the Horse: A History of India on Horseback, Yashaswini Chandra

     Gem in the Lotus: The Seeding of Indian Civilization, The Mughal Throne, The Mughal World, Abraham Eraly

     Akbar: The Great Mughal, Daughters of the Sun: Empresses, Queens and Begums of the Mughal Empire, Heroines: Powerful Indian Women of Myth and History, Ira Mukhoty

    The Queen of Jhansi, by Mahasweta Devi

     Myths and Symbols in Indian Art and Civilization, Heinrich Zimmer

     The Myths and Gods of India, Alain Daniélou

     Alberuni’s India, Embree ed.

     A History of the Sikhs: Volume 1: 1469-1839, Volume 2: 1839-2004, Khushwant Singh

     City of Djinns: A Year in Delhi, The Age of Kali: Indian Travels & Encounters, Nine Lives: In Search of the Sacred in Modern India, The Last Mughal, The Anarchy: The East India Company, Corporate Violence, and the Pillage of an Empire, William Dalrymple

     An Era of Darkness: The British Empire in India, Inglorious Empire: what the British did to India, Nehru: The Invention of India, India: From Midnight to the Millennium, Pax Indica: India and the World of the Twenty-First Century, Shashi Tharoor

    Gandhi: The Man, His People, and the Empire, Why Gandhi Still Matters: An Appraisal of the Mahatma’s Legacy, Modern South India: A History from the 17th Century to Our Times, Punjab: A History from Aurangzeb to Mountbatten, Rajmohan Gandhi

     India After Gandhi: The History of the World’s Largest Democracy, Ramachandra Guha

     Freedom at Midnight, Larry Collins, Dominique Lapierre

      In Light of India, Octavio Paz

     Eleven Gods and a Billion Indians: The On and Off the Field Story of Cricket in India and Beyond, Boria Majumdar

     Indian Cinema: The Bollywood Saga, Dinesh Raheja, Jitendra Kothari

     Bombay Cinema: An Archive of the City, Ranjani Mazumdar

     100 Bollywood Soundtracks Every Music Lover Ought To Hear, P.C. Hille

     Bollywood’s India: Hindi Cinema as a Guide to Contemporary India, Rachel Dwyer

                       Literature

     Mirabai: Ecstatic Poems, Mīrābāī, Robert Bly & Jane Hirshfield (Translators)

     Love Song of the Dark Lord: Jayadeva’s Gitagovinda, Miller trans

     Origin of the Young God: Kalidasa’s Kumarasambhava, Heifetz trans

     Speaking of Siva, Folktales From India, Ramanujan

     The Ramayana: A Shortened Modern Prose Version of the Indian Epic, The Guide, The Grandmother’s Tale and other stories, R.K. Narayan

    The Illustrated Mahabharata: The Definitive Guide to India s Greatest Epic, DK publisher

     Song of Draupadi, Ira Mukhoti

     Bhagavad Gita: A New Translation, Stephen Mitchell

     The Ramayana: A Modern Retelling of the Great Indian Epic, The Mahabharata: A Modern Rendering, Siva: The Siva Purana Retold, Devi: The Devi Bhagavatam Retold, Blue God: A Life of Krishna, Ramesh Menon

     Ramana, Shankara and the Forty Verses: The Essential Teachings of Advaita,

 Alan Jacobs, Ramana Maharshi, Adi Shankaracharya,

     The Yoga Sūtras of Patañjali: A New Edition, Translation, and Commentary

by Patañjali, Edwin F. Bryant editor

     The Fundamental Wisdom of the Middle Way: Nāgārjuna’s Mulamadhyamakakārikā,  Nāgārjuna, Jay L. Garfield trans

     The Essential Aurobindo, Sri Aurobindo, Robert A. McDermott ed

     Total Freedom: The Essential Krishnamurti

     The Gandhi Reader, Jack ed

     Entering the Stream, Bercholz & Kohn eds

     Samskara: A Rite for a Dead Man, U.R. Ananthamurthy

     The Chessmaster and His Moves, The Meaning of India, Raja Rao

     The World of Premchand, Ruben trans

     A Tagore Reader, Chakravarty ed

     Collected Stories, Clear Light of Day, Fire on the Mountain, The Artist of Disappearance, Anita Desai

     Coolie, Selected Short Stories, Mulk Raj Anand

     Out of India: stories, Ruth Jhabvala

     Midnight’s Children, Shame, The Moor’s Last Sigh, The Ground Beneath Her Feet, Shalimar the Clown, Fury, Salman Rushdie

     Show Business, The Great Indian Novel, Shashi Tharoor

     A Suitable Boy, Golden Gate, Vikram Seth

     Interpreter of Maladies, The Namesake, Jhumpa Lahiri

The Namesake: A Portrait of the Film Based on the Novel by Jhumpa Lahiri,

Mira Nair

     Jasmine, The Holder of the Word, The Tree Bride, Desireable Daughters, Miss New India, Darkness, Bharati Mukherjee

     Ibis Trilogy (Sea of Poppies, River of Smoke, Flood of Fire), The Glass Palace,  Gun Island, In an Antique Land, Amitav Ghosh

     The Mistress of Spices, The Palace of Illusions, Chitra Banerjee Divakaruni

     The Widows of Malabar Hill, The Sleeping Dictionary, Sujata Massey

     The God of Small Things, The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, My Seditious Heart: Collected Nonfiction, The Shape of the Beast: Conversations with Arundhati Roy, Things that Can and Cannot Be Said: Essays and Conversations (with John Cusack, Daniel Ellsberg, and Edward Snowden), Azadi, India: A Mosaic, Arundhati Roy

     The White Tiger, Between the Assassinations, Aravind Adiga

     The Strange Case of Billy Biswas, Arun Joshi

     The Atlas of Lost Beliefs, Ranjit Hoskote

     The Far Field, Madhuri Vijay

      The Peacock Throne, Harilal & Sons, The Confessions of Sultana Daku, Sujit Saraf

    Narcopolis, The Book of Chocolate Saints, Collected Poems, Jeet Thayil

    Delhi, The Sunset Club, The Portrait of a Lady, The Good, the Bad and the Ridiculous, End of India, Khushwant Singh

    The Braided River: A Journey Along the Brahmaputra, Samrat Choudhury

     English, August: An Indian Story, Upamanyu Chatterjee

     Prelude to a Riot, Annie Zaidi

     Mother of 1084, Imaginary Maps, by Mahasweta Devi

April 16 2024 Whoremonger In Chief: Stormy Daniels Hush Money Trial Begins

      In the Stormy Daniels hush money trial of our former Whoremonger In Chief, Traitor Trump, a shifting constellation of evils is displayed before the stage of the world; sin and depravity, secrecy and the catch and kill system of bent journalism as subversion of our elections, criminality in service to power, and the manufacture of false identity and history as idolatry; yet the bottomless depths of Trump’s perversions and use of sexual terror neither begin nor end here.

     Beginnings are such curious things; the origins of the Trump family fortune in the trafficking of Native American women during the Klondike gold rush, which finds reflection in Trump’s use of the modeling and beauty pageant system he once owned to exploit and globally traffic teenage girls, like the crimes of his buddy Epstein but industrialized on a mass scale.

     Often have I wondered if Trump hired Stormy Daniels to prove to the world and his donors that he has normal sexual identity, in the wake of the loss of the beauty and modeling network amid exposure of his peeping at young girls, the exposure and fall of the Epstein trafficking network, of his rape of E Jean Carroll, and of his public use of his daughter from childhood as an erotic proxy. And these are only the perversions we know about.

     Imagine the family dynamics created by the kind of crimes possible when only fear and power are real and have meaning; did the Trump Patriarch commit acts including the raiding and burning of villages, abduction, and mass enslavement of women kept in chains like livestock in the Trump string of brothels over a century ago, tortured and horsewhipped into submission and sometimes exhibited like trained animals in grotesque circus acts? Here I merely question, for I was not there nor do I possess historical documents of witnesses; but how if such horrors form the basis of the Trump family crime syndicate as a multigenerational cult of sexual terror?

     When the Republicans speak of family values, this is what they really mean;  the right of a man to do anything imaginable to women as patriarchal sexual terror and the dehumanization of women authorized by theocracy.

      And remember, friends, you can always tell the secret name of a Republican; it’s their act of treason plus their sex crime.

      As I wrote of the iconic mug shot which defines the character of Traitor  Trump and the meaning of his criminal regime in our history in my post of

  August 27 2023, Behold the Monster: Trump Surrenders to Justice; Here is a Mirror of Dorian Grey wherein America may behold the monster of our soul which lives beneath the mask of normality, in the mug shot of Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump. Here the nadir of our atrocities, perversions, amoral nihilism, degenerate brutality and atavisms of animal instinct glare back at us with the malign and savage rage of a baboon, and like Nietzsche’s Abyss we must beware lest our shadow capture us in the mirror of its gaze.

      Half our nation remains under its spell, while those still free mock and poke the beast with a stick. Trump has surrendered to justice with no mass protests by loyal followers despite his threats and plots of coup, terror, and civil war, and we rejoice in his pathetic diminishment and humiliation, yet the danger has not passed.

     Both the Fourth Reich which has infiltrated the state and Trump as its figurehead are still fundraising off of hate speech, possess a largely intact and unimpeded propaganda network, and control not only the Republican Party but also much of the state through their agents in the legislative and judicial branches of government as well as its security services.

     In this moment, under the glare of the police photographer’s lights, the orders of a judge, and the scrutiny of history, Trumps thinks of himself as a doomed king at bay, like King Kong, a film which is an allegory of fascism as a flawed response to the fall of civilization from the mechanical failures of its internal contradictions, an American version of the Wagnerian end in fire with which Hitler was obsessed and ended in his suicide in an underworld labyrinth. 

     What remains to be determined is whether America sees Trump as its tragic savior, cast in the part of Cyrus the Great in a myth of Exile as our new faith of QAnon has him, and chooses to fall with him and bring two thousand years of democracy as a dream of liberty and equality crashing down into fascist tyranny.

     While most of us are hoping that being sent to prison for treason and espionage will remove the threat of a second Trump Presidency, many among the Party of Treason, Patriarchal Theocracy, and White Supremacist Terror will and are using the indictments and lawsuits to escalate commitment among those already decided, and abandoning overtures to swing voters and independents in recognition of a totally polarized political and cultural moment wherein few persuadable voters remain. After all, prison did not prevent Trump’s role model Adolf Hitler from becoming the Fuhrer; why should it derail rather than help Trump’s capture of the state and subversion of democracy?

     Why is it cute and adorable when Jenna Ortega does the Kubrick Stare as Wednesday Addams, and repulsive when Trump does it? Wednesday doesn’t drop her chin to present glowering menace, a pose Trump carefully copies from Jack Nicholson in The Shining because he intends it as a threat and a demonstration of power; Jenna’s Wednesday faces us directly as total openness and honesty, a Nietzschean yes to life, to its horror and depravity as well as its exaltation and beauty, which denies nothing; an Otherness which accepts and affirms all otherness as equal. She challenges us to risk saying yes to ourselves and those truths written in our flesh; while Trump desires only our subjugation. Herein is the true difference between the Democratic and Republican Parties.

       What does Trump’s mugshot and the polarized reactions to it tell us about America and the moment we now live in? As written by Chris McGreal in The Guardian, in an article entitled Belligerence and hostility: Trump’s mugshot defines modern US politics; “Mugshots define eras.

     Bugsy Siegel peering malevolently from beneath his fedora in a 1928 booking photo summed up the perverse romance of gangsters in the prohibition age.

     Nearly half a century later, mugshots of David Bowie, elegantly dressed but dead-eyed after his arrest for drug possession, and a dishevelled Janis Joplin, detained for “vulgar and indecent language”, spoke to the shock waves created by 1960s counterculture.

     Now comes what Donald Trump Jr described as “the most iconic photo in the history of US politics” before the booking picture of his father glaring into the camera was even taken. But whether deeply divided Americans view the first ever mugshot of a former president as that of a gangster or a rock star is very much in the politics of the beholder.

     Trump’s hostility shines through as he turns his eyes up toward the camera above him and in his taut, downturned mouth as he is booked into the Fulton county jail on charges of trying to steal the 2020 presidential election. Dressed in a blue suit, white shirt and red tie, he makes no attempt to put on a smile like some of his co-defendants in their mugshots.

     The picture does not flatter but it does convey the message many of Trump’s supporters want to hear – belligerence.

     The six-pointed star of the Fulton county sheriff’s office badge and the name of the sheriff, Patrick Labat, sits in the top left hand corner of the picture. But some will be disappointed that Trump is not seen in the classic pose holding a board in front of his chest with his name and date of arrest.

     Still, the mugshot will now enter the pantheon of famous-name booking photos, alongside Frank Sinatra looking unperturbed after his arrest in 1938 for “carrying on with a married woman”, and Hugh Grant after he was found with a sex worker on Sunset Boulevard. Trump has some way to go to catch up with the American actor Lindsay Lohan’s eight-year run of mugshots for theft, drugs and driving offences.

     The former president’s supporters are already embracing the booking photo as a badge of honour and defiance. It will be held up as evidence that their man will not give up the fight against a system his followers see as ever more determined to bring him down and prevent him returning to the White House.

     Far-right congresswoman Lauren Boebert led the way with a tweet proclaiming: “Not all heroes wear capes.”

     The president’s detractors, on the other hand, will see the booking photo as evidence that even a man who was once the most powerful person in the land cannot escape the might of the justice system. Some will welcome anything that makes him look even a little bit more criminal as a confirmation that sooner or later he is going to prison. The accused may be presumed innocent until a plea or a jury says otherwise but mugshots can have a way of conveying guilt.

     For Trump though, the picture is likely to prove yet another money spinner. Within hours, his campaign fundraising website was advertising T-shirts, bumper stickers and coffee mugs glorifying a martyred Trump with the booking photo above the words “never surrender!”. Sales are likely to be brisk given the enthusiasm with which the former president’s supporters now treat each public humiliation as an accomplishment.

     Two impeachments and four sets of indictments, from financial fraud to a slew of charges over the 2020 election, have done little to damage Trump’s standing among the true believers, and have only bolstered his run for the Republican presidential nomination. Such is the strength of that belief that a recent CBS poll showed Trump voters trust him more than their own family members and religious leaders.

     Ordinary Americans have already got creative in response to the flood of indictments by mocking up pictures of the former president in an orange jump suit a la Guantánamo prison and in printing T-shirts with Trump in various states of detention with slogans declaring “Trumped up charges”, “Guilty AF”, “Guilty of winning” and “Legend”.

     There will be plenty who will challenge Don Jr’s claim that the mugshot has instantly become the most iconic photo in US political history. Pictures of John F Kennedy’s assassination or Martin Luther King Jr leading the march for freedom or a host of other historic moments will surely prove more enduring.

    But as with the gangsters and rock stars, Trump’s booking photo may come to define an era – one of unusual political turmoil that has yet to resolve whether his next mugshot is as an inmate.”

      What would Trump’s imprisonment mean for the future? As written by Martin Kettle in The Guardian, in an article entitled America on trial: the charges against Trump will decide the fate of a nation; “History teaches us few wider lessons. But there are rare exceptions. One of these is that for a nation to put its former leaders on trial is never straightforward. Although such cases are rare, when they do occur they frequently involve the pushing of pre-existing legal boundaries and the reshaping of constitutional norms and assumptions. The evolution of the doctrine of crimes against humanity after the Nuremberg trials in 1945 is the most significant modern example of this.

     Both at the time they occur and subsequently, the arguments that surround trials of this kind are almost inescapably political to a significant degree. That was true of the trial and execution of Charles I in 1649, an event that divided England then; and some of those divisions of the 17th century can still be felt today. But it will unquestionably also be true of the trials of the former US president Donald Trump, of which the latest step is due to be taken in Atlanta on Thursday.

     It is important to see that this stubborn political reality applies just as much in the Trump cases as in Charles I’s. In part, this is because many will go out of their way to deny it. Trump’s prosecutors – and many of his political critics – will undoubtedly argue that Trump is simply a defendant like any other, and that their cases are designed to show that no one, not even a former president and commander-in-chief, is above the law. They will be adamant that this is not a political trial, and that it is not Joe Biden’s revenge.

     In some very fundamental senses, they are right about that. The law is not being altered in order to prosecute Trump. The investigations have followed long-established rules. The verdicts are not foregone conclusions. This is neither a witch-hunt nor a show trial. Yet, however true these points and however honourably such claims are made, they cannot be quite the whole story. The two cases are very different, yet in both 1649 and 2023, the indictments against the king and the president take a stand on behalf of a conception of the nation against a leader set on subverting it.

     Four separate cases against Trump are now on course for trial. The first three sets of allegations cover: falsification of business records in the Stormy Daniels hush money case; withholding of classified federal documents in his Florida home; and attempting to prevent the US Congress from validating Biden’s 2020 election. This week’s case alleges that Trump tried to interfere with the counting and validation of Georgia’s vote for Biden. All four cases are due in court in the first half of 2024, before the presidential election in which Trump aims to be a candidate.

     All of these cases also contain multiple allegations. Two – the Florida document cases and the US Congress case – will be heard in federal courts. The others have been brought at state level by New York and Georgia. All the charge sheets are extremely detailed. In the documents case, for instance, the indictment now stretches to 60 pages, with Trump facing 40 separate charges. In the 6 January case, the indictment stretches to another 45 pages, and centres on four separate charges.

     Like it or not, though, these carefully crafted cases take the US into new legal territory. That is not simply because Trump is the first serving or former American president in the nation’s history to face criminal charges. Nor is it even because, being Trump and still running for office, he will treat the courtroom as a political platform. It is also because a large number of the charges, and the way in which the judges and juries will be asked to test them, relate umbilically to his roles as head of state and upholder of the constitution. These cases are a test of the constitution and, in the broadest sense, of the nation.

     All of these points repeatedly echo aspects of cases from the past. The Trump cases are still, in the end, an attempt to hold a past leader to account and judge him for the way he handled his office. That was also what the cases against earlier rulers were ultimately about too. The indictments against Charles I for his “crimes and treasons” or against Louis XVI of France for having “plotted and formed a multitude of conspiracies to establish tyranny in destroying liberty” are maybe not a world away from those against Trump, after all.

     Nor is it a world away from the much more recent example of Marshal Philippe Pétain’s trial for treason after the liberation of France in 1945. Pétain was charged with treason for his role as head of the collapsing French government in 1940, when he signed an armistice with Hitler’s invaders, and then as head of the puppet Vichy regime that collaborated with the Germans until the allied victory in 1945. Pétain was tried and convicted in Paris that same summer. His death sentence was immediately commuted to life imprisonment by Charles de Gaulle.

     As described in Julian Jackson’s masterly recent book, France on Trial, the Pétain case has many differences from those facing Trump, but also some similarities. Pétain was put on trial after a war, not an election. His was an unashamedly political trial. The jury was stacked against him, and the outcome a foregone conclusion.

     But at the same time it was also the trial of a nation, its recent history, its dilemmas and its sense of itself. It was, in the end, a moment of catharsis for postwar France. It was a trial that had to happen, and it was vitally important for the future of France that the former leader in the dock was not acquitted. For all the many differences between the two cases, the exact same applies to the US on the eve of the Trump trials.”

      Who is Donald Trump? Glowering, feral, with the dead eyes of a cornered but dangerous animal, his fake blond hair, fake history of success, and fake identity? Traitor Trump has been the cuckoo in our nest, ambush predator and pathological liar, rapist and enemy agent, worshipper of Moloch, Demon of Lies, and disciple of Adolf Hitler.

     As I wrote in my post of August 7 2019, Psychopathy and the Nature of Evil: the Parallel Cases of Donald Trump and Adolf Hitler; How are monsters created, and how does evil arise as a shaping force which grants them the power to change the topography of human souls and the course of history?

     While sorting through Trump’s tweets and speeches by keyword looking for answers, I was reminded of another such project, the now-classic study of Adolf Hitler from his speeches and writings, The Psychopathic God by Robert G. L. Waite, which I read enthusiastically the year of its publication while a junior in high school. I had just finished reading Jerzy Kosinski’s novel The Painted Bird, which led me to an interest in the origins and consequences of evil, the route by which I developed a serious interest in psychology and its intersections with history, philosophy, and literature.

     The parallels between Hitler and Trump are amazing and instructive, both in terms of the personal and political origins, shaping forces, and consequences of madness and evil.

     Dr Justin Frank’s book Trump on the Couch is an excellent resource, particularly illuminating on Trump’s erotic relationship with his daughter, the fantasies of violence and power which are rooted in his childhood relationship with his tyrannical and abusive father, and his inability to love or empathize with others as a result of his abandonment by his mother.

      Pathological lies, poor impulse control, and grandiose fantasies and delusions complete the picture of a narcissistic personality and psychopathic predator.

     I’ve said it as a joke, but its quite true; how do you spell Trump? Treason, Racism, Untruth, Misogyny, Predator.

    Actually, Donald Trump is very easy to understand, because literature provides a ready portrait of him in Frankenstein’s monster, which I have described in my celebration of Mary Shelly and her luminous novel as the figure of an abandoned and tormented child, “a vessel of rage and vengeance, with the merciless iron will to enact subjugation of others in their turn, terrible and pathetic and with the grandeur of a tortured defiant beast trapped in the same flesh as the innocent who needs to be loved and cannot understand why he seems monstrous to others.”

     How Trump’s particular madness is expressed in our national policy is a horror which can described with precision; his fear of contamination and faecal fixation translate into his signature campaign against nonwhite others and a policy of ethnic cleansing and racist state terror, his misogyny into a patriarchal wave of legal disempowerment of women’s reproductive rights, his fragile ego,  identity confusion, and narcissistic need for attention into a governance of Nuremburg-like rallies, the cultivation of despicable autocrats, and the obsessive vengeance against anyone who refuses to offer adoration and submission.

     Above all what unites Trump and Hitler as parallel figures and historical forces is the theory of politics as theatre of cruelty and government as performance art.  

     As I wrote in my post of June 9 2023, We Celebrate the Indictment of Traitor Trump, Russian Spy and Most Effective Enemy Agent Ever to Attack America, For Espionage in the Theft of State Secrets; How do you spell Trump? Treason, Racism, Untruth, Misogyny, Predator.

      Take a moment to savour with me the indictment of Trump for the crime of espionage. Ahhh, the bliss.

      A commentator on MSN’s Eleventh Hour this night pronounced the magic words which I hope will awaken our nation from the long nightmare of capture by the Fourth Reich; “I think Trump is done.”

     It has been a fairytale from which we may learn many kinds of morals, a story which begins in the 1980 capture of the Republican Party by Jerry Falwell’s Moral Majority movement as a fundamentalist theocracy and the Presidency of its figurehead Ronald Reagan, and found its true form in the Presidency of a pedophile rapist and Russian agent who for years slept with a copy of Hitler’s Mein Kampf on his nightstand in place of a Bible.

      Here in the trial of Traitor Trump is a morality play which is also a Rashomon Gate of our possible futures, for it is more than a legal last stand of the rule of law and the idea of democracy in America against a rigged electoral process which offers capture of the state to its enemies, but also a trial of democracy in America and of our infiltrated and subverted justice system whose court of ultimate appeal is a Supreme Court which is become a whorehouse.    

      What is the meaning of the Trump regime in the story of America and our future possibilities of becoming human as a free society of equals?

           As I wrote in my post of November 3 2020, One Hundred Years of Racist Vote Suppression and White Supremacist Terror: Anniversary of the Ocoee Massacre; This election has seen attempts at vote suppression unknown in our lifetimes; Trumps mission to subvert democracy includes intimidation by calling for armed white supremacists to deny nonwhite citizens access to the polls, an attack on Biden’s campaign caravan by the Trump Train mobile force, failed assassination attempts against Biden and other political figures, sabotage of the postal system, politization of the Justice department, and his farcical declaration of victory before the vote is counted, among his many treasonous crimes.

     Today liberty and tyranny play for the soul of America and the freedom of the world.

    I spent some time today at a Trump rally trying to defuse a hate crime in the making. A hey rube went up that a rally staged between our local mosque here in Spokane and a Middle Eastern grocery was becoming a violent mob; while others responded as a protection detail and placed themselves with great courage between potential perpetrators and their victims, I blended into the rally to assess and shape its development as an incubator of violence and work to defuse it through dialog and negotiation.

      Today these angry young men chose not to allow fear, rage, and hate to master and dehumanize them, nor provoke them into violence which would be the ruin of their lives; what will all of the other angry young men choose tomorrow?

     I’d like to believe this incident is atypical and not being played out a thousand times over across America; but I wouldn’t bet on it.

     Tyranny weaponizes overwhelming and generalized fear as an instrument of subjugation. This we must resist, but unless we speak directly to those fears we cannot heal the divisions of our society which authority has so skillfully manipulated.

    In the words of Sigmund Freud, “Civilization begins when we throw words instead of stones.”  Sadly, we humans have often chosen stones when words would serve us better.

    In all the madness of this election and of the deranged perversions and assaults upon our liberty, equality, truth, and justice of our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump’s kleptocracy of state terror and tyranny, we must not forget that though he exploited the flaws of our society to orchestrate the Fall of America and of democracy throughout the world, he did not originate them.

     Trump has revealed, tested, and hammered at our flaws, yet we remain unbroken and unconquered. This we should celebrate; in the main we are voting and not shooting, because our faith in one another and in the ideals on which our society is founded remain intact, though the institutions of our government may need radical and revolutionary change.

     Nor is there anything new in the threat to democracy of vote suppression; today is the one hundred year anniversary of the Ocoee Massacre, the most terrible incident of racist vote suppression in the history of our nation since the Civil War. What may give us hope now that failed us then is the emerging consensus of racial equality and the mass coalition for racial justice won for us by the Black Lives Matter movement and the heroic citizens who have seized the streets of our cities in an unparalleled months long mass action.

      Regardless of the election results, anyone who wishes to actually govern must do so at the head of these protests and not barricaded against the will of the people. This is the true meaning of this years seizure of power by our citizens, and it is a genie which cannot be returned to the prison of its lamp, for each of us is now a Living Autonomous Zone.

      As I wrote in my post of November 5 2020. Trump’s Last Coup Attempt and Subversion of Democracy as His Ship of Fools Sinks in Pathetic Failure; As Trump’s Ship of Fools comes apart at the seams and sinks beneath the waves in pathetic failure, our Clown of Terror collapses in infantile tantrums and tries to take democracy down with him, a final gesture of madness and idiocy in his delusional quest to subvert our values and institutions of liberty and seize tyrannical power.

     We must never forget how close we came to a repeat of the 1933 German Federal Election that set Hitler on the path to a tyranny of absolute power; this is clearly the most important electoral event in the history of humankind since then, and the two elections are terrifyingly parallel. Trump tried three times to use the Black Lives Matter protests to create fear and legitimize the federal occupation of America under the pretext of re-establishing law and order in an exact duplication of Hitler’s successful strategy using the Reichstag Fire, and failed.

     We have escaped the jaws of the Fourth Reich which have held us fast for four years, since the Stolen Election of 2016, while Trump and his cabal of Gideonite fundamentalist patriarchs, white supremacist terrorists, and plutocratic robber barons have violated everything about America which is noble and true, plundered the public wealth, dehumanized and divided us, sabotaged and subverted the institutions of our freedom, equality, truth, and justice, betrayed our allies and emboldened our foes, lost the American hegemony of global power and privilege and our position as a guarantor of democracy and universal human rights and a beacon of hope to the world.

     Let us never forget the bottomless depravities, treasons, and amoral predation and greed of Trump’s many enablers and conspirators in the Fall of America as we struggle in the years ahead to reclaim our nation and our souls. We must hold them to account, but we must also reimagine our society and the many systemic and structural flaws by which we came to this broken and lost state.

      As I wrote in my post of June 9 2022, The Greatest Show on Earth: Presenting the January 6 Committee; Tonight our puppets will dance upon the stage of history and our imaginations, while a chiaroscuro of light as truth and democracy versus darkness as fascist tyranny and falsification, lies, illusions, rewritten histories, alternate realities, conspiracy theories and propaganda play for the kingdom of our souls and the fate of America and the world.

     Who do we want to become, we humans? A free society of equals or a prison planet of masters and slaves?

     Now begins a great Reckoning, and we shall see.

     As I wrote in my post of February 10 2021, Treason, Tyranny, and Terror on Trial: As the Second Impeachment of Traitor Trump Begins, I Submit Charges Before the People’s Tribunal of Crimes Against Humanity for Which Trump and His Collaborators Should Now Be On Trial;  Among the many crimes against humanity for which Traitor Trump and his collaborators should be on trial but are not yet include the genocide and ethnic cleansing of Mexican and other nonwhite migrants, the concentration camps at our border, the orphaning and torture of children, and the state tyranny and terror of fascist and racist violence as national policy perpetrated by the ICE and Border Patrol components of Homeland Security, forces of repression which are racist and antidemocratic by their nature and which should be abolished as a top priority of the Restoration of America.

    Just as villainous and reprehensible is the parallel program of racist police violence and the carceral state to re-enslave Black American citizens and enforce systemic forms of inequality and injustice through state terror, repression of dissent, the force of a militarized police and the counterinsurgency model of policing which has transformed our security services into an army of occupation with primarily political objectives, and the control of pervasive and endemic surveillance and propaganda, lies, illusions, and subversions of the truth.

     Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, and his circus of fools, degenerates, and barbarians, his enablers and collaborators both within the government and his shadow forces rallying under the Confederate flag to bring violence and insurrection to our nations capital and to the streets of our cities throughout America, are co-conspirators and instigators in the murders of every Black American killed by police shooting or other racist violence since its authorization by Trump in the wake of Charlottesville.

      And every missing child kidnapped by the state and disappeared into what abominable slavery or human trafficking designed in the diseased imagination of Trump and his Epstein buddies we know not of, every migrant of the huddled masses yearning to be free who died in the quest to reach the safety of America because the water caches had been intentionally sabotaged by criminals in the uniform of our nation who were “just following orders” like their counterparts in the SS during the Holocaust, every prisoner who died in custody because they were denied water or medical care; the blood of these and countless other victims of Trump’s narcissistic self-aggrandizement and regime of fascist corruption, racism, and patriarchal sexual terror is on the hands of every  Republican who voted for him and fails now in this trial to repudiate him publicly and renounce his works as among those of the devils which he serves.

     For in his actions Trump has been not only a foreign agent and Putin’s puppet whose mission is the subversion of democracy and the Fall of America, but also a slave of Moloch the Seducer, Demon of Lies, in that he is not merely a pathological liar but also an idiot madman who cannot distinguish truth from lies, and who has weaponized his delusions and psychopathy as instruments of our falsification and subjugation in his quest for tyrannical power.

     The bizarre and lurid dark fairytales of the QAnon conspiracy theory movement, like the charges of the Inquisition and the Nazis which othered witches and Jews on which QAnon is constructed, serves as deflection from Trump’s loathsome perversions and sexual terrorism. What terrors did he conceal behind the beauty pageant and modeling syndicate he once controlled?

     His Stop the Steal campaign is a similar deflection which shields him from inquiry into the Stolen Election of 2016 and the fact that his Presidency was entirely illegitimate and due to Russian interference; it was also the rhetorical and organizational basis of his final attempted coup on January 6, for which he is now being impeached for the second time.

     We must cast out the monsters from among us, the racists and white supremacist terrorists, the Gideonite fundamentalists and patriarchs of Christian Identity fascism and sexual terror, and the amoral forces of repression of those who would enslave us and who enforce hegemonies of elite power and privilege and hierarchies of exclusionary otherness armed with guns and badges and the authority of a government which has been infiltrated by the Fourth Reich, an implacable and relentless enemy which has come just short of seizing us in its jaws.

     We must give fascism no second chances.

     As I wrote in my post of January 11 2021, Allegories and Symbols of the Fall of America: the January 6 Insurrection as Theatre of Cruelty; Here is an expanded version of my post of January 6 on the Surrealist film Gummo as a satire of the Deplorables who committed treason and armed insurrection against our nation at the command of Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump; on Insurrection Day, I offer for your consideration the film Gummo, a sensitive and elegant documentary of the Deplorables from whom the Fourth Reich cadre who staged the assault on Congress were recruited, and an allegory of America.

        Bacon? Stapled to the wall, a strip of bacon captures ones attention as a symbol of degeneration and barbarian atavisms of instinct. Werner Herzog signposted it for our attention, and it persists as a symbol of degeneration to an animal state, like a trophy of wealth which is also offal above a bathtub filled with filth as our young protagonist eats spaghetti, his mouth smeared with red like a cannibal; an unforgettable image of the fallen American Dream.

      It is the little things which disturb, provoke, and incite us to challenge normality, the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue, the authorized identities of hegemonic elites and divisions of otherness, and to transgress the boundaries of the Forbidden with glorious sins of beatification.

     Here as always, all true art defiles and exalts.

     We dine in filth on the carrion of others lives and by their labor. This is a Surrealist film intended as an allegory of America and a thematic interrogation of our flaws and dark legacies of injustice, and in large part restates Nietzsche’s critique of Shakespeare’s Measure For Measure and the idea of the innate depravity of man, an extension of the doctrine of original sin, on which all our law is based, as Nikos Kazantzakis argues in his thesis Friedrich Nietzsche on the Philosophy of Right and the State, an anarchist analysis of authority as dehumanization which underlies all his later work.

     So also does the film restate William S. Burroughs’ analysis of capitalism and imperialism as the Algebra of Need, in which drug addiction becomes a metaphor of our addiction to wealth, power, and privilege, an engine of self-destruction, commodification, and dehumanization which feeds on and worsens our most atavistic instincts. Here the flaws of our humanity, fear and rage, vanity and jealousy, the need to dominate and control, become the instruments of our subjugation to hegemonic elites through divisions of exclusionary otherness and to tyrants of force and control and the imperial and carceral states of those who would enslave us.

     The film itself is brutally shocking, grotesque, and borders on the obscene; which is why I adore it so. I must warn you that while I like it as an allegory of America’s flaws, and to poke fun at Trump’ s followers, this is brutal and depressing; anyone with suicidal ideation should avoid it. This debut of a heralded wonder of the new age as director was not understood as a critique of state power as a force of dehumanization and regression to an animal state, like that of the Deplorables, and unjustly derailed a promising career; a historical injustice I would like to redeem, because Gummo is a film we need now.

     We must see the enemies of Liberty as they truly are, if we are to heal our nation from the primary trauma of fracture they enacted in the January 6 Insurrection.

     Both the Insurrection and the film Gummo, like the Trump presidency as a whole, must be interpreted as performances of the Theatre of Cruelty as articulated by Antonin Artaud in his manifesto The Theatre And Its Double. Trump is a figure of the mad emperor from his great novel Heliogabalus; or, the Crowned Anarchist; his performances as a clown of terror, disruption, and sadism were also brilliantly prophesized by Robert Coover in The Public Burning, A Political Fable, written as a satire of Nixon.

    Let us see beyond the lies and illusions with which Trump and his Deplorables conceal their subversions of democracy, sabotage of our institutions, and violations of our ideals of liberty, equality, truth, and justice.

     Always pay attention to the man behind the curtain. As Dorothy says to Oz, he’s never anything but “just an old humbug.”

     As I wrote in my post of February 11 2021, Profiles in Treason and Terror; The dishonorable and the mad, the delusional and the sadistic epicures of brutality and perversions, the feral predators hooting and champing before the gallows and guillotines they have brought to murder members of congress with and their partners in uniform unleashing racist terror and gun violence in the streets, and the amoral and predatory grifters and puppetmasters of fascism who have subjugated and enslaved them and stolen their honor and their souls; these are among the idolators of Traitor Trump who conspired, enabled, and collaborated in his plot to subvert democracy and overthrow America in the January 6 Insurrection which attempted to seize Congress and execute its members, which like Hitler’s Beer Hall Putsch on which it was modeled was intended to decapitate the government of the people in a single stroke.

     As details emerge of the internal operations and massive scale of the plot against America, in terms of its central coordination and logistics under direct operational command of Trump and his cabal of conspirators, we are offered not only the spectacle of his aberrance and monstrosity as a mad idiot Clown of Terror drooling and gloating in bestial depravity at the destruction of our values and institutions, the violation of our ideals and the endless suffering he has caused, but of those of his freakish and degenerate followers as well.

     The role of deniable forces of the Fourth Reich such as the Proud Boys, the Oathkeepers, and other organizations of white supremacist terror, and of their partners and infiltration agents within our police, military, and security services,  in the January 6 Insurrection is by now well documented and will become more so as the greatest manhunt in our history exposes and entraps more of its perpetrators.

     The images we have been witnessing of their assault on liberty during the Second Impeachment trial will be remembered in the history of the world as the true legacy of an era of fascist tyranny under the figurehead of Trump which nearly ended America as a guarantor of global democracy and universal human rights, and had we fallen as the primary domino and a beacon of hope to the world both democracy and human rights would be lost to humankind for unknown ages; the last time civilization fell it took a thousand years for the idea that government derives its authority from its citizens and not by divine right, the idea that no one of us is better than any other by right of birth, and that freedom, equality, truth, and justice are the foundational values of our society and truths of human being and meaning, to reawaken.

     And it took centuries of wars and revolutions to do so; how if this time civilization falls not to hordes of barbarians seeking nothing but pillage and destruction, but to regimes of totalitarian force and control?

     This is the great contradiction of the forces of repression and subjugation to authority which overran our capitol on January 6; they have been betrayed by their masters in believing they were acting to restore our traditional values and civilization, when in fact they had been weaponized in service to its destruction. Here is a clear and present danger, but also an opportunity; shared motives can be redirected to heal divisions, for they too want an American Restoration. As yet we just disagree on our definition of terms.

     When fear is overwhelming and generalized, it can be shaped through submission to authority by lies, illusions, alternate realities, especially when pervasive and endemic surveillance, big data, and propaganda are available as instruments of state control. Authority achieves submission through falsification and the theft of the soul, but this is also the weakness of control which cannot stand against truth, just as the weakness of force is that it is powerless against resistance, disobedience, and refusal to submit.

    The election of Biden and Harris, the failure of Trump’s sixth coup attempt on January 6, and the public exposure and shaming of his co-conspirators, collaborators, and enablers before the stage of the world of the Second Impeachment trial; in these events we have witnessed a turning of the tide from fascism to a restoration of democracy.

     Once the Reckoning has been achieved, the Restoration must heal our divisions; and this means we must embrace and transform the fear that lives at the heart of hate, and drives the rage, violence, and need to conquer and dominate others which shadows our historical inequalities and injustices.

    Fear, Power, Force; such is the Ring of Power which enslaves us, and which we must abandon if we are to become whole.

     Herein I offer a previous version of the role of Trump as Angelo in the savage morality play Measure For Measure, a work luminous with Kafka-esque Absurdism, Freudian horror, and a brilliant interrogation of the dynamics of patriarchy and power asymmetry in gender relations in the brilliant review of the Simon Godwin production, critiqued with marvelous insight by Geoffrey O’Brien in the New York Review of Books; entitled “Shakespeare’s Pornography of Power by Geoffrey O’Brien.

     “This is the disgusting, stinking world of medieval Vienna. The darkness of this world is absolutely necessary to the meaning of the play…When this play is prettily staged, it is meaningless—it demands an absolutely convincing roughness and dirt.” Thus Peter Brook, who directed a legendary production in 1950, on his vision of Shakespeare’s Measure for Measure. Simon Godwin’s pathway into the play at the Polonsky Shakespeare Center in Brooklyn is by way of a corridor through Mistress Overdone’s brothel, along a narrow basement path lined with discreetly closed cubicles and arrays of lubes, dildos, anal plugs, shackles and handcuffs, multicolored condoms, an inflatable sex doll. It is a space dimly lit but by no means medieval, an ingratiatingly tacky emporium more likely to amuse than repel the New York theatergoers passing through.

     Given the perennial relevance of the various injustices it circles around—the sexual exploitation and pious hypocrisy and persecution of whistleblowers—Measure for Measure invites updating. The virginal Isabella, realizing that no one will believe her story of victimization against that of the all-powerful Angelo—who has been named regent of Vienna by its absent duke—cries out: “To whom should I complain? Did I tell this, / Who would believe me?”—language so direct it could be lifted from the latest celebrity harassment trial, especially when spoken with the angry clarity that Cara Ricketts gives the line.

     Angelo—the moral disciplinarian with a spotless reputation who, once given power, swiftly succumbs to his most predatory impulses—can be envisioned almost too neatly as the sort of high-minded conservative who from time to time finds himself indicted for sexual malfeasance. There is no problem with Thomas Jay Ryan’s performance: Ryan’s delineation of Angelo’s ethical collapse and his half-hearted efforts to justify himself to himself have the barely controlled panic of a public figure realizing how little he knows himself. The regent lies, and the most unhampered truth-telling comes from sex workers and criminals who make no pretense to any credo beyond their own self-interest, as in the unarguable defense of the tapster Pompey, arrested for procuring: “Truly, sir, I am a poor fellow that would live.”

     But it’s in the nature of Measure for Measure that whatever contemporary analogies are invoked cannot quite make sense of what happens. In its early stages the play is centered on the three characters whose destinies collide so violently: Angelo, Isabella, and her brother Claudio, who has been condemned for fornication. The scenes in which they confront each other have the amplitude of the tragedies that were to follow: Isabella pleading for Claudio’s life, Angelo demanding her virginity as the price of her brother’s pardon, Claudio overwhelmed by the terror of death, Isabella (in a moment that challenges any audience’s sympathy) denouncing her brother for his weakness of character when she realizes he is willing to see her give in to Angelo’s demands.

    The grandeur of these scenes becomes most fully alive through Cara Ricketts’s Isabella, intensely focused, supremely pointed in her argumentation, but with a hint of an absolute commitment to the ideal that helps account for her harsh dismissal of her condemned brother’s terror of dying; an altogether serious person, too serious for the world she finds herself inhabiting, perhaps too serious for the madcap Duke when he proposed to her at the very end of the play. Her reaction to Angelo’s harassment goes beyond physical repulsion into profound moral contempt—expressing itself in angry laughter—at the triviality of his character. Her ultimate forgiveness of Angelo—at a moment when she still believes her brother to have been executed—is dramatically the most difficult of all, couched as it is in a nice legal argument, but Ricketts brought a somber conviction to it.

     An audience that wants to take the play as readily grasped satire cannot evade the puzzlements and reversals of judgment that come in its later scenes—reversals of judgment that do not end even when the play is done. Measure for Measure is a perpetual questioning machine, exquisitely functional, set to a relentless tempo, yet a machine that bristles and crackles in its joints with contradiction and discomfort. Harold Bloom has described it as “a comedy that destroys comedy.” It is a comedy that threatens to destroy or at least wear down its own characters by subjecting them to the only mechanism—a mechanism demanding elaborate subterfuges and unlikely changes of heart—by which they can avoid a tragic fate. By the end we might imagine them as the exhausted, socially viable remnants of those conflicted, passionate beings we saw tearing apart everything including themselves scene after scene, during the first three acts. They are saved, and some of them have saved others, but for what fate we can only wonder.

     In Godwin’s production, to emerge from the brothel’s passageway into the main theater is to find the Polonsky transformed into what looks like an oversize banqueting hall, the playing area laid out as an immense table decked with candles and balloons and trays of drinks, a few audience members seated around the edge. Drunken revelers stagger noisily across the tabletop stage, leaving behind a solitary figure sprawled on its surface, shooting up (presumably) heroin and then wrapping himself up in a tangle of sheets. A woman in business attire approaches him, studying him like a corporate assistant confronted by a messy but familiar management problem. He, it quickly emerges, is Vincentio, Duke of Vienna, and she is Escalus, the “ancient Lord” who serves him, transmuted into Escala, a tightly controlled executive who in January LaVoy’s reading sometimes evokes a less murderous version of Tilda Swinton’s scheming pharmaceuticals exec in Michael Clayton.

     As the Duke (Jonathan Cake) rouses himself from his nod he delivers the play’s opening speech, in a broken rhythm suggesting that the passage’s roundabout prolixity reflects his faltering attempt to shake himself out of his opiate daze. It is one way to get the play going: pitched forward headlong, off-balance from the start, the unanswered and perhaps unanswerable questions piling up before we even know where we are. What manner of being is the Duke really? Why is he leaving Vienna in such haste and putting in his place a temporary regent, the “precise” Angelo, known for his rigorous strictness? Why does he choose to linger, disguised as a friar, to observe what happens in his absence? Having learned that his moralistic stand-in is attempting to blackmail Isabella—a young woman just about to enter a convent—into sex in order to save her brother Claudio (Leland Fowler) from a death sentence, why does he intervene in such needlessly tortuous fashion, subjecting innocents to agonies of misinformation? When in one of the play’s most eloquent speeches he more or less persuades Claudio that life is not especially worth living—“Be absolute for death”—does he speak his own sincerest thoughts or is this merely part of the role he is playing as prison confessor?

     To cast the Duke as a junkie is one way of providing him with a motive. His addiction perhaps discourages him from exercising moral authority; perhaps he sees it as a weakness rendering him unfit to enforce Vienna’s laws with the necessary severity; perhaps he even harbors the thought that those laws are unnecessarily severe; perhaps he simply needs to take some time out. In any event his drug habit, as far as I could observe, comes up only once more (a quick glance at the track marks on his arm, lest he forget), and from the moment he dons his disguise he grows steadily more assured, though it is an assurance boosted by waves of antic humor to which Cake at times gives an almost Monty Pythonish edge. A certain hilarity gives him courage to dream up and carry out his preposterous scheme, which more and more comes to resemble a baroque sting operation.

     We can hardly expect to find out who the Duke really is in the course of the evening, since Shakespeare’s text leaves that question so hauntingly open. Even if he assures a confederate early on that he has “a purpose / More grave and wrinkled than the aims and ends / Of burning youth,” he never articulates what that purpose is. He is more than central to the play—as the narrative advances he becomes its directing force, moving plot elements around like game pieces—while remaining to the end a fascinating cipher. He is memorably termed “the Duke of dark corners”—a secret devotee of hidden vices—by the witty reprobate Lucio, but Lucio is by no means averse to making things up. If nothing else the Duke can be said to behave very much like a playwright working with improvisatory energy on his play’s last act, an act that will feature a succession of agonizingly drawn-out revelations, a string of pardons, and an unlooked-for proposal of marriage.

     The lust of the hypocritical Angelo is not triggered by the attractive power of beauty but perversely by the notion of violating purity: the pornography of power, relished by a man for whom execution and torture are primary tools of policy. There is a terror at the heart of everything. The Duke’s exhortation to Claudio to resign himself to death cannot match in dramatic effect Claudio’s subsequent speech—roughly the play’s midpoint—on the horror of dying: “The weariest and most loathed worldly life / That age, ache, penury, and imprisonment / Can lay on nature, is a paradise / To what we fear of death.”

     Sometimes the play feels like a series of decentered snapshots of city dwellers shuffling between sex and death. It is the only Shakespeare play concerned with how a city is run, and what that is like for the people who live there. (Romeo and Juliet is also a city play of sorts, but it centers on the operation of clans, not the municipal government that so ineffectively intervenes in their never-ending feud; and that play’s poetry—so unlike the gnarled, combative, often tensely legalistic exchanges of Measure for Measure—constantly evokes spaces beyond the immediate setting.) In Measure for Measure everything is local, in the most oppressive way. We look at things from the top down and from the bottom up, and the judgment is ambivalent, or rather multivalent. Godwin’s staging conveys very well the sense of airless interconnecting interiors, all linked as part of the same system: claustrophobic offices, claustrophobic cells of both prisons and convents, but mostly of prisons. It could almost be called a prison play, a point underlined here by the cell walls constantly rolling in and out of the foreground.

     The motives of the three main characters are seen from many angles, by each other and by bystanders and street-corner commentators of all sorts, from the generously inclined Provost of the prison, realized with great feeling by Oberon K.A. Adjepong, to the unavoidable Lucio, amusingly played by Haynes Thigpen as a self-satisfied comedian a little too hip for the room, always there to speak up for ordinary human vice (“a little more lenity to lechery would do no harm”) although contemptuous of the whores he sleeps with, constantly hovering at the edge of what goes on so he can get his digs in and almost managing to avoid getting called on it. The comedy provides not so much relief as an obverse view, consistently deflating and needling, and it is rarely clear where exactly the boundaries are, or who can truly be called central in this world fallen askew.

     Consider the late emergence of Barnardine, a murderer who for nine years has been awaiting execution. The Duke determines to substitute his head for that of Claudio, demanded by Angelo in proof that he has been put to death, but when Barnardine—already described as “a man that apprehends death no more dreadfully but as a drunken sleep; careless, reckless, and fearless of what’s past, present, or to come”—emerges from his cell, he simply refuses to die—“I have been drinking hard all night, and I will have more time to prepare me… I swear I will not die today for any man’s persuasion”—and staggers back to his cell. It was a disappointment to see this episode treated as a comic interlude, with too much hokum and unneeded verbal additions. (Zachary Fine did much in his other role as the simple-minded constable Elbow.)

     It’s the most surprising scene in Measure for Measure and ought to stop the proceedings in their tracks, with its after beat the Duke’s astonishing pardon of the murderer in the last act. I can still recall being taken to see John Houseman’s production of the play at age eight—a memorable outing to the Shakespeare theater in Stratford, Connecticut in 1956—and however dimly I apprehended its stew of bawdry and sexual extortion, there was no mistaking the uproarious force of Barnardine’s unconditional refusal. The actor was Pernell Roberts, of later Bonanza fame, and he must have delivered Barnardine’s few lines with great vigor, since the scene has lingered in memory ever since. In a play of punitive laws, complex masquerades, and tortuous mutually annihilating arguments, it briefly upholds the intoxicating possibility of simply walking away.”

     As I wrote in my post of June 15 2022, Act Three of the Greatest Show on Earth: Where Do We Go From Here?;  Where do we go from here?

      Democracy in America survived its most terrible moment of peril from internal threat in the January 6 Insurrection, yet here we are, witness to the public exposure of the plot and its treasonous conspirators on television as Congress brings a Reckoning to the Fourth Reich.

      Like the Beer Hall Putsch of 1923 on which it was modeled, it failed; but in doing so also achieved all of its strategic goals, moving our great enemy nearer to victory by staging a Lost Cause which established the fascist counternarrative as iconography that Trump remains our legitimate President. Next time, and there will always be a next time, we may not be so lucky.

      Not only do the forces of fascism remain an active threat, through open allegiance to the Lost Cause which echoes horrifically with that of the Confederacy and the KKK whose adherents are among the networks of deniable assets now among us as they were at the Capitol on that fateful day, but the vast resources of wealth and power at their command after seventy years of infiltration of global elites and governments remain undiminished.

      But none of this is relevant to the true threat which fascism poses to us all today; for America has been divided against itself, and as we are warned by Abraham Lincoln in 1858 in his House Divided speech in reference to the synoptic Gospels of Luke 11:17, Mark 3:25, and Matthew 12:25; “If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it.

     We are now far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated, with the avowed object, and confident promise, of putting an end to slavery agitation.

Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only, not ceased, but has constantly augmented.

     In my opinion, it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached, and passed –

     “A house divided against itself cannot stand.”

     I believe this government cannot endure, permanently half slave and half free.

     I do not expect the Union to be dissolved – I do not expect the house to fall – but I do expect it will cease to be divided.

     It will become all one thing, or all the other.”

      As we are taught with the lyrics of the song Where Do We Go From Here?, in Buffy the Vampire Slayer episode 7 of season 6, Once More With Feeling, possibly the greatest musical episode of any telenovela yet created;

 “Where do we go from here

Where do we go from here

The battle’s done,

And we kinda won.

So we sound our victory cheer.

Where do we go from here.

Why is the path unclear,

When we know home is near.

Understand we’ll go hand in hand,

But we’ll walk alone in fear. (Tell me)

Tell me where do we go from here.

When does the end appear,

When do the trumpets cheer.

The curtains close, on a kiss god knows,

We can tell the end is near…

Where do we go from here

Where do we go from here

Were do we go

from here?”

       Here is an elegy for the Fall of America, a hymn to a dying hope and the lost grandeur of a fallen nation. When in a distant future the artifacts of our civilization begin to puzzle whatever beings arise from our carrion, and they ask who were the Americans, I hope such music as this lamentation remains to guide their questions.

     Yet hope remains when all is lost, and whether it becomes a gift or a curse is in our hands. These lyrics speak of the modern pathology of disconnectedness, of the division and fracture of our Solidarity, of subjugation through learned helplessness and the dominion of fear. But this is not the end of the story, nor of ours.

     Once More With Feeling ends not with abjection, but with The Kiss, between the Slayer and Spike, one of the monsters she hunts. A very particular kind of monster, who is also the hero of the story in its entire seven year arc; one who is made monstrous by his condition of being and forces beyond his control, against which he struggles for liberation and to recreate and define himself as he chooses, a monster who reclaims his humanity and his soul. This is why we continue to watch the show twenty years after its debut; we are all Spike, locked in titanic struggle for the ownership of ourselves with authorized identities and systemic evils, a revolution of truths written in our flesh against imposed conditions of struggle and orders of human being, meaning, and value.

      Buffy the Vampire Slayer is an allegory of Sartrean freedom in a world without inherent value or meaning, of the joy of total freedom versus the terror of our nothingness, and above all a song of the redemptive power of love to return to us our true selves.

      This is how we defeat fascist tyranny in the long game, after we bring a Reckoning for its crimes against humanity and its subversion of democracy; let us answer hate with love, division with solidarity, fear with hope, and bring healing to the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

The Treason Mob: Trump and His Circus of Treason

Trump’s hush-money trial: what’s happened so far?

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/apr/15/trump-hush-money-trial

Who are the key players in Donald Trump’s hush-money trial?

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/apr/15/key-players-donald-trump-hush-money-trial

Trump’s hush-money trial: prosecutors’ key arguments in criminal case

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/apr/15/trump-hush-money-trial-key-arguments

King Kong | Climbing Up (and Falling from) the Empire State Building

(how Trump sees himself)

Belligerence and hostility: Trump’s mugshot defines modern US politics

America on trial: the charges against Trump will decide the fate of a nation

Trump’s mugshot reviewed: ‘More like a foolish old man with anger issues than a presidential contender’ | Photography | The Guardian

https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2023/aug/25/trump-mugshot-reviewed-fry-blackadder-melchett-fulton

Mugshotted, Trump’s veneer of immunity cracked. Yet his wrath is bottomless | Lloyd Green | The Guardian

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2023/aug/25/trump-fulton-county-jail-mugshot-republicans-2024

Trumps Kubrick Stare

Jenna Ortega as Wednesday’s Kubrick Stare, in the iconic dance with her monster

Wednesday: the first revolution in which we all must fight; the struggle for ownership of ourselves

Wednesday Addams | Inside the Character | Netflix

Buffy the Vampire Slayer Season 6 episode 7- Once More, with Feeling – Where Do We Go From Here?

Gummo film

https://vimeo.com/388834918

Lincoln’s House Divided speech

https://www.nps.gov/liho/learn/historyculture/housedivided.htm

The Public Burning, by Robert Coover, William H. Gass (Introduction)

Heliogabalus; or, the Crowned Anarchist, by Antonin Artaud

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/75887.Heliogabalus_or_the_Crowned_Anarchist

The Uncensored Picture of Dorian Gray, Oscar Wilde, Nicholas Frankel  (Editor)

The Theatre and Its Double, by Antonin Artaud

The Algebra of Need, by William S. Burroughs, Eric Mottram (Editor)

Friedrich Nietzsche on the Philosophy of Right and the State, by Nikos Kazantzakis

American Kompromat: How the KGB Cultivated Donald Trump, and Related Tales of Sex, Greed, Power, and Treachery, Craig Unger

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/55655068-american-kompromat?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_18

God’s Right Hand: How Jerry Falwell Made God a Republican and Baptized the American Right, Michael Sean Winters

A List of the Crimes of Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump

https://www.mcsweeneys.net/articles/the-complete-listing-atrocities-1-1-056

April 15 2024 First Anniversary of the Sudan War

      Sudan, where roving bands of tribal and warlord armies savage each other over the carrion of a nation and apex predators of foreign empires hunt each other among the ruins.

       And in the background, like shadow puppets in a theatre of darkness, a vast humanitarian failure of atrocities, war crimes, famine, and refugees speaks to us of the distance we have fallen in our duty of care for one another.

    For one year as of today atrocities which define the limits of the human have been committed here on a mass scale, with intent and by design, wherein our dehumanization is industrialized by tyrants to enforce the wealth, power, and privilege of hegemonic elites through fascisms of blood, faith, and soil. Sadly, this is far from unique in human history, and we know where this leads.

     No matter where authority begins with narratives of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, we always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

      Sudan, Gaza, Ukraine; symptoms of the same disease, now ongoing and appended to an endless litany of woes. Here I must signpost that the Sudan War is but one of several related conflicts in the African Theatre of World War Three as Putin attempts to re-found the Russian Empire. This is why the RSF is supplied with weapons from Russia’s client state in Libya, and why Ukrainian and other special forces are fighting the Wagner Group in Sudan.

       As Alan Moore teaches us in the great film V For Vendetta; “Since mankind’s dawn, a handful of oppressors have accepted the responsibility over our lives that we should have accepted for ourselves. By doing so, they took our power. By doing nothing, we gave it away.”

       As I wrote in my post of November 28 2023, The Failure of Empathy and the Fall of Human Civilization: the Case of Sudan; To remember, and bring a Reckoning; such is our duty of care for each other, without which we cease to be truly human and degenerate as atavisms of instinct in parallel and interdependent with processes of civilizational collapse.

     A wise friend of mine, the poetess Aasifa Reshi has written; “Sudan has died, and nobody wrote the obituary.”

     Here as in so many places we may see the abandonment of our humanity and of our empathy as a limit beyond which we may not pass without losing who we are, and a vision of the future which awaits us all if we cannot reverse course and act in solidarity to affirm our universal human rights.

     Among the many horrors of the civil war in Sudan, become a theatre of World War Three now as Ukrainian and Russian special forces battle each other for the dominion or liberation of Sudan, is the apathy with which the world witnesses some of the most terrible atrocities of the twenty first century with none of the mass protests and peace marches which have made the Gaza War part of the lives of all of us and the history of the world. Some of this is because the global Jewish and Palestinian diasporas are enormous and so many people are personally involved through people who are part of our lives, often on both sides; some of it is simple racism.

      Why are so many willing to immolate themselves on the funeral pyre of human civilization over the genocide and ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians and the moral collapse and delegitimation of the state of Israel, and so few placing their lives in the balance with the peoples of Sudan?

      What can this tell us about the systems of unequal power in which we are ensnared, and how we might free ourselves and each other?

      So I wrote half a year ago of the boundaries and interfaces between elite belonging and exclusionary otherness when identities of race and faith are weaponized as division in service to power by those who would enslave us, and of the degradation of our humanity and loss of our solidarity and guarantorship of each other’s universal human rights.

      What is the situation in this war now?

     As written by Nesrine Malik in The Guardian, in an article entitled For a full year, the bodies have piled up in Sudan – and still the world looks away; “One year ago today, Sudan descended into war. The toll so far is catastrophic. Thousands are dead, and millions are displaced, with hunger and disease ravaging all in the absence of aid. The UN has called the situation “one of the worst humanitarian disasters in recent history”, afflicting about 25 million people. The Sudanese people are suffering what has become the largest displacement crisis in the world.

     The war was both sudden and a long time coming. The short history is that of a country where, following a promising 2019 revolution that overthrew the dictator Omar al-Bashir, the army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a powerful militia, ejected civilians from a power-sharing agreement between the three parties and then could not come to an agreement themselves. Their partnership broke down in April last year, and the RSF moved quickly, taking over the capital city, Khartoum, in an unprecedented moment in the country’s history. It then spread through the rest of the country, looting, assaulting and murdering civilians.

     The army – and here is the long history – which established the RSF in the first place from remnants of the infamous Janjaweed troops it partnered with in Darfur to help it savagely suppress rebellion in the region – has so far been unable to prevail against its own creation. The result is a fluid situation, with gains and losses for both parties, no discernible frontline, and millions of Sudanese people caught in the middle.

     It’s not so much a civil war as it is a war against civilians, whose homes, livelihoods and very lives have been the collateral damage so far. It is two tragedies overlaid. The first is of a country that until last year, although beset with conflict and dictatorship, had managed to maintain its integrity – and with it a sense that there was a way through its troubles, after which it could achieve its potential.

     The war, despite all that led up to it, was not inevitable, was not the foreseeable fate of a country where ethnic differences necessitated conflict. It was the result of an economic model of centralisation where dominant parties in the centre preyed on, and extracted from, the periphery. One of the largest countries in Africa, with a sparkling coast along the Red Sea, fertile land across the Nile River, and the sort of cultural and ethnic diversity that could be harnessed into a powerhouse of Arab and African convergence, Sudan was always held back by an entitled few who wouldn’t share.

     Added to the loss of what could have been are all the personal losses spread now throughout the country. The war unfolded and spread so rapidly that a mass dispossession took place, and with it an odyssey of displacement. Everyone I know in the country of my birth is scattered to different degrees, either within Sudan – sheltering, sometimes for the third or fourth time, with friends or relatives as the war reaches them – or outside of it. All, including my family, have left their homes, sometimes grabbing what they could before the RSF stormed in and took over their properties.

     Even though it has been a year, there is still a sense of whiplash, of disbelief that it has actually happened, is actually happening. Every development expands the theatre of war and makes a return to peace more remote. Writing these words is a halting, painful process, like stepping on shards of broken glass. Something similar plays out on an almost daily basis, where one tries, and fails, to trace and keep track of all the individual and national tolls.

     And more jarring is that the world has gazed with indifference upon this crucible of war. The “forgotten war” is what it’s called now, when it’s referenced in the international media. Little is offered by way of explanation for why it is forgotten, despite the sharpness of the humanitarian situation, the security risk of the war spreading, and the fact that it has drawn in self-interested mischievous players such as the United Arab Emirates, which is supporting the RSF, and therefore extending the duration of the war.

     One of the reasons for this is Gaza and the escalating Middle East conflict, and how they have monopolised global attention and diplomatic bandwidth for the past six months. And another is that for those reporting within Sudan and the few who manage to get in, doing so is difficult and fraught with danger, limiting the output of images and details that can be broadcast consistently to galvanise attention. But the rest, I suspect, is down to what to most will seem unremarkable: this is just another African country succumbing to intractable conflict.

     This is a different war from the one waged in Darfur, which drew in celebrities, politicians and even the international criminal court in previous years. And it is different from the war between the north and south, which also attracted so much advocacy and political pressure that a peace agreement and secession was secured. It is not, as in the past, a conflict resonantly framed as Muslims against Christians, or Arabs against Africans, stirring sympathy and outrage. It is the challenge of a new configuration of political and economic entrepreneurs who wish to displace the old military cluster of ruling parties – but with no experience and even less interest in actually running parts of the state captured in the meantime.

     On a political level Sudan falls, and has always done, low on the list of priorities for power brokers in the west, who have few interests in the country. They either crudely isolated it through sanctions or, after the revolution, naively and hastily tried to marshal the two armed parties to agreement and a de-facto return to a militarised, centralised status quo.

     This is the point where I would usually suggest some potential way through it all. But one year on there is nothing but mourning. There is comfort though, as infrastructure has collapsed, in how the Sudanese people have pooled their few resources and opened up their homes to each other, in how volunteers have set up community kitchens, and how resistance committees, local civil disobedience units that were set up before and thrived during the 2019 revolution have been repurposed to provide medical aid, food and shelter. In these acts, there is still a reminder that a country is not a place but a spirit. Not only is that very much alive, but it has proved to be, in even the most extreme circumstances, impossible to extinguish.”

     What is to be done, as Lenin asked in the essay that began the Russian Revolution?

     As written by Kate Ferguson in The Guardian, in an article entitled The RSF are out to finish the genocide in Darfur they began as the Janjaweed. We cannot stand by; “As conflict in Sudan escalates, it is becoming clear that the Rapid Support Forces has returned to Darfur to complete the genocide it began 20 years ago. The RSF is the Janjaweed rebranded, the “devils on horseback” used by the Sudanese government from 2003 to implement widespread and systematic crimes against non-Arab communities across Darfur. The RSF was, and still is, commanded by Gen Mohamed Hamdan “Hemedti” Dagalo.

     In recent weeks, what we knew was coming has been confirmed. Yale University’s Conflict Observatory, which uses a combination of satellite imagery, Nasa thermal-detection data and open-source analysis, found evidence of the “targeted destruction of at least 26 communities” by the RSF between 15 April and 10 July. Mass graves have been discovered, and satellite imagery shows entire urban neighbourhoods and villages have been burned down.

     Sexual violence is once again an evident component of RSF strategy. Facilities necessary for survival are being deliberately destroyed, from homes, schools and hospitals to water, electricity and communications infrastructure.

     What has been reported in Darfur is the first wave of a strategy that will become more extreme if left unchecked.

     This is what you do when you want to permanently remove a people. And terrible as this evidence is, the public reports and verified cases will still represent a massive undercount of what is actually taking place.

     This hellish trajectory will gather momentum, and there is a real risk the RSF will now take aim at larger targets, such as the town of El Fasher, where there are at least 600,000 displaced people now largely housed in three camps.

     The RSF appears to be taking advantage of an international response to the crisis that is prioritising resolution between the warring generals – Hemedti and Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, head of Sudan’s armed forces – but so far is proving unable or unwilling to respond to the mass violence being unleashed across Darfur.

     From the second world war and the Holocaust to the wars of Yugoslav succession and genocide against Bosnia’s Muslims, this deeply flawed assumption that ending armed conflict will also end campaigns of identity-based mass violence has meant catastrophic failures to protect vulnerable people and prevent massive losses of life. Failure to acknowledge these distinctions in Sudan will likewise be devastating for Darfur.

     The deliberate violence in Darfur requires an urgent response. However, doing so confers no legitimacy on Sudanese armed forces, which have been committing human rights violations elsewhere in Sudan in pursuit of reimposing Islamist authoritarian rule.

     What has been reported in Darfur should be seen as the first wave of a strategy that will become more extreme if left unchecked. The RSF command is watching what the world will do before it escalates. We have the narrowest of windows in which to act.

     The nature, intent and perpetrators of atrocities must be named and condemned. Last week the UK’s development minister, Andrew Mitchell, said crimes against humanity was “entirely right” to describe what is taking place. It is surprising that other countries – in particular the US, which has an established mechanism to do so – have yet to follow suit. Global condemnation can give perpetrators cause to hesitate; this buys time, which saves lives.

     The roles played by state leaders via back-channel diplomacy, and in leveraging bilateral and personal relationships, often make the greatest difference amid such delicate tipping points. Leadership from the British prime minister, Rishi Sunak, and the foreign secretary, James Cleverly, along with Mitchell, in publicly condemning mass atrocities in the strongest possible terms – and getting on the phone to urge their counterparts to do the same – is therefore critical.

     The glare of the international spotlight allows perpetrators fewer places to conceal their crimes. As current president of the UN security council, the UK should be using every forum and mechanism to bring attention, investigation, documentation and media coverage. Impunity thrives in the shadows.

     The UK must listen far more to the people who know and understand this violence best. I told the House of Commons foreign affairs select committee last month that the UK made a catastrophic error in trusting the men with guns rather than listening to the people who were feeling increasingly unsafe. It would be a graver mistake still to assume now that designing protective strategies is the singular purview of military experts in western capitals.

     The UK needs to establish urgently an emergency communications channel between Whitehall and experts in Sudan, Darfur, Chad and the Darfuri community here in the UK, who will be among the first to know when the RSF advance or alters course.

     Ultimately, as the chairs of both the international development and foreign affairs select committees have repeated, a protective wedge must be placed between people at risk and the RSF. The full spectrum of protective options must be fully considered, including but not limited to the rapid deployment of high-level international observers, the presence of UN political and human rights experts as “eyes and ears” on the ground, and peacekeeping forces that can protect civilians.

     None of these options is easy – we know the UN security council is broken, and securing permission for access will be a diplomatic feat on its own – but difficulty cannot become an excuse not to persevere when any kind of international presence will help to pause attacks and buy time.

     We knew the spectre of identity-based mass violence was returning to Sudan. We knew it when Hemedti instigated a massacre in Khartoum after the people’s revolution in 2019; we knew it when Burhan led the military coup in 2021.

     If the UK’s policy is indeed “to maximise our ability to take effective action to prevent and respond to atrocities”, comprehensive action must be taken now. Otherwise, we will have to accept that we stood by 20 years after genocide began in Darfur, allowing the very same perpetrators to complete the crime.”

     As I wrote in my post of July 15 2023, Genocide as a Symptom of Social and Political Collapse in Failed States: the Case of Sudan; Genocide can be read as a symptom of both social and political collapse; the hollowing out of values and relationships which sustain our humanity and the degradation of nations into regimes of authoritarian tyranny and state terror as they become delegitimized.

     It is the ultimate crime, and the end state of authorized national identities and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, of the weaponization of fear and faith in service to power through divisions and hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness.

     In Sudan a civil war rages and devolves into the horrors of genocide, a war which is also a proxy Great Powers conflict between the Arab-American Alliance and Russia for dominion in this theatre of World War Three. Here the past swallows the future and cannibalizes our hope for a humankind united as guarantors of each other’s universal human rights.

     Sudan is a classic example of the problems of faith as national identity and of the Double Minority as in Northern Ireland or Israel and Palestine, wherein both historically Islamic and Christian identities have been deployed in service to power. This is now compounded by having become a wishbone of empires.

     Herein we play two bad choices against each other in hope of creating a free space of play for liberation and democracy, and at risk of either side consolidating power as a tyrannical regime, while whole peoples die.

     The strategy and goal of the Arab-American Alliance is simple; overthrow the regime of Russia’s client state with our champion Hemedti, a key regional ally whose child soldiers enforce our power in Yemen and elsewhere, who also happens to be a warlord, slave raider, and mining robber king whose wealth and power are built on the lives of indigenous Black people. This means that we need him in the Great Game and cannot disavow him, but also that his campaign of genocide against the Black Christian peoples has destabilized the whole region, abetted Islamization and brought America into alignment with forces inimical to our political interests and long range goals, and subverted our goal in Sudan of a secular and multiethnic democracy.

     Here is a parallel of why American abandoned Afghanistan; we needed the Taliban as a buffer state and counterforce to Iran, more than we needed the wealth from control of its heroin fields.

     The use of social force is subversive of its own values in the enforcement of virtue.

     For myself, I would dearly love to break the power of the Russian Empire and liberate Africa and the world from Putin’s colonialist tyranny and terror, but not at the cost of a genocide.

     In Sudan we must change our strategy, envision a new path to a free society of equals, and bring the Chaos.

     Let us send no armies to enforce virtue, but in liberation struggle only.

     No matter where you begin with songs of the Elect and Others, of purity and contamination, virtue and monstrosity, obedience and transgression, identification of the Infinite with those who claim to speak in his name and enforce our submission to their will, with the idea that some of us are better and truly more human than others on the basis of any of this, with subjugation to those who claim to speak in our name and would enslave us defined as good and freedom from systems of force and control as evil, and with the use of social force in service to elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     And this we must Resist, and give reply with the words found written on its death chambers after Liberation; Never Again!

     As written by Simon Tisdall in The Guardian, in an article entitled China, Myanmar and now Darfur … the horror of genocide is here again: Each time it happens, the world insists: ‘never again’. But the political and moral blindspots that allow these atrocities will persist until the lessons of history are learned; “

It’s happening again. In Darfur, scene of a genocide that killed 300,000 people and displaced millions 20 years ago, armed militias are on the rampage once more. Now, as then, they are targeting ethnic African tribes, murdering, raping and stealing with impunity. “They” are nomadic, ethnic Arab raiders, the much-feared “devils on horseback” – except now they ride in trucks. They’re called the Janjaweed. And they’re back.

     How is it possible such horrors can be repeated? The world condemned the 2003 slaughter. The UN and the International Criminal Court (ICC) investigated. Sudan’s former president, Omar al-Bashir, was charged with genocide and crimes against humanity along with his principal allies. The trial of one suspect, known as Ali Kushayb, opened last year. Yet Bashir and the guilty men have evaded justice so far.

     It’s a familiar story. Throughout history, genocide, the most heinous of crimes, has often gone unpunished. The UN’s 1948 Genocide Convention defined it as “acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group”. It is universally proscribed. States are legally bound to prevent it. Yet there’s a tendency to look away. In Xinjiang, Myanmar and elsewhere, the convention’s “odious scourge” rages unchecked.

     For its part, Sudan goes from bad to worse. The Janjaweed are allied to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) – paramilitaries warring with the army for control of the country. The RSF commander, known as Hemedti, was a Janjaweed leader in 2003. Like others, he has never faced justice. The UN warns with growing urgency that “crimes against humanity” are being committed in Darfur. It seems only too obvious where this is headed.

     Genocide, typically, is a “never again” event. So terrible and long-lasting are its effects that survivors insist it cannot ever be repeated. The Holocaust – the murder of six million European Jews by Nazi Germany – is the supreme, modern example of genocidal evil. Yet even that abomination has not dispelled a more general amnesia (or deliberate forgetting) about the past, nor deterred present-day emulators. “Never again” never works.

     The denial of recognition and justice to genocide’s historical victims helps explain today’s political and moral blindspots. In a powerful essay in the New York Review of Books last month, Ed Vulliamy, a former Guardian and Observer Bosnian war correspondent, highlights one such case of “invisibility”: the 19th-century drive to exterminate California’s Native American tribes.

     “They were totally deprived of land rights. They were… treated as wild animals, shot on sight… enslaved and worked to death… Their life was outlawed and their whole existence was condemned,” an official report later admitted. Nowhere were efforts to destroy Indigenous peoples’ lives and culture more “methodically savage” than in California, Vulliamy writes. Yet who remembers now? Who even knew?

     To his credit, the state’s governor, Gavin Newsom, has sponsored a California Truth and Healing Council to collect descendants’ testimony and formulate proposals for recognition, recompense and restorative justice. Newsom is clear about what happened. “It’s called genocide… No other way to describe it,” he said when setting up the council. Such candour is rare.

     Most European countries, Britain especially, formerly exhibited genocidal tendencies. Australia, too. The genocide of the Herero, Nama and other Aboriginal peoples by early 20th-century German settlers in what is now Namibia is another instance of obliterated history recently brought painfully to light. Thousands were machine-gunned by the colonists. Pornographic photographs of sexually-abused women were sent home as postcards. Foreshadowing Nazi atrocities, macabre medical experiments were conducted on prisoners.

     In 2021, a belatedly apologetic Germany agreed reparations with Namibia’s government. But the deal is on hold. Victims’ groups object, saying they were not consulted. As in other historical genocides, like that suffered by Ottoman-era Armenians in 1915-17, facts are disputed, responsibility is repudiated, and reconciliation remains elusive. Referred pain is just too powerful.

     Genocide prosecutions make gradual advances. Last week, a court in Paris jailed for life a Rwandan military policeman, Philippe Hategekimana, for his role in the slaughter of 800,000 people, mostly minority ethnic Tutsis, in 1994. Following the Bosnian war, former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb leaders, Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, were tried for genocide.

     But national courts in Germany and France exercising “universal jurisdiction”, the much-undermined ICC (the US, Russia and China reject its authority), special courts (as in Sierra Leone) and ad hoc, Yugoslavia-style international tribunals, such as that urged for Ukraine, are struggling to keep up with the sheer scale of atrocious behaviour around the world.

     Why, for example, is Syria’s dictator, Bashar al-Assad, not prosecuted for attempted genocide of Kurdish and Sunni groups under the terms of the 1948 convention? Russia’s Vladimir Putin should surely face similar action over Ukraine – in addition to the ICC’s war crimes warrant. Last week’s pizza restaurant bombing in Kramatorsk could be exhibit A, though in truth there are not enough letters in the alphabet to list all Putin’s crimes.

     Treating genocide as a rare, usually historical occurrence is nonsense. It’s happening today in Darfur. It’s happening in Myanmar, where minority Rohingyas are persecuted and displaced by a vicious military junta. And it’s happening in China with the documented mass detention, forced labour, involuntary sterilisation, family separation and religious persecution of Uyghurs in Xinjiang.

     As the US government says, such cruelty exactly fits the definition of genocide with intent. So why not indict President Xi Jinping? The UN Human Rights Council’s shameful vote to ignore its own damning Xinjiang investigation shows why this suggestion is impractical to the point of absurdity. It shows the depth of the problem with genocide denialism that the world still faces.

     It’s why impunity rules. It’s why the killers keep killing. It’s why the Janjaweed ride again.”

     As I wrote in my post of April 16 2023, Chaos Is the Great Hope of the Powerless: the Case of Sudan; In Sudan the legacies of our history return to savage us with terror and cruelty, as consequences of the Darfur War and the tyranny of the monstrous Omar al-Bashir, for though he has been brought a Reckoning as the figurehead of atavistic forces of fascisms of faith and race and the nihilistic wanton capitalism of elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, the forces which created him live on after he is fallen, conserving inequalities of power.

     All use of social force and violence obeys Newton’s Third Law of Motion, and creates its own resistance. This is both an existential threat to be feared, and an opportunity for transformative change to be desired.

    Such are the true aims and means of politics as the art of the possible; to dream and make real visions of fear and desire, belonging and otherness.

     Sudan began the Arab Spring, and was among its victims as failure of vision  and the persistence of evil as unequal power.

      In this moment the Rapid Support Forces led by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, remnants of Omar al-Bashir’s army of madness and criminality, challenges the government of Gen Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, who has repressed the democracy movement with great brutality.

      The fall of tyrants and seizures of power are goals and objectives of revolution, but we must also bring change to unjust systems if we are to free ourselves from the legacies of history and dream new and better ways to be human together. As proof of my thesis I offer you the case of Sudan, where warlords struggle for dominion in the wake of the collapse of the hope of democracy.

      And this moment of chaos is also one of opportunity, for as Guillermo del Toro has written in his great telenovela Carnival Row, “Who is Chaos good for? Chaos is good for us. Chaos is the great hope of the powerless.”

     Let us use the enemies of liberty against each other, and bring to Sudan a free society of equals who act as each other guarantors of universal human rights.

      Let us bring the Chaos.

     As written by Adam Fulton in The Guardian, in an article entitled Sudan conflict: why is there fighting and what is at stake in the region?

Power struggle between military factions erupted after faltering transition to civilian-led government; “Clashes between Sudan’s military and the country’s main paramilitary force have left at least 56 dead, while control of the presidential palace and the international airport in Khartoum is in doubt after disputed claims from both sides, in fighting that threatens to destabilise Sudan and the wider region.

     What’s behind the fighting?

The clashes erupted amid an apparent power struggle between the two main factions of Sudan’s military regime.

     The Sudanese armed forces are broadly loyal to Gen Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the country’s de facto ruler, while the paramilitaries of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a collection of militia, follow the former warlord Gen Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti.

     The power struggle has its roots in the years before a 2019 uprising that ousted the dictatorial ruler Omar al-Bashir, who built up formidable security forces that he deliberately set against one another.

     When an effort to transition to a democratic civilian-led government faltered after Bashir’s fall, an eventual showdown appeared inevitable, with diplomats in Khartoum warning in early 2022 that they feared such an outbreak of violence. In recent weeks, tensions have risen further.

     How did the military rivalries develop?

     The RSF was founded by Bashir to crush a rebellion in Darfur that began more than 20 years ago due to the political and economic marginalisation of the local people by Sudan’s central government. The RSF were also known by the name of Janjaweed, which became associated with widespread atrocities.

     In 2013, Bashir transformed the Janjaweed into a semi-organised paramilitary force and gave their leaders military ranks before deploying them to crush a rebellion in South Darfur and then dispatching many to fight in the war in Yemen, and later Libya.

     The RSF, led by Hemedti, and the regular military forces under Burhan cooperated to oust Bashir in 2019. The RSF then dispersed a peaceful sit-in that was held in front of the military headquarters in Khartoum, killing hundreds of people and raping dozens more.

     A power-sharing deal with the civilians who led the protests against Bashir, which was supposed to bring about a transition towards a democratic government, was interrupted by a coup in October 2021.

     The coup put the army back in charge but it faced weekly protests, renewed isolation and deepening economic woes. Hemedti swung behind the plan for a new transition, bringing tensions with Burhan to the surface.

     Hemedti has huge wealth derived from the export of gold from illegal mines, and commands tens of thousands of battle-hardened veterans. He has long chafed at his position as official deputy on Sudan’s ruling council.

     What are the faultlines?

     A central cause of tension since the uprising is the civilian demand for oversight of the military and integration of the RSF into the regular armed forces.

     Civilians have also called for the handover of lucrative military holdings in agriculture, trade and other industries, a crucial source of power for an army that has often outsourced military action to regional militias.

     Another point of contention is the pursuit of justice over allegations of war crimes by the military and its allies in the conflict in Darfur from 2003. The international criminal court is seeking trials for Bashir and other Sudanese suspects.

     Justice is also being sought over the killings of pro-democracy protesters in June 2019, in which military forces are implicated. Activists and civilian groups have been angered by delays to an official investigation. In addition, they want justice for at least 125 people killed by security forces in protests since the 2021 coup.

     What’s at stake in the region?

     Sudan is in a volatile region bordering the Red Sea, the Sahel region and the Horn of Africa. Its strategic location and agricultural wealth have attracted regional power plays, complicating the chances of a successful transition to civilian-led government.

     Several of Sudan’s neighbours – including Ethiopia, Chad and South Sudan – have been affected by political upheavals and conflict, and Sudan’s relationship with Ethiopia, in particular, has been strained over issues including disputed farmland along their border.

     Major geopolitical dimensions are also at play, with Russia, the US, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and other powers battling for influence in Sudan.

     The Saudis and the UAE have seen Sudan’s transition as an opportunity to push back against Islamist influence in the region. They, along with the US and Britain, form the “Quad”, which has sponsored mediation in Sudan along with the UN and the African Union. Western powers fear the potential for a Russian base on the Red Sea, which Sudanese military leaders have expressed openness to.”

     As I wrote in my post of February 12 2020 Sudan: Justice for the Victims of the Darfur War; Pandora’s Box has been opened once again in Sudan today, this time signaling not the escape of evils but the rediscovery of hope as yesterday the government agrees to surrender the monster and outcast former tyrant Omar al-Bashir to the International Criminal Court to be tried for genocide and war crimes during the Darfur War.

     Both slave revolt and revolutionary struggle by Black African tribal peoples against oligarchic Arab elites who traditionally have used them as a herd for slave labor, the Darfur War became a war of survival against the genocidal and horrific campaign of repression and ethnic cleansing which was the government’s response. It was a war of race and class marked by the worst aspects of both kinds of conflict, ending in April 2019 with the overthrow and arrest of the tyrant, first success of our Revolution in the Year of the Reckoning.

    In the words of Annum Masroor writing in Huffpost; “In the Darfur conflict, rebels from the territory’s ethnic central and sub-Saharan African community launched an insurgency in 2003, complaining of oppression by the Arab-dominated government in Khartoum.

     The government responded with a scorched-earth assault of aerial bombings and unleashed militias known as the Janjaweed, who are accused of mass killings and rapes. Up to 300,000 people were killed and 2.7 million were driven from their homes.”

    As written by Ishaan Tharoor with Sammy Westfall in The Washington Post’s newsletter, in an article entitled Behind chaos in Sudan is a broader global power struggle; “The battles that have raged for three days in Sudan have all the markings of a potential civil war. Dueling armed factions — the country’s military, led by Sudanese president and top commander Lt. Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and a major paramilitary force known as the Rapid Support Forces, led by Vice President Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo — clashed in the capital of Khartoum and other cities.

     The fighting, triggered apparently by disputes over how to integrate the RSF into the military, has even involved airstrikes against rival targets and has impacted dense urban areas, leading to the deaths of more than 180 people, according to a U.N. official, with the toll expected to rise. It has also claimed the lives of three Sudanese people working for the U.N.’s World Food Program, while there were reports Monday evening of assaults on Western diplomats.

     The two feuding generals have cast a long shadow over Sudanese politics. They both built their careers waging a brutal counterinsurgency against an uprising in the country’s western Darfur region that began in 2003; the atrocities carried out against the rebellion are seen as acts of genocide. Dagalo, known universally as Hemedti, came to the fore as the leader of a notorious pro-government Arab militia known as the Janjaweed, which later morphed into the RSF.

     After being part of the military establishment that decided in 2019 to oust long-ruling dictator Omar Hassan al-Bashir, Burhan and Hemedti would later collaborate in bringing down a fragile civilian-led government in 2021. All the while, their soldiers intimidated and brutalized Sudanese pro-democracy activists and dissidents and a constellation of foreign powers cultivated both as assets in their own regional games.

     Warlords in a country long-riven by militias and insurgencies, the two are now locked in a classic internecine conflict. “Both sides have bases across the country,” said Alan Boswell, head analyst for the Horn of Africa at the International Crisis Group think tank, to the Financial Times. “Both see this fight in existential terms. This is a pure power struggle for who will control Sudan.”

     Burhan and Hemedti were supposed to be stewards of a political transition back toward democracy, but they appear to have for their own reasons balked on that process. “The failure to form a government and the deterioration of the economic and security situation in the country, prompted the various military and civilian parties to sign a framework agreement in December 2022, which was widely accepted by civilians and important and influential parties from the international and regional communities,” explained a story in Asharq Al-Awsat, an influential Arabic-language daily.

     Instead, unable to come to terms with the forging of an apolitical army, the two leaders came to blows. Boswell said that “this war is already dashing any hopes for the quick restoration of civilian rule,” and added that it “risks sucking in many outside actors and spilling across Sudan’s borders if not arrested soon.”

     “Now, fighting could turn into a protracted conflict, with many fearing that the war could drag in regional patrons and neighbors such as Chad, Egypt, Eritrea and Ethiopia. In the end, nobody knows if the RSF or army will vanquish the other, but their quest could upend the region,” wrote Mat Nashed in New Lines magazine.

     While it may ripple across borders, the chaos in Sudan also is fueled, in part, by outside players. The interim regime dominated by Burhan and Hemedti has been propped up by billions of dollars in Emirati and Saudi financing. Egypt has stepped up its support of Burhan’s forces, while Russia, and in particular the influential Wagner Group mercenaries, has developed apparent ties and contacts with Hemedti’s forces. Sudanese fighters, particularly from Darfur, have ended up on the front lines of both the Saudi- and Emirati-led war effort in Yemen, as well as the conflict in Libya, where a thicket of regional powers, including the UAE, Qatar, Libya and Russia, were all involved.

     Various regional powers eye Sudan’s Red Sea coast including Russia, which has a potential deal in place to set up a naval base in Sudan that would give Moscow a path into the Indian Ocean. So, too, the UAE, which “hopes to protect its long-term strategic interests in Sudan, including the ability to project military and economic power into Yemen and the Horn of Africa from ports and other installations there,” noted a policy brief from the Soufan Center, a global security think tank. “In December 2022, coinciding with the Sudan framework agreement, the UAE and Sudan signed a $6 billion agreement for two UAE firms to build a new port on Sudan’s Red Sea coast.”

     Hemedti’s RSF reportedly control the bulk of Sudan’s lucrative gold mines, which has given him an apparent independent line of financing fueled by an illicit trade of smuggled ore that analysts say winds its way through the UAE and into Russian hands. Western analysts fear the expanding footprint of Wagner, which has cultivated ties with coup-plotting regimes in Mali and Burkina Faso, and carried out counterinsurgency operations in the Central African Republic. French officials, in particular, have warned of the Kremlin’s growing clout in the restive Sahel.

     “In the post Ukraine invasion-world, Hemedti’s more obvious relationship with Russian mercenary group Wagner has put him in the cross-hairs of international machinations across the Sahel,” wrote Kholood Khair, a Khartoum-based analyst. “For Cairo, the prospect of eliminating Hemedti is too good an opportunity to pass up, and the timing is right with western attention coalescing around halting the domino effect of former French colonies turning their backs on Paris in favor of Moscow.”

     Egypt, which has in recent years supported Saudi and Emirati regional initiatives, is a more conspicuous supporter of Burhan, who Cairo sees as a bulwark of stability and a potential ally in geopolitical squabbles with Ethiopia over the construction of a major dam on the Nile. On Monday, there were reports of Hemedti’s forces detaining a contingent of Egyptian soldiers deployed in Sudan, a move that risks further expanding the arc of the conflict.

     A host of foreign governments, including the United States, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, urged a cessation in hostilities. But both generals have vowed to crush the other and show little sign of backing down. “Western nations have little leverage right now. Sudan has been largely isolated since Hemedti and Burhan seized power in a coup in 2021 that ended a short-lived civilian government,” my colleagues explained. “The debt-laden Horn of Africa nation desperately needs tens of billions of dollars to shore up its moribund economy, but deals are unlikely as long as the two men remain in power and fighting each other. Sudan’s economy tanked after the oil-rich south gained independence in 2011, and hyperinflation fed frequent street protests.”

     Bashir’s ouster led to Sudan, Africa’s third-largest nation, coming somewhat out of the cold. The U.S. State Department removed it from the list of state sponsors of terrorism, while both Burhan and Hemedti carried out tours of various world capitals. But Khair and other figures in Sudanese civil society argue that, in the current desperate context, neither military ruler should be backed as a figure to stabilize the situation.

     “All the activists and civilians have been saying the whole time, do not trust these two. They are killers; they have been killing for 30 years,” Dallia Mohamed Abdelmoniem, a Khartoum resident and former journalist, told my colleagues. “This is who the international community has been placating.”

     As I wrote in my post of May 27 2022, Theatres of World War Three: West Africa, the Sahel, and Lake Chad Regions;      Here I offer insight and policy guidance into what I hope will be the last of the Theatres of World War Three; West Africa, the Sahel, and Lake Chad regions. Mali is the primary conflict now, but a general conflict rages throughout the whole region as Islamic State insurgencies contest with nations under the hammer of famine and drought, and Russia’s mercenaries exploit opportunities to seize dominion in defense of elite wealth and power.

     Sudan is a pivot point and interface between bounded realms of sub-Saharan Africa as discussed here, and Libya with whose fate it is closely aligned. To disambiguate the Sudan and Libyan Civil Wars from the general regional conflict, Libya being a unique war of colonial European interests as a wishbone pulled between Russia and Turkey for dominion of the Mediterranean, where sub-Saharan Africa, including Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Chad, and Nigeria, is not yet a Great Powers proxy war and civil war but a struggle for power between variants of Islamic State Jihadist groups and the nations which control the resources they covet, with Russia leveraging this into regional dominion through the use of Wagner Group mercenaries as deniable assets.

     It is now the presence of the Wagner Group defending elite interests in fighting Islamic State insurgencies and operating the mines for the governments which have become their proxies and front organizations which defines this theatre of war.

     And it is the Wagner Group we must interrogate for insight into Russia’s plans and methods of world conquest and dominion when as in Syria there are willing surrogates to open the door of empire.

     All of this is possible because France has abandoned her former colonies to their fate, because of the brilliant and visionary Islamic State strategy of delegitimation through provocation and implication in war crimes, some real and some false flag operations by elite IS units in French uniforms in coordination with infiltration agents inside actual French entities, and skillful propaganda. In parallel with blackening the reputation of France, ISGS has been successfully building a viable trans-national state in the region.

     This means that the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara, an independent operational arm of Islamic State West Africa Province created in 2015 with al-Sahrawi’s oath of allegiance to IS and split from al-Qaeda, and despite continued factional fighting between the two organizations, is now providing central Command, Intelligence, and Communications to jihadist insurgencies generally in its sphere of influence, as an emergent dominion to which Russia is the only balance. I describe this historical movement as the Syrianization of the conflict.

     There are other possibilities for future Africas without foreign empires and their proxy regimes of brutal and kleptocratic tyrants and endless violence for control of resources, and in the long game this requires the free and open sharing of resources among her peoples and states which are guarantors of our universal human rights and secular democracy as a counterforce to fascisms of blood, faith, and soil.

     To win the liberty of the peoples of Africa one must begin with food, water, medical aid, and safety; the first requirements of Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs. The political follows the humanitarian. Freedom from hunger, disease, violence, and labor exploitation; liberate a people from these, and tyranny will find no point of leverage.

     Beyond this prescription I must give warning here; let us send no armies to enforce virtue, for the most likely result of challenging Russian influence in the region is another Great Powers war of imperial dominion between Russia and France which replicates that of Russia and Turkey in Libya. This will fail, because it plays directly into the hands of ISGS.

     If you fight an insurgency with conventional forces, you will lose. ISGS has demonstrated a genius for this kind of war, and in large part it is not the kind of war our armies are designed to fight. In this arena, victory on the battlefield is irrelevant, because the victory you must win is within the human soul. And here we win love and loyalty by standing with, not against, our fellow human beings. We must offer the better alternative in meeting the needs of the people, both material and otherwise.

     And in this arena we have clear advantage, for democracy is better than tyranny, equality as diversity and inclusion is better than tribalism, racism, and hierarchies of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, truth is better than the lies and illusions of propaganda, justice is better than rule by the wealthiest robber baron or the most brutal and amoral bandit king, and a secular state is better than tyrannies of the authorized interpreters and enforcers of divine will, for who so ever stands between each of us and the Infinite serves neither.

     A common enemy of humankind is the weaponization of fear by authority in service to power, especially as identity politics and divisions of faith. Gott Mit Uns; it is our most ancient and terrible battle cry, for it permits anything.

    As Voltaire teaches us in his 1765 essay Questions sur les miracles; “Those who can make you believe absurdities, can make you commit atrocities.”

The Dam film trailer

Inside South Sudan’s worsening refugee crisis – in pictures

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/gallery/2024/apr/15/inside-south-sudans-worsening-refugee-crisis-in-pictures?CMP=share_btn_link

For a full year, the bodies have piled up in Sudan – and still the world looks away | Nesrine Malik

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/apr/15/sudan-conflict-war?CMP=share_btn_url

The RSF are out to finish the genocide in Darfur they began as the Janjaweed. We cannot stand by | Kate Ferguson

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2023/jul/24/rsf-janjaweed-hemedti-out-to-finish-darfur-sudan-genocide-uk-cannot-stand-by?CMP=share_btn_url

      First Year of the Sudan War, a Retrospective

Sudan conflict: why is there fighting and what is at stake in the region?

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/apr/16/sudan-conflict-why-is-there-fighting-and-what-is-at-stake-in-the-region?CMP=share_btn_url

Malign actors could ‘hyper-charge’ Sudan conflict, say ex-envoys

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/apr/28/malign-actors-could-hyper-charge-sudan-conflict-say-ex-envoys?CMP=share_btn_url

A war for our age: how the battle for Sudan is being fuelled by forces far beyond its borders

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/apr/30/a-war-for-our-age-how-the-battle-for-sudan-is-being-fuelled-by-forces-far-beyond-its-borders?CMP=share_btn_url

Sudan’s outsider: how a paramilitary leader fell out with the army and plunged the country into war – podcast

https://www.theguardian.com/news/audio/2023/may/12/sudans-outsider-how-a-paramilitary-leader-fell-out-with-the-army-and-plunged-the-country-into-war-podcast?CMP=share_btn_link

Why is the Darfur region so central to fighting in Sudan?

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/may/12/why-is-the-darfur-region-so-central-to-fighting-in-sudan?CMP=share_btn_url

‘Khartoum was lit with savage fire’: five Sudanese writers on the country’s nightmare conflict

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2023/jun/02/khartoum-was-lit-with-savage-fire-five-sudanese-writers-on-the-countrys-nightmare-conflict?CMP

‘I believe this war will destroy Sudan’: the coup protesters now on the run

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2023/jul/13/i-believe-this-war-will-destroy-sudan-the-coup-protesters-now-on-the-run?CMP=share_btn_url

Monday briefing: Thousands killed, millions displaced – the conflict in Sudan, three months in

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/jul/17/sudan-conflict-three-months-on?CMP=share_btn_url

‘All that we had is gone’: my lament for war-torn Khartoum – podcast

https://www.theguardian.com/news/audio/2023/aug/21/all-that-we-had-is-gone-my-lament-for-war-torn-khartoum-podcast?CMP=share_btn_link

Sudan conflict: Khartoum landmarks in flames as battles rage across country

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/sep/18/sudan-fighting-conflict-landmarks-destroyed-battles?CMP=share_btn_url

How I survived in Sudan: ‘We had one lightbulb. For two terrifying months, we gathered round it as battle raged

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2023/sep/05/how-i-survived-in-sudan-khartoum-one-lightbulb-two-terrifying-months-we-gathered-round-battle-raged?CMP=share_btn_url

Oil-rich and extremely poor: inside the forgotten ‘Abyei box’ – a photo essay

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2023/oct/26/oil-rich-and-extremely-poor-inside-the-forgotten-abyei-box-a-photo-essay?CMP=share_btn_url

‘When will people decide to choose the path of life?’: a Sudanese father’s letter to his dead son

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2023/nov/28/sudanese-father-letter-to-his-dead-son?CMP=share_btn_url

Rape, murder, looting: massacre in Ardamata is the latest chapter in Darfur’s horror story

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2023/dec/15/looting-massacre-in-ardamata-is-the-latest-chapter-in-darfurs-horror-story?CMP=share_btn_url

‘They told us – you are slaves’: survivors give harrowing testimony of Darfur’s year of hell

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2023/dec/30/survivors-give-harrowing-testimony-of-darfur-sudan-year-of-hell?CMP=share_btn_url

Ukrainian special forces ‘in Sudan operating against Russian mercenaries’

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/feb/06/ukrainian-special-forces-sudan-russian-mercenaries-wagner?CMP=share_btn_url

‘Here, there is no future’: ethnic cleansing and fresh atrocities drive exodus of thousands from Darfur

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2024/mar/22/sudan-chad-darfur-refugees-aid-europe-rsf-masalit?CMP=share_btn_url

        References

Blood and Soil: A World History of Genocide and Extermination from Sparta to Darfur, Ben Kiernan

https://www.theguardian.com/world/video/2023/apr/17/civilians-describe-being-in-sudan-during-clashes-video?CMP=share_btn_link

The Washington Post newsletter

https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/#inbox/WhctKKXwtnbmNjGtbTSCxkLnSFzRLtmxXBWXlqccHbJWHSGCgNqfrQdvnGFqFZrfZjJsNSv

https://www.theguardian.com/world/video/2023/apr/16/fighting-between-sudan-military-rivals-breaks-out-in-khartoum-amid-power-struggle-video?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/video/2022/may/16/the-spider-man-of-sudan-the-real-life-superhero-of-the-protest-movement-documentary?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/may/28/sudan-resistance-protests-bashir-regime?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/apr/16/sudan-fighting-rages-for-second-day-despite-un-proposed-ceasefire?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/apr/17/mohamed-hamdan-dagalo-the-feared-ex-warlord-taking-on-sudan-army-hemedti?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.huffpost.com/entry/sudan-omar-al-bashir-icc-darfur-genocide-trial_n_5e42f968c5b69d496c904fe8

https://www.cnn.com/2023/04/16/africa/sudan-military-clashes-explained-intl/index.html

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/apr/16/sudan-conflict-why-is-there-fighting-and-what-is-at-stake-in-the-region?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.cnn.com/2023/04/17/opinions/sudan-revolution-to-civil-war-lynch/index.html

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/apr/16/sudan-fighting-rages-for-second-day-despite-un-proposed-ceasefire

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/mar/22/sudan-military-brutally-suppressing-protests-global-action-needed?CMP=share_btn_link

            Sudan, South Sudan, and the Darfur War, a reading list

First Raise A Flag: How South Sudan Won the Longest War but Lost the Peace,

Peter Martell

South Sudan: The Untold Story from Independence to the Civil War, Hilde F. Johnson, Desmond Tutu  (Foreword)

War of Visions: Conflict of Identities in the Sudan, Francis Mading Deng

For Love of the Prophet: An Ethnography of Sudan’s Islamic State, Noah Salomon

The Darfur Sultanate: A History, R.S. O’Fahey

                      The Wagner Group in Africa

https://morningexpress.in/russian-group-wagner-expands-area-of-%e2%80%8b%e2%80%8binfluence-in-africa

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/4/23/russia-putin-wagner-group-mercenaries-africa

                          Sahel region and sub-Saharan West Africa

https://www.csis.org/blogs/examining-extremism/examining-extremism-islamic-state-greater-sahara#:~:text=The%20Islamic%20State%20in%20the%20Greater%20Sahara%20%28ISGS%29%2C,includes%20portions%20of%20Burkina%20Faso%2C%20Mali%2C%20and%20Niger.

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/feb/03/while-the-focus-is-on-ukraine-russias-presence-in-the-sahel-is-steadily-growing?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/11/yevgeny-prigozhin-who-is-the-man-leading-russias-push-into-africa?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/mar/20/russian-mercenaries-in-ukraine-linked-to-far-right-extremists?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/apr/28/almost-30-million-will-need-aid-in-sahel-this-year-as-crisis-worsens-un-warns?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/jun/25/isis-linked-groups-open-up-new-fronts-across-sub-saharan-africa?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/feb/07/contagious-coups-what-is-fuelling-military-takeovers-across-west-africa?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/jun/12/militant-crackdown-in-sahel-leads-to-hundreds-of-civilian-deaths-report?CMP=share_btn_link

Mali

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/may/04/russian-mercenaries-wagner-group-linked-to-civilian-massacres-in-mali?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/apr/05/russian-mercenaries-and-mali-army-accused-of-killing-300-civilians?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/may/04/russian-mercenaries-wagner-group-mali-analysis?CMP=share_btn_link

Burkina Faso

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/apr/06/burkina-faso-ex-president-blaise-compaore-guilty-thomas-sankara?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/jul/13/guardians-of-the-bush-brutal-vigilantes-policing-burkina-faso-islamist-militants-ethnic-conflict?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/oct/11/thomas-sankara-trial-burkina-faso?CMP=share_btn_link

Nigeria

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/jun/03/waves-of-bandit-massacres-rupture-rural-life-in-north-west-nigeria?CMP=share_btn_link

Niger

https://www.theguardian.com/film/2020/oct/30/african-apocalypse-review?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/dec/06/ferocious-niger-battle-leaves-dozens-of-soldiers-and-militants-dead?CMP=share_btn_link

Chad

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/aug/14/president-deby-chad-greatest-threat-to-stability?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/apr/26/we-wont-negotiate-says-new-chad-regime-as-armed-rebels-regroup?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/apr/25/chad-dictators-death-spells-chaos-in-islamist-terrors-new-ground-zero?CMP=share_btn_link

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/may/17/on-bad-days-we-dont-eat-hunger-grows-for-thousands-displaced-by-conflict-in-chad

                       North Africa, a reading list

North Africa: A History from the Mediterranean Shore to the Sahara, Barnaby Rogerson

In Search of Ancient North Africa: A History in Six Lives, by Barnaby Rogerson

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/36341137-in-search-of-ancient-north-africa

The Sahara: A Cultural History, by Eamonn Gearon

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/12254466-the-sahara

Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara, by Alisa LaGamma

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/50130929-sahel

The Nomad’s Path: Travels in the Sahel, by Alistair Carr

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/18464938-the-nomad-s-path

Horn, Sahel, and Rift: Fault-lines of the African Jihad, by Stig Jarle Hansen

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/51062928-horn-sahel-and-rift

April 14 2024 Legacies of History From Which We Struggle to Emerge: Case of the 1873 Colfax Massacre

As we celebrate the triumph of democracy over tyranny and equality over institutional white supremacist terror in the anniversary of the 2023 return of Representatives Pearson and Jones to the Tennessee legislature, we are confronted with a horrific example of the legacies of history and systems of unequal power from which we struggle to emerge in the one hundred fifty-first anniversary of the Colfax Massacre.

     Theft of citizenship as vote suppression and as genocidal murder, white supremacist state terror, and police gun violence are both among the hungry ghosts who bedevil us still, and should there remain any question of the existential active threat of racist terror and the necessity of resistance by any means necessary, we may look to such examples.

     No matter where you begin with divisions of identitarian politics in service to elite wealth, power, and privilege, you always end up at the gates of Auschwitz.

     To this let us give the only reply it merits; Never Again!

     As written by Gwendolyn Midlo-Hall and Keri Leigh Merritt in Jacobin, in an article entitled The 1873 Colfax Massacre Was a Racist Attack on Black People’s Democratic Rights: The worst episode of Reconstruction Era violence occurred 150 years ago today in northern Louisiana. The 1873 Colfax Massacre saw white supremacists slaughter 150 African Americans, brutally thwarting their hopes for autonomy and self-governance.; “The Civil War did not end in the Deep South in 1865. The proslavery, pro-Confederate legacies powerfully persisted, shaping the telling of our history and knowledge about people, places, and events: our perception of reality.

     This is precisely why many Americans have never heard of one of the most important episodes of mass murder in US history: the racist, bloody Colfax Massacre of April 13, 1873 — exactly one hundred fifty years ago today — when white supremacists slaughtered over one hundred fifty black men in the northwest corner of Louisiana.

     Colfax

     Located in the heart of the Red River Valley, Colfax was a highly prosperous area in the global cotton economy prior to the Civil War. But flush times for planters ended abruptly after secession. New Orleans fell to the US Army early, in April 1862. After Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation freed those enslaved in Confederate-occupied territory in 1863, the US Army conducted a ten-day raid up the Red River to Alexandria, where the Confederate governor of Louisiana, Thomas Moore, owned a large plantation.

     During the Civil War, the US Army enlisted nearly two hundred thousand armed black men — an astonishing 10 percent of all troops who served. Composed of formerly enslaved men, refugees, and free blacks, these soldiers were tasked with maintaining order, ensuring peace, and protecting polling places.

     But when former enslavers began complaining about the black occupation troops, President Andrew Johnson quickly removed them. By the fall of 1867, the number of soldiers in Louisiana had dwindled to only twenty thousand men. The US government decided to redirect its military might toward western colonization, resulting in the murderous removal of indigenous people.

     The US government had abandoned the region, as well the people in it, leaving political, judicial, and police power up for grabs.

In the Red River Valley, too few troops meant chaos and contention, as there was no longer a functioning home guard, military patrol, or military commission. The US government had abandoned the region, as well the people in it, leaving political, judicial, and police power up for grabs.

     The character of wealth changed, as access to goods and supplies became paramount. Within this shifting landscape, a new group of merchants emerged, competing through violent, insurrectionary means. The Red River Valley transformed into a highway of militarized desperados and warring factions, with no clearly established governmental authority. Murder, gun violence, and terror became the order of the day.

     Louisiana’s new constitution, enacted in 1868, created an enclave of Republican power along the Red River, an area that was majority-black and deeply divided. Grant Parish was carved out of Rapides and Winn Parishes and named triumphantly for President Ulysses S. Grant. The parish seat, Colfax, took the surname of his vice president, Schuyler Colfax, Jr.

     Yet with so few troops to counterbalance the power of former enslavers and their kin, laws enforcing the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments — providing citizenship and the right to vote to all men — were applied timidly and to little effect. Federal election supervisors in rural areas had no police power and were reduced to poll watchers.

     That same year, to help keep peace, the Louisiana state legislature established a five-thousand-man militia, half white and half black. The white troops were mainly Confederate veterans; the black troops, Union veterans. During bitter struggles over control of the state government, the militia fragmented along racial lines, with one sector becoming the military arm of a terrorist organization called the White League after 1873. The boundary line between these white supremacists and black Republicans was Bayou Darrow, located seven miles north of Colfax.

     Freedmen voting in New Orleans, Louisiana, 1867. (Wikimedia Commons)

Violence quickly enveloped the region. The brutality was primarily carried out by the Knights of the White Camelia, a white supremacist organization akin to the better-known Ku Klux Klan.

     During the wave of terror unleashed before the 1868 election, the political assassination rates among both black and white Louisianans had been staggering. As an 1875 congressional report later revealed, there were 1,081 politically motivated murders, 137 shootings, and 507 other verified outrages in the state alone.

     Still, as brutal as the 1868 election had been in Louisiana, the 1872 election and its aftermath were even deadlier. Not only was the gubernatorial election disputed, but several of the local elections were, too. Like four years earlier, the real political strife seemed to center in the Red River Valley, with Grant Parish the eye of the storm. In tiny Colfax, the county seat, the local elections were hotly contested. A group of armed black Republicans began occupying the county courthouse, claiming political victory.

     Then everything exploded on Easter Sunday, 1873.

     Massacre

The power struggle in Colfax had first turned deadly earlier in April, when a band of white supremacists murdered a black man in his front yard. Union veteran William Ward, who served as a black state representative, local Radical leader, and militia captain, ordered his company to muster immediately.

     Historian LeeAnna Keith estimates that about three hundred black militiamen, along with their families, flocked to Colfax’s town center, occupying the courthouse (which, in the war-torn rural South, was a “repurposed” plantation stable). Ward, who had grown up enslaved as a carpenter in Virginia, began drilling the men openly in the town’s streets, organizing watches to keep families safe. Armed with guns, they quickly dug entrenchments, erected breastworks, and “posted sentries” around their commandeered area.

     Judge William Phillips, a white “scalawag” from Alabama who earned a reputation by openly fathering a child with a black woman and by rallying black voters through promises of land, horses, and tools as part of reparations for slavery, joined forces with the black guards. Under the joint leadership of the white Phillips and the black Ward, local African Americans coalesced around what historian Joel Sipress has deemed “a new type of militant Black politics.”

     White supremacists in the Red River Valley used these events to incite as much racial fear as possible. Over the next few days, three hundred white men poured into Colfax from Grant and surrounding parishes, forming an all-white paramilitary counterforce. Under the leadership of C. C. Nash, a former captain of the Confederate Army, they ordered the black militia and their families to leave Colfax under threat of violence. With more manpower and weaponry than the Republicans (they even had a small cannon, a relic from the war), white Democrats began the battle just after noon on Easter.

     After hours of skirmishing, the former Confederates found a gap in the levee on the riverbank and positioned their single cannon there. While the weapon fired continuously upon the black freedom fighters, a former plantation overseer led a group of thirty whites in a direct attack against the black militia. One group of black Republicans instantly surrendered and was taken prisoner. Although Nash promised to free the men in the morning, a younger band of white terrorists executed them in cold blood, under the cowardly cover of the night.

     Roughly sixty Republicans flooded the courthouse, exchanging fire with the white militia, who finally compelled a black captive to set fire to the courthouse roof. Some of the black Radicals perished in the fire. The men who tried to surrender, numbering between fifty and seventy, were ultimately shot to death. As a steamer pulled into Colfax the night of the massacre, one of the terrorists climbed on board, “armed to the teeth,” offering to give the passengers a tour of “dead n—–s . . . for there were a hundred or so scattered over the village and the adjacent fields.”

     Nearly all the dead were brutally slain after they had surrendered.

Only three white Democrats perished during the attack, but the number of African Americans murdered is much more difficult to ascertain. Most of the witnesses were slaughtered. Evidence was lost because bodies were buried in the trenches in front of the courthouse in mass graves or dumped into the Red River.

     What we do know is that nearly all the dead were brutally slain after they had surrendered and that almost fifty human beings were callously murdered after being held as political prisoners for hours. We know that not one scintilla of evidence was presented that any of the black men who defended the Colfax courthouse ever committed a single crime. They were simply freedom fighters, assassinated during their quest for independence and political power.

     Colfax remains the single largest massacre in Louisiana history. It also spurred one of the worst legal decisions in Supreme Court history, United States v. Cruikshank (1875), which gave control of constitutional amendments and civil rights laws back to the white Confederates that had seceded from the Union. The ruling effectively ended Radical Reconstruction by prohibiting the use of the Enforcement Act of 1870 to prosecute white supremacist terrorists like the Ku Klux Klan. Cruikshank nearly erased the myriad black political gains won after emancipation, re-empowering local white oligarchs — former enslavers.

     Legacy

     White supremacy has long been an effective tool for US elites to maintain their place at the top of society. Stoking racism and hatred, they have prevented lasting interracial working-class coalitions and managed to keep most black Americans at the bottom of society.

     Reactionary forces have likewise been successful at whitewashing history, including that of the Colfax Massacre. Contrary to the historical marker that served as the only headstone for the murdered — erected over half a century later — Colfax was never a riot. As the worst instance of white supremacist violence during Reconstruction, Colfax brutally thwarted black citizens’ hopes for autonomy and self-governance.

     One hundred fifty years later, we recognize Colfax for what it really was: a racist massacre and a violent political message to potential black voters throughout the South. And we honor the heroic dead, vowing to continue their fight for democracy.”

https://jacobin.com/2023/04/colfax-massacre-1873-racist-attack-black-democratic-rigths-us-history-reconstruction?fbclid=IwAR21EkKvZO1UezXjHJ6Ddwd3ohJ38kg2EHPfeEmMUQlb6g4e0pQ-SnXWs3M

April 13 2024 Joy In A Meaningless Universe: Samuel Beckett, on his birthday

     I too once bore the icon of Saint Beatrice of the Absurd as did he, following the tracks of Dante through a blighted and ravaged series of otherworlds, bereft of dictums, of referents, a journey in which all the signs had been switched so that self-referential language led outward to realms unknown and the places marked Here Be Dragons had settled into my skin like living tattoos and could only be found by surrendering to the currents of time and dancing untethered like a leaf on the wind, or glimpsed in a mirror of endless reflections.

     But unlike Samuel Beckett, grim prophet that he was, I danced in rapture and in joy. Because he who has no hope nor fear, no boundaries to one’s self, is totally free. And in freedom there is as Rudolf Otto teaches us “Mysterium tremendum et fascinans”, both terror and rapture as before the monstrosity of the Infinite and the Unknown, all that which is utterly alien and defines the limits of the human.

     Who cannot be compelled is free, and becomes Unconquered. For Samuel Beckett, this embrace of Sartre’s total freedom lies at the heart of his luminous questioning of human being, meaning, and value. Take away everything a man has or is, possession and mastery of his own body, his memories, histories, identity, and what remains is his Voice, protean and relative though it may be.

     Here begins his use of language as an instrument of revolutionary struggle interdependent with many of his great themes, which he deployed as Resistance to fascist tyranny during the Occupation, against a brutal conqueror who used terror to subjugate victims through learned helplessness by means of shock and awe; yet in the face of unanswerable force and overwhelming horror Samuel Beckett discovered a way to claw back some of our humanity from the darkness.

     Sometimes it’s the best we can do. Yet it remains a power which cannot be taken from us, our refusal to submit, and that is the only power a human being needs.

     I think of this tonight as I contemplate the abandonment of our humanity and our principles of universal human rights in the genocidal Gaza War which Biden has made America complicit in, as Israel has with her criminal violations of international law provoked Iran into direct retaliation for the bombing of the consulate, and Biden has granted authorization for this by shielding Israel from the consequences of her actions by shooting down Iran’s drones.

     We are now directly involved in the broad regional war against the Dominion of Iran, which controls Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, and Iraq, and is Russia’s key ally in Putin’s mad quest to re-found the Russian Empire.

    World War Three has now been ongoing for several years in ten theatres of war, including America as Putin captured the Stolen Election of 2016 with his agent Traitor Trump for the purpose of a free hand in the invasion of Ukraine without American intervention, which he got and still gets from the subverted Republican congressmen.

      Israel and Palestine, one people divided by history, are now the tenth theatre of the Third World War, which Israel is doing everything in their power to generalize as imperial conquest and dominion of the whole Middle East. And Netanyahu’s regime has implicated America in unforgiveable crimes against humanity as a strategy of our subjugation and now maneuvers to bring us fully into conflict with Iran, which will bring us into a direct and total war of survival with Russia.

    As one may surmise from my frequent use of the phrase Never Again!, I will gladly guarantee the lives of Jewish peoples, be they Israeli citizens or that of any other nation, with my own, and this is unconditional; but applies equally to all human beings. Protecting Israel from the random civilian slaughter of aerial bombardment, yes; but also protecting everyone else from Israeli bombs.

     If America bombs Iran or enables Israel to do so instead of sanctioning Israel for the consulate bombing that provoked this escalation and cycle of retaliation and mutual destruction, everything changes, and the Age of Tyrants begins.

     Humankind now faces six to eight centuries of global wars of dominion fought with unimaginable weapons against whole populations by tyrannies of brutal force and control, and in less than two possible futures out of every hundred something like ourselves will one day discover the ruins of our civilization, and wonder how and why we destroyed ourselves.

     To be clear; nothing human survives the next millennium; the only question now is whether or not we take all life on earth with us. Unless we choose a United Humankind over an Age of Tyrants.

     If Biden had used Boycott, Divestiture, and Sanction to stop the Israeli genocide as it began in October, we would not now be on the brink of nuclear annihilation. Instead he, like Netanyahu, and now like Iran, chose to answer death and terror with greater death and terror, and failed to silence the bombs.

     Force cannot answer force, but only gathers more as it dehumanizes us. If Biden now sanctions Israel he can still stop a war of survival between Russia and America, and between our allies Iran and Israel. I fear instead he will choose the path of evil as we so often have when the lives of others can become fuel for the power of elites and of imperial conquest and dominion. If we cannot find mercy within us, we will exterminate humankind. Today I fear the Age of Tyrants has begun.

     Our world has far too many rulers whose fingers rest on the button of nuclear Armageddon, and like an evil jinn in its bottle it whispers to them with its siren call; “Set me free, and I’ll make you powerful.”

      We are all become Death, destroyer of worlds, and we must resist the seduction of power.

      Two years ago on this day I wrote to you from a place similar to Gaza today, a field hospital in Mariupol where the wounded were triaged and those who may live chosen from those who will die, surrounded by men burned beyond recognition by the mobile crematoriums called thermobaric weapons, identities stolen by brain damage from shrapnel and concussive force and disconnected from themselves with memories possibly forever lost, missing limbs from the violence of others and parts of their humanity from the violence they themselves have committed for war generalizes moral harm and degradation, many with families annihilated in the cauldron of war, who sing a litany of pain and fear and loss; and I believe I understand the place from which Samuel Beckett speaks to us.

    All the works of Samuel Becket are masterpieces, are unparalleled, revelatory and stunning. I would first read Waiting for Godot, as everyone else has, and after that my favorite, The Unnamable.

    The Unnamable, final and most ferocious novel of his magnificent and terrifying trilogy, is a monologue summarizing the great themes of his works without characters, plot, or setting in the usual sense of literary devices.

    There are many things it is not, as Samuel Beckett’s critique of language as a mechanism of social control and theft of identity recalls that of Gertrude Stein and travels in the direction opposite the joyful myriad experiments of his long collaborator James Joyce; yet it remains a brilliant and stunning set of arguments for the meaninglessness and emptiness of values and of being in a universe empty of imposed meaning in which we are free to create ourselves by our own poetic vision and the reimagination and transformation of humankind. 

    What else may one expect of an author whose references include Lautréamont’s Maldoror, de Sade, Bataille?

   An extension of Sartre’s Existentialism which develops Absurdist Nihilism as a radical notation of its parent philosophy, and reflective aesthetically of the theatre of Eugene Ionesco and Antonin Artaud, Samuel Beckett’s idea of Negation rests on premises of authenticity and alienation, and is intended as an act of liberation and an answer to human suffering as a condition of being. Beckett’s Principle of Negation finds its form in the art of silences and blank spaces; here we become the disembodied voices of Molloy or the trapped and dehumanized figures of David Rabe’s Recital of the Dog or Kobo Abe’s The Box Man.

    As we learn from John Cage in music, Harold Pinter in theatre, and Piet Mondrian in art, it is the blank spaces which define and order meaning; and in history it is the silenced and erased voices to which we must listen most carefully, for here the emptiness speaks to us of secret power and of the key functions and relationships which authority must conceal to maintain its hegemony over us.

     Let us pay attention to the man behind the curtain.

     Always there remains the struggle between the masks that others make for us and those we make for ourselves.

     This is the first revolution in which we all must fight; the struggle to create ourselves.

     Our performance of identities is a theatre of possibilities, of negotiations and dances with normativity and the transgression of boundaries, of the questioning and reimagination of idealizations of masculinity and femininity, of self-creation as liberation and autonomous total freedom, a quest for our uniqueness and for the human transcendent, and of truths which are immanent in nature and written in our flesh.

     All true art defiles and exalts.

     I have often wondered if Samuel Beckett was influenced by Nagarjuna, who denies both the existence of the soul and possibly of existence itself, or other Buddhist philosophers, with which he aligns. Certainly the influence of Nietzsche was formative to his ideas. 

   Samuel Beckett influenced Barthes, Derrida, Foucault, Deleuze; among the essays of The Infinite Conversation there are dialogues between himself and his friends Maurice Blanchot and Georges Bataille. Blanchot wrote of him in the essay Where now? Who now?; Alain Badiou’s essay on Worstward Ho, Being, Existence, Thought: Prose and Concept, among the collected essays published as On Beckett, remains unexcelled.

    His influence on modern theatre begins with his protege and collaborator Harold Pinter, and includes Sam Shepard and Edward Albee.

    Both a direct refutation of the Biblical concepts of sin, soul, cosmological design, historical purpose and teleology, and divine authority, and an original and visionary reimagination of the human condition, the works of Samuel Beckett are integral to our civilization and among its finest achievements.

          As I wrote in my post of December 21 2023, This Midwinter Solstice, Confront the Meaninglessness of Life Not With Abjection, Despair, and Helplessness But With the Joy of Total Freedom;  As we enter the Christmas season on this Midwinter Solstice, the day of most profound and deepest darkness, a time much of America will be consumed by orgiastic buying as displays of elite class membership and obligatory feasts often with people we don’t actually like or deeply know, adrift in a universe without imposed values living lives of random chaotic episodes of being which form no grand design, ephemeral and illusory, subjected to totalizing passions and caught in vast invisible systems of falsification, commodification, and dehumanization enslaved to authority and elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege like Charlie Chaplin eaten by the gears of the machine he serves in The Factory, let us confront the meaninglessness of life and the terror of our nothingness not with abjection, despair, and helplessness but with the joy of total freedom.

     When there are no rules, there are no impossibilities.

     Merry Christmas, and don’t forget to run amok and be ungovernable.

     As written by Wendy Syfret, author of The Sunny Nihilist: : How a Meaningless Life Can Make You Truly Happy, in Aeon; “Exhausted by the modern pressure to squeeze meaning out of every moment? Here’s a radical way to reset your priorities.

     In theory, the pursuit of a meaningful life is noble. Foundational concepts of community, ethics, logic, morality, consciousness and equality were born from the investigation of meaning. From Aristotle and Plato to the entire oeuvre of John Hughes, the urge to wrestle with the point of it all has inspired great works of art, literature and film. But today something’s gone awry and the pursuit of meaning inspires more angst than awe. The search has moved from a private pursuit to a marketable product.

     The rise of meaningless meaning

    Let me demonstrate with a game, ‘spot the meaningless meaning’. Next time you’re at the supermarket, pharmacy or really any non-enlightened space of commerce, pay attention to what the products are attempting to offer. One might expect a barrage of quality and utility assurances: ‘these chickpeas are low sodium’, ‘this facemask is non-irritating’. But, increasingly, aspirations are higher. A chocolate bar isn’t skim (skimmed) milk powder and sugar, it’s a chance to create an intergenerational family moment. A lipstick isn’t a bullet of colour to light up a drawn face, but a weapon of radical self-expression.

     Rather than informing a population of philosophically fulfilled, elevated beings, the ubiquity of all this bite-sized meaning has had an adverse effect, fuelling our familiar, modern malaise of dissatisfaction, disconnection and burnout.

     The fixation with making all areas of existence generically meaningful has created exhausting realities where everything suddenly really, really matters. Daily newsletters flood our inboxes, prescribing never-ending tasks and goals to meditate over and mark as complete. In the shower, we listen to podcasts about making this day count, then towel off and cram in a few minutes of mindful journalling about what we managed to meaningfully achieve the day before.

     But as meaning moves from a long-term exploration to a daily metric, it’s creating new problems. When we’re not immediately able to locate meaning in our actions, jobs, relationships and consumer products, we’re left feeling like anxious, empty failures. The once-noble pursuit that built culture and helped us carve out rewarding existences becomes just another task on the endless checklist of a ‘good life’ that we’re never quite able to tick off.

     Nihilism as a solution

     So what’s the alternative? Is the answer to embrace a state of pointless, nihilistic chaos? Yeah, pretty much. At least that’s what’s worked for me.

     For the past few years, I’ve been consumed by nihilism. Reading that, it would be fair to assume things haven’t been peachy. But my descent into the controversial philosophy hasn’t been a grim road of despair and hopelessness. Quite the opposite. It’s become one of the most illuminating and fortifying parts of my life.

     Rejecting the urge to seek and denote meaning to all things has changed the way I assign value and spend time. It has challenged what I focus on and, most importantly, what I disregard. I’ve found that a kind of optimistic or ‘sunny’ nihilism highlights the delicate beauty of existence, the absurdity of life, and the exciting chaos of the everyday. But I’m getting ahead of myself. To understand the power of sunny nihilism, it’s necessary to begin with the philosophy itself.

     The broadest explanation of nihilism argues that life is meaningless and the systems to which we subscribe to give us a sense of purpose – such as religion, politics, traditional family structures or even the notion of absolute truth itself – are fantastical human constructs; inventions to make the randomness of existence feel a little more orderly. Or, as nihilism’s poster boy Friedrich Nietzsche put it: ‘Every belief, every considering something true, is necessarily false because there is simply no true world.’

     Breaking it down further, the American philosopher Donald Crosby divides nihilism into four main forms: moral, epistemological, cosmic and, perhaps the best-known, existential. Moral nihilism rejects fundamental ideas of right and wrong; epistemological nihilism takes issue with absolute truth; cosmic nihilism considers nature to be inherently indifferent and hostile; and finally we reach existential nihilism, in many ways the culmination of all these considerations, which probably keeps most people up at night – the basic idea being that there is no meaning to life, everything is pointless.

     Reading all that, it’s fair to argue that nihilism is kind of a bummer. These ideas do pose the risk of curdling into a kind of toxic nihilism that leaves the individual feeling despondent and overwhelmed. What’s the point of doing anything if nothing matters? If there is no inherent understanding of good and bad, why try to lead a moral life? If everything is pointless, why even get out of bed?

     The cleansing power of sunny nihilism

     While I’ll admit that the message that nothing matters – not your job, god, universe, certainly not what type of canned goods you buy – is an overwhelming thought, it doesn’t have to be. Set against this never-ending obsession with locating (or, too often, purchasing) meaning, it can be liberating.

     When I contemplate life’s pointlessness, I begin by remembering that, in the scope of all human history, I really matter very little (a rather cosmic approach). My issues and concerns are mute. My successes and failures will all be forgotten. As will the achievements and stumbles of everyone around me (existential nihilism at its finest).

     While I may feel dwarfed by the scope of endless and apathetic time, the smallest elements of my life begin to expand. If nothing matters long-term, my focus shifts to this moment. I understand that the present, however mundane, is as fleeting, temporal, fragile and forgettable as the greatest events in human history.

     Nihilism makes me wonder about what I do and don’t pay attention to. Is what another person thinks of me imbued with greater meaning (or meaninglessness) as compared with a brush of jasmine tumbling over a neighbour’s fence? Not really. So why am I consumed by one while ignoring the other?

     By his own description, Nietzsche ‘philosophise[d] with a hammer’, breaking open large ideas and challenging his readers to see what could be reformed with the pieces. In this way nihilism, like all philosophies, is a tool to explore parts of our lives. As with any tool, it can be picked up and put down, used to create or destroy; outcomes and executions are dependent on the user’s intent. It is up to you to decide if you will fall into the destructive grooves of toxic nihilism, or opt for something a little lighter. You may not have a purpose, but you do have agency. It’s this reading of nihilism that I think about when considering a life without meaning.

     But how does one go about picking up such a tool and using it in a positive way? This Guide will help you embrace sunny nihilism and avoid its toxic alternative.

     Think it through

     Understand the difference between passive and active forms of nihilism

     The challenges posed by nihilism weren’t lost on Nietzsche, who had an elegant way of explaining how the philosophy can serve as a destructive or constructive force. According to him, passive nihilists absorb the messages of meaninglessness and are threatened. They fear the void so scramble to fill it by indulging in any offering of it. As Nolen Gertz wrote in Aeon in 2020, this form of blind self-protection is a ‘dangerous form of self-destruction’.

     He added: ‘To believe just for the sake of believing in something can lead to a superficial existence, to the complacent acceptance of believing anything believed by others, because believing in something (even if it turns out to be nothing worth believing in) will be seen by the passive nihilist as preferable to taking the risk of not believing in anything …’

     Which is how we end up back in the trap of meaningless meaning. Or standing in the supermarket aisle, trying to convince ourselves that a can of chickpeas really does matter.

     As a more constructive alternative, Nietzsche ushered individuals to evolve into active nihilists. That is, to stare into the abyss and see the absence of meaning not as a tragedy but as an opportunity. To consider it a space to fill with your own values, to define how you want to be in the world and what you believe to be true. An active nihilist isn’t intimidated by chaos, they recognise it as a chance to create something new and better.

     In my own journey toward sunny nihilism, I landed somewhere in the middle. I wasn’t horrified by a lack of absolute truth, but I also didn’t rush to write my own. Rather, I chose to pause, stare into the void, and consider the freedom of nothingness.

     Stay alert to meaningless meaning

     Whereas nihilism can prompt reflection and widen your view on existence, the commercial hijacking of meaning plays into the vulnerabilities of the passive nihilist, contributing to our era’s epidemic of self-obsessed selfishness. It not only encourages you to centre every action around yourself, but it deceptively presents this as a noble act. When you embrace this kind of personal mythmaking, you give yourself permission to spend a lot of time thinking about your own life, actions and experiences.

     Speaking to Politico magazine in 2020, Virginia Heffernan, the author of Magic and Loss: The Internet as Art (2016), said: ‘the recent fantasy of “optimising” a life – for peak performance, productivity, efficiency – has created a cottage industry that tries to make the dreariest possible lives sound heroic.’

     To help you avoid this decadent trap, it is worth being vigilant of, and guarding against, the ways the world is trying to convince you that you’re partaking in a sacred act – by positioning every brand, product or service as somehow meaningful.

     Are those period undies really a symbol of rebellion, or just a convenient sanitary product? Does the bottle of hot sauce in my fridge truly mark me as an iconoclastic thrill-seeker, or just indicate a robust gut flora? Is my bank really helping me invest in family values and community, or do I just appreciate the low fees if I deposit a set amount each month?

     While writing this article, I was conveniently served an advert for ‘Florence by Mills’, the new teen skincare range from the actress Millie Bobby Brown (I appreciate the algorithm recognising my youthful spirit). The entire range is clad in the familiar pastel colours and toothless message of ‘empowering young people through something something’ of so many personal care products. But the ‘Feed Your Soul Love U a Latte’ mask stood out in particular. Turns out it’s never too young to preach that enlightenment can be achieved in a 15-minute topical treatment.

     I hope that the young people browsing these products are resilient enough to not fall into such narratives; that they’re able to pause to ask what these cheap exchanges are calling on them to invest emotionally or financially. Will this purchase make them happy, or is it an example of what Heffernan cautioned against when she said we were out to make ‘the dreariest possible lives sound heroic’?

     Recognise the happy side of nihilism

     When promoting nihilism as the antidote to the commercialisation of meaning, I tend to meet the same repeated questions: if there’s no point, then why do anything? Why get out of bed? Wash your hair? Treat another person with kindness? Not fall into a quivering heap?

     I’m reminded of an episode of the Netflix sitcom The Good Place (2016-20). Chidi – a character who happens to be a moral philosopher – has the kind of existential crisis that inspires these queries. During his breakdown, he walks a classroom of philosophy students down the major paths where humanity has attempted to locate meaning and understand how to live an ‘ethical life’. After cycling through the arguments of virtue ethics, consequentialism and deontology, he finally declares that all these pathways to meaning lead nowhere (it’s worth watching the show to hear Chidi explain why) before concluding that nihilism is the only logical philosophical view – at which point he has a full meltdown.

     While I love Chidi, I find the scene frustrating for how narrowly it presents this cause and effect. Such a response has always puzzled me. After all, did you get out of bed this morning to search for the meaning of life or for a cup of coffee? Again, are such grand questions really bringing such grand comforts?

     In contrast to Chidi, another pop-culture figure shows how nihilism can inspire greater happiness. In the film The Beach Bum (2019), Matthew McConaughey plays Moondog, an epicurean, once-iconic, Florida-based writer. His is a woozy and colourful tale of excess and hedonism that involves a lot of drinking, drugs, avoided responsibility, and sex. All of which are indulged in with few consequences.

     Watching The Beach Bum, you feel you’ve seen this movie before, you know to wait for the fall, when Moondog will collapse under the weight of his shirked responsibilities and the system will catch up to him. Except the fall never comes. After seeing it at South by Southwest film festival, the critic Hazem Fahmy wrote: ‘Rather than simply not address these issues, the film goes out of its way to remind us that nothing in this strange dimension truly matters.’

     Moondog doesn’t care about anything, he lives for pleasure. Towards the end of the film, he outlines his life’s mantra to a reporter: ‘We’re here to have a good time.’ For all this destruction, and clear disregard for rules, values and consequences, Moondog isn’t punished. By the end of the film, he has been awarded a Pulitzer Prize and several million dollars. Although, true to form, he shows they’re meaningless too (I won’t spoil the finale).

     Moondog’s embrace of nihilism demonstrates that, when you stop focusing on a greater point, you’re able to ask simpler but more rewarding questions: what does happiness look like right now? What would give me pleasure today? How can I achieve a sense of satisfaction in this moment? Most of the time, the answers aren’t complex. They’re small delights already at hand – time spent with loved ones, a delicious meal, a walk in nature, a cup of coffee. Or, in Moondog’s case, a lot of booze and parties.

     Nihilism doesn’t have to spiral into selfishness

     Moondog’s experience sounds great to me, but it leads to a second concern surrounding nihilism. It might not make you miserable, but what about everyone who has to hang out with you? If nothing matters, you’re not part of some larger plan and you’re not held accountable by any rulebook. Motivated only by what feels good in the moment, what’s stopping you acting only for your own interests?

     Nietzsche was mindful of these pain points, writing in Beyond Good and Evil (1886): ‘He who fights with monsters might take care lest he thereby become a monster. And if you gaze for long into an abyss, the abyss gazes also into you.’

     Nihilism asks us to toss out meaning and gaze into the void that’s left in its place. But rather than being a simple, terrifying black hole, a void can prompt reflection. It’s a space to be filled with whatever you want. In that way, nihilism can serve as a funhouse mirror, reflecting and distorting your own beliefs. Approach it with pain and fear, and those feelings will be magnified. Go to it looking for a way to excuse gross behaviour, and you’ll find it.

     Stare into the abyss

     Give it a go yourself. Take a moment to truly submit to your own smallness in the Universe. To admit you are meaningless. That you don’t matter. That your name, ego, reputation, family, friends and loves will soon be gone.

     This needn’t be a destructive experience. Once the discomfort passes, and your ego abates, stop to consider – how has your understanding of your own time and energy changed? Is your job really so important when coupled with the knowledge that even the greatest achievements in human history will eventually be lost to time? Are the issues, people or situations that cause you stress or pain actually worth the worry when you remember that no one will ever remember or really be impacted by them?

     The only real impact these earthly concerns have is on what they take you away from: things that may not ‘matter’, but at least bring you joy.

     Focusing on the scale of your own life, and how insignificant it is, also allows you to ask: OK, if I don’t matter, and neither do the issues that take up so much of my time, how does the world show itself differently? If I’m no longer the centre of my own universe, what takes that space?

    You might start wondering what you want to last after you’ve gone, and what needs to be protected and treasured.

     I considered these points recently while witnessing a widely affecting mass collision with nihilism – the delivery of the first images from the James Webb Space Telescope. The shots showed an inconceivable array of distant galaxies that existed billions of years in the past. It was an overwhelming view that crashed into any understanding we have of time, scale and distance – not to mention the potential for life and realities beyond our own. Responding to it, it felt like the whole world had a mass awakening to individual inconsequentialism.

     But the reaction wasn’t mass depression or hopelessness. It was awe. People wondered over the beauty and scale of worlds they could never truly comprehend. They saw how their own lives barely register on a cosmic level, that our own galaxy wasn’t even a blip. This sense of our own meaninglessness was humbling. It didn’t break people’s hearts but excited them, reminded them of the inconceivable beauty and majesty of existence. People felt thankful for being a dot in an endless sky, to be part of this cosmic tapestry, even if just for a meaningless moment.

     It takes guts, but you too might find that the abyss reframes your attention to things you hope will last for a little longer than yourself. Art, community, the people you love, their right to feel safe, respected and well. If you’re looking for somewhere to redirect all this formerly self-involved energy, start there. In place of existential angst, psychological annihilation or selfish abandon, you can find relief in larger causes.

     Try a light meditation on death

     When I’m overwhelmed, remembering that one day I won’t exist makes whatever’s stressing me appear small. Accepting this finality transforms the bland environs I’m ignoring into an overwhelming buffet of smells, sights and experiences that suddenly feel impossibly rare.

     This ‘mindfulness of death’ is central to the work of the artificial intelligence scientist and Buddhist teacher Nikki Mirghafori. To access this feeling, she counsels trying a form of ‘death meditation’ to help confront your fear of death, and experience the strange wonder that can come from that.

     To try it, she instructs meditating with the mantra ‘this could be my last breath’. The theory is that by doing so, you work through the terror a little at a time, observing what comes to the surface during the practice and confronting each fear until you eventually reach a place of peace.

     Mirghafori posits that, by accepting your own mortality and facing life’s impermanence, you can align the way you live with your truest values. It’s many people’s lack of interest in contemplating death – and as such, how precious and fleeting our lives are – that allows so many to waste their time.

     I can report that this is a terrifying exercise. It’s like rehearsing your final moments, inviting your mind to flood with fear, regret, longing, loss, love and gratitude. When you imagine each breath to be your last, each breath becomes a gift on arrival. Even after you’re done, it’s impossible to not enter the rest of your day with a degree of elation at being alive.

     Doing it, I’m reminded of what Epicurus once said: ‘Death does not concern us, because as long as we exist, death is not here. And when it does come, we no longer exist.’ Epicurus didn’t believe in life after death, as either a punishment or a reward. He taught that life and all it could offer was happening to us right now.

     Just as nihilism has become associated with narrow-minded destruction, Epicurus is often synonymous with hedonism and a ceaseless pursuit of selfish pleasures. But in reality, he was certain this kind of living would usher people away from materialism and greed. His ‘pleasure principle’ championed being and doing good, arguing that, with one precious life to enjoy, not a moment should be wasted in guilt or anxiety over pain caused to others. The only way to feel truly good was to treat people well.

     Remember pointless pleasures

     I’d like to end by lightening things up a little. One way to refocus on the pointless pleasure that actually forms the bedrock of our lives is to start a ‘nice things’ list. Across the day, make an effort to jot down moments, people and events that make you happy.

     I’ve been doing this for years. Reviewing my own rambling lists, I’m always surprised by the simplicity of the entries: the smell of fresh basil, an excellent joke, two dogs meeting in the street. Alone they are innocuous (and usually overlooked), but together they flavour my days with endless sweetness. Learning to pay attention to them returns me to what actually provides solace in my day, training me to not overlook the now for the promise of the one day.

     So often in the pursuit of greater meaning we erase not only the joy of these forgotten delights, but also their collective power. Yes, a flock of galahs on my nature strip, or crying to a Paul Kelly song, or the spasmodic energy of Junior Bake Off (my most recent entries) are not life-altering – but, taking time to notice and appreciate them, they form the sum of their parts. A handful of treasured beats becomes a good day, a good week, a good year, a good life. Meaningless, sure. Precious, absolutely.

     Key points – How to be a happy nihilist

     The rise of meaningless meaning. The search for meaning used to be a noble pursuit, but it’s become commercialised and now inspires more angst than awe.

Nihilism as a solution. This is the philosophy that says life is meaningless. Handled with care, it can be liberating.

     The cleansing power of sunny nihilism. This is a kind of optimistic nihilism that highlights the delicate beauty of existence, the absurdity of life, and the exciting chaos of the everyday.

     Understand the difference between passive and active forms of nihilism.          

     Passive nihilists scramble to fill the void with anything to hand; active nihilists are undaunted, and fill the space with their own values.

     Stay alert to meaningless meaning. To avoid passive or toxic nihilism, it pays to be vigilant of, and guard against, the ways the world is trying to convince you that you’re partaking in a sacred act.

     Recognise the happy side of nihilism. When you stop focusing on a greater point, you’ll find you can ask simpler but more rewarding questions, such as: what does happiness look like right now?

      Nihilism doesn’t have to spiral into selfishness. When you stare into the abyss, it reframes your attention to things you hope will last for a little longer than yourself.

     Try a light meditation on death. I can report that this is a terrifying exercise. But when you imagine each breath to be your last, each breath becomes a gift on arrival.

     Remember pointless pleasures. From the smell of fresh basil to an excellent joke, start a ‘nice things’ list. Meaningless, sure. Precious, absolutely.

     Why it matters

     The young philosophers embracing nihilism

     For uplifting and earnest examples of nihilism’s application, check out the way younger philosophers are exploring it. Two TEDx talks by teenagers stand out in particular. In 2018, Elias Skjoldborg, a student at Harwood Union High School in Vermont, used the platform to introduce his take on ‘optimistic nihilism’. In short, he argues that if life is meaningless – and we are not pinned to some greater existential task or goal – then we may as well focus on finding happiness during this brief, meaningless flash of consciousness we call existence.

     When he says ‘if you died right now, it wouldn’t really make a difference in the big picture. Had you never been born, nobody would really care,’ he presents it as good news. He adds: ‘That life has no meaning is not a reason … to be sad.’ Rather, he explains, if our lives are needless, then the only directive we have is to figure out how to find happiness in our momentary blip of consciousness. Skjoldborg suggested that his audience get hobbies, help others, solve problems rather than creating them, and just try their best.

     Skjoldborg is not alone in his observations. In his talk a year earlier, Siddharth Gupta, a student at Kodaikanal International School in India, also opened up about how nihilism has helped him. Giving his talk the title ‘Confessions of an Existential Nihilist’, he explained how his belief that life was worthless had given him the ‘opportunity to find meaning in all that I do’.

     Meanwhile, over on YouTube, Khadija Mbowe, a Gambian Canadian vlogger on sociology and media, recently looked at nihilism and absurdism in a video asking if life still had value if it was a meaningless random occurrence within an uncaring universe. Clad in a bright orange graphic T-shirt with matching statement makeup, Mbowe looked like any other luminous member of Gen Z, asking: ‘What does our life, our existence, mean when we don’t believe we’re put here for a reason?’ as easily as if they were reacting to a viral mukbang video. Drawing on references from as broad a field as James Baldwin and RuPaul’s Drag Race, Mbowe asks big questions that don’t lead to dense, depressing answers. Instead, this vlogger’s takes are thoughtful, exploratory and ultimately hopeful.

     Each generation has a tendency to make the case for why their set of circumstances is especially dire. But for young people coming of age during rolling crises of pandemics, climate catastrophes and quaking world economies, they might have a strong case for being particularly hard done by. Yet basking in the aforementioned reflections of these fresh-faced philosophers, one feels a little lightened, not only by their constructive interpretation of nihilism, but also by the resilience it appears to offer them.

     Links & books

     In my book The Sunny Nihilist: How a Meaningless Life Can Make You Truly Happy (2021), I explore not only the modern tendency to overinvest in meaning, but also the darker consequences of such a relationship. In particular, how it intersects with our notions of work, love, family, capitalism and politics. I also explore how people can detangle themselves, and how gratifying it is to do so.

     The literary darlings Ottessa Moshfegh, Melissa Broder and Lisa Taddeo all frequently return to themes of millennial nihilism in their work. Meanwhile, the writers Jia Tolentino, Susan Sontag and Jenny Odell are looking more broadly at our interest in meaning, worth and community in a way that intersects with these ideas. Their deep folios of writing are edifying reading – I suggest starting with Tolentino’s Trick Mirror (2019) and Odell’s How to Do Nothing (2019), both books are as digestible as they are illuminating (and have personally been reliable elevated small-talk fodder for the past few years).

     I already mentioned the TV show The Good Place (do check it out if you haven’t already), but nihilism is present in many of our other favourite entertainment offerings, such as BoJack Horseman (2014-20), a cartoon that follows a clutch of humans and anthropomorphic animals as they navigate Hollywood, fame, and their own cycles of ambition and destruction. One nihilistic moment involved Mr Peanutbutter, a lovable and dim-witted Labrador who is a successful TV actor, consoling his then-wife by tenderly reminding her: ‘The Universe is a cruel, uncaring void. The key to being happy isn’t the search for meaning. It’s to just keep yourself busy with unimportant nonsense and, eventually, you’ll be dead.’ I promise it’s funnier than it sounds.

     Nihilism has found its way to other screens too. The films Everything Everywhere All at Once (2022) and Palm Springs (2020) both show how fun and bombastic these ideas can be. Although my personal favourite surprise nihilistic resource might just be SpongeBob SquarePants (1999-). If a chatty sponge can’t convince you of the chaotic charm of existence, I’m not sure what can.”

Waiting for Godot film

Chaplin’s The Factory

Recital of the Dog, David Rabe

The Box Man, Kobo Abe

How to Find the Sunny Side of Nihilism

The Sunny Nihilist: A Declaration of the Pleasure of Pointlessness, Wendy Syfret

https://www.wendysyfret.com

        News of the Third World War, Israel-Palestine Front

US and UK forces help shoot down Iranian drones over Jordan, Syria and Iraq

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/apr/14/us-and-uk-forces-help-shoot-down-iranian-drones-over-jordan-syria-and-iraq

Iran launches drone and missile strike against Israel as Biden rushes back to White House

Iran launches dozens of drones and ballistic missiles against Israel

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/apr/13/biden-white-house-israel-iran-tension?CMP=share_btn_url

Israel under fire as Iran launches drones and cruise missiles

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/apr/13/israel-under-fire-as-iran-launches-extensive-drone-strikes?CMP=share_btn_url

I believe in another Israel – one not defined by Benjamin Netanyahu and his cronies

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/apr/13/israel-benjamin-netanyahu-peace

       A Samuel Beckett Reading List

A Reader’s Guide to Samuel Beckett, Hugh Kenner

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1567581.A_Reader_s_Guide_To_Samuel_Beckett

The Philosophy of Samuel Beckett, by John Calder

Think, Pig!: Beckett at the Limit of the Human, by Jean-Michel Rabaté

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/27847524-think-pig

The New Samuel Beckett Studies (Twenty-First-Century Critical Revisions),

by Jean-Michel Rabaté (Editor)

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/43096977-the-new-samuel-beckett-studies

Samuel Beckett: Anatomy of a Literary Revolution, by Pascale Casanova

Samuel Beckett Is Closed, by Michael Coffey

On Beckett, by Alain Badiou

Samuel Beckett and the Terror of Literature, by Christopher Langlois

Beckett, Lacan, and the Voice (Samuel Beckett in Company),

by Llewellyn Brown, Jean-Michel Rabaté

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/29510443-beckett-lacan-and-the-voice

Samuel Beckett, by Deirdre Bair

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/54038.Samuel_Beckett

Parisian Lives: Samuel Beckett, Simone de Beauvoir, and Me, by Deirdre Bair

Nietzsche/Derrida, Blanchot/Beckett: Fragmentary Progressions of the Unnamable, by Stephen Barker 

http://www.pomoculture.org/2013/09/22/nietzschederrida-blanchotbeckett-fragmentary-progressions-of-the-unnamable/

Poetry Foundation On Beckett

https://www.poetryfoundation.org/poets/samuel-beckett

     Our friend, the Abyss

     At moments of doubt such as this I read again Camus’ The Myth of Sisyphus, Hemingway’s The Old Man and the Sea, Henley’s Invictus, I.F. Stone’s The Trial of Socrates; myths, stories, poetry, and history of the grandeur of resistance which confers freedom.

The Myth of Sisyphus, by Albert Camus

The Old Man and the Sea, by Ernest Hemingway

The Trial of Socrates, by I.F. Stone

Invictus, by William Ernest Henley

April 12 2024 Theatre of Cruelty: Republican Political Performances As Allegories of Degradation and Dehumanization

     Let us first acknowledge the abasement of the Republican Party before its false idol Traitor Trump, and its capture by the Fourth Reich which is a consequence of the 1980 capture of the Republican Party by fundamentalists of theocratic patriarchal sexual terror. Margaret Atwood warned us of this existential threat to our democracy and ideas of universal human rights and the equality, citizenship, and bodily autonomy of women in her magisterial novel The Handmaid’s Tale, which remains among the finest critiques of gendered forces and systems of oppression ever written, and relevant as well to the role of faith weaponized in service to power in theocracy, patriarchy, fascism, and tyranny.

     All of which are recursive forms and motives of politics as a Theatre of Cruelty as now performed by the Trump campaign and the Republican Party, with which the Arizona abortion ban confronts us as disruption and the violation of normalities.  

     Trump slept for many years with a copy of Mein Kampf on his nightstand in place of a Bible, and his performance as a Clown of Terror in a Theatre of Cruelty is modeled on that of his idol Adolf Hitler. In the performances of Trump and the Republican Party we see the echoes and reflections of Hitler’s reimagination of politics as theatre; in the words of the monster himself; “Politics is the new art!”

      As I wrote ion my post of June 5 2021, Remember Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump, and His Legacy of Dishonor, Treason, and Fascist Tyranny; Our Clown of Terror; his jests did distract us from his subversion of democracy until almost too late. Idiot madman of monstrous perversions that he was, we must give the devil his due; Trump was the greatest foreign agent to ever attack America, and he nearly brought our democracy down into fascist tyranny and white supremacist terror.

     Remember the Clown, and his absurd empire of lies and depravities, his subversions of democracy and violations of liberty, equality, truth, and justice, his kleptocracy of looting the public wealth, his Wall of Hate, his syndicate of Epstein sexual terror and human trafficking, his orchestration of white supremacist terror and treason, his use of racists in disrupting the Black Lives Matter protests in a campaign of violence, arson, vandalism and looting to discredit the mass action for equality and racial justice and provide a pretext for the federal occupation of Democratic cities and the founding of a fascist tyranny, and the pathetic puppet show of Traitor Trump and his master Putin. 

     Remember him and his era of fascism as the collapse of values which nearly became the Fall of America, for the enemies of democracy never rest, and neither must we.

      Thanks for showing us all what’s under your masks, Republicans; Treason, Racism, Untruth, Misogyny, Predator.

     And remember, you can always discover someone’s secret Republican name whereby they recognize each other; its their act of treason plus their sex crime.

     As I wrote in my post of September 24 2019, America rediscovers its values: the impeachment of Pennywise; Jubilation in the streets as America rediscovers its values and begins the impeachment of Pennywise, clown and cannibalistic monster who dwells beneath the human face of Trump, a mask of flesh stolen from the abducted and enslaved women in the brothels his grandfather built the Trump family fortune on during the Alaska Gold Rush, and who today carries forward the legacy of terror and misogyny he was raised with, whose election should be de-certified as the coup of a foreign power and whose Presidency has no legitimacy.

     History will remember Trump as the standard bearer of the global Fourth Reich and its assault on democracy, stealer of children for his vile and twisted purposes, author of genocidal ethnic cleansing and builder of concentration camps, pathological liar and ignorant fool, whose alliance of xenophobic racists and white supremacists,  Christian Identity fanatics and other fundamentalists who dream of the restoration of the Patriarchy and a quasi-Confederacy under medieval Biblical law as a tyranny of the Elect, and amoral Plutocrats out to loot America for all the wealth they can send offshore while sabotaging our economy and driving our nations into collapse, thereby removing the major guarantor of freedom and human rights in the world and opening everything to exploitation.

     A full accounting of the treasons and crimes of Trump and his Republican conspirators would fill a thousand pages and more, would roll on like the endless night litany of the death of God during an Orthodox Easter service; but this is the moment of its end, wherein the chanting turns to rapture and joy at the break of dawn, for Nancy Pelosi and the power brokers of the Democratic Party have rummaged around in Pandora’s Box and found at last our hope, calling for impeachment and the restoration of the rule of law just at the point of no return, before the legitimacy of our government and the values on which it is built, freedom, equality, truth, and justice, are forever lost and America falls to fascism and tyranny, and with it the world descends into a Dark Age.

     It took a millennia to emerge from the last one; civilization may not be recoverable again, should it fall under conditions of fascism and totalitarian regimes of absolute state power and surveillance, war, ethnostates and genocides, and unbridled extractive plunder of the earth. And this we must resist.

     Therefore celebrate with me the call for impeachment, and prepare ourselves for the great struggle ahead to make it real, to reawaken America’s values and to save democracy and universal human rights throughout the world. 

     As I wrote in my post of January 10 2023, Allegories and Symbols of the Fall of Democracy in America and Brazil: the January Insurrections as Theatre of Cruelty; In Brazil now as in America two years ago, the January Insurrections against democracy have failed in the direct capture of the state, but in such failure have established a Lost Cause like that of the Confederacy in the imaginations of the fascists who would enslave us. This too is a ground of struggle, of far more broad significance that the assaults on the symbols of national identity and institutions of government in Brasilia and Washington D.C.; the full faith and credit of the state and the values and ideals which it embodies and enacts.

     Liberty, equality, truth, and justice; a secular state founded on universal human rights and the interdependent and parallel rights of citizens of a free society of equals. If our faith in the idea of democracy and our solidarity with each other is lost, so are we.

     Who do we want to become, we humans; a world of masters and slaves, hegemonic elites of wealth, power, and privilege living by fear, force, and lies, hierarchies of belonging and exclusionary otherness and fascisms of blood, faith, and soil, and the countless subjugated and dehumanized masses of outcasts and untouchables who do the hard and dirty work which creates that wealth and power, in a future of tyrannies of force and control, or co-owners of our governments who choose how to be human together in equal share, no one’s rights infringe upon another’s, and no one is better than any other by reason of birth.

     Those of us who live in democracies founded on the values of the Enlightenment and the historical legacies of the great revolutions against aristocratic feudalism, monarchy, and colonial imperialism may agree on our shared values, but we can no longer take this for granted. We now live in a world wherein democracy is imperiled even in its bastions and guarantor nations like America.

     We must never allow ideologies and narratives of fascism to become normalized, or we will devolve to societies of caste, color, theocracies of the elect, tyrants and kings, totalitarian police states of brutal repression and pervasive surveillance and propaganda; authoritarian carceral states wherein only power and force are real and have meaning.

     To fascism and tyranny let us give the only reply it merits; Never Again!

     Here is an expanded version of my post of January 6 2020 on the Surrealist film Gummo as a satire of the Deplorables who committed treason and armed insurrection against our nation at the command of Our Clown of Terror, Traitor Trump; On Insurrection Day, I offer for your consideration the film Gummo, a sensitive and elegant documentary of the Deplorables from whom the Fourth Reich cadre who staged the assault on Congress were recruited, and an allegory of the Fall of America.

        Bacon? Stapled to the wall, a strip of bacon captures ones attention as a symbol of degeneration and barbarian atavisms of instinct. Werner Herzog signposted it for our attention, and it persists as a symbol of degeneration to an animal state, like a trophy of wealth which is also offal above a bathtub filled with filth as our young protagonist eats spaghetti, his mouth smeared with red like the cannibals adrift on Gericault’s Raft of the Medusa so brilliantly described in Julian Barnes’ History of the World in 10 ½ Chapters; an unforgettable image of the fallen American Dream. A reproduction of the painting in miniature hangs by my writing desk, to remind me of the stakes as our civilization collapses from the mechanical failures of its internal contradictions.

      It is the little things which disturb, provoke, and incite us to challenge normality, the tyranny of other people’s ideas of virtue, the authorized identities of hegemonic elites and divisions of otherness, and to transgress the boundaries of the Forbidden with glorious sins of beatification.

     Here as always, all true art defiles and exalts.

     We dine in filth on the carrion of others lives and by their labor. This is a Surrealist film intended as an allegory of America and a thematic interrogation of our flaws and dark legacies of injustice, and in large part restates Nietzsche’s critique of Shakespeare’s Measure For Measure and the idea of the innate depravity of man, an extension of the doctrine of original sin, on which all our law is based, as Nikos Kazantzakis argues in his thesis on Nietzsche, The Philosophy of Right and the State, an anarchist analysis of authority as dehumanization which underlies all his later work.

     So also does the film restate William S. Burroughs’ analysis of capitalism and imperialism as the Algebra of Need, in which drug addiction becomes a metaphor of our addiction to wealth, power, and privilege, an engine of self-destruction, commodification, and dehumanization which feeds on and worsens our most atavistic instincts. Burroughs derives his ideas here from dialectical Marxism; I rephrase his terms as the Calculus of Fear, for fear and belonging are  the true bases of human exchange. Here the flaws of our humanity, fear and rage, vanity and jealousy, the need to dominate and control, become the instruments of our subjugation to hegemonic elites through divisions of exclusionary otherness and to tyrants of force and control and the imperial and carceral states of those who would enslave us.

     The film itself is brutally shocking, grotesque, and borders on the obscene; which is why I adore it so. I must warn you that while I like it as an allegory of America’s flaws, and to poke fun at Trump’ s followers, this is brutal and depressing; anyone with suicidal ideation should avoid it. This debut of a heralded wonder of the new age as director was not understood as a critique of state power as a force of dehumanization and regression to an animal state, like that of the Deplorables, and unjustly derailed a promising career; a historical injustice I would like to redeem, because Gummo is a film we need now.

     We must see the enemies of Liberty as they truly are, if we are to heal our nation from the primary trauma of fracture they enacted in the January 6 Insurrection.

     Both the Insurrection and the film Gummo, like the Trump presidency as a whole, must be interpreted as performances of the Theatre of Cruelty as articulated by Antonin Artaud in his manifesto The Theatre And Its Double. Trump is a figure of the mad emperor from his great novel Heliogabalus; or, the Crowned Anarchist; his performances as a clown of terror, disruption, and sadism were also brilliantly prophesized by Robert Coover in The Public Burning, A Political Fable, written as a satire of Nixon.

    Let us see beyond the lies and illusions with which Trump and his Deplorables conceal their subversions of democracy, sabotage of our institutions, and violations of our ideals of liberty, equality, truth, and justice.

     Always pay attention to the man behind the curtain. As Dorothy says to Oz, he’s never anything but “just an old humbug.”

     As I wrote in my post of February 11 2021, Profiles in Treason and Terror; The dishonorable and the mad, the delusional and the sadistic epicures of brutality and perversions, the feral predators hooting and champing before the gallows and guillotines they have brought to murder members of congress with and their partners in uniform unleashing racist terror and gun violence in the streets, and the amoral and predatory grifters and puppetmasters of fascism who have subjugated and enslaved them and stolen their honor and their souls; these are among the idolators of Traitor Trump who conspired, enabled, and collaborated in his plot to subvert democracy and overthrow America in the January 6 Insurrection which attempted to seize Congress and execute its members, which like Hitler’s Beer Hall Putsch on which it was modeled was intended to decapitate the government of the people in a single stroke.

     As details emerge of the internal operations and massive scale of the plot against America, in terms of its central coordination and logistics under direct operational command of Trump and his cabal of conspirators, we are offered not only the spectacle of his aberrance and monstrosity as a mad idiot Clown of Terror drooling and gloating in bestial depravity at the destruction of our values and institutions, the violation of our ideals and the endless suffering he has caused, but of those of his freakish and degenerate followers as well.

     The role of deniable forces of the Fourth Reich such as the Proud Boys, the Oathkeepers, and other organizations of white supremacist terror, and of their partners and infiltration agents within our police, military, and security services,  in the January 6 Insurrection is by now well documented and will become more so as the greatest manhunt in our history exposes and entraps more of its perpetrators.

     The images we have been witnessing of their assault on liberty during the Second Impeachment trial will be remembered in the history of the world as the true legacy of an era of fascist tyranny under the figurehead of Trump which nearly ended America as a guarantor of global democracy and universal human rights, and had we fallen as the primary domino and a beacon of hope to the world both democracy and human rights would be lost to humankind for unknown ages; the last time civilization fell it took a thousand years for the idea that government derives its authority from its citizens and not by divine right, the idea that no one of us is better than any other by right of birth, and that freedom, equality, truth, and justice are the foundational values of our society and truths of human being and meaning, to reawaken.

     And it took centuries of wars and revolutions to do so; how if this time civilization falls not to hordes of barbarians seeking nothing but pillage and destruction, but to regimes of totalitarian force and control?

     This is the great contradiction of the forces of repression and subjugation to authority which overran our capitol on January 6; they have been betrayed by their masters in believing they were acting to restore our traditional values and civilization, when in fact they had been weaponized in service to its destruction. Here is a clear and present danger, but also an opportunity; shared motives can be redirected to heal divisions, for they too want an American Restoration. As yet we just disagree on our definition of terms.

     When fear is overwhelming and generalized, it can be shaped through submission to authority by lies, illusions, alternate realities, especially when pervasive and endemic surveillance, big data, and propaganda are available as instruments of state control. Authority achieves submission through falsification and the theft of the soul, but this is also the weakness of control which cannot stand against truth, just as the weakness of force is that it is powerless against resistance, disobedience, and refusal to submit.

    The election of Biden and Harris, the failure of Trump’s sixth coup attempt on January 6, and the public exposure and shaming of his co-conspirators, collaborators, and enablers before the stage of the world of the Second Impeachment trial; in these events we have witnessed a turning of the tide from fascism to a restoration of democracy.

     Once the Reckoning has been achieved, the Restoration must heal our divisions; and this means we must embrace and transform the fear that lives at the heart of hate, and drives the rage, violence, and need to conquer and dominate others which shadows our historical inequalities and injustices.

    Fear, Power, Force; such is the Ring of Power which enslaves us, and which we must abandon if we are to become whole.

     As I wrote in my post of June 2 2020, The Great Dictator: Trump’s Reboot of the Chaplin Classic; As the world is gripped by images of Trump’s expulsion of the priests from the church and brutal repression of protestors against racist violence, of his photo op holding a Bible while invoking the use of the military against citizens to silence dissent and bolster his failing regime of white supremacist terror and authoritarian state force and control, I believe it is time to consider the relative merits of our Clown of Terror’s performance of the role of the Great Dictator as compared to its originator, Charlie Chaplin.

     To this end I recommend Robert Coover’s 1968 satire The Cat in the Hat for President, written originally about Nixon and republished as A Political Fable, and the luminous and feral 1933 novel on which Trump has modeled his revised Theatre of Cruelty, Heliogabalus; or, the Crowned Anarchist by Antonin Artaud.

    Let us mock and deflate all such absurd monsters who would enslave us.

    Transcript of Charlie Chaplin’s Final Speech in The Great Dictator:   

     “I’m sorry, but I don’t want to be an emperor. That’s not my business. I don’t want to rule or conquer anyone. I should like to help everyone – if possible – Jew, Gentile – black man – white. We all want to help one another. Human beings are like that. We want to live by each other’s happiness – not by each other’s misery. We don’t want to hate and despise one another. In this world there is room for everyone. And the good earth is rich and can provide for everyone. The way of life can be free and beautiful, but we have lost the way.

     Greed has poisoned men’s souls, has barricaded the world with hate, has goose-stepped us into misery and bloodshed. We have developed speed, but we have shut ourselves in. Machinery that gives abundance has left us in want. Our knowledge has made us cynical. Our cleverness, hard and unkind. We think too much and feel too little. More than machinery we need humanity. More than cleverness we need kindness and gentleness. Without these qualities, life will be violent and all will be lost….

     The aeroplane and the radio have brought us closer together. The very nature of these inventions cries out for the goodness in men – cries out for universal brotherhood – for the unity of us all. Even now my voice is reaching millions throughout the world – millions of despairing men, women, and little children – victims of a system that makes men torture and imprison innocent people.

     To those who can hear me, I say – do not despair. The misery that is now upon us is but the passing of greed – the bitterness of men who fear the way of human progress. The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish. …..

     Soldiers! don’t give yourselves to brutes – men who despise you – enslave you – who regiment your lives – tell you what to do – what to think and what to feel! Who drill you – diet you – treat you like cattle, use you as cannon fodder. Don’t give yourselves to these unnatural men – machine men with machine minds and machine hearts! You are not machines! You are not cattle! You are men! You have the love of humanity in your hearts! You don’t hate! Only the unloved hate – the unloved and the unnatural! Soldiers! Don’t fight for slavery! Fight for liberty!

     In the 17th Chapter of St Luke it is written: “the Kingdom of God is within man” – not one man nor a group of men, but in all men! In you! You, the people have the power – the power to create machines. The power to create happiness! You, the people, have the power to make this life free and beautiful, to make this life a wonderful adventure.

     Then – in the name of democracy – let us use that power – let us all unite. Let us fight for a new world – a decent world that will give men a chance to work – that will give youth a future and old age a security. By the promise of these things, brutes have risen to power. But they lie! They do not fulfil that promise. They never will!

     Dictators free themselves but they enslave the people! Now let us fight to fulfil that promise! Let us fight to free the world – to do away with national barriers – to do away with greed, with hate and intolerance. Let us fight for a world of reason, a world where science and progress will lead to all men’s happiness. Soldiers! in the name of democracy, let us all unite!”

Charlie Chaplain, Final Speech in The Great Dictator

Gummo full film;  ever wonder what the world looks like inside the head of a fascist? https://www.bing.com/videos/riverview/relatedvideo?q=gummo+full+film&mid=88EC65F7749FC3C3313388EC65F7749FC3C33133&FORM=VIRE

Max, trailer for the film with John Cusack

The Public Burning, by Robert Coover, William H. Gass (Introduction)

Heliogabalus; or, the Crowned Anarchist, by Antonin Artaud

The Theatre and Its Double, Antonin Artaud

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/325546.The_Theatre_and_Its_Double?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_26

Friedrich Nietzsche on the Philosophy of Right And the State, Nikos Kazantzakis

The Algebra of Need, William S. Burroughs, Eric Mottram  (Editor)

The Handmaid’s Tale, Margaret Atwood

April 11 2024 America’s Fragile Democracy, A Stage of Tragedy and Farce: Case of the Arizona Abortion Ban

    Here we do but strut about the stage, captives of a performative system which casts its spell of subjugation among the countless eyes which watch from the darkness and reflect us as distorted images like those of funhouse mirrors into vast chasms of abyssal nothingness. As Shakespeare teaches us in MacBeth, Act five, scene five;

“Tomorrow, and tomorrow, and tomorrow,

Creeps in this petty pace from day to day

To the last syllable of recorded time,

And all our yesterdays have lighted fools

The way to dusty death. Out, out, brief candle!

Life’s but a walking shadow, a poor player

That struts and frets his hour upon the stage

And then is heard no more. It is a tale

Told by an idiot, full of sound and fury,

Signifying nothing.

     Our elections provide the illusion of change and control, “manufacture consent to be governed” as Chomsky phrased it, create tribes and divisions, and entertain us with gladiatorial spectacles; political parties are a development of the sports fandoms of the Blues and the Greens, chariot racing teams of the Byzantine Empire a thousand years ago.

    Democracy is always hostage to wealth and power, which seduces us with the lie that we are co-owners of the state in a free society of equals when we are slaves of elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege.

   The most vicious and insidious kind of power is not the atrocities of war and the brutal repression of dissent by police terror, but secret power, all-devouring and invisible to its beneficiaries as systems of oppression and thought control, a Wilderness of Mirrors as Atherton called it, lies, illusions, propaganda, conspiracy theories, alternate realities in which we wander lost and become cyphers of ourselves and the raw material of other’s power through falsification, commodification, and dehumanization.

     Always pay attention to the man behind the curtain. As Dorothy says of Oz, he’s “just an old humbug.”

    So we come to the events which have birthed such thoughts; the Arizona abortion ban, a triumph of theocratic patriarchy and sexual terror intended by its Republican authors and conspirators as enslavement of women and theft of meaningful citizenship and bodily autonomy, legislative state terror designed to produce abjection, despair, and learned helplessness; but instead has provoked a united front of resistance and caused the Republicans to disavow their own ideological primary goal of dehumanizing women as chattel slaves.

    Tyrants and those who would enslave us believe only in the use of force and the centralization of power to authority, and fail to understand the balance of forces in the Calculus of Fear which is politics; for the use of social force, especially by the state as embodied violence, obeys Newton’s Third Law of Motion and creates its own Resistance.

     The Republican anti-abortion crusade is nothing more or less than a strategy of divide and conquer and of the subversion of democracy by forces of theocratic patriarchy and sexual terror; it is also a reaction against the whole of modernity, civilization, and the values and ideals of the Enlightenment.

      A terrible future looms; the Fall of America, of democracy globally, and of our civilization. Worse, this is a future wherein we are no longer human beings, but things to be owned.

     To this and to state ownership of women’s bodies in abortion bans, gateway to an Age of Tyrants, I swear war to the knife, for who respects no laws of our universal human rights and our parallel and interdependent rights as citizens in a free society of equals, and no limits in the social use of force, may hide behind none.

     With this issue as a lever the tide of history may be changed and our liberty restored, for our enemies know it is a losing issue for them in our elections, and we must hammer this message relentlessly into our national consciousness and narratives.

     As written by Edwin Markham in the poem Preparedness;

“For all your days prepare,

And meet them ever alike:

When you are the anvil, bear–

When you are the hammer, strike.”

     And if we do this in solidarity of action as a united front, I have no doubt that we will turn back the tide of theocracy and patriarchy.

     For we are many, we are watching, and we are the future.

Pregnant Arizona lawmaker shares fight to get abortion, highlighting ‘cruel’ laws

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/mar/20/eva-burch-abortion-speech-arizona-senator?CMP=share_btn_url

‘A dark day’: Arizona governor condemns ruling on near-total abortion ban – video

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/video/2024/apr/10/a-dark-day-arizona-governor-condemns-ruling-on-near-total-abortion-ban-video?CMP=share_btn_link

Patrick Stewart – Macbeth (Act V, Scene V)

Pay no attention to that man behind the curtain- Wizard of Oz scene

Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media, Edward S. Herman, Noam Chomsky

Wilderness of Mirrors: Intrigue, Deception, and the Secrets that Destroyed Two of the Cold War’s Most Important Agents, by David C. Martin

The Enlightenment: The Pursuit of Happiness 1680-1790, Ritchie Robertson

The Blues versus the Greens: how circus factions nearly brought down the Byzantine Empire

Circus Factions: Blues and Greens at Rome and Byzantium, Alan Cameron

Stephen Colbert on Republicans and abortion bans: ‘Backpedaling like a tweaked-out unicycle chimp’

https://www.theguardian.com/culture/2024/apr/11/colbert-kimmel-republican-abortion-bans-arizona?CMP=share_btn_url

Arizona’s abortion ban is a political nightmare for Republicans in the 2024 election

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/apr/10/trump-arizona-abortion-ban?CMP=share_btn_url

‘Shame! Shame!’: Arizona Republican leaders block effort to repeal abortion ban

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/apr/10/arizona-republicans-block-repeal-state-abortion-ban?CMP=share_btn_url

Arizona Republicans denounce revived 1864 abortion ban in sudden reversal

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/apr/10/arizona-republicans-against-state-abortion-ban?CMP

Arizona supreme court upholds 1864 law banning almost all abortions

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/apr/09/arizona-supreme-court-abortion-decision?CMP=share_btn_url

April 10 2024 Eid al Fitr Mubarak, Friends

ودام الفرح والسلام بينكم وبينكم

May joy and peace be with you and yours

     May you find love to balance and redeem us from fear, joy to balance the terror of our nothingness, hope to balance despair, beauty to balance the horror of war and violence, vision and illumination with which to reimagine and transform ourselves and liberate us from systems of unequal power, and the faith to use all of this to heal the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     As written by Kahlil Gibran in The Gravedigger; “Once, as I was burying one of my dead selves, the grave-digger came by and said to me, “Of all those who come here to bury, you alone I like.”

      Said I, “You please me exceedingly, but why do you like me?”

      “Because,” said he, “They come weeping and go weeping—you only come laughing and go laughing.”

      In this celebration of Eid Al Fitr, love like you have laughed in the face of your executioner, bring joy, hope, and faith in solidarity with others

        With Ramadan ends the time of truce, and as I now contemplate the possibilities for making mischief for tyrants such as Netanyahu and his criminal regime of genocide, ethnic cleansing, kleptocracy, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, questions of justice in its myriad forms and dimensions arise yet again to shape my ideas of struggle in the liberation of Palestine.    

     Herein a Gordian Knot of dilemmas and conflicting values, goals, and ideals shift and change like a mirage; bringing a Reckoning to perpetrators of violence and restoration of balance to their victims, in a world with few innocent and many who are both perpetrators and victims.

ن عادلا في الميزان كما يوجه سورة 55 الرحمن 9 من القرآن الكريم

Be just unto the balance as Surah 55 Ar Rahman 9 of Holy Quran directs

     How may we be just unto the balance with those who do not regard us as fellow human beings, and to whom all outsiders beyond whatever boundaries of us and them are not truly human and merit no human rights?

     Where does the balance of justice and of our humanity lay?

     When confronted by Rashomon Gate Events wherein we choose our fates and the sets of possibilities of becoming human within which we will live, how may we disambiguate that which exalts us from that which degrades and dehumanizes?

     Always we are captives of the Wagnerian Ring of fear, power, and force, from which only love has the power to redeem us and return to us our souls.

     In the end all that matters is what we do with our fear, and how we use our power.    

Sheikh AbdurRahman Sudais-Surah Ar-Rahman w/ English Trans

The Madman: His Parables and Poems, Kahlil Gibran

Arabic

10 أبريل 2024 عيد فطر مبارك أيها الأصدقاء

ودام الفرح والسلام بينكم وبينكم

      قد تجد الحب لتحقيق التوازن وتخليصنا من الخوف، والفرح لتحقيق التوازن بين الرعب من العدم لدينا، والأمل لتحقيق التوازن بين اليأس، والجمال لتحقيق التوازن بين رعب الحرب والعنف، والرؤية والإضاءة التي من خلالها لإعادة تصور وتحويل أنفسنا وتحريرنا من أنظمة القوة غير المتكافئة، والإيمان لاستخدام كل هذا لشفاء عيوب إنسانيتنا وانكسار العالم.

      كما كتب جبران خليل جبران في حفار القبر؛ “ذات مرة، بينما كنت أدفن أحد موتاي، مر بي حفار القبور وقال لي: “من بين كل أولئك الذين يأتون إلى هنا للدفن، أنت وحدك الذي أحبه.”

       فقلت: “أنت تسعدني كثيرًا، ولكن لماذا تحبني؟”

       قال: «لأنهم يأتون يبكون ويذهبون يبكون، وأنت لا تأتي إلا ضاحكًا وتذهب ضاحكًا».

       في هذا الاحتفال بعيد الفطر، أحب كما ضحكت في وجه جلادك، اجلب الفرح والأمل والإيمان بالتضامن مع الآخرين.

         مع انتهاء شهر رمضان، ينتهي وقت الهدنة، وبينما أفكر الآن في احتمالات إحداث الأذى للطغاة مثل نتنياهو ونظامه الإجرامي المتمثل في الإبادة الجماعية والتطهير العرقي واللصوصية وجرائم الحرب والجرائم ضد الإنسانية، فإن أسئلة العدالة بأشكالها التي لا تعد ولا تحصى وتبرز الأبعاد مرة أخرى لتشكل أفكاري النضالية في تحرير فلسطين.

      هنا، تتحول وتتغير عقدة من المعضلات والقيم والأهداف والمثل المتضاربة مثل السراب؛ محاسبة مرتكبي أعمال العنف واستعادة التوازن لضحاياهم، في عالم يقل فيه الأبرياء ويكثر فيه الجناة والضحايا.

     كن عادلا في الميزان كما يوجه سورة 55 الرحمن 9 من القرآن الكريم

      كيف يمكننا أن نكون عادلين في التوازن مع أولئك الذين لا ينظرون إلينا كبشر، والذين يعتبرون أن جميع الغرباء، خارج حدودنا وبينهم، ليسوا بشرًا حقًا ولا يستحقون أي حقوق إنسانية؟

      أين يكمن ميزان العدالة وإنسانيتنا؟

      عندما نواجه أحداث بوابة راشومون حيث نختار مصائرنا ومجموعات احتمالات أن نصبح بشرًا والتي سنعيش فيها، كيف يمكننا إزالة الغموض عما يرفعنا عما يحط من قدرنا ويجردنا من إنسانيتنا؟

      نحن دائمًا أسرى لخاتم الخوف والقوة والقوة الفاغنري، والذي منه فقط الحب لديه القدرة على تخليصنا وإعادة أرواحنا إلينا.

      في النهاية، كل ما يهم هو ما نفعله بمخاوفنا، وكيف نستخدم قوتنا.

April 9 2024 Victory of America Over the Confederacy, a Human Trafficking Syndicate That Declared Itself a Nation

On April 9 in 1865 Confederate General Lee raised the white flag and surrendered to Union General Grant at Appomattox, though the fighting continued until other rebel forces surrendered and President Johnson declared  the end of the Civil War on Aug. 20th, 1866. It was the end of the most terrible conflict and the most shameful age in American history, and it is a conflict we have not yet won and an original sin we have not yet expiated and redeemed.

      Nor is the enemy of our humanity and of all humankind  yet defeated in final Reckoning, for its figurehead Traitor Trump now runs in our Presidential election in hope of recapturing the state to enact vengeance on his enemies, evade responsibility for his many crimes, and complete his mission of the subversion of our democracy, the re-enslavement of Black Americans and white supremacist terror, and the dehumanization and commodification of women as chattel slaves and patriarchal-theocratic sexual terror.

     This we must resist to the last, as Chamberlain held the line at Gettysburg and Sherman demonstrated how to answer white supremacist terror on his March Through Georgia.

     We must not wait for the moment of our destruction; we must bring the fight to the enemy, and purge them from among us.

     Of this epochal event I wrote in my post of last year:

     In joyous echo of this historic triumph we also celebrate the return to the legislature of Tennessee by acclamation of the people of the magnificent Justin Jones, who with his fellow Representative Pearson placed their lives in the balance with those of the victims and survivors of gun violence and white supremacist terror in challenging the plutocratic gun lobby which provides the preconditions of mass murder as an organization of racist terror.

     That the people stood with them in return and brought the machine of death and elite hegemony to a standstill is the most hopeful thing I have witnessed in electoral American politics in a long time.

     The tide may have just turned in America from tyranny to democracy.

     There is now a possibility, fractional and delicate as a candle in the darkness, bearing our hope of liberty and equality into an unknown future, of avoiding a second Civil War.

      This too I celebrate, in fear and loathing as Hunter S. Thompson unforgettably described America’s inversion of our founding ideals by the powerful.

      At one hundred fifty eight years remove, the meaning of the Civil War as the Second American Revolution is clear, as is the necessity of ceaseless and ongoing revolutionary struggle to achieve and maintain a free society of equals.

     We celebrate the victory of equality over slavery and solidarity over division, of liberty over the tyranny of aristocratic and capitalist elites and of love over hate. On this day we the people, created equal and endowed with inalienable human rights, triumphed over the most terrible obscenity and injustice to ever rear its monstrous head in our nation; a human trafficking syndicate which declared itself a nation.

     We must never cease to search out and destroy the legacies of slavery, racism, and hierarchies and ideologies of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness. To be an American is to believe that no one is better than any other by condition of birth. Those who cannot affirm this principle merit only exile and revocation of citizenship, for they have chosen to deny membership in our society.

    The Black Lives Matter protests and George Floyd trial electrified the world in part because an endemic and pervasive evil is finally being called to a reckoning. Police must be stripped of their immunity from prosecution for racial violence, but this is only the beginning. We must eradicate and enact restitution for the legacy of slavery and white supremacist terror, of systemic and structural racism in our society, of inequalities and injustices which create and maintain hierarchies of belonging and otherness and hegemonies of elite wealth, power, and privilege.

    From the iconography of our public spaces in the place names and monuments to the stories we tell about ourselves in our history, whose stories are told and who owns the narratives of our identities, to the equal share of decision making power which defines democracy and the equal share in the benefits of membership in our society to which we must aspire, America is emerging from the shadows of a past which we drag behind us like an invisible reptilian tail to discover the limitless possibilities of becoming human.

     This is only the beginning of our story; let us dream great dreams into which we can grow.

Chamberlain’s Charge on Little Round Top – “Gettysburg”

Chamberlain’s Speech “In the end, we’re fighting for each other”

Why the Civil War Actually Ended 16 Months After Lee Surrendered

https://www.history.com/news/why-the-civil-war-actually-ended-16-months-after-lee-surrendered

Joan Baez and Representative Justin Jones sing We Shall Overcome

https://twitter.com/brotherjones_/status/1645203426693853187?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1645203426693853187%7Ctwgr%5E682616dceddf75d6da2fc7ce3d0d6f5eae640f06%7Ctwcon%5Es1_c10&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.huffpost.com%2Fentry%2Ftennessee-democrat-joan-baez_n_6433b192e4b001e12d72ea82

Expelled Tennessee House Democrat Justin Jones Just Got His Job Back

Letters from an American

Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas, Hunter S. Thompson, Ralph Steadman

 (Illustrator)  https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/7745.Fear_and_Loathing_in_Las_Vegas

April 8 2024 Transformative Rebirth and Metamorphosis in the Path of the Totality of Eclipse

Now is the hour of rapture and terror, for in the path of the Totality we are destroyed and recreated, liberated from our history and free to become as we ourselves choose.

     Among the limitless possibilities of becoming human, who do you want to become?

     From this moment forward, be your best and most true self, and perform this dream upon the stage of the world without fear or regard for the limits of the Forbidden as defined by others, authorized identities, or sanctioned ideas of virtue, for all of these are strategies of subjugation and theft of the soul by those who would enslave us through falsification, commodification, and dehumanization.

     Choose wisely, for as Kurt Vonnegut teaches us in Mother Night; “We become who we pretend to be.”

     Embrace the Chaos and the wrath of the Devourers of Frost and Old Night as they shadow our world, consume untruths, and bring transformative rebirth and metamorphosis as liberation and Awakening.

    Such events do not herald the end of the world, despite the madness of those who now gather in hope of being obliterated by a cannibal god in the Rapture in echo of Savoranola’s Bonfire of the Vanities of 1497 and the mass hysteria of the First Millenium, when many in Europe burned all their worldly possessions and awoke the next day to renounce faith in the lies, hierarchies of elite belonging and exclusionary otherness, and systems of unequal power which had betrayed and ruined them.

     No, my friends; the trauma of life disruptive events is balanced by the liberation of new beginnings, just as the terror of our nothingness may be balanced with the joy of total freedom.

    In a universe without imposed order, authority, being, meaning, or value, we are free to create all of these in our own image or abandon them like the toys of childhood, broken and lost among the carcasses of forgotten idols and tyrants, for order appropriates and there is no just authority.

   As written by Percy Bysshe Shelley in the poem Ozymandias:

“I met a traveller from an antique land,

Who said—“Two vast and trunkless legs of stone

Stand in the desert. . . . Near them, on the sand,

Half sunk a shattered visage lies, whose frown,

And wrinkled lip, and sneer of cold command,

Tell that its sculptor well those passions read

Which yet survive, stamped on these lifeless things,

The hand that mocked them, and the heart that fed;

And on the pedestal, these words appear:

My name is Ozymandias, King of Kings;

Look on my Works, ye Mighty, and despair!

Nothing beside remains. Round the decay

Of that colossal Wreck, boundless and bare

The lone and level sands stretch far away.”

     As I wrote on the occasion of a previous eclipse, in a time of great darkness and little hope, in my post of October 13 2023, Our World Is Destroyed and Recreated in This Ritual of the Black Sun Wherein Our Humanity Is Eclipsed By the Legacies of Our History; As the season of Halloween is signaled tomorrow by the new moon, it opens with a solar eclipse and the Ritual of the Black Sun as symbolized despair, abjection, grief, and fear, illuminated with great beauty and horror in Stanton Marlin’s study of the alchemical works of Jung in The Black Sun: the alchemy and art of darkness, William Blake’s Book of Urizen, and Julia Kristeva’s Black Sun: Depression and Melancholia, my three primary references on this subject.

     And this ritual of transformative rebirth occurs in the wake of the war crimes and atrocities of the Hamas terror attack on Israel, which now conclusively from plans and orders found on its slain perpetrators includes the planned mass murders and abduction of school children,

     There are two possible replies to an event of this kind, which disrupts and fractures systems of order on the positive side and violates our humanity as degradation and dehumanization on the negative like a Janus coin of mirror reversals; with fear and its mad children rage and violence, or with love and its praxis as compassion and mercy.

     To bring harm or healing, enforcement of virtue and the tyranny and terror of wars of imperial dominion and conquest and the centralization of power to authority and carceral states of force and control, or solidarity as guarantors of each others universal human rights and democracy as co owners of the state in a free society of equals.

     If we choose war in this moment, and America sends military aid to Israel as a sponsor and collaborator in the genocide of the Palestinians in retribution for this vast war crime and atrocity perpetrated by Hamas to fasten their political control of the people of Gaza, the Age of Tyrants has begun.

     If we choose peace and send humanitarian aid both to the people of Israel and of Gaza in the war of annihilation which is coming as Netanyahu gathers his forces to invade, we may yet have a chance for a future democracy to emerge in the region and globally as a United Humankind.

     Our best chance to heal the legacies of our history and reunite the peoples of Israel and Palestine is if they turn their backs on those who claim to act in their name, both Netanyahu’s regime and that of Hamas, and refuse to kill each other in service to the power of those who would enslave us.

     Let us send no armies to enforce virtue, and bring healing to the flaws of our humanity and the brokenness of the world.

     As written by Sahar Vardi in The Times of Israel, in an article entitled Dual loyalty: It’s so hard to have humanity here. It’s exhausting, and it feels like time after time the world is just asking you to let go; “We on the left are often accused of dual loyalty. And on days like this, I really feel it. Even if loyal isn’t exactly the right word here, as I’ll explain, the sentiment is right.

     In Jerusalem’s Mahane Yehuda market this morning, a street musician sang “Am Yisrael Chai” in a mournful register. The market itself was nearly empty and a woman was talking to her friend about her regular vegetable seller who was not allowed to come and open shop today. All stalls owned by Arabs are closed.

     On a street in the Rehavia neighborhood, families get out of two cars. Most of them were already crying, the rest with an indescribable sadness in their eyes, as they knock softly on the door of one of the houses. Family of someone who died? Of someone kidnapped?

     You open a video of a sanitation worker who was beaten in the city center because he is Arab and try not to avert your gaze.

     “Dual loyalty” is seeing both this and that with tears in your eyes.

     It’s that moment when you talk to a friend who doesn’t know whether their relatives are dead or kidnapped and what they should even hope for, and to see the helplessness, the fear, the deep pain. And a moment later, it’s talking to a friend from Gaza who can only say that every night is now the scariest night of his life; that he calculates his chances, and those of his daughters, of waking up alive the next morning.

     “Dual loyalty” is feeling the heartbreak of this and also of that.

     It is to hold this moment between the heartbreak and pain and shock over the total destruction of Nir Oz and to think about all the people there, and at the same time, to feel the horror over the impending total destruction of Shuja’iyya and to think about all the people there.

     It’s feeling the urge to donate blood and organize food packages for the south, and also to be in the West Bank village of Susia when settlers shoot any shepherd who dares to leave the village.

     Loyalty may not be the right word. It’s dual pain, dual heartbreak, care, love. It is to hold everyone’s humanity. And it’s hard. It’s so hard to have humanity here. It’s exhausting, and it feels like time after time the world is just asking you to let go. It’s so much easier to “choose a side” – it almost doesn’t matter which side, just choose, and stick to it, and at least reduce the amount of pain you hold. At least feel part of a group and less alone in all this.

     As if that’s really an option. As if we don’t understand that our pains are intertwined. That there is no solution only for the pain of Ofakim without a solution for the pain of Khan Yunis. And we know it and recite it, and feel the pain of it all over and over again.”

     As written by Mordecai Martin in Anti Racism Daily, in an article entitled How do I both condemn Hamas and support Israeli and Palestinian people?; “I started paying attention in earnest to Israel/Palestine politics when I went to study Hebrew on an Israeli kibbutz in 2005 before conducting religious study in Jerusalem for two years. I know deeply that Israel and Palestine are real places with real people, not a religious fantasy, political football, or exotic destination. I am sharing this response to hopefully get us closer to a world without violence in the Holy Land, where my fellow Jews are safely and happily living wherever they like, including in Palestine, and where the Palestinian people are doing likewise. It is an ambitious goal. I don’t really know if I believe my writing will have that outcome.

     But I will not begin with certain common cliches.

    I do not think it is necessary (or true) to say that I believe that the state of Israel, a state consisting primarily of Jews organized under the principles of Zionism, has any right to exist in the Holy Land. I don’t think that’s necessary to say because the Zionist state of Israel EXISTS regardless of my beliefs.

     I do not have to assert Jews’ right to self-determination. That right was exercised with the creation of the state of Israel. As an anti-Zionist Jew, I believe that the creation of a Zionist state that legally dispossesses Palestinian people was disastrous morally, culturally, and religiously. I spend my time in the Jewish community urging divestment from such a state.

     I do not think I have to condemn the murder of civilians by Hamas militants before considering condemnation of the murder of civilians by the colonial Israeli army. The universal condemnation of civilian deaths, regardless of the victims’ nationality, should be a given for us all, as it is for international law. International law is also clear that decolonization, including by armed struggle, is legitimate and that apartheid systems are not.

      There are also things I find necessary to say very clearly.

     We must take away the ability to kill civilians from any and all military actors, including Hamas and the Israeli army.

     I believe in the safety and well-being of all Jews, even those I disagree with. Because of my political beliefs, I am often accused in bad faith of not desiring safety for Jews.

     It’s necessary to say, “Free Palestine.” Palestinians, the people who have lived on the Holy Land from time immemorial, were forcibly removed from their homes for Jewish settlement. Palestinians are not free. They can not move about their country thanks to restrictions enforced by the Israeli army. They are dying the shocking deaths of those who live under apartheid. I demand their freedom and sovereignty in their land. Who do I demand it from? The only entity that currently claims political power, claims to represent my Jewishness, and receives the carte-blanche support of the United States government: the Israeli state.

      Many, many people hold space for both the victims of attacks by Hamas militants and the suffering civilians of Gaza. No one worth listening to says the human heart can only mourn for some but not others, that it’s only sad when Jews die, or only sad when Palestinians die. What we are really having a conversation about is the future of the Holy Land, whether it will grant democratic rights to all its residents, and what to do about the ongoing violence between the various parties that hope to benefit financially, politically, ideologically, from their “side” coming out on top.”

    Yet hope remains for transformative change, the fall of theocratic regimes and the emergence of secular democracy free from the legacies of our history, a history which in the bifurcated and fragmented states and national identities of the region divides one people into Israelis and Palestinians through fascisms of blood, faith, and soil in service to the power of tyrants and elite hegemonies of wealth, power, and privilege, systems of oppression which are our true enemies.

    A massive people’s protest movement has erupted both locally and globally, and this gives me hope that we may yet escape the Age of Tyrants, which I predict will unfold as six to eight centuries of totalitarian empires and wars of dominion ending with the extinction of humankind; with 92 to 98 percent probability.

     But the chance to salvage something of our humanity and our civilization of democracy and universal human rights does exist, however fragile and unlikely, if we can unite and act in solidarity as each other’s liberators and guarantors of a free society of equals. 

     As written by Alex Lantier in the World Socialist Web Site of the Fourth International, in an article entitled Mass protests erupt internationally against Israeli war on Gaza; “A week after Palestinians initiated an armed uprising against Israel’s blockade of the Gaza Strip, protests are erupting internationally against Israel’s war on Gaza.

     The fascistic regime of Benjamin Netanyahu has ordered 1.1 million Palestinians to flee Gaza City and go south, along roads bombed by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). Israel—which has now cut off Gaza’s water, fuel and electricity, and whose leaders call the Palestinians “human animals”—is targeting the Palestinians for genocide.

     As the scale of the crimes committed by the Israeli regime and its NATO allies has become clear, protests have erupted around the world in bold disobedience of media denunciations of Palestinians, police intimidation and protest bans.

     The most significant demonstration Friday took place in New York City, where thousands rallied to oppose the onslaught against Palestine, in open defiance of the unrelenting pro-Israel propaganda of the entire American political establishment and corporate media. In the center of world imperialism, home to the largest Jewish population of any American city, masses of people—including over 1,000 Jews—expressed their revulsion with the unfolding crimes in Gaza.

     Other protests on Friday involving hundreds of people were held in Pittsburgh, Portland and Washington D.C., with larger demonstrations planned across the US this weekend. Despite the efforts of the media and politicians to demonize all protests against Israel’s policies as “antisemitic” and to isolate those feeling sympathy for the Palestinians, opposition is building among workers and youth of all backgrounds. A 2021 poll found that one-quarter of American Jews consider Israel to be an “apartheid state” hostile to the Palestinians, a figure that will only continue to grow.

     Thousands also took to the streets in London once again on Friday, defying similar propaganda and threats from the British media and political establishment.

     A series of larger demonstrations also swept across the Middle East, involving hundreds of thousands of people. In Jordan, mass protests in Amman demanded the opening of Jordan’s border with the Israeli-occupied West Bank. Protesting crowds marched on the border with Israel, only to be turned back by Jordanian police.

     Large protests took place in Sanaa and Tehran. In Cairo, tens of thousands rallied outside the Al Azhar Mosque, chanting “Free Palestine.” Thousands defied a state ban to march in support of Gaza in Tunis. In Iraq, a country that has lost over one million lives after decades of US-led sanctions, war and occupation since the 1991 Gulf War, hundreds of thousands marched in Baghdad.

     Protesters in the Middle East are effectively opposing not only the Israeli regime, but also their own governments, which have betrayed the Palestinians for decades. The Arab bourgeoisie’s role is exemplified by the treachery of the Egyptian military dictatorship. Having signed a treaty with Israel in 1978, Egypt has now closed its borders to Palestinians trying to flee Gaza.

     In Israel itself, despite the ultra-reactionary political atmosphere fostered by Netanyahu’s government, which has now been joined by the official opposition, there is explosive discontent. Millions joined protests earlier this year against Netanyahu’s attempt to undermine the independence of the judiciary. The attack on the judiciary, as a letter titled “Elephant in the Room” from 3,000 predominantly Jewish intellectuals made clear, is intimately tied up with the conditions that led to the Hamas uprising.

     The letter states:

     (There is a) direct link between Israel’s recent attack on the judiciary and its illegal occupation of Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Palestinian people lack almost all basic rights, including the right to vote and protest. They face constant violence: this year alone, Israeli forces have killed over 190 Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza and demolished over 590 structures. Settler vigilantes burn, loot, and kill with impunity. …

     There cannot be democracy for Jews in Israel as long as Palestinians live under a regime of apartheid, as Israeli legal experts have described it. Indeed, the ultimate purpose of the judicial overhaul is to tighten restrictions on Gaza, deprive Palestinians of equal rights both beyond the Green Line and within it, annex more land, and ethnically cleanse all territories under Israeli rule of their Palestinian population.

     All the major imperialist powers stand exposed by their support for Netanyahu and his war on the Palestinians. On Sunday, October 8, the heads of state of France, Italy, Germany, Britain and the United States pledged “steadfast and united support to the State of Israel,” and an “unequivocal condemnation of Hamas.” At a press conference in Qatar on Friday, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken doubled down in condoning Israeli crimes.

     Asked by a reporter if Israel is “retaliating in a fury” and whether the US supports this, Blinken replied with total hypocrisy and double-talk: “What Israel is doing is not retaliation. What Israel is doing is defending the lives of its people. … I think any country faced with what Israel has suffered would likely do the same thing.”

     What message are the NATO powers sending? They aim to create on a global scale a new era of imperialist colonial rule. They brook no resistance to the Israeli state’s illegal, 16-year blockade of Gaza, its denial of food and medicine to the impoverished enclave, and its targeted assassinations of Gaza residents. If this united front of imperialist gangsters were to sum up its policy toward the Palestinian people in one phrase, it would be: “Slaves you were, and slaves you remain.”

     In a video released Friday, which has gone almost entirely unreported in the Western media, Hamas official Basim Naim summarized the background of Israeli oppression, which led to the October 7 rebellion.

     He said:

      We are speaking about a 75-year-old occupation that neglected and ignored all political and legal means to settle the conflict, where the Israeli enemy continued their policy of denial of the Palestinian people’s existence and their national rights. We have repeatedly warned during the past few months and years that the situation on the ground was not sustainable and that the explosion was only a matter of time.

     We have warned repeatedly about the Israeli continued violations in Al-Aqsa Mosque and their attempt to change its status quo in an apparent plan to divide the holy mosque spatially and temporally. We have also warned about the state terrorism implemented by the fascist settlers across the occupied West Bank. We have warned about the forceful expulsion of our people from Jerusalem. We have also warned about the systematic crimes against our prisoners, including women and children, in Israeli jails.

     And lastly, we have warned about the Israeli siege on Gaza for more than 17 years, which is a war crime that turned Gaza into the biggest open-air prison on earth, where a whole generation has lost all kind of hopes. But unfortunately, no one listened to these warnings, and the international community, especially the Western countries, continue to give Israel the cover at all levels to continue committing its crimes.

     In prosecuting their war against Gaza, the Israeli government and Western imperialist powers aim to obliterate this historical background and numb the population with wall-to-wall atrocity propaganda.

     While the deaths of Israeli civilians are undoubtedly tragic, the violence that took place occurred in the context of a massively oppressed people rebelling against a heavily armed oppressor. Even if one were to accept all the accounts of Palestinian violence, it only raises the question—what could lead to such violence?

     History judges differently the violence of a population rising up against oppression and the calculated resort to mass murder by capitalist state machines armed with vast military and financial resources. The imperialists have always claimed that the resistance of the oppressed to colonialism justifies their savage retribution. In exacting this retribution, they have always portrayed the oppressed as savages and murderers.

     In 1899, the Boxers revolted against the division of China into imperialist spheres of influence. Citing the Boxers’ killings of Christian missionaries and their seizure of foreign property, eight imperialist powers sent armies to sack Beijing and massacre the Boxers. Mounting conflicts between these powers over the division of the spoils in China led ultimately to the bloody Japanese occupation of China in the 1930s and 1940s, which cost nearly 20 million lives, provoking the 1949 revolution that ended colonial rule over China.

     In 1904, the Herero people in Namibia rose up against German colonial rule, killing more than 100 German settlers. The German army responded by carrying out the first genocide of the 20th century against the Herero, forcing them into deserts where they died of thirst, or imprisoning them in death camps prefiguring the extermination camps of the Nazi regime. In 2015, German officials formally acknowledged the genocide and offered a state apology.

      Netanyahu’s regime and its imperialist allies are resorting to similar methods against Gaza. However, the great anti-colonial struggles of the 20th century that broke out after the Russian revolutions of 1905 and October 1917 did not take place in vain. Among masses of workers and youth internationally, Netanyahu’s barbaric methods provoke outrage. This opposition will grow as the monumental scale of the crimes being planned and committed against Gaza become evident to ever broader layers of workers and youth throughout the world.

     The NATO powers’ other justification for backing Netanyahu’s crimes—that they are defending Jews and opposing antisemitism—is collapsing. In reality, they are supporting Netanyahu’s genocidal campaign against the Palestinians in a close alliance with political descendants of the forces that carried out the Holocaust.

     As the capitalist ruling elites plunge into barbarism, a mass movement is emerging in the international working class. Protests against imperialism and Zionism are erupting amid mounting global struggles of the working class. Strikes against exploitation, austerity, inflation and police violence shook all the major imperialist powers this year and will intensify in the weeks and months ahead.

     The liberation of Palestine is only possible in the context of the growth of a powerful socialist movement of the international working class, including within Israel itself. This will create the conditions for the overthrow of Zionist chauvinism and the unity of Palestinian and Israeli workers. The struggle against the war in Gaza must acquire a clear, anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist character, mobilizing the working class in a struggle for socialism across Palestine and the Middle East and internationally.”

       In juxtaposition with this internationalist and revolutionary lens of vision are forces of reaction born of fear and trauma weaponized in service to power, the siren call of armed might and retribution as a form of security, but security is an illusion, and only love can reconcile these conflicted identities of Israeli and Palestinian and heal the systems of division and unequal power which are at the heart of this war which threatens to swallow us all.

    As written by Yuval Noah Harari in The Guardian, in an article entitled Israelis and Palestinians are facing their moment of greatest danger since 1948: There is still a slim chance of peace if wiser counsels prevail and other major powers intervene in a coalition of the willing; “Israel has just experienced the worst day in its history. More Israeli civilians have been slaughtered in a single day than all the civilians and soldiers Israel lost in the 1956 Sinai war, the 1967 six-day war and the 2006 second Lebanon war combined. The stories and images coming out of the area occupied by Hamas are horrific. Many of my own friends and family members have suffered unspeakable atrocities. This means the Palestinians, too, are now facing immense danger. The most powerful country in the Middle East is livid with pain, fear and anger. I do not have either the knowledge or moral authority to speak about how things look from the Palestinian perspective. But in the moment of Israel’s greatest pain, I would like to issue a warning about how things look from the Israeli side of the fence.

     Politics often works like a scientific experiment, conducted on millions of people with few ethical limitations. You try something – whether increasing the welfare budget, electing a populist president or making a peace offer – witness the results, and decide whether to proceed further down that particular path; or you reverse course and try something else. This is how the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has unfolded for decades: by trial and error.

     During the 1990s Oslo peace process, Israel gave peace a chance. I know that from the viewpoint of Palestinians and some outside observers, Israeli peace offers were insufficient and arrogant, but it was still the most generous offer Israel has ever made. During that peace process, Israel handed partial control of the Gaza Strip to the Palestinian Authority. The outcome for Israelis was the worst terror campaign they had experienced until then. Israelis are still haunted by memories of daily life in the early 2000s, with buses and restaurants bombed every day. That terror campaign killed not only hundreds of Israeli civilians, but also the peace process and the Israeli left. Maybe Israel’s peace offer wasn’t generous enough. But was terrorism the only possible response?

     After the failure of the peace process, Israel’s next experiment in Gaza was disengagement. In the mid-2000s, Israel unilaterally retreated from the entire Gaza Strip, dismantled all settlements there and returned to the internationally recognised pre-1967 border. True, it continued to impose a partial blockade on the Gaza Strip and to occupy the West Bank. But the withdrawal from Gaza was still a very significant Israeli step, and Israelis waited anxiously to see what the result of that experiment would be. The remnants of the Israeli left hoped that the Palestinians would make an honest attempt to turn Gaza into a prosperous and peaceful city state, a Middle Eastern Singapore, showing to the world and to the Israeli right what the Palestinians could do when given the opportunity to govern themselves.

     Sure, it is difficult to build a Singapore under a partial blockade. But an honest attempt could still have been made, in which case there would have been greater pressure on the Israeli government from both foreign powers and the Israeli public to remove the blockade from Gaza and to reach an honourable deal about the West Bank as well. Instead, Hamas took over the Gaza Strip and turned it into a terrorist base from which repeated attacks were launched on Israeli civilians. Another experiment ended in failure.

       This completely discredited the remnants of the Israeli left, and brought to power Benjamin Netanyahu and his hawkish governments. Netanyahu pioneered another experiment. Since peaceful coexistence had failed, he adopted a policy of violent coexistence. Israel and Hamas traded blows on a weekly basis and almost every year there was a major military operation, but for a decade and a half, Israeli civilians could go on living within a few hundred metres from Hamas bases on the other side of the fence. Even Israel’s messianic zealots showed little zeal to reconquer the Gaza Strip, and even rightwingers hoped that the responsibilities involved in ruling more than 2 million people would gradually moderate Hamas.

     Indeed, many on the Israeli right saw Hamas as a better partner than the Palestinian Authority. This was because Israeli hawks wanted to go on controlling the West Bank, and feared a peace deal. Hamas seemed to offer the Israeli right the best of all worlds: relieving Israel of the need to govern the Gaza Strip, without making any peace offers that might dislocate Israeli control of the West Bank. The day of horror Israel has just experienced signals the end of the Netanyahu experiment in violent coexistence.

     So what comes next? No one knows for sure, but some voices in Israel are veering towards reconquering the Gaza Strip or bombing it to rubble. The result of such policy could be the worst humanitarian crisis the region has experienced since 1948. Especially if Hezbollah and Palestinian forces in the West Bank join the fray, the death toll could reach many thousands, with millions more driven from their homes. On both sides of the fence, there are religious fanatics fixated on divine promises and the 1948 war. Palestinians dream of reversing the outcome of that war. Jewish zealots like the finance minister Bezalel Smotrich have warned even Arab citizens of Israel that “you are here by mistake because Ben-Gurion [Israel’s first prime minister] didn’t finish the job in ’48 and didn’t kick you out”; 2023 could enable fanatics on both sides to pursue their religious fantasies, and re-stage the 1948 war with a vengeance.

     Even if things don’t go to such extremes, the current conflict is likely to put the last nail in the coffin of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. The kibbutzim along the Gaza border have been socialist communes and some of the most tenacious bastions of the Israeli left. I know people from those kibbutzim who, after years of almost daily rocket attacks from Gaza, still clung to the hope of peace, as if to a religious cult. These kibbutzim have just been obliterated, and some of the last peaceniks are either murdered, burying their loved ones, or held hostage in Gaza. For example, Vivian Silver, a peace activist from Kibbutz Be’eri who for years has been transporting ailing Gazans to Israeli hospitals, is missing and likely held hostage in Gaza.

     What has already happened cannot be undone. The dead cannot be brought back to life, and the personal traumas will never completely heal. But we must prevent further escalation. Many of the forces in the region are currently led by irresponsible religious fanatics. External forces must therefore intervene to deescalate the conflict. Anyone who wishes for peace must unequivocally condemn the Hamas atrocities, put pressure on Hamas to immediately and unconditionally release all the hostages , and help deter Hezbollah and Iran from intervening. This would give Israelis a bit of breathing space and a tiny ray of hope.

     Second, a coalition of the willing – ranging from the US and the EU to Saudi Arabia and the Palestinian Authority – should take responsibility for the Gaza Strip away from Hamas, rebuild Gaza and simultaneously completely disarm Hamas and demilitarise the Gaza Strip.

     There are only slim chances that these steps will be realised. But after the recent horrors, most Israelis don’t think they can live with anything less.”  

Hebrew

3 באוקטובר 2023 העולם שלנו נהרס ונברא מחדש בטקס הזה של השמש השחורה שבו האנושות שלנו מואפלת על ידי מורשת ההיסטוריה שלנו

       כאשר עונת ליל כל הקדושים מאותתת מחר על ידי הירח החדש, היא נפתחת בליקוי חמה ובטקס השמש השחורה כמסמל ייאוש, עצב, צער ופחד, מואר ביופי ובאימה רב במחקרו של סטנטון מרלין על האלכימיה. עבודות של יונג בשמש השחורה:

האלכימיה ואמנות החושך, ספר אוריזן של ויליאם בלייק והשמש השחורה של ג’וליה קריסטבה: דיכאון ומלנכוליה, שלושת ההתייחסויות העיקריות שלי בנושא זה.

      והטקס הזה של לידה מחדש טרנספורמטיבית מתרחש בעקבות פשעי המלחמה והזוועות של מתקפת הטרור של חמאס על ישראל, שכעת, באופן סופי מתוכניות וצווים מצאו את מבצעיה ההרוגים, כולל רציחות המוניות מתוכננות וחטיפת ילדי בית ספר,

      ישנן שתי תשובות אפשריות לאירוע מסוג זה, המשבש ושבר מערכות סדר בצד החיובי ומפר את האנושיות שלנו כהשפלה ודה-הומניזציה על השלילי כמו מטבע יאנוס של היפוכי מראה; עם הפחד והילדים המטורפים שלו זעם ואלימות, או עם אהבה ומעשיה כחמלה ורחמים.

      להביא נזק או ריפוי, אכיפת מידות טובות ועריצות ואימת מלחמות של שליטה וכיבוש אימפריאלית וריכוז הכוח לסמכות ולמדינות קרסראליות של כוח ושליטה, או סולידריות כערבים זה לזה זכויות אדם אוניברסליות ודמוקרטיה כשיתוף פעולה. בעלי המדינה בחברה חופשית של שווים.

      אם נבחר במלחמה ברגע זה, ואמריקה תשלח סיוע צבאי לישראל כנותנת חסות ומשתפת פעולה ברצח העם של הפלסטינים כנקמה על פשע המלחמה והזוועות העצום הזה שביצע חמאס כדי להדק את שליטתם הפוליטית בתושבי עזה, עידן הרודנים החל.

      אם נבחר בשלום ונשלח סיוע הומניטארי הן לעם ישראל והן לעזה במלחמת ההשמדה המתקרבת כשנתניהו אוסף את כוחותיו לפלישה, אולי עוד תהיה לנו סיכוי לדמוקרטיה עתידית שתקום באזור ובעולם. כמין אנושי מאוחד.

      לכוחם של אלה שישעבדו אותנו.

      אל לנו לשלוח צבאות לאכוף מידות טובות, ולהביא רפואה לפגמי האנושיות שלנו ולשברון העולם.

Arabic

13 أكتوبر 2023 يتم تدمير عالمنا وإعادة إنشائه في طقوس الشمس السوداء هذه حيث تحجب إنسانيتنا تراث تاريخنا

       نظرًا لأن موسم عيد الهالوين يُشير غدًا إلى القمر الجديد، فإنه يبدأ بكسوف الشمس وطقوس الشمس السوداء التي ترمز إلى اليأس والذل والحزن والخوف، مضاءة بجمال ورعب عظيمين في دراسة ستانتون مارلين للكيمياء. أعمال يونغ في الشمس السوداء:

الكيمياء وفن الظلام، وكتاب أوريزن لوليام بليك، وكتاب جوليا كريستيفا الشمس السوداء: الاكتئاب والكآبة، مراجعي الأساسية الثلاثة حول هذا الموضوع.

      وتحدث طقوس النهضة التحويلية هذه في أعقاب جرائم الحرب والفظائع التي ارتكبتها حماس في هجومها الإرهابي على إسرائيل، والذي وجد الآن بشكل قاطع من الخطط والأوامر أن مرتكبي القتلى يشملون عمليات القتل الجماعي المخطط لها واختطاف أطفال المدارس،

      هناك إجابتان محتملتان لحدث من هذا النوع، الذي يعطل ويكسر أنظمة النظام على الجانب الإيجابي وينتهك إنسانيتنا باعتباره تدهورًا وتجريدًا من الإنسانية على الجانب السلبي مثل عملة يانوس ذات الانعكاسات المرآة؛ بالخوف وأطفاله المجانين الغضب والعنف، أو بالحب وممارساته كالرحمة والرحمة.

      لجلب الضرر أو الشفاء، وإنفاذ الفضيلة والطغيان والإرهاب من خلال حروب السيطرة والغزو الإمبريالي ومركزية السلطة في أيدي السلطة والدول الجهنمية للقوة والسيطرة، أو التضامن كضامنين لحقوق الإنسان العالمية والديمقراطية كشريكين مشتركين. أصحاب الدولة في مجتمع حر متساوين.

      إذا اخترنا الحرب في هذه اللحظة، وأرسلت أمريكا مساعدات عسكرية إلى إسرائيل باعتبارها راعية ومتعاونة في الإبادة الجماعية للفلسطينيين انتقاما لجريمة الحرب الهائلة والفظائع التي ارتكبتها حماس لإحكام سيطرتها السياسية على شعب غزة، لقد بدأ عصر الطغاة.

      إذا اخترنا السلام وأرسلنا المساعدات الإنسانية إلى شعب إسرائيل وقطاع غزة في حرب الإبادة القادمة بينما يجمع نتنياهو قواته للغزو، فقد تكون لدينا فرصة لظهور ديمقراطية مستقبلية في المنطقة والعالم. كبشرية موحدة.

      إن أفضل فرصة لدينا لشفاء إرث تاريخنا وإعادة توحيد شعبي إسرائيل وفلسطين هي أن يديروا ظهورهم لأولئك الذين يزعمون أنهم يتصرفون باسمهم، سواء نظام نتنياهو أو نظام حماس، وأن يرفضوا قتل بعضهم البعض في الخدمة. إلى قوة أولئك الذين يستعبدوننا.

      دعونا لا نرسل جيوشًا لفرض الفضيلة، وشفاء عيوب إنسانيتنا وانكسارات العالم.

Leonard Cohen – Hallelujah (Live In London)

Mother Night, Kurt Vonnegut Jr.

Year 1000: What life was like at the turn of the first millenium, by Robert Lacey

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/55139.The_Year_1000

Dual Loyalty, Sahar Vardi

https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/dual-loyalty-2

How do I both condemn Hamas and support Israeli and Palestinian people?, Mordecai Martin

https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/#inbox/WhctKKZGhLtjLsWvxsFtmwMxmBrtRGZGSLfFJpNfLtqlskrChCvLxhxxdTbWqXXRxCSTpqB

Mass protests erupt internationally against Israeli war on Gaza

Israelis and Palestinians are facing their moment of greatest danger since 1948,

Yuval Noah Harari

The Black Sun, Julia Kristeva                     

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1JFdZI1n6F9iwJFItPFfcMsGrzy_xCgHo/view?usp=sharing

The Black Sun: the alchemy and art of darkness, Stanton Marlan

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1J-mjBLJhRwsqVvkjVQguUIEpTF9XevkF/view?usp=sharing

The Book of Urizen, William Blake

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1JIVqya6uqyru-8yOLC8WxOWZ-yEa-aqG/view?usp=sharing

Images of the Black Sun: Notes on the relationship between Heinrich Heine and Gérard de Nerval, Ralph Häfner

https://www.cairn.info/revue-de-litterature-comparee-2006-3-page-285.htm

     Savoranola and the Bonfire of the Vanities, a reading list

(illuminating as an iconic burning of the books, before the Nazis did it and America’s Republican Party does now in imitation of Nazi terror)

The Burning of the Vanities: Savonarola And the Borgia Pope, Desmond Seward

Fire in the City: Savonarola and the Struggle for the Soul of Renaissance Florence, Lauro Martines

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/267584.Fire_in_the_City

Death in Florence: The Medici, Savonarola, and the Battle for the Soul of a Renaissance City, Paul Strathern

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/25328957-death-in-florence?ref=nav_sb_ss_1_56

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